Excerpt of "Saving Fear in Christian Spirituality"

S AV I NG F EAR IN CHRISTIAN SPIRITUALITY

EDITED BY

A nn W. A stell

University of Notre Dame Press Notre Dame, Indiana

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Copyright © 2019 by University of Notre Dame Notre Dame, Indiana 46556 undpress.nd.edu All Rights Reserved Published in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

∞ This book is printed on acid-free paper.

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C O N T E N T S

Acknowledgments

xi

The Saving of Fear: An Introduction Ann W. Astell

1

Fear at the Foundations: Biblical and Patristic “In Awe of the Mighty Deeds of God”: The Fear of God in Early Christianity from the Perspective of Biblical Spirituality Pieter G. R. de Villiers

21

Cyril of Jerusalem on Learning the Proper Type of Fear of God Donna R. Hawk-Reinhard

54

Threading the Needle: Fear of the Lord and the Incarnation in St. Augustine John Sehorn

76

CHAPTER 1

CHAPTER 2

CHAPTER 3

Fear in Medieval Meditation CHAPTER 4

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Lips of Fear Kissed by Mercy: Expositions of Timor 105 Dei in Cistercian Commentary on the Song of Songs Catherine Rose Cavadini

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viii Contents CHAPTER 5

CHAPTER 6

Aquinas on Christ’s Fear Joseph Wawrykow

125

Contemplations of the Dread and Love of God and the Nuancing of the Fear of the Lord Robert Boenig

149

Fear amongst the Reformers CHAPTER 7

CHAPTER 8

CHAPTER 9

The Reformation Recovery of the Wrath of God Ralph Keen

169

The Doctor of Divine Love and Fear of the Lord Wendy M. Wright

182

Fear of God in Pascal and His Jansenist Friends Ephraim Radner

209

Fear in the Modern Debate CHAPTER 10

CHAPTER 11

Casting out Fear: The Logic of “God is Love” in Julian of Norwich and Friedrich Schleiermacher Julia A. Lamm

231

Fear of God in John Henry Newman and Søren Kierkegaard Cyril O’Regan

258

Fear on the Eve of the New Millennium CHAPTER 12

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“Gold Fillings into Crocodiles’ Teeth”: Christian Fear, Politics, and Imagination in Léon Bloy (1846–1917) Brenna Moore

287

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Contents ix CHAPTER 13

CHAPTER 14

CHAPTER 15

CHAPTER 16

Faith, Hope, Charity, and the Fears of Fatima Ann W. Astell

313

Shocked to Awe: The Rapture Hermeneutic and Holy Fear Maj-Britt Frenze

332

Fear of God in Liberation Theology Todd Walatka

353

A Concluding Case Study in Spiritual Direction: Father Joseph Kentenich (1885−1968) and Emilie Engel (1893−1955) Ann W. Astell

List of Contributors Index

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379

393 398

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T H E SAV ING O F FE AR An Introduction

ann w. astell

“Have you no fear of God?” —(Lk 23:40) There are so many . . . who are absolutely terrified of God. This is not a childlike and reverent fear.

—Father Joseph Kentenich

“Saving Fear.” Grammatically ambiguous and deliberately so, the title of this collection of essays conveys two related meanings. Taken as an adjective, “saving” modifies a holy “fear,” a transforming grace and powerful virtue that (somewhat paradoxically) heals and rescues those who are spiritually (and perhaps also physically) endangered, holy fear casting out both worldly fear and paralyzing scruples and thus preparing the way for a more perfect love. Interpreted thus, the title personifies fear as a salvific agent, the sacred fear that saves the God-fearing. One might recall in this regard the famous case of the slave trader John Newton (1725–1807) who, caught in a violent storm at sea in 1748 and in danger of death by 1

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2 Ann W. Astell

shipwreck, cried out in his terror to God for mercy. In Newton’s case, the fear of death seems to have awakened the fear of divine judgment, of damnation. He later recalled his conversion as an “amazing grace”: “Twas grace that taught my heart to fear / And grace my fears relieved.”1 But another interpretation of the phrase “saving fear” also obtains.

The “fear” in “saving fear” may be the grammatical object, that which is being saved. The fifteen contributors to this collection of essays endeavor to save the topic of the “fear of the Lord” or “fear of God” (in Latin, timor Dei) from its recent neglect by scholars and pastors alike and to recall its Biblical importance and historical influence upon Christian life and thought over the course of two millennia. The long history charted in these essays displays a perennial unease about the fear of God (How is it to be defined theologically? What is its relation to other feelings of fear?

Can the fear of God truly be reconciled with the love of God and, if so, how?) as well as an abiding fascination with, and attraction to, salutary fear as something appropriate to God’s greatness and surpassing beauty, God’s justice and holiness, and—yes—God’s miraculous, merciful compassion.

The writings of the theologians, mystics, philosophers, saints, and artists studied here reveal the relationship between the fear and the love of God to be profoundly challenging and mysterious, its elements paradoxically conjoined in a creative tension with each other, but also tending to oscillate back and forth in the history of Christian spirituality as first one, then the other, comes to the fore, sometimes to correct a perceived imbalance, sometimes at the risk of losing its companion altogether.

Given this historical pattern, clearly evident in these chronologically arranged essays, the palpable absence of a discourse of holy fear from the mainstream theological landscape should give us pause and invite us to consider if and how (under what aspect, in which contexts) a holy fear, inseparable from love, might be regained or discovered anew within Christian spirituality as a remedy both for a crippling anxiety and for a presumptive recklessness.

Fear and terror, military “shock and awe,” and media reports of violence predominate in contemporary culture, but the fear of God (theologically understood as a gift of the Holy Spirit) is decidedly non-­identical with such fears, through which, as “signs of the times” (Mt 16:3), God

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Introduction 3

nonetheless speaks. At present, a worldly fear and a palpable anxiety seek an idolatrous worship. If and when the word “fear” enters the spiritual and theological conversation, therefore, it must (it seems) always be accompanied by an adjective: wondrous, saving, holy, reverent, or (to borrow Jason C. Whitehead’s term) redeeming.2 The full range of meaning for what the Hebrew scriptures name yirat shamayim (fear of God, fear of Heaven, reverence for God, or piety) is almost impossible to capture in English. As Warren Zev Harvey explains, the term “may or may not be sometimes synonymous with yirah (fear, awe), yirat Elokim (fear of God), yirat heit (fear of sin), or similar terms and phrases.”3 Its semantic range extends between the charged polarities of fear and love and orients itself toward an encounter with God as the mysterium tremendum et fascinans, the “Holy,” described by Rudolf Otto (1869–1937) as a mystery both repelling (tremendum) and attracting (fascinans) the human heart and mind.4 Given the transcendent height and beauty of this encounter, holy fear, the fear of God, is and remains essential to religious experience and spirituality and must not simply be neglected by scholars out of an anxiety about reinforcing the pejorative view, held by many in the academy, of Christianity as a “religion of fear.”5 (The self-proclaimed atheist Bertrand Russell, after all, famously asserted in 1927 that “religion is based primarily on fear.”6 ) In this concern not to neglect the fear of God—and, indeed, to reassess its importance—the contributors to this volume are not alone. In his introduction to Yirat Shamayim: The Awe, Reverence, and Fear of God, a 2008 volume in the Orthodox Forum series directed to the Jewish community, for example, Marc D. Stern worries: “We have not developed a modern vocabulary of fear of God. That fear is, or should be, an indispensable element of our religious commitment and environment. The failure to cultivate a sense of what yirat shamayim demands of us in all our contemporary circumstances distorts and impoverishes our religious life and our communal discourse.”7 As Pieter G. R. de Villiers demonstrates in his magisterial essay, “In Awe of the Mighty Deeds of God: The Fear of God in Early Christianity from the Perspective of Biblical Spirituality,” scripture reveals and reflects the importance of holy fear in the Judeo-Christian tradition. However, a wise hermeneutics is needed, he argues, lest passages from the Bible be

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4 Ann W. Astell

used in isolation to distort the image of God or to inculcate a harmful fear. De Villiers focuses on Luke-Acts, contextualizing the Lukan references to fear within their spiritual traditions and early Christian and Greco-­Roman historical settings. Biblical texts, he argues, portray fear as a response to “a divine intervention, visitation, or presence” wherein “the divine is experienced as the totally Other”8 who inspires in the human witness a tremendum, an extreme trembling, dread, or terror. This tremulous fear is then linked to “life in all its fullness,” and thus to “virtuous life.”9 God “transcends understanding,” but even then in such a way that God is “experienced as close, as worthy of being revered and worshiped.

The fear points towards the mysterium that evokes the fascinans,”10 eliciting a response of attraction and fascination. Indeed, as de Villiers relates, holy fear in the Bible includes a palpable fear in witness to miracles of healing, at the sheer greatness of God’s compassion—a fear that expresses itself in wonderment and praise.

Called the “beginning of wisdom” (Ps 111:10), the “beginning of knowledge” (Prv 1:7), and the “delight” of the Christ (Is 11:3), the fear of the Lord is regularly numbered as the first of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit.11 A gift of the Spirit (Is 11:2–3), a virtue, and an experienced emotion of overwhelming wonder and awe, holy fear frequently manifests itself in biblical narratives such as the appearance of the angel to the shepherds, who were “filled with fear” at beholding God’s shining glory (Lk 2:9); Jesus’s cure of the demoniac in the country of the Gerasenes, who were “seized with great fear” at the miracle (Lk 8:37); and the sudden deaths of the fraudulent Ananias and Sapphira, which brought “great fear . . . upon the whole church” (Acts 5:11).

Sacred scripture also associates holy fear with the expelling or overcoming of earthly fears, including the fear of death. The psalmist exclaims: “Blessed is the man who fears the Lord, / who greatly delights in his commandments!” (Ps 112:1). “The steadfast love of the Lord is from everlasting to everlasting upon those who fear him” (Ps 103:17), David teaches. “Do not fear those who kill the body but cannot kill the soul,” Jesus exhorts in his Sermon on the Mount; “rather fear him who can destroy both body and soul in hell” (Mt 10:28).

The canonical epistles suggest, however, that not only the earthly fear of the loss of life and possessions but also the fear of divine punishment

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Introduction 5

for sin might be overcome through a virtuous life of faith in Christ. “For you did not receive the spirit of slavery to fall back into fear,” writes Saint Paul, “but you have received the spirit of sonship” (Rom 8:15). In 1 John 4:18 (an oft-quoted passage and the cause for much discussion), we read: “There is no fear in love, but perfect love casts out fear.” Reconciling this seemingly unequivocal Johannine statement, “There is no fear in love” (1 Jn 4:18), on the one hand, with the Old Testament witness to holy fear as a cause of blessing, a source of wisdom, and a gift of the Spirit, on the other, has exercised Christian thinkers throughout the ages, as the essays in this collection show.

LOVE’S KISS OF FEAR: PATRISTIC AND MEDIEVAL RECONCILIATIONS

Two essays—one by John Sehorn (on Augustine) and one by Donna R. Hawk-Reinhard (on Cyril of Jerusalem)—intone the Patristic beginnings.

In his essay, “Threading the Needle: Fear of the Lord and the Incarnation in St. Augustine,” Sehorn begins with Augustine of Hippo’s well-known, influential distinction between two fears of God, both of which play a role in Christian redemption: “servile” fear, which dreads divine punishment, and “chaste” fear (so-called on the basis of Ps 18:10),12 which dreads only the loss of God himself. “Augustine views servile fear as a necessary precursor to charity, but teaches that it diminishes in proportion to charity’s growth,” Sehorn explains, while “chaste fear, in contrast, is charity’s concomitant.”13 Sehorn goes on, however, to interpret the dynamics of salvific fear in Augustine’s mature teaching by situating that dynamism within a broader framework of incarnational soteriology. Sehorn argues that in Augustine’s theology “Christ’s assumption and transfiguration of our servile fear” allow for its actual transformation in us, so that “servile fear . . . does not simply give way to chaste fear;” rather, “assumed and transfigured by Christ, it is ‘transformed’ so that [in a certain sense] it becomes chaste fear.”14 Christ himself mediates this transformation of fear in the life of the Christian.

Like Augustine (354–430), Cyril of Jerusalem (313–386) sought to resolve apparent ambiguities in the matter of holy fear. Said to have been

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6 Ann W. Astell

“the first theologian to call the Eucharistic sacrifice ‘awful’ or ‘awe-­ inspiring,’”15 Cyril offers a pastoral discussion of the fear and anxiety experienced prior to baptism. In his writings he also exhorts his flock to maintain a proper reverence for God after baptism, especially through their recognition of Christ’s presence in the Eucharist. Cyril’s exhortations to fear and reverence laid an important foundation for the subsequent trajectory of the development of the sacraments and liturgy. Hawk-­ Reinhard demonstrates in her essay, “Cyril of Jerusalem on Learning the Proper Type of Fear of God,” that Cyril “uses the proper fear of the Triune God as a means of integrating the cognitive (dogmatic) and affective (emotional) dimensions of catechesis and mystagogy with the volitional dimension of the Christian life (moral)” and thus “provides an intriguing blend of prescriptive and descriptive instruction that many in the church today need to recover in order to have a more holistic understanding of the Christian life, a life that ought to begin in and be driven by the appropriate fear of the Lord.”16 Building upon Patristic foundations, Christians of the Middle Ages (represented here by Bernard of Clairvaux, Thomas Aquinas, the anonymous writer of Contemplations of the Dread and Love of God, and Julian of Norwich) similarly endeavored to distinguish different kinds of fear and thus to maintain both fear and love in a creative polarity, with primacy given to love. In her essay, “Lips of Fear Kissed by Mercy: Expositions of Timor Dei in Cistercian Commentary on the Song of Songs,” Catherine Rose Cavadini argues that Bernard of Clairvaux’s celebrated sermons on the Song of Songs and Thomas of Perseigne’s sermons In ­Cantica Canticorum offer complementary interpretations of the role of fear in the monastic life. Interpreting the Song, Bernard (1090–1153) and Thomas (d. circa 1190) comment upon two valences of the “fear” introduced in the Rule of Saint Benedict, both of which ultimately speak to the common goal—namely, to seek God. According to Cavadini, “Bernard writes for the mystical master, focusing upon a personal and spiritual interpretation of the Song. Accordingly, . . . Bernard speaks of the ‘fear’ that is, as the Rule attests, cast out by ‘perfect love.’ In this, his exemplar is St. Paul, the first to experience the ecstatic, mystical ‘kiss’ received by the bride in the Song’s opening verses.”17 Thomas, by contrast, “instructs those ordinary monks striving daily toward ‘spiritual transformation.’”18 Choosing Mary as his historical model, Thomas teaches a fear that is cul-

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Introduction 7

tivated daily as the monk learns to hear and see God’s presence, and to respond to this abiding presence with reverent, humble awe. While Bernard’s interpretation of the bride is “thoroughly personal,” Thomas’s “emphasizes the church as bride, offering an ecclesial interpretation of the Song.”19 In his essay, “Aquinas on Christ’s Fear,” Joseph Wawrykow explores Christ himself as the preeminent model of holy fear for Christians by reflecting on Aquinas’s retrieval of the scriptural attestation of Christ’s fear.

Aquinas’s thirteenth-century discussion, alert to how fear can be both ­passion of soul and gift of the Holy Spirit, is rich and insightful, and as Wawrykow shows, consideration of Christ’s fear takes us to the heart of Aquinas’s doctrinal spirituality. In teaching Christ’s fear, Aquinas has deftly deployed his incarnational Christology and displayed convincingly its salvific import. By his fear, according to Aquinas, Christ shows himself to be truly human, standing in proper and fruitful relationship to God, and thereby he provides a pattern for emulation, as well as the resources for doing so, to those who belong to Christ.

Like the intended audiences of the twelfth-century Cistercian commentaries studied by Cavadini, the intended readership of Contemplations of the Dread and Love of God (late fourteenth century) also seems to have directed its pastoral strategies. In his essay, “Contemplations of the Dread and Love of God and the Nuancing of the Fear of the Lord,” Robert Boenig indicates that the CDLG author employs a numerical grid in this Middle English devotional treatise to help her/his reader remember the various types of the dread and love of God. In Boenig’s view, however, “two competing types of the dread of God . . . oscillate throughout the treatise, as if its author were deliberately and simultaneously affirming and denying irreconcilable concepts about the dread of God.”20 The author first implies that dread is “disposable” and ultimately gives way to love, but then goes on to affirm that “the dread of God has a permanent place in a devout person’s spirituality.”21 In this oscillation, Boenig suggests, “the ‘mystical’ nature of the treatise may be discerned.”22 Likening Contemplations of the Dread and Love of God to the Showings of Julian of Norwich (ca. 1343−ca. 1416)—a text that has long been recognized as “mystical” rather than “devotional”—Boenig sees in both “a profound instance of simultaneous affirmation and denial of concepts about God played out in the context of the dread of God.”23

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FEAR OF JUDGMENT, GRACE OF FORGIVENESS: THE EARLY MODERN DRAMA OF SALVATION

By contrast with the relative (albeit difficult and dynamic) equipoise achieved by medieval commentators on the virtue of fear, Christians of the early modern period—Protestants and Catholics alike—strongly emphasized the fear of God’s judgment against the sinner, foregrounding it as a necessary psychological means for, and protection of, the grace of conversion and the joyful experience of God’s love. In addition to the works discussed in this volume by Ralph Keen, Wendy M. Wright, and Ephraim Radner, one might cite such English texts as Godly-Fear, or, The Nature and Necessity of Fear and Its Usefulness Both to the Driving Sinners to Christ and to the Provoking Christians to a Godly Life by R. A. Alleine (1611–1681); The Believer’s Daily Exercise, Or, the Scripture Precept of Being in the Fear of the Lord All Day by John Billingsley (1657–1722); Jonathan Edwards’s 1741 sermon, “Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God”; The Danger of Living without the Fear of God. A Discourse on Robbery, Piracy, and Murder by Thomas Baldwin (1753–1825); The Fear of the Lord, the Hope of Freedom by John M. Bradford (1781–1827); and “The Fear of God, an Antidote against the Fear of Man,” a sermon by Joseph Emerson (1724–1775).

In his essay, “The Reformation Recovery of the Wrath of God,” Ralph Keen points out some features of divine wrath and the fear of it as they appear in the work of some Reformers, in the hope of clarifying the centrality of this adversarial experience in the Christian life. “In recovering what they saw as the Pauline doctrine of justification,” he writes, “the Reformers retrieved a conception of divine wrath crafted during the centuries in which the church was under persecution and the course of history was the divine plan executed through flawed human instruments. As with their Pauline and Patristic predecessors, the Reformers gave material force to the biblical language of a wrathful deity, throwing it into relief as an experience genuinely threatening to the equanimity of the believer.”24 Francis de Sales (1567–1622), the early seventeenth-century Frenchspeaking Savoyard, Catholic reforming bishop, and noted spiritual writer, is remembered for his personal equanimity and as the founder of a distinctly optimistic spiritual tradition. Yet, as Wendy M. Wright demon-

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Introduction 9

strates in her essay, “The Doctor of Divine Love and Fear of the Lord,” Francis lived in fearsome circumstances that affected his spiritual development. If “all theology is biography,” Wright argues, the same dictum holds true of de Sales’s spirituality.25 After sketching the turbulence of his times, Wright focuses on de Sales’s childhood and student years to consider both his “encounter with fear in a variety of forms and the spiritual practices and theological perspective he consciously adopted to move more deeply into and beyond fear into an encounter with the mystery of divine Love.”26 Finally, she attends “briefly to his written works to assess the ways in which his grappling with fear informed his public ministry.”27 Ephraim Radner’s essay, “Fear of God in Pascal and His Jansenist Friends,” traces the way that Jansenists like Pascal (1623–1662) transformed a late sixteenth-century debate over repentance into an apologetic for an experientially rich understanding of God’s grace in Christ. By focusing on a deeply incarnational approach to grace, Radner argues, they understood that “Christian fear faces what Jesus himself faced.”28 On this Augustinian basis they proposed a more participationist view of how “fear of God” is rightly enacted by the Christian: as Jesus “fears” for our own soul’s destiny, we are joined to this divinely subjective attitude and discover God’s presence with us in our own sorrow for sin. This turns our fear of God into something that is at the same time infinitely joyful.

Commenting upon affective transformations of this sort in case studies of religious experience across time, William James remarks: “The ancient saying that the first maker of the Gods was fear receives voluminous corroboration from every age of religious history, but none the less does religious history show the part which joy has tended to play. Sometimes the joy has been primary; sometimes secondary, being the gladness of deliverance from the fear. . . [We] shall have abundant reason for refusing to leave out either the sadness or the gladness, if we look at religion with the breadth of view which it demands.”29

FEAR AND ITS DISCONTENTS: THE QUARREL OF THE ENLIGHTENMENT

Responding in part to this evident experiential complexity, Enlightenment thinkers increasingly saw the contrastive attitudes of fear and love,

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viewed in binary opposition to each other, as entailing logically incompatible ideas of God. Against the current of rising secularism in modernity, Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855) and John Henry Newman (1801– 1890) variously reasserted the need for biblically warranted “fear and trembling” (Phil 2:12) in the approach to God, in contrast to Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834), who found the God of fear irreconcilable with the God of love.

In “Casting out Fear: The Logic of ‘God is Love’ in Julian of Norwich and Friedrich Schleiermacher,” Julia A. Lamm provides an unexpected, imaginative pairing of theologians who, despite manifold differences, “had in common the fact that both cast out fear, whether as an appropriate spiritual attitude or as a religious tool . . . ; both did so because they gave primacy to 1 John 4:16, ‘God is love’; and both followed through on 1 John 4:18, ‘There is no fear in love, but perfect love casts out fear; for fear has to do with punishment.’”30 Lamm’s essay begins with a comparison of the role that the divine love, “fear,” and “awe” play in the writings of Julian and Schleiermacher, respectively. It then pursues the question: “In comparing two such incongruous Christian thinkers on one thing they do have in common, is it possible to discover something about whether there is a kind of logic when ‘God is love’ is not just taken seriously but is also given [spiritual and theological] primacy?”31 In a compelling series of theses, Lamm sketches the outcome of this theo-logic.

Like Lamm, Cyril O’Regan compares and contrasts major theologians in his essay, “Fear of God in John Henry Newman and Søren Kierkegaard.” In O’Regan’s description, the works of John Henry Newman and Søren Kierkegaard stand out as offering two emblematic nineteenth-­ century responses to the process of rationalization and moralization of Christianity, perceived to have reached a critical threshold in its expunging of the fear of God from its place as an ineluctable existential rivet of Christianity. Although their social contexts were very different, the targets of their critiques quite dissimilar, and their appeal to the theological different in both intent and extent, they agreed that the leaving behind of the fear of God, which is connected with divine holiness, took away a fundamental expression of creatureliness and essentially violated the alterity of the divine, which is a matter of revelation and enshrined in the best of Christian theological reflection. According to O’Regan’s analysis,

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Introduction 11

Newman and Kierkegaard were also of one mind when it came to high culture’s rejecting of the fear of God as ignorant, superstitious, and slavish. This rejection, both felt, rested on the mistake of equating fear of God with the fear of anything in the world that had the power to harm.

Their shared point was that the fear of God was unique and belonged to or constituted a genus of its own. After adducing evidence from Newman’s Plain and Parochial Sermons and one of Kierkegaard’s classic essays, “Fear and Trembling,” O’Regan concludes with comments on the relevance of their reflections on the fear of God for twentieth-century and contemporary concerns, with particular reference to Rudolf Otto’s Idea of the Holy (1923).

Indeed, Kierkegaard and Newman seem to have foreseen and addressed the “typical modern man” described in William James’s Varieties of Religious Experience (1902), who finds any kind of “fearthought” at odds with a “religion of healthy-mindedness” and often attributes the very idea of God to “ignorance, fear, and a general lack of knowledge of Nature.”32 James himself notes the remarkable shift in Christian attitude and sensibility, even among the clergy, who, “far from magnifying our consciousness of sin, seem devoted rather to making little of it.”33 Unlike the “old hell-fire theology,” theirs “ignore[s], or even den[ies], eternal punishment, and insist[s] on the dignity rather than on the depravity of man.”34

APOCALYPTIC STRAINS AND THE RETURN OF FEAR

A century after James, however, some Christian writers (notably Belden C. Lane, Douglas Christie, Mary Frohlich, and Steven Chase) are recovering an element of the biblical timor Dei in the awareness of an ecological crisis, precipitated in part by human greed and industrial abuse—a crisis that spurs a renewed encounter with God in the natural world, its awe-­ inspiring beauty, its ecological crises, and eco-sublime.35 In the face of the terrors of world war, the twentieth century has also seen the rise of forms of Christian spirituality in which awe and fear, both earthly and divine, play a crucial role, whether one considers the awful realism of Léon Bloy (1846–1917) and the circle affected by his writings; the penitential spirit of the Fatima pilgrimages; the apocalypticism of the Rapture movement,

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