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Kristina Hinds
Non-Governmental Public Action
Department
Series Editor
Jude Howell
of International Development
London School of Economics
London, UK
Non-governmental public action (NGPA) by and for disadvantaged and marginalized people has become increasingly signifcant over the past two decades. This series is designed to make a fresh and original contribution to the understanding of NGPA. It presents the fndings of innovative and policy-relevant research carried out by established and new scholars working in collaboration with researchers across the world. The series is international in scope and includes both theoretical and empirical work. The series marks a departure from previous studies in this area in at least two important respects. First, it goes beyond a singular focus on developmental NGOs or the voluntary sector to include a range of non-governmental public actors such as advocacy networks, campaigns and coalitions, trade unions, peace groups, rights-based groups, cooperatives and social movements. Second, the series is innovative is stimulating a new approach to international comparative research that promotes comparison of the so-called developing world, thereby querying the conceptual utility and relevance of categories such as North and South.
More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14728
Kristina Hinds
Civil Society Organisations, Governance and the Caribbean Community
Kristina Hinds
University of the West Indies
Bridgetown, Barbados
Non-Governmental Public Action
ISBN 978-3-030-04395-7 ISBN 978-3-030-04396-4 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04396-4
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For Aziz
Acknowledgements
Getting to the stage where I could write this book has been a stop and start ten-year journey, but it has been one that I did not travel alone. Just as it takes a village to raise a child, it took one to raise this book.
Key to my village are my parents Amina Stoakley, Dave Hinds, and Cheryl Hinds and my husband Corey Mitchell. They have supported me in many ways including, very importantly, by providing child care so that I could do this work. Charisse Otey, Iahwa Gibson, Janelle Holder, and Katrina Downes have been the sisters (by blood and by choice) who have always encouraged me and to whom I could discuss anything from my progress to my frustrations. I thank my colleagues in the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus for assisting me with their counsel and encouragement even when they might not have known they were doing so. This work would also not have been possible without the research assistance that I received from my former Ph.D. student Dr. Louise Armstrong and the invaluable proof-reading assistance that Marsha Hinds provided. I also owe a debt of gratitude to the Faculty of Social Sciences and Campus Research Awards at the University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus as both entities provided me with some of the fnancial assistance that I needed to make this book a reality.
Finally, I wish to acknowledge all the people who were willing to speak with me, correspond with me, answer my several questions, and who provided me with precious information. I have not mentioned any of these people by their names in this book for confdentiality purposes.
Yet, these unnamed people provided me with numerous insights into the workings of governments, regional institutions, civil society organisations, and Caribbean societies. I have not presented all of what I learned from these people in this book, both for practical and ethical reasons, but I am exceedingly grateful to have had the opportunity to draw on some of what they so generously offered me.
My hope is that this book will be suffciently meaningful that it does at least some justice to the contributions of all of those who have helped me to put it together.
5
6
5.1
5.2
5.3
Acronyms And AbbreviAtions
BANGO Barbados Association of Non-Governmental Organisations
BARP Barbados Association of Retired Persons
BAS Barbados Agricultural Society
BLP Barbados Labour Party
BMA Barbados Manufacturers’ Association
BPSA Barbados Private Sector Agency
BWU Barbados Workers’ Union
CAFRA Caribbean Association for Feminist Research and Action
CAISO Coalition Advocating for Inclusion of Sexual Orientation
CARICOM Caribbean Community
CariFLAG Caribbean Forum of Lesbians, All-Sexuals and Gays
CARIFTA Caribbean Free Trade Association
CARIWA Caribbean Women’s Association
CBO Community-Based Organisations
CCJ Caribbean Court of Justice
CCL Caribbean Congress of Labour
CDB Caribbean Development Bank
CDEMA Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency
CDM Comprehensive Disaster Management
CET Common External Tariff
CHOG Conference of Heads of Government
COFAP Council for Finance and Planning
COFCOR Council of Foreign and Community Relations
COHSOD Council for Human and Social Development
COIP Caribbean Organisation of Indigenous People
COP Congress of the People (Trinidad and Tobago)
ACRONYMS AND ABBREvIATIONS
COTED Council for Trade and Economic Development
CPDC Caribbean Policy Development Centre
CSME CARICOM Single Market and Economy
CSO Civil Society Organisation
CTUSAB Congress of Trade Unions and Staff Associations of Barbados (CTUSAB)
CXC Caribbean Examinations Council
CYEN Caribbean Youth Environmental Network
DLP Democratic Labour Party (Barbados)
ECCB Eastern Caribbean Central Bank
ECCM East Caribbean Common Market
ECCU Eastern Caribbean Currency Union
GIS Government Information Service (Barbados)
HDI Human Development Index
ICT Information and Communication Technology
IMF International Monetary Fund
JCC Joint Consultative Committee
LDC Less Developed Countries
MDC More Developed Countries
NAR National Alliance for Reconstruction (Trinidad and Tobago)
NCD National Non-Communicable Disease
NECC National Economic Consultative Council/Committee
NESDC National Economic and Social Development Council
NGO Non-governmental Organisation
NJAC National Joint Action Committee
NPC National Planning Commission
NSA Non-state Actors
NTAC National Tripartite Advisory Council
NUPW National Union of Public Workers
OECS Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States
OTN Offce for Trade Negotiations
OWTU Oilfeld Workers Trade Union (Trinidad and Tobago)
PANCAP Pan-Caribbean Partnership against HIv/AIDS
PNM People’s National Movement
PSTT Private Sector Trade Team (Barbados)
SAP Structural Adjustment Program
SERvOL Service volunteered for All
SP Social Partnership
TOP Tobago Organisation of the People
TTGPA Trinidad and Tobago Group of Professional Associations Limited
TUC Trade Union Congress
ULF United Labour Front
UN United Nations
UNC United National Congress (Trinidad and Tobago)
UNDP United Nation Development Programme
UNIA United Negro’s Improvement Association
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WINAD the Women’s Institute for Alternative Development
WISA West Indies Associated States Council of Ministers
YWCA Young Women’s Christian Association
list of figures
Fig. 1.1 Relationship between domestic and regional levels
Fig. 2.1 Spheres of social practice (Adapted from Martinussen [1999])
11
23
Fig. 5.1 Coding density: Language of inclusiveness in governance—Barbados 123
Fig. 5.2 Comparative coding density—Language of inclusiveness in governance—Barbados 124
Fig. 5.3 Coding density: Stakeholder actors noted in collaboration—Barbados
Fig. 6.1 Coding density: Language of inclusiveness in governance—Trinidad and Tobago
Fig. 6.2 Comparative coding density—Language of inclusiveness in governance—Trinidad and Tobago
Fig. 6.3 Coding density: Stakeholder actors noted in collaboration—Trinidad and Tobago
Fig. 7.1 Country study populations (2018 est.) (Estimates taken from: http://www.worldometers.info/world-population/ caribbean-population/)
125
153
154
155
165
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
One of the stories often left untold about survival in the states that comprise the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is the story of civil society and civil society organisations (CSOs). If one considers discussions of governance particularly within the feld of politics, the known stories relate to the role of political parties, race, class, institutions, economic/fnancial stewardship and the role of external forces on these small, predominantly microstates. The members of CARICOM are most popularly known for sun, sea, sand, Bob Marley, Rihanna, Usain Bolt, cricket, carnival, and food. Yet, the resilience of Caribbean people and the somewhat unlikely viability of the states they occupy has been supported in no small part by myriad organisations that fll social, economic, and political gaps that have been left vacant by formal politics and the state apparatus. This element of Caribbean resilience seems to be overlooked in scholarly evaluations of the region. Also overlooked are the contributions that Caribbean civil societies and CSOs have played in integrating the region. Instead, Caribbean regional integration narratives seem to favour placing emphasis on formal regional structures and formal political processes. This book places civil society and CSOs in focus for their roles in helping to sustain the region and to scaffold regional integration in the Caribbean. It asserts that based on these contributions, civil society/CSOs should have space for inclusion in governance processes. Consequently, the central focus of this book is straightforward: it investigates the spaces that exist and that are absent for CSO participation in
© The Author(s) 2019
K. Hinds, Civil Society Organisations, Governance and the Caribbean Community, Non-Governmental Public Action, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-04396-4_1
governance in the CARICOM region by examining both domestic and regional governance arrangements.
The domestic and regional contexts in this Caribbean region are not easy to comprehend independently of each other. Decisions made at the domestic level of individual states can affect the operation of the regional bodies in the Caribbean, especially since decision-making power in CARICOM and the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) rests in the hands of heads of governments. Yet, decisions made by the collective of states at regional levels also have some infuence on policymaking and legislative arrangements within domestic spaces. Therefore, examining both the domestic and regional avenues for civil society and CSO insertion in policy processes can add to an understanding of how civil society and CSOs are able (or are not able) to be involved in Caribbean processes of governance.
Since Caribbean states do not operate in a vacuum, particularly in light of their smallness and the ways in which size makes them highly porous to occurrences outside of the region, one cannot ignore the external context in understanding Caribbean governance processes at both domestic and regional levels. Hence, the infuence of the international/global level on both regional and domestic occurrences in the Caribbean adds further complexity to this picture. However, one should emphasise that the Caribbean is not passively infuenced by external forces. Even before the emergence of “globalisation”, the Caribbean has affected and been affected by complex external occurrences. Caribbean territories were affected by occurrences external to the region because of their placement as colonies within imperial folds. This point notwithstanding, the Caribbean region also affected the international system through the historical contributions that the territories of this region made to building European empires during colonisation. Such matters could be discussed much further, but the point here is simply to acknowledge the importance of international or global context for understanding occurrences in the Caribbean, while still recognising that Caribbean states possess agency. So, although this book concentrates mostly on the domestic and the regional spaces in connection to cultures and practices surrounding civil society and CSOs in governance, it also prefaces shifts in governance practices in the direction of more openness to civil society/CSOs on global shifts towards neo-liberal globalisation and towards “good governance” narratives that emerged following the end of the Cold War. I will say more about this emphasis on the regional
and domestic spaces and the global context a bit later, for now let us examine the focus on the CARICOM and the OECS cases as well as on civil society and CSOs.
1.1 the choice of cAricom, the oecs, civil society, And csos
The Caribbean is a diverse region, encompassing small-island territories scattered across the Caribbean Sea. Some of the Caribbean territories are independent, sovereign states and others, such as Martinique, Puerto Rico, and the British virgin Islands, exist as overseas territories of France, the USA, and the UK respectively, as relics of the colonial history of the region. The region can also be conceptualised to include states, such as Guyana, Belize, and Suriname that are geographically located in South America. Further, the Caribbean encompasses varied languages, dialects, cultures, and political systems.1 Notwithstanding the multiple defnitions of the region, this work concentrates on CARICOM and the sub-region of the OECS, and specifcally the independent “Englishspeaking”2 states within these groupings.
Although the emphasis on the English-speaking CARICOM and the OECS members provides limited treatment of the region’s civil society, CSOs, and of the Caribbean region itself, this concentration allows one to consider the relationships between domestic and regional occurrences within Caribbean regional integration ventures. As CARICOM and the OECS are the two best developed regional integration initiatives that exist in the region, a focus on these integration initiatives is relatively straightforward. Less straightforward though, may be the choice to focus on civil society and CSOs within these arrangements. So here it may be useful to answer the following question: What is civil society and what are CSOs?
1 For discussion of the multiple defnitions of the Caribbean see (Girvan, Creating and Recreating the Caribbean 2000).
2 I use the designations of “English-speaking Caribbean” or “Anglo-Caribbean” for simplicity. These terms reveals the legacy of British colonisation in the region. However, since creole languages and patois proliferate, this notion of English-speaking a bit of a misnomer particularly when one refers to countries such as Dominica and St. Lucia in which French infuenced vernacular characterises much of daily communication.
In some ways this question is an easy one to answer: civil society is the independent public; it is a society that can act outside the control of the state and the market. CSOs are the varied groups that represent interests or concerns expressed within this type of society and are generally associations and groups that operate on a non-proft basis. Some examples of CSOs are youth groups, community groups, trade unions, business representative organisations, professional associations, environmental groups, charitable organisations, and sports clubs. However, one must note that this type of explanation is a simplifcation that hides some of the overlaps between civil society, the state, and the market in practice. The concept of civil society is also more complex than it may be portrayed because it is riddled with Western-centric exclusions that are inherent in the description of society as “civil”. The requirement of “civility” and the notion that only certain ways of being and organising can be viewed as “civil”, raises uncomfortable discussions when applied to Caribbean contexts. These matters pertaining to the complexities of civil society are presented more fully in Chapter 2 of this book, but, the simplifed view of civil society can suffce for this introduction.
Apart from questions about the meaning of civil society, one may ask about the existence of CSOs in the Caribbean region, or about their real roles in the Caribbean. Serious examination of CSOs reveals that although CSOs in the region may have their weaknesses and may at times be politically invisible, such organisations are very much alive and in service of important day-to-day functions across the region. Bowen, for instance, has attempted to document some of these CSO contributions and in doing so has assessed that CSOs in the region generally conduct day-to-day work in (1) the delivery of social services, to provide some social safety for impoverished or vulnerable groups; (2) in community building, which also helps to provide a social safety net and allows for the provision of information, programmes, and activities to edify and empower communities; (3) in local economic development; and (4) in promoting and advancing sustainable development (Bowen 2013, 89–91). Additionally, CSOs and CSO networks have been constructed beyond national territorial boundaries and in doing so have fostered webs of connections among people and groups from across the region. Thus, CSOs and CSO networks have played critical roles in connecting or integrating the region without offcial sanction of or orchestration from political directorates of the region. Regional CSOs, regional CSO
umbrella groups, and regional CSO networks have provided for a level of regionalism outside of the state initiated and driven regional integration institutions of CARICOM and the OECS (Hinds Harrison 2013; Hinds 2007). One noteworthy example of the long history of such regional CSOs can be found in the British Guiana and West Indies Labour Congress that was established in 1926 and which evolved to become the Caribbean Labour Congress by 1945 (CLC). The CLC was important in advancing the regional agenda of independence as a West Indies Federation during the early 1950s (Bolland 2001, 506–507; Lewis 1977, 42). This is one example that illustrates that CSOs have helped to build Caribbean regionalism even though they are not often given credit for their contributions to Caribbean regionalism.
Despite these CSO contributions at domestic and regional levels, CSOs continue to be relatively invisible when one peruses political appraisals of the region and its development. The invisibility of these groups in such analyses may perhaps be more connected to analysts’ preferences for concentrating on formalised or elite structures in assessing Caribbean politics and development than it has to do with the signifcance or insignifcance of CSOs. In other words, when one uses a lens that views politics and development as determined by formal political structures and formally recognised political and economic actors, it may be easy to miss the contributions of CSOs. This book highlights the ways in which CSO have helped to sustain Caribbean communities, their contributions to development in the region, and their place in bolstering Caribbean regionalism. As we look for new modalities to offer stronger governmental structures at the local and regional level, this book also asserts that, based on their contributions, CSOs should have opportunities to participate in processes of governance.
As may be clear by this point, this book is normative in its assertion that CSO involvement in governance is desirable. Following this assertion, this work examines the extent to which there have been opportunities for such participation in governance processes within individual Caribbean states and within the regional integration initiatives of CARICOM and the OECS. Further, this work contends that wider civil society should also be incorporated in processes that seek to govern people’s lives. CSOs can function as convenient aggregators of concerns or interests but are also limited in their abilities to speak for people. So, both wider civil society and CSOs should fnd participatory space in governance processes. More normative still is the book’s contention that the
inclusion of civil society and CSOs in governance should occur in order to enhance the quality of democracy. As such, participation should go beyond its role in enhancing the effectiveness of governance by serving the higher purpose of deepening and enhancing people’s access to democracy. The following section provides a more detailed discussion of what this book sets out to accomplish.
1.2
PurPose And AnAlyticAl APProAch
As previously stated, this work presents civil society and CSOs as important to the Caribbean by documenting some of the contributions that CSOs have made to Caribbean regionalism, and to the survival of Caribbean states. The work also discusses the application and salience of the terms civil society and CSOs that are employed throughout where other analysts might prefer terms such as “non-state actors” (NSAs) or “non-governmental organisations” (NGOs) (Hinds Harrison 2013). Although shining light on the role of CSOs in the region and on the applicability of the concept of civil society to the Caribbean are important tasks in their own rights, these discussions are presented in this book to lay the ground for appraising the role of such actors in governance practices in the region. This brings us back to the principal task, which is, to examine spaces that are available to civil society in the processes of governance across individual Caribbean states as well as at the region level. Leaders across the region may speak the language of civil society inclusion and participatory governance, particularly in the post-Cold War era of “good governance”, but, to what extent have practices within the region given life to such invocations? This is one of the questions that this book probes. To do so, I focus on the institutions and processes set in motion by governments and regional organisations that have made space for civil society and CSOs in the work of governance.
One of the main claims that I make in this book is that, while closure persists in Caribbean processes of governance, participatory spaces do exist and increasingly so. It is true that Caribbean states have progressively created institutional mechanisms, legislation, and practices that have widened access to processes of governance. However, inclusive spaces and practices may tend towards serving strategic purposes and may privilege more dominant interest groups as well as “less threatening”
types of actors, activities, and perspectives within civil society. This privileging of strategic relationships (i.e. those relationships which serve state objectives) and the preference for some elements of civil society over others, places limits on the inclusiveness in governance within both domestic and regional spaces. Moreover, the instrumental nature of such interactions indicates an emphasis on governing effectively rather than on governing democratically. Although inclusion for effectiveness is worthwhile, so too is inclusion for the deeper purpose of improving the quality of democracy so that democracy both serves people and empowers people. Inclusion and participation can bring effectiveness, but beyond this instrumental concern, inclusion can also help to close the gap between the governed and those who govern. Again, this assertion illustrates this book’s normative concern for the quality of democracy and of governance in the Caribbean.
Now let us move on to consider my decision to focus the analysis in this book on both the regional and domestic levels.
1.2.1 Two Levels of Analysis: Domestic and the Regional
To reiterate, this book assesses civil society and CSOs at both the domestic and the regional levels, while also recognising that a third level (the international/global) is of salience in shaping and framing the policy trajectories and actions of CARICOM and individual CARICOM, the OECS and their individual member states. The reason for examining these two levels (domestic and regional) is that instead of being viewed as separate and distinct, the domestic and regional levels can be conceived as co-constitutive. Put differently, domestic occurrences and procedures within CARICOM and OECS member states infuence regional dynamics. Meanwhile, regional level factors also infuence occurrences within CARICOM and OECS member states. To illustrate this claim about the co-constitutive nature of the domestic and regional levels, let us consider the example of a case brought before the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) CARICOM’s regional court. Let us use the ruling of the CCJ in the 2012 case brought by Shanique Myrie against the Government of Barbados as a starting point. Although this example does not address the topic of CSOs, it does show how occurrences at the domestic level can affect those at the regional level and, also, how those
at the regional level can lead to alterations in practices across Caribbean domestic spaces.
In brief, the Myrie vs. Barbados case was about a Jamaican citizen being denied entry by air into Barbados and also alleging that she was physically violated during a search of her person by State offcials in Barbados. The CCJ ruled in favour of Ms. Myrie and ruled that she be awarded damages by the Government of Barbados. Particularly noteworthy was the ruling that CARICOM nationals should be granted six months automatic entry into all member states (CCJ 2013). This case illustrates that actions taken at the domestic level (denying Ms. Myrie entry into Barbados and the circumstances of her body search) could trigger responses at the regional level, in this instance the initiation of legal proceedings before the CCJ. Further the CCJ’s ruling at the regional level has led states in the region to re-evaluate the practices of immigration offcers to ensure that they seek to treat CARICOM nationals in ways consistent with regional obligations.
Since the 1990s, multilevel governance literature on the EU has addressed these sorts of multiple infuences deriving from national, sub-national, and regional spaces. This literature is rich in assessing the supranational, national, and sub-regional infuences on regional processes (see Jordan 2001; Nadalutti 2013; Marks et al. 1996). However, in CARICOM the fow of infuences tends to be less fuid than what pertains in the EU. CARICOM and the OECS differ from the EU in that there are fewer institutions with supranational powers within these regional schemes than within the EU. The CCJ is the sole institution within CARICOM with some supranational abilities. On the other hand, OECS members have progressively been moving in the direction of providing even more of the OECS sub-region’s institutions with supranational powers. This point notwithstanding, the OECS is still some way off from the EU in respect of supranationalism. Another notable difference between these Caribbean regional schemes and the EU is that, although the levels of political interaction (domestic, subregional, and regional) are interconnected, in the Caribbean initiatives the levels of interaction tend to be interconnected in ways that are nested, and state-driven. Interconnectivity in Caribbean regionalism tends to fow directly through the state. Instead of leap-frogging states and seeking to make direct use of the regional level institutions as can occur in
the EU context, Caribbean NSAs must generally channel efforts that are directed at regional mechanisms through states so that states can act as gatekeepers. The CCJ is the only real exception here as it is the sole institution within CARICOM that allows actors to bypass States regarding the implementation or interpretation of CARICOM rules.
Since Heads of Government are the primary decision-makers in CARICOM, it is the individual CARICOM member states that created the parameters for the movement of people in the region and that codifed these in the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas on which the CCJ ruled in the Myrie case. These rules and procedures did not emanate from a supranational authority, instead they were formulated and agreed on by the governments of member states. However, the agreed rules still seem to have been incongruent with domestic immigration practices in the region. This gap between state-created regional obligations and domestic implementation by these same states is what is often called in CARICOM policy spheres “the CARICOM implementation defcit”. Most notably, the CARICOM initiated West Indies Commission of 1992 assessed that implementation was CARICOM’s “Achilles Heel”. Despite substantial changes having been made to CARICOM since 1993 though, implementation continues to lag behind decision-making in the region (West Indian Commission, CARICOM 1993, 462). Clearly then, CARICOM differs from the EU in ways that make literature on multilevel governance from the EU context useful only as a reference point.
When one looks at participation in governance, at the domestic level across the CARICOM region, one sees a picture of both progress and of unevenness. At the regional level, there are treaty obligations within the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas that aim to advance citizen participation within individual states as well as at the regional level of CARICOM. It would be simple to assert that defcits in participatory governance approaches at the domestic level lead to defcits at the region level, as this absence domestically would make attaining inclusive processes more diffcult at the region level. However, what we see from the example of the Shanique Myrie case is that occurrences at the regional level can begin to shift practices at the domestic level. Hence, the direction of causality is neither clear nor linear but can instead be messy and a bit circular.
Let us consider some other examples to illustrate the circular relationships between domestic and regional spaces. The area of education
policy is a useful reference. Here we can see implementation success stories rather than implementation defcits at the region level. For instance, CARICOM members established the Caribbean Examinations Council (CXC) to develop regional certifcation systems. CXC is a clear case of implementation. There has been a movement within the region towards the use of more Caribbean relevant curricula and assessment practices and away from a focus on extra-regional or domestic certifcation and examination systems for both primary and secondary level education. The University of the West Indies, which provides tertiary education for the region using three physical and one ‘virtual’ campus, is another example of successful regional cooperation in education. Similarly, in the area of health policy, a regional approach to immunisation has facilitated the eradication of measles and there is a coordinated approach to addressing HIv/AIDS via the Pan-Caribbean Partnership against HIv/ AIDS (PANCAP) (Alleyne 2008, 22–23). These two policy areas illustrate the importance in CARICOM of what has been termed “functional cooperation”.
Functional cooperation occurs on matters of health care, education, human resource development, and common service provision among others. These are the somewhat less politically contentious areas of cooperation in which CARICOM has been able to deliver tangible outcomes to the region (Collins 2008; Girvan 2008). These areas of regional functional cooperation have shaped policy in the domestic spaces of member states. In education for instance, individual CARICOM member states have tailored their curricula in directions infuenced by the regional examinations and certifcation body of the CXC. Rather than creating distinct and entirely nationally determined curricula across the region, we see a level of convergence. However, this convergence responds to domestic educational and certifcation needs as put forward by educational offcials and educators across the region. Once more we can observe that the direction of causality between occurrences in domestic and regional spaces is not straightforward. Regional and domestic levels interact and are co-infuential with domestic and regional infuences on education policy being affected by and affecting each other. This manner of co-infuence is signifcant for helping us to consider the potential importance of policy decisions and governance approaches that pertain at both levels. The Fig. 1.1 helps to portray this relationship:
Heads
of
Governments, Government Officials
Regional Policies, Institutions, Treaties and Practices
Domestic Policies, Institutions, Legislation and Practices
Fig. 1.1 Relationship between domestic and regional levels
This emphasis on the mutual construction of regional and domestic practices belies the theoretical location of this work within a social constructivist framework. In line with social constructivist approaches, this book considers both the language and practices related to regionalism, consultation, participation, and civil society in attempting to understand the spaces and opportunities available for civil society and CSO participation in governance in the region. I will say a bit more about this social constructivist approach later in this chapter. For now though, let us turn to an introduction of the country case studies employed in this book.
1.2.2
Country Case Studies
This book utilises two in-depth country case studies and draws on insights from mini-cases, to make connections between language and practices at the domestic and regional levels. The two in-depth case study countries are Barbados and the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago. These two states have developed and sustained functioning democracies since they attained sovereignty in 1962 and 1966, respectively. These cases allow for a discussion of the differing approaches that have been taken or that are lacking on the matter of CSO involvement in governance in states with common colonial backgrounds and that are CARICOM members. Clearly, two cases cannot and do not represent the entire region. Indeed, these two cases reveal some of the diversity across the
region despite their similarities. This diversity has infuenced the countries’ approaches to involving actors from civil society in governance processes. Although the selected case studies present some limits in being able to speak to the entirety of this region, they do still provide openings for understanding the domestic dynamics of governance in the region.
Barbados stands out as a service-oriented state in which tourism and fnancial services emerged to dominate the economy from around the 1980s with the decline of sugar. It has scored consistently well on the United Nation Development Programme’s (UNDP’s) Human Development Index and has been presented by some analysts as a “model” for Caribbean development (Fashoyin 2001, 2011; Minto-Coy 2011), at least prior to the 2008 fnancial crisis. Meanwhile, Trinidad and Tobago is a country with an economy that has been more dependent on petroleum products and manufacturing (Boodhoo and Royer 2000). Like Barbados, it was viewed as one of the “more developed” states (along with Jamaica and Guyana) in the founding days of the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA), the predecessor of CARICOM. Unlike Barbados, Trinidad and Tobago comprises a web of racial, ethnic, and class based political and social dynamics that distinguish it from majority “black” countries of Barbados and most of the Eastern Caribbean. Since these two countries represent only some of the diversity in the region, this work also draws insights from consultative practices in other countries, specifcally from Antigua and Barbuda, the Bahamas, Belize, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, St. Lucia, and St. vincent and the Grenadines. These mini-cases provide a level of balance to the book’s analysis by allowing for some of the discussion of tendencies within the broader regional context.
Now that I have briefy presented the reasons for and approaches to assessing the regional and domestic consultative arrangements and practices that I will utilise in this book, let us continue by considering the book’s overriding normative preoccupation with governance.
1.2.3 The Concern with Democracy, Governance, and CSOs
English-speaking Caribbean states are lauded for their democratic traditions, at least in formal practice. The country cases of Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago clearly illustrate these traditions. Still, questions can be raised about the persistence of authoritarian tendencies combined with divisive party politics in the region which are both complicit in
excluding people from governance outside of the election season (Girvan 2015; Henry 1991; Hinds 2006). People are important for deciding the composition of the government but are not included in acts of governance. People tend to be subject to the decisions made in institutions that are designed to be outside of their reach. In the words of Norman Girvan, “People participation is limited to cheering at election rallies and a ten-second act of voting every fve years. Government is reduced to Prime Ministerial dictatorship” (Girvan 2015, 100).
At the level of regional institutions, the picture regarding people’s involvement may be even sparser with the formal institutions governing regional integration being dominated by regional bureaucracies and the political directorates of the member states. Consequently, the role of people is all but absent. Although there are civil society groups, associations, organisations, and networks that have been formed to address common regional interests, concerns, and causes, they may not always be easily able to access formal regional structures. Greater possibilities for democracy can be achieved if institutionalised spaces are created for such CSOs, both at the domestic and regional levels.
The assertion that CSOs can democratise is not one that is necessarily readily accepted though. CSOs do not themselves represent the diverse concerns or interests of people, no matter how many of such organisations exist or are incorporated in governance. However, inclusion of such organisations in governance practices is a step towards expanding the closed and often secretive processes of decision-making. Such inclusion should be broad and allow varied CSOs to opt in rather than being heavily selective and state managed, if it is to redound to democratic potentials. All the same, even this type of openness to varied CSOs is but a single step and is not the only step required to demystify governance and make it less elitist and prone to authoritarianism in the Anglo-Caribbean. Clearly, then, this book advocates civil society participatory governance as providing a corrective for only some of the failings of Caribbean governance.
Perspectives that advocate participatory or collaborative governance generally describe these as public decision-making and policymaking arrangements that embrace varied actors beyond the formal state apparatus.3 My argument draws on this type of literature which advocates
3 See Ansell and Gash (2008), Emerson et al. (2012), Kooiman et al. (2008), Wampler (2012a, b) and Waheduzzaman and Mphande (2014).
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Yhtäkkiä hän tunsi hurjan repäisyn rinnassaan, korvissa humisi, ja jostain syvästä rotkosta, oman järkytetyn sielunsa pohjalta, hän kuuli kamalan naurun: Jonas… miksei! Miljoonakavaltaja… Mikä estää sitä pettämästä omaa vaimoansa, joka pettää koko yhteiskunnan, tuhannet luottavat ihmiset!
Ja nyt seisoi tuolla toinen julkea ja alhainen ihminen odottamassa hänen avuliasta palvelustaan saadakseen käsiinsä häpeän setelin… verirahan…
Niin suuri kuin vastakohdannut häpeä ja nöyryytys olikin, kävi se tämän kautta tuhansin kerroin kammottavammaksi. Kaikesta huolimatta oli hänellä äsken vielä tuki, jalansija, millä seistä, ja se tuki oli ollut hänen miehensä luuloteltu uskollisuus.
Luuloteltu — niin — sillä tarvitsihan sukeltautua esiin vain jonkun hämärän Linen — ja kaikki, kaikki oli hukassa!
Ylpeyden ja omanarvontunnon esiinpyrkivä välähdys herätti hänet tästä musertavan pettymyksen tuottamasta huumauksesta.
Ei ainakaan tuo tuolla saanut hänen masennustaan huomata!
Ja niinkuin ainakin jalo ihminen, joka jonkun erityisen syyntähden on kulkenut kappaleen matkaa toverinsa rinnalla rikoksen tietä, mutta kääntyy heti pois, kun yhä suurempi rikos avaa hänen silmänsä, nousi Marttakin, vaikka jalat horjahtivat, sulki kirjeen, vei sen odottavalle Line Kjällille sanoen tyynesti kuin tavarakuittia antaessaan:
— Tässä se näkyy olevan. * * * * *
Vieraan mentyä valtasi hänet polttava halu juosta heti pois tästä talosta.
Monet uhkeat, rikkaasti sisustetut huoneet, jotka olivat olleet hänelle äärettömän rakkaat, kasvit, joita hän hellin käsin oli hoitanut, ja monet kymmenet pikkutavarat, jotka hän oli kasannut tänne kuin lintu korsia pesäänsä, kävivät vieraiksi ja sietämättömiksi yhtäkkiä. Ne eivät enää olleet hänen.
Ah, vähät siitä, jos ne olisi pitänyt uhrata Jonaksen rikoksen tähden — siitä hän oli jo viimeisen unettoman yön kuluessa ehtinyt itsensä kanssa sopia. Mutta tämä, että tuntematon, saastainen käsi pyyhkäisee kaiken yli ja asettaa kaikki eletyt onnelliset päivät aivan toiseen valoon kuin siihen auringonkirkkaaseen, jossa ne vuodesta vuoteen olivat hohtaneet!
Oliko hän enää Jonas Herlevin vaimo —?
Tuskin, tuskin aikoihinkaan, vaikkei hän itse ollut siitä tiennyt. Hänen avio-onnensa, josta hän oli iloinnut, kuten iloitaan harvinaisen timantin omistamisesta, olikin vain kurja hely, niin taitavasti väärennetty, että vasta väärentäjien oma varomaton menettely saattoi sen ilmaista hänelle.
Hän kulki kuin unessa huoneesta huoneeseen, kertomusten aaveiden lailla, jotka eivät saa rauhaa haudassaan. Jos hän pysähtyi missä tahansa, kiinnitti katseensa mihin tahansa, aina kurkistivat esiin iloiset, huolettomat muistot. Tämä koti oli kuin puisto, jossa kukki, tuoksui ja soi… oli ollut…
Nyt kattoi valkea härmä sen ihanuudet, ja talvinen sää uhkasi nietostaa joka sopen.
Hyvä Jumala, hänen täytyi mennä Jonaksen luokse — ehkä vielä jotakin oli pelastettavissa.
Mutta hän ei voinut tulla lämpimänä kuten edellisellä käynnillään. Epätoivoisesta sydämestään täytyi hänen kysyä heti — heti:
— Kuka on Line Kjäll, ja mitä sinulla on hänen kanssansa?
Mies, jolta kaikki portit olivat suljetut ja joka oli saanut tuhansien ihmisien kunnioituksen itseänsä kohtaan vaihtumaan halveksumiseksi, säpsähti. Hänellä ei ollut voimaa kätkeä rikollisuuden ilmettä siltä ainoalta, jolta hän vielä odotti lämpöä. Vajaan vuorokauden oli hän istunut täällä telkien takana jaksamatta ajatella muuta kuin menetettyä kunniaansa. Tämä aika, niin lyhyt kuin se olikin, oli ankaruudellaan ehtinyt riisua häneltä kaiken ylpeyden ja vilpin — ne eivät enää auttaneet. Hän oli valmis tekemään tiliä jokaisesta teostaan ja avoimesti vastaamaan kaikkiin tehtyihin kysymyksiin. Hänellä ei ollut enää mitään muuta kaunistuksen keinoa.
Kuitenkin nyt, Martan seisoessa hänen edessään tämä kysymys huulillaan, lysähti hän kokoon, painoi päänsä alas ja vaikeni. Kuinka hän jaksaisi vastata siihen… kuinka luopua parhaimmasta, mitä vielä jäljellä oli…
— Ole rehellinen, Jonas. Ainoastaan sillä voit jotain pelastaa.
Jonas Herlevi istui kauan ääneti. Hikipisarat kihosivat hänen otsalleen, ja tuontuostakin hän väänteli käsiään tuskallisesti. Viimein
hän nosti kyyneltyneet silmänsä ja koetti puhua, mutta kaikki, mitä hän sitten tahtoikin sanoa, supistui kahteen tukahtuneeseen sanaan:
— Anna anteeksi!
Miehen nöyryys hellytti Martan mieltä, ja hänen äänensä ei ollut enää ankara kuten äsken, hänen sanoessaan:
— Onko sinulla enää oikeutta anteeksipyyntöönkään…
— Kaikilla on siihen oikeus. Joskaan ne, joilta sitä pyydetään, eivät läheskään aina ole velvolliset anteeksi antamaan… Martta, on kauheata seisoa sinun edessäsi kaksinkertaisena rikollisena…
— Joskin vasta sitten, kun rikokset ovat tulleet ilmi…
— En tahdo puolustautua — millä sen tekisinkään. Mutta sinä olit parhain puoliso, ja siksi uskallan —
— On oikein sanoa olit. Nyt kai en sitä enää saata olla.
— Martta! Niin et sanonut eilen. Mikset voi, mikset saattaisi?
— Siksi että sitä on myöskin Line Kjäll.
— Line Kjäll — on paljasta roskaa vain. Semmoista on maailman meno.
— Hänestä sinä kuitenkin huolehdit viime hetkelläsi. Oi hyvä, hyvä Jumala, olisit edes sulkenut tuon kirjeen!
— Olinko sen sitten jättänyt sulkematta?
Rouva Herlevi kohautti olkapäitänsä.
— Tämä on kohtaloa, Martta, tämä kuten sekin, että viimeisten pitojamme aikana tarkastaja saapui pankkiin… Sinä ainoa, älä jätä minua!
Jonas Herlevi tapaili vaimonsa kättä — turhaan. Kyyneleet estivät häntä näkemästä, kuinka Martta kätki kätensä selkänsä taa, peräytyen miltei tiedottomasti askeleen taaksepäin.
— Olen luottanut sinuun kuin taivaalliseen isäämme. Voitko käsittää miltä tuntuu nyt…
— Miltä tuntuneekaan, anna anteeksi — anna!
— Jos en voi…
— Sinä voit!
Se tuli varmaan luottavimmasta sydämestä, niin toivorikkaalta se kuulosti.
Rouva Herlevi painoi rajusti päänsä käsiinsä. Sinä voit! Sinä voit! humisi hänen korvissaan. — Sinä et voi! kiisti toisaalta vastaan.
Ja vasta tällä hetkellä selvisi hänelle täydellisesti, kuinka särjetty ja rikkirevitty hän oikeastaan oli… kuinka epätietoinen ja vaappuva, kun tosi-taistelu tuli kysymykseen. Ja että taistelu oli alkava nyt… epätoivoinen ja raju, sen hän tunsi. Nämä kauheat olosuhteet järkyttivät hänen sieluansa niin suuresti, ettei hän pitkään aikaan pääsisi täysin selville ratkaisusta — senkin hän tunsi. Hän vihasi itseään tuntiessaan säälistä Jonakseen joutuneensa sisimmässään ristiriitaan. Ja pyrkiessään selviytymään ristiriidastaan sääli hän omaa heikkouttaan.
Jos hän olisi muutamaa päivää aikaisemmin saanut miehensä uskottomuuden tietoonsa — olisi hän nyt kaukana täältä, iäksi poissa!
Ei, hän takertui siihen ajatukseen sittenkin katsahtaessaan Jonaksen masentuneihin kasvoihin.
Iäksi — niinkö?
Ja taas hän ei ollut varma, etteikö sittenkin kavalluksen ja vangitsemisen viesti olisi palauttanut häntä — säälistä tuhoutuneen miehensä luokse.
— Martta, sinä et sano mitään… Etkö voi … etkö tahdokaan…
— En tiedä, Jonas… Siltä, joka on lyöty tainnoksiin, ei voi vaatia vastausta. Minun täytyy ensin tointua tästä. Ja sitten, kun olen selvillä itsestäni… sitten Jonas…
Miehen murtuneet kasvot sävähtivät epätoivosta. Tämä hänen ensimäinen tuomionsa oli varmaan ankarin. Eikä ollut mihinkä vedota siitä…
— Jätä minulle edes toivon kipinä! huudahti hän. — Martta, rakkahin, älä vie kaikkea… Kuinka minä muuten jaksaisin tämän pimeän ajan ylitse…
Sehän se juuri oli Martankin paula. Siitä silmukasta hän ei päässyt irralleen.
Toivon kipinän — sen hän saattoi antaa. Mutta enempään, hyvä Jumala, enempään ei hänellä ollut voimaa…
KARKURI
Hiljainen koputus kuului ovelta.
Sitä tuskin eroittikaan tuulen ruskinalta ja aaltojen pauhulta, jotka lakkaamatta löivät rantapenkereeseen tuvan akkunan alla. Vasta tarkan kuulostamisen jälkeen pääsi varmuuteen siitä, että ihminen siellä liikuskeli.
Ja silloin karkasi tuvassa yksin istuva tyttö ylös työnsä äärestä, viskasi tukun päreitä tuleen ja hiipi ovelle kuulostamaan.
— Kuka siellä?
Kysymykseen ei kuulunut hiljaisintakaan vastausta. Laineet vain meurusivat rannalla täydentäen pauhinallaan pimeän syysillan kolkkoutta.
— Kuka siellä — vastatkaa!
Kysyjän ääni oli tuikea, mutta pelon värettä se ei kyennyt tyyten salaamaan.
— Ystävä on — avaa!
Vapisevin käsin raoitti tyttö ovea, vetäisi sen kiinni ja raoitti taas.
Siten hän taisteli hetken oman arkuutensa ja sisäänpyrkijän äänen herättämän turvallisuuden välillä. Mutta ulkopuolella-olija ei jaksanut odottaa. Hän tarttui oveen suurella, tahraisella kädellään ja työnnälsi huoneeseen.
Takassa loimottavan tulen valossa tyttö näki kookkaan miehen, jonka parroittuneet kasvot näyttivät väsyneiltä. Koko hänen jättimäisestä olennostaan kuvastui syvä uupumus ja raukeus.
Mutta silmissä oli eloa. Ne miltei leimusivat levotonta sielun kuohua, ja nopeasti kuin tulen liekki kulki niiden katse ympäri tuvan, katto-orsien, permannon, lieden ja peittämättömien akkunoiden välillä.
Sitten vasta hän katsahti tyttöön.
— Oletko sinä Anna Mari?
— Olen.
— Ja niin olet tullutkin äitiisi…
Vieras ojensi arkaillen kätensä, ja arkaillen otti tyttökin sen omaansa.
— Kuka te sitten olette?
Miehen katse kiersi uudelleen tuvan, kiersi tarkemmin kuin äsken, ja hänen kasvonsa vavahtivat omituisesti. Vastaamatta tytön kysymykseen hän sanoi:
— Lienetkö tullut äitiisi luonteesikin puolesta.
— Ja jos olen… mitä sitten?
— Sitten sen sanoisin…
— Minkä?
— Nimeni.
Anna Mari tuijotti hämmästyneenä vieraaseen, jonka puhetapa ja katse olivat niin kummalliset. Ensi kertaa näki hän tuon miehen edessään, ja kuitenkin tuntui, kuin tapaisi hän hänessä vanhan tuttavan. Ja niin hänen pelkonsa alkoi haihtua.
— Mutta sanokaa, sanokaahan toki! huudahti hän välittömästi. — Eihän teille voi siitä mitään vahinkoa koitua.
Jättiläisen kasvot vavahtivat jälleen. Niissä kuvastui suuri mielenliikutus. Sitä peittääkseen hän kumartui lieden kulman pimentoon ja vetäisi sieltä kuin vanhasta tottumuksesta esiin lyhyen penkin, jolle istahti.
— Anna Mari, sanoi hän sitten, etkö sinä tunne minua?
— En.
— Etkö muista koskaan nähneesikään?
— En.
— Ei ihmekään, olithan siihen aikaan vielä pieni tyttö.
— Mihin aikaan sitten?
— Siihenpä siihen, kun isäsi… vangittiin.
Anna Marilta putosi puu, jota hän juuri oli asettamassa lieteen, ja hän kuiskasi pelokkaasti:
— Isä! Olisitteko…
Mies käänsi hetkeksi katseensa toisaalle, ja Anna Mari huomasi, kuinka hänen hartiansa hytkähtelivät. Mutta pian hän jälleen oikaisihe ja tytön puoleen kääntyen virkkoi:
— Kas niin, älä nyt pelkää, Anna Mari, ethän? Ettehän te minua vielä odottaneet… eikä minun aikani ollut vielä tullutkaan… Mutta minä en kestänyt siellä kauempaa… totisesti, minä en jaksanut… Ja kun viimein sattui tilaisuus, jolloin saatoin karata, tein sen, vaikka henkeni uhalla. Ehkä olet lukenut siitä sanomalehdistä?
Anna Mari tuijotti sanatonna eteensä. Hänen jalkansa vapisivat niin, että hän töintuskin kesti seisaallaan.
Ja muistot, jotka vuosien kuluessa olivat haaltumistaan haaltuneet, leimahtivat ilmi eläviksi jälleen. Hän muisti päivän, jona isä vangittiin… muisti kirstun, johon ruhjottu mies pantiin… ja muisti äidin, joka siitä päivin kulki kuin varjo maan päällä, kunnes hänet kolme vuotta sitten — peitettiin kirkon multaan.
Tuoko nyt oli isä —?
Niin, suuren ja voimakkaan hän muisti hänen olleen.
Mutta tämä tässä oli hiljainen ja hyvä…
Isä oli aina ollut kuin tulenliekki, eikä hänen suustaan oltu lempeitä sanoja totuttu kuulemaan.
Siitä huolimatta täyttyi Anna Marin sydän suurella hellyydellä hänhän oli kaikessa tullut niin äitiinsä — ja taistellen ujoutta vastaan, joka yhtäkkiä yllätti hänet, astui hän isänsä viereen ja laski kätensä tämän olkapäälle.
— En ole kuullut siitä mitään, sanoi hän. — Mutta eikö ne etsi teitä nyt… tavoita joka paikasta?
— Kyllä kai sehän on heidän velvollisuutensa. Mutta tähän asti olen minä onnistunut, he eivät. Ja tätä on nyt kestänyt kolme viikkoa.
Tuulen kumea kohina kuului akkunan takaa, ja rapisten ilmestyi ruutuihin pieniä vesipisaroita. Syysräntää.
Anna Maria värisytti.
Hän kuvitteli miesjoukon kulkevan metsän läpi karannutta etsien ja tuossa tuokiossa, tietämättä tarkoin itsekään mitä teki, kiiruhti hän peittämään akkunoita ja lukitsemaan ovea. Ja sitä tehdessään oli hän varma siitä, että äiti olisi tehnyt samoin…
Kun hän palasi takaisin ja istahti isänsä viereen, näki hän kyynelkarpalon vierivän tämän poskea pitkin ja katoavan karkean parran kätköön. Sitä seurasi toinen… kolmas…
Isä kyseli äidistä.
Anna Mari kertoi tarkoin, kertoi kuolinyön ja mitä äiti oli sanonut.
— Olivatko ne hänen viimeiset sanansa? kysyi isä.
— Olivat. Aina muistan kuinka hän pyysi minua kumartumaan puoleensa ja kuiskasi sitten: Kun isä palaa, sano hänelle, että kaikki
on annettu anteeksi.
— Vaikka sitä oli paljon… Jumala nähköön… niin paljon että…
Yhtäkkiä hypähti karkuri ylös ja kuulosti. Hänen silmissään kuvastui hurja kauhu. Anna Mariinkin tarttui hänen pelkonsa, ja hän hiipi ovelle, painoi korvansa lautaa vasten — eikä kuullut muuta kuin oman sydämensä rajut lyönnit.
— Tuuli se vain on… ei siellä ole ketään, ei ketään.
Isäkin rauhoittui vähitellen. He puhuivat kuiskaten, ja heillä oli vielä paljon sanomista toisilleen. Mutta aika kului, ja sen, joka joka hetki pelkäsi takaa-ajajia, täytyi valmistautua lähtemään.
— Isä, viipyisitte vielä vähäsen, niin saisitte nähdä Antinkin.
Muistattehan, että tähän aikaan kestää nuotanveto aamupuoleen asti.
— Minä olen nähnyt hänet… nuottarannalla. Ennenkuin tulin tänne, seisoin kauan aikaa metsässä ja katselin häntä, kun hän istui keittotulilla toisten miesten kanssa. Suuri ja vahva mies… oikea korvenraataja… Mutta sanohan, Anna Mari, eihän hän vain ole saanut isänsä luontoa?
Anna Mari painoi katseensa alas huokaisten.
— En minä sitä niin tarkoin tiedä… mutta kiivas ja kova hän useinkin on…
— Sinullekin… omalle sisarelleen?
Tyttö nyökkäsi.
Se myönnytys sai karkurin kiristämään hampaitaan ja puristamaan kätensä nyrkkiin — vain siten voi hän pidättää kipeän voihkaisun. Mitä hyödytti hänen oman mielensä muutos … mitä päätöksensä pyrkiä meren taakse tekemään työtä ja kokoamaan omaisuutta lapsilleen, jos pojassa eli se… se hirveä, joka oli tuhonnut hänen oman elämänsä ja hänen kättensä kautta toistenkin elämän…
Hyvä Jumala! Hän palaisi tältä paikalta vapaaehtoisesti vankilaan, jos vain Antti… Antti…
Mutta velikään ei voi veljeänsä lunastaa, ja tulevaisuus vasta näyttää mihin Antinkin tie viepi, mitä luonteensa hänellä teettää ja mitä kaikkea ne, jotka tulevat olemaan lähinnä häntä, saavat kärsiä… Eikä voi tietää, keventääkö anteeksianto hiventäkään hänen kuormastaan.
— Sanoiko äiti tosiaankin, että kaikki on annettu anteeksi? kysyi isä ajatuksiensa jatkoksi.
— Sanoi.
— Ja ne olivat hänen viimeiset sanansa?
— Ne.
Partaiset kasvot kirkastuivat hetkeksi. Ne muistuttivat syysmaisemaa, johon aurinko väistyvien pilvien lomasta valahtaa. Ja suru pojan tähden liukui loitommaksi hänen mielestään, kun hän ajatteli omaa, hiljaista iloaan.
— Anna Mari, ne olivat lohdutuksen ja voiman sanoja, sanoi hän sitten. — Niille minä nyt rakennan. Jos onnistun pakenemaan
maasta ja pääsemään aikomusten! perille, niille rakennan. Tai jos joudun kiinni ja tyrmään uudelleen, rakennan sittenkin.
Puolituntisen kuluttua oli karkuri kadonnut jälleen pimeään, myrskyiseen yöhön.
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