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‫‪ 29‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺒﻪﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ »پ‪.‬ﻙ‪.‬ﻙ« ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﻙ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻧﮕﻬﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ« ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯ »ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮـ ﺗﻔﻠﻴﺲ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ژﺍﭘﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻥﻳﺎﻫﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ »ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬


‫ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺷــﺠﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺯﻥ« ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﻌﺸﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬

‫‪ 27‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪ 2013‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺳﻮﺳــﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ« ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﺔ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻘﺪﻯ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺳــﻼﻭﻯ ژﻳﮋﻙ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺍﻳﺤﺔ ﺧﻮﺵ« ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻦﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪﺗﺎ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﭼﻢ ﺣﻤﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﺽ ﻛﻮﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳــﺎﻗﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬


‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﭘﺪﺭﺯﻧــﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜــﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻧﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻭ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻧﺪﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 24‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻭﻟﺘﺮﻧــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 25‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪» ،2013‬ﺭﺍﭘﺮﺯﺑﺮﮔــﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﺭﻣﺎﻥ »ﺩﻥ ﻛﻴﺸــﻮﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ« ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻳﮓ ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺒﺎﺏﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ »ﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺔ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ »ﻛﻨﺪﻯﻫﺎ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﻛﺮﺓ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻣﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻠﻰ ﻛﻮﺑﺮﻳﻚ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺓ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨــﺪﻯ! ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔﻛﻨــﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ« ﺍﻳﺮﻟﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭼﻤﺒﺮﻟﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬

‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ـ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ـ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻙ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﺋﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺧﻂﻭﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ »ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻦ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺸﺖ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻓﻮﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﻠﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤــﻚ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﺎﺭﻧﺎﻳﻒ« ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ! ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ« ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﺏ« ﻛﻪ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﻂ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ »ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﭽﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻮﺋﻴﺘﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻟﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 25‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻭﻟﺘﺮ ﻧﺖ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﺔ ﭘﻴﺶ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ« ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ »ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺟــﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ« ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻭﻟﺘﺮﻧــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪8‬‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪ ،2013‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗــﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ »ﮔﺸــﺖ‬


‫ﺍﺭﺷــﺎﺩ« ﻣﺠﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﺴﻞﻭﺍﺭ »ﻫﺸﺪﺍﺭ« ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭﮔﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺍﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ« ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﻢ »ﺧﺎﺝﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ« ﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 15‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،2013‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷﺖ »ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻥ« ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ! »ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻳﺸﺔ ﻻﺗﻴﻦ »ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻧﻮﺱ« ﻣﺸﺘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻧﺔ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ـ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ« ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ »ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ »ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ« ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫»ﻳﻜﺴــﻮﻳﻪ« ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪» ،‬ﺳــﻨﺖ« ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﺔ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨــﺎﺭ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ« ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺜــﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ »ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬ ‫»ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻭﺍﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳــﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨــﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﮔﺮﺑﺎﺷﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻰﺍﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ ﺛﻨﺎﻯﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨــﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺮﺟﻪ« ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻧﻘﻄﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﮕﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺏ ﻧﺰﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ« ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕﺍﺵ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﺠﻨﺲﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻳﻚ »ﻃﺮﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ«‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ »ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻧﻮﺱ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ »ﺳﻨﺘﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻰ ﺷﻮﺩﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻌﻰ!« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻻﻳﻞ« ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻨﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪﺍﺗﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ »ﺗﻨﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ« ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻤﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜﻰ« ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼــﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﻨــﻮﻉ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴــﺮ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺧﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻨــﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭﻗﻌــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪﭼﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ »ﻛﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒــﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬


‫»ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﻋﺮﺏﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ »ﺩﻳﮓ ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ« ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ«‪» ،‬ﻳﻮﺭﻭﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!« ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻗﻮﻣﻰ« ﻭ»ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺖ« ﻭ »ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪» ،‬ﺳــﺎﻧﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻯﭘﺎﺗﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻯ ﻫﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﮔﻠﺔ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺷــﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ »ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ« ﻭ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﺟﻤﻊ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ! ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﻟﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2013‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ »ﺗﺴﺎﺭﻧﺎﻳﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻬﻴﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺨﺸــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ »ﻣﻠﻰ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰﻫﺎ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺳﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒــﺎﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ »ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻛﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ »ﺟﻤﻊ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ـ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ـ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﺳﻦ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺥ ﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻴــﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﻣﺠﺮﻡ« ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺿﺎ‬ ‫ًﻣﺠــﺮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧــﺪﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻦ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘــﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﻨﺴــﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ »ﺑﻰﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻰ« ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪» ،‬ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳــﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺯﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ »ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ«‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﺷــﻮﺕ ﻭﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎ« ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻻﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﻭﻥﻭﺳﻄﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻜﻞﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﺩﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻬﻤﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺩﺍﺑــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺳــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺴــﺎﺭ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﺳــﻨﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ »ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳــﺪ!« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﻘــﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺣﻔﻆ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻻ« ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ«‬


‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻭﻯ ژﻳﮋﻙ« ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﭼﭗﮔﺮﺍ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻟﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺭژﻳﺲ ﺩﺑﺮﻩ« ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ »ﭘﻔﻜﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺫﻭﺏ ﺷــﺪ! ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻟﻮ‪.‬ﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 27‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪،2013‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭژﻳﺲ ﺩﺑﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻯ »ﭼﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﺭﺍ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺳﺎﻓﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ« ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﭘﺪﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ژﻳﮋﻙ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺰ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻳﻮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙﺍﺵ »ﻗﻴﺎﻡ«ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ »ﺣﺴــﻴﻨﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺰ ﺑﺪﻳﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮژﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ـ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻮژﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺪﻳﻮ ﺗﺮﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺮﻭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻋﻤﻼ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ُﭼﺮﺕِ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﻣﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺫﺍﺗﺎً ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺗﻼﻕ ﺳﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ِ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﭘﻴﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻰﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﺗﺎﭼﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭼﭗ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ژﺳــﺖ ﺗﺎﭼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺭﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ »ﺗﺎﭼﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﺔ ﺗﻌﻔﻦ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﭼﭗ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﭼﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﺩ؛ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‬

‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺮﻕ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ »ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ـ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺿﺪﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻭﻯ ژﻳﮋﻙ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ »ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﺋــﻰ« ﻛﻪ »ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴــﻮﺯ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ »ﻏﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻀﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺼﺒــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺳﺘﻤﺰﺩ« ﻭ »ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺖﻭﺧﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﭘﺮﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺑﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﺯﻥ ﻓــﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺑــﺮ« ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﻧﺪﻳــﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ ﻭ ﻓــﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ‬


‫»ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ« ﻣﺘﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺯﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ »ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ« ﻭ »ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺯﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ـ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻭﻳــﺞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻮچ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ! ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻣﺴﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺮﻳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﺗﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﺟﻌﻠــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﮔﻮﺑﻠﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ! ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺗﻴﻨﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻣﺪﺑﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ« ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ »ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﻪ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ﻓﺮﺥﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﺯﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻮﻫــﻦ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﻴﻠﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰﺳــﺘﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺳــﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻃﻨﺰ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰﺍﺕ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬

‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﻨﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﺳــﺮ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ »ﺑﺮﺣﻖ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢﺳﻮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ! ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﺳﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ »ﺟﻌﻠﻰ« ﻭ »ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻠﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﮔﻠﺔ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻫﻦ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ« ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻠﺔ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﮔﻠﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ »ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫»ﮔﺎﻑ‪ .‬ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺱﺍﷲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ »ﺗﭙﻞﻣﭙﻞ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻃﺒﻊ ﭘﺎﺗﺮﻧﻮﺱ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺑﮕﻮﺷﺖ »ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎ!«‬


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