زن و زودپز

‫‪ 24‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳــﻞ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﮔﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ »ﺩﻳﮓ‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ« ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ـ ‪ 20‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪،1889‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ »ﻻﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،1937‬ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎﻯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕﻣﺘﺤﺪ‪» ،‬ﮔﺮﻧﻴﻜﺎ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺗﻘﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺁﻛﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ »ﻫﺎﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻳﻦ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ »ﻟﺸﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ« ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻭﻣﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ‪ 8‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 15‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯ »ﺟﺸﻦ« ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ »ﻧﻔﺮﺕ‬

‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ »ﻣﻮﺟﻪ« ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤــﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ؛ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ »ﭘﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳــﮓ ﺯﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﺎﻟﻪ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬ﻧﺖ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺟﻮﻙ« ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺩﻭ ﮔﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﷲ‪ ...‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻩ ﺍﻭﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻴﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻰ؟‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠــﺎ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ [...].‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﷲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻠﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﻮﻝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮ‪ .‬ﮔﺪﺍﻯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖﺻﻠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﻰ ﺍﺳــﺪﺍﷲ! ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻰ ﺍﻭﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻩ!«‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﻙ ﻇﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ« ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﭘﺪﺭﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ« ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺪﺭﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻳﺮﺓ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ »ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻔﺲ« ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑﻼگ »ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻴﻨﻰژﻭپ« ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻋﺎﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺯﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ »ﺯﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺷــﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ »ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛‬ ‫»ﭘــﺪﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﺍ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﺎﺩﺭﭘﺮﺳﺖ« ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺒــﺎﺱ ﺯﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺐ ﻭﺟﻮﺵ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ »ﺷﺎﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻫﻮﭼﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠــﺎﻯ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﭘــﺎﻯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻣﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ« ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ »ﺟﺮﻡ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ »ﺗﺴﺎﺭﺍﻧﺎﻳﻒ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ‬ ‫ـ ﺩﻻﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭ«ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ »ﭼﭽﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً »ﺩﻳﮓ ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ »ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺷــﻮﺧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻭﻟﺘﺮﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪،2013‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻯ »ﺳــﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ »ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ« ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ! ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺠﻨﺰﺍﺭ»ﺳﻨﺖ« ﻭ »ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ« ﺩﺳﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ! ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳــﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ »ﻣﻴﻢﺗﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫»ﭼﻤﺒﺮﻟﻦ« ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻛــﺮﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﻔﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﺷــﻨﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﭘﻮﺷــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 20‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ »ﻣﻴﻢﺗﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﮔﻴﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﻧﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫‪ ...‬ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ »ﻣﺠﺮﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﺔ »ﻣﺤﻠﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ‪» ...‬ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ« ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﺔ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ »ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ« ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺳــﺘﻴﺰﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪1357‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﭼﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪[...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﭘﻮﺷــﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻋﺎﺷــﻘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻧﺞﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﻧﻮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻭ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻰﺻﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺳﻮﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﺧﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻯﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ ﺷﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﻳﭽﻪ ﻭﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ« ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫»ﺩﻟﺨــﻮﺍﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺩﻡ ﺑﺠﻨﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺼﺐ ﺑﺮﭼﺴــﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺷــﻬﺮﻙ ﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ]ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ[ ﻭ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 23‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳــﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳــﺪﻩ ﻛــﻪ »ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ« ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠــﺮ! ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﻻﺕ« ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺚ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺮﺧﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ »ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ـ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﻨﻰ ژﻭپ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ـ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ـ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ« ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻳﺞ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻊ‪» ،‬ﻻﺕ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﮔﺴــﺘﺮ »ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ« ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﻴﻦ! ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 22‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﺍﺩﺭﻭﺯ »ﻟﻨﻴﻦ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﻳﺴــﺘﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ‬ ‫»ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ »ﻧــﻮﺍﺭ« ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺻﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ! ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﺴــﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ »ﻣﻄﻠﻖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻻﺕ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ »ﺗﺮﺳــﻮ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ« ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﮕﻚ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺑﻬﺎﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ« ﻫﻢ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻬﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔــﻰ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺬﺍﻫــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍء‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺁﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴــﻠﻪ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﻛﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 22‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺸﺖﻭﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻫﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﻧﺘــﺰﻯ ﻫــﻢ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﺳــﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴــﺖ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻰ«ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﺸــﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ »ﻏﺎﺭﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﻻﺕ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ »ﻻﺕ« ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺗﻼﻕ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰﺍﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺟﺮﻡ« ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢﺷﻜﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰ »ﻻﺕ« ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﻻﺕ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 20‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،2013‬ﻳﻚ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ »ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ« ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻘﺪ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ »ﻣﺒﻬﻢ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻡ« ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ »ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ« ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ‬

‫»ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ »ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﺠﻨﺰﺍﺭ »ﺳﻨﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ »ﻣﻮﺛﺮ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ـ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴﺖ ـ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺰﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺑﻴــﺖ« ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺘﻬﻮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﺠﺴﻤﻪﺳــﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﻤﺰ ﺟﻮﻳــﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻰﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺟﻴﻪﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺁﻛﺸــﻦ«‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻮﺗﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴــﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪﺍﺕ »ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ـ ﻫﻨﺮﻯ« ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻰ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺮﻧﺪﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ـ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ـ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳــﺎﻻﺭﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ« ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻰ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻯ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺒﺘﺬﻝ« ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫»ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ »ﻃﻨﺰ« ﻭ ﻧﻜﻮﻫﺶ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻥ« ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﺯﻥ« ﺭﻗﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﭙﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ »ﺯﻥ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻢ »ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﻗﺒﺢ« ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺮﻭﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻗﺒــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒــﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﺯﻩﺧﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﭙﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻳﻜﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻟﻮﺱ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ]‪[...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻴﺸــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ]ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ[ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻤﺎﻳﻪ ﻃﻨﺰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ]‪[...‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻨﺪﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﺷــﺎﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺁﺳــﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺒﺢ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ [...].‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ]‪ [...‬ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺯﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺘﻚ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ! ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ« ﻭ »ﺷﻮﺧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻰ« ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ! ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ! ﻫﻤﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺼﻴﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬

‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺧﻰ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ! ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻰﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ! ﭼﻤﺒﺮﻟﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺗﺎً« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭ ﻭﻗﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ! ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ! ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻻﺕ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؟! ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻻﺕ »ﻣﻮﻧﺚ« ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ »ﻋﻴﻦ« ﻣﺠﻬﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ!« ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ؟! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﺓ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻰ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻭﺩ]‪[...‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻭﺭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺷــﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﻰﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻨﻬــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯﺍﺵ ]‪ [...‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻧــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻓﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺨﺶ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻯ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺸــﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺪﺕﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ]‪[...‬ﻧﻘﺸﻰ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺸﻨﺪ]‪« [...‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﺑﻼﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ »ﺩﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻠﺔ »ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻯ« ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ« ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﺕﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ »ﭘﺪﺭ!« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ« ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎ ﻟﻮﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﻭﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺷﺎﻥ »ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻃﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺮﻗﺼﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ‬

‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﮓ ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ« ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ! ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮓ ﺯﻭﺩﭘﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻــﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻈــﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ »ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﻳﺎﺩ ﺳﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻴﺲﭘﻮﻙ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩ؛‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺠﻨﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻭ ‪» ...‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ« ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬