nahid roxan

‫‪ 29‬ﻣـــﺎﺭﺱ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،1357‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﺨــﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ »ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﺔ »ﻧﺠﺎﺕ« ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ!‬

‫ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ« ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻫﮕﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﺔ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ!«‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺭﺍﻳﺤﺔ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺧﺰﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﮕﻞ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎً ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺒﺐ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ« ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻫﺪﺍﻳــﺖ ﺭﻭﺡ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫــﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴــﺪﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻳــﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬

‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻰ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء »ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ« ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ »ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺷﻴﺦﻧﺸﻴﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍء ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪4‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼــﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺟﺰ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺰﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎﺯﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺷﻮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ »ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ« ﺑﺮ ﺳﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ »ﻋﺰﺕ« ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ »ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮچ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ! ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ »ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ« ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ« ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﺎﺗــﺮﻙ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄــﻼﺡ ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺁﻣــﻮﺯﺵ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ »ﺣﺠﺎﺏ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻰ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ!‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 27‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺿﻤــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫»ﻧﻬﻀــﺖﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ« ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻃﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﭼﭽﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺨﺺ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ـ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ـ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻩﺯﻭﻓﺴــﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺝ ﺳﻮﺭﻭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻰ ﻭﻳﺰﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷــﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ‬ ‫»ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴــﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﺭﻭﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻮﺗﻮﭘﻴﺎ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻘــﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻳﻮﮔﺴــﻼﻭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ‬

‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﻗﺒﺮﺱ« ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺘﻠــﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ »ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻰ »ﺁﺭﺗﻪ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ« ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﺰﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻔﺮﺕ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ« ﺭﻳﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺣﺬﻑ« ﻭ »ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻟﻨﻴﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 16‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‪» ،2013‬ﺑﻠﺸــﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ« ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺮﺱ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﻰ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ‪ 7‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﻛﺰﺍﻣﺒﻮﺭگ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻤﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﺮﺱ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨــﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 20‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﻔﻘﺎﺯ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ »ﺑﺮﻩﺯﻭﻓﺴﻜﻰ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﻩﺯﻭﻓﺴﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺒﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻛﺸﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻬﺎﻣﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﺔ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﻛﻠﻰ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺮگ« ﻭ »ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ« ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ »ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟــﻰ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻧﺌﻮﻧﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺠﺎﺯ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻤﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻜﻮﻯ ﭘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ »ﺁﺭﺗﻪ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﻑ« ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺗﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻮﻫــﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺱﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﺎﮔﺴﺴــﺘﻨﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ .‬ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ]ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ[ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻬﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﺑﺔ ﺧﺮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﺱ« ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻙ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪﻫﺎ »ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ‪ 34‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻓﻜﻞﻛﺮﺍﻭﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣــﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺎﻯ ﻭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻰﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺓ ﺳﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﻮﻭﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪14‬ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ‪ .1391‬ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃــﺮﺡ »ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮ ‪ 40‬ﺳــﺎﻝ«‪ ،‬ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻛﻤﻴﺘﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫»ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ« ﻳﻚ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﻓﺮﺿﻰ«‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ »ﺯﻥ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣﺪ! ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺯﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﺯﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼ ﻣﻰﺭﺑﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺷﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﺳﺠﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ]‪ [...‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻦ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻀﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 39‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ؟]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ »ﻣﺪﻧﻰ« ﭼــﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻰﻣﺴــﻠﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺳــﺪﺓ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺻــﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﭽﺔ ‪ 9‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ »ﻋﻴﻦ« ﺍﻫــﺪﺍء ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻮﻇﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ« ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ! ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺒﺮﺓ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ« ﻭ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ« ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ »ﭘﺪﺭ« ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺻﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ »ﻣﺪﻧﻰ« ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﭽﺔ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﺗﻨﻬﺎ« ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛــﺪﺍﻡ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ‪9‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؟! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺡ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴﺖ« ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﺓ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺷﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻻﻳﺤﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻴﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺭﺙ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ؛ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻻﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ« ﭘﻮﭼﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻏﺮﺏﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!« ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺎ«‬

‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ »ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺪﺍﺭ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ »ﻣﺒﻨــﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ« ﻓﻰﻧﻔﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ« ﺩﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ »ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ »ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ـ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎﺋﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺯﻳﺴﺘﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻯ« ﻭ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﻮﻃﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ »ﻻﺕ« ﻳﺎ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺗــﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻯ »ﺍﺧﻼﻕ«‬ ‫ﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﺔ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﺗﺮ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﻭ »ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﺮ »ﻧﻔﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺐﻛﻼﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢﺍﻟﻤﺴــﺎﺋﻞ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫»ﺻــﺪﻭﺭ« ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﻜــﺮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻢﺁﺧﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﻻﻳﻞ ﺑﺠﻨﮕﺪ؛ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ »ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻏﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﻰﺍﺩﺑﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑﻰﺍﺩﺑﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺎ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭘﻠﻮﺳﻰ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‪ :‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 17‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪2013‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﺑﻰﺍﺩﺑﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﺑــﻰﺍﺩﺏ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺩﺑﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺮﻡ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ »ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺳﺎﻻﺭﻯ‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑــﺎﺏ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ! ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄــﻮﺭ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﭼﻴﺎﺕ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻣﺐ« ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1820‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ [...] .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻮﭼﻬﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 12‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻣﺎﻩ ‪ [...] 1341‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 56‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺯﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ« ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛــﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ«‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻼﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳــﻤﻴﺖ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻒ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ« ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻧــﺚ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺯﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ »ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻥ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺳﻮﺳــﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺘﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‪ 14 ،‬ﺩﻳﻤﺎﻩ ‪ 1391‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ »ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺑﺎ« ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺳــﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﺗــﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ« ﻭ »ﺍﻃﺎﻋــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻭﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻯ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ »ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﻭ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ« ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣــﻖ« ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘــﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣــﺎﺩﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﭽﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻥ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﻛــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔــﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ »ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺍﺵ »ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫»ﺧﺮﺩﺭﭼﻤﻦ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ« ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ »ﻭﺍﺟﺐ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻃﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ‪ 6‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻔﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎَ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺳﻔﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﭼــﻪ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻛــﻮﺩﻙ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ« ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺓ »ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻯﻃﻠﺒﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺍﻣﻨــﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ »ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺯﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀــﺎﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨــﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﭼﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ »ﺩﺍﺵﻣﺸــﺪﻯﻫﺎ« ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻰ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ« ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻗﺎﺿﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ« ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻠﺐ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫»ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻭ ﺟﻨﮕﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳﻮﻳﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺷﺮﻑ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻰﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ]‪ [...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻻﻳﺤﺔ‬

‫ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻯ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ »ﻻﻳﺤﻪ ﮔﺬﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﻰ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﮔﺴــﺘﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ‪ 9‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮ »ﺣﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰﭘﻨﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ]‪ [...‬ﮔﻔﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺯﺍﺋﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﻴﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﻌﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ‬ ‫»ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻓﺎﻃﻤــﻪ ﺭﺍﻛﻌــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻔﺴــﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻤﺖ« ﺍﻫﺪﺍء ﺟﺎﻳﺰﻩ ﺳــﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﻮﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻟﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺷﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ »ﺍﻳﺰﺍﺑﻞ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻴﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ« ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻋﻤﻮﭘﻮﺭ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ »ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ« ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ »ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ« ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻋﻤﻮﭘﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺎﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؟! ﭘﺎﺳﺦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ!‬

‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪14‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ 2013‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﺯ ﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ؟« ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ! ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ »ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﮕﺎﻧﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯﻃﻠﺒــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻜﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻬﻦﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﭼﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﻜﻰ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩ! »ﻟﻴﻠﻴﺎ« ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﺠﺎﻟﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﺷﺪ! ﻟﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ! ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺘﺮ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻴﺘﻮﻳﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺷــﺮﻕ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺳــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﮔﻞ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﻧﮕﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺖ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘــﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﻛﺮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ [...] .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑــﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔــﻰﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃــﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺴــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻟﻜﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻴﺪﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﻭﻃﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻟﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻯ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 18‬ﺍﻭﺕ ‪ [...]1921‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺳــﺮﺥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪[...‬ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻨﺎ ﺭﺍﺳﻜﻮﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺷــﻜﻦ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﻟﻴﻠﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺧﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﻯ »ﺯﻳﻨﺐ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻪ ﻛﻤﺎﻧﺪﻭ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ »ﺯﻳﻨﺐ« ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﻴــﻜﺎﻥ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﻰﺩﻳﻦ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ« ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ »ﺿﺪﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ »ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ « ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻭ »ﻫﮕﻞ« ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ!‬