nahid roxan

‫‪ 24‬ژﻭﺋﻴـــﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ« ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻠﺪﺭﺑــﺮگ‪» ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻫــﺎﻭﺱ« ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 21‬ژﻭﺋﻴﺔ ‪ ،2012‬ﺷــﺒﻜﺔ »ﻭﻟﺘﺮ« ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 19‬ژﻭﺋﻴــﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻨﺪﮔﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﺍﺝ« ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺣﺮﺍﺝ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﺐ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺎ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻴﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ »ﺳﻴﻠﻰ« ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﺔ »ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ« ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗــﺎ »ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺍﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳــﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻻﭘﻮﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻀﻌﻴــﻒ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﻳﻜﺪﺳﺖ« ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﻛﻮﻓﻰﻋﻨــﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛــﺮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴــﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 2‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1391‬ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻴﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣــﺚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻮﻃﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﺝ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺗﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪» ،‬ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ! ﺩﻭﺩﻭﺯﻩﺑﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ« ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻉ »ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼــﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﺭﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻠﺦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡﭘﺎﻻﺱ »ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ« ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﺔ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﻕﻭﻕ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻋﺮ »ﺑﻨﻰﺳــﻄﻞ« ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨــﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴﻚ ﺟﻴﻚ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻭﻍ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﻮﺧﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﮔﻮﺋــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻔﻨﮓﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺑﻰﻫﺎ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮﻳﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ« ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮﻳﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻴﻤﻰﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰﺍﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﭘﺲ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺷﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺯﺷــﻜﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ »ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺘﻰﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻻﺕﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ‬

‫ﺑﻼﻫﺖﮔﺴــﺘﺮﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻴﻔﺘﮕﻰ« ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻀــﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ »ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻛﺶﻫﺎﻯ »ﺳﻨﺘﻰ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ« ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ »ﻓﻚﻭﻓﺎﻣﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻧﺼﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫»ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ« ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠــﻰ »ﻣﻨﻜﺮ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ! ﺑﺨــﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑــﻼگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺴــﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻠﻄﺔ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺭﺍﺳﺘﻦ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻛﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ »ﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1332‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﻳﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ »ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ« ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻓﺎﺻﻠــﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻓﻴــﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪22‬‬ ‫ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻭﻻﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ« ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸــﻮﺭ ﻃﻰ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً »ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈــﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺱﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ« ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﻰﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺐ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻜﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻬﻢﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻰ ﺷﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨﺞ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ« ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺱﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻭ »ﻋﺸــﻘﻰ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻔــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ »ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﻏﻨﻰﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻘــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﺱﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ »ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ »ﺭﻭﺱﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣــﻮﺯﺓ »ﻳﻮﺭﻭ ـ ﺩﻻﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ »ﺁﻭﺭﺍﻡ« ﻳﺰﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺝ ﺳــﻴﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﻥ »ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦﺟﻢ« ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗــﻰ »ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ« ﺁﻭﻳﺨﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﻓﺘﻮﻯ« ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ »ﻓﺘﻮﻯ« ﭘﺮﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﻑ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻯ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻧﺎﺯﻧﻴﻦﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ« ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ! ﻭ »ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 27‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺴــﻨﺪ »ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﺧﻴﺰﺩ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺍﻓﺸــﻴﻦﺟﻢ ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﺎﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺰﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﻧﻮ ﺩﺭﺁﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻨﻰﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 20‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲﭘﺮﺱ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺁﻥ ﭘﺨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎ »ﺩﻟﻴﻞ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻘــﻮﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ‪56‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻــﺪﻯ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﻰ‪ .‬ﺗــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻦ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺳــﻴﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ؛‬

‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻓﺘــﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺟﻤــﻊ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻧــﻪ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﻰﺻﺪﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺟﻤﻊ« ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺑــﺮﻩ »ﺗﻮﺩﻟﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ« ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗــﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ« ﻭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴــﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍﻧﺎﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻛﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ« ﭘﺎﻣﻨﺒﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﭘﻨــﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ« ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺻﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ »ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻯ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ »ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺍﻓﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﻢ« ﻭ »ﺍﻓﺸﺎﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﺷﺒﻪﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳــﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘــﺬﻝ ﻭ »ﺣﻮﺯﻭﻯ« ﺣﺎﺝ ﻓﺮﺝ ﺩﺑﺎﻍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷــﺪ‬

‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣــﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﺓ ﺣﺎﺝﻓﺮﺝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻔــﺮﺕ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻯﺑﺨــﺖ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﻭﺵ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺁﺳــﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺪ؟ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ! ﻛﺎﻻﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 30‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1391‬ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸــﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ« ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮچ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻫﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﻋﻘﻞﻣﺪﺭﻥ«‪» ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻩﻛﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫»ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑﻧﻤﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳــﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻥ »ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺯﻧﻜــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫‪ 1332‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﻭ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﻣﺸــﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﺣﺮﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ »ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ« ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻰ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻢ »ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ« ﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷــﺨﺺ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ! ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺟﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ« ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‪» ،‬ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ »ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺎﺩﻯ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﺳﻨﺘﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﻧﻈﻢ ﺣﺰﺑﻰ« ﻭ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺳﻨﺖ« ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﺴــﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ! ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤــﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋــﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤــﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ!‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ »ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐــﺎﺕ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻮﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ]ﻣﺼﺮ[ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺸــﻜﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪،2012‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻰ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ » ﺑﺤــﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ؛ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺯﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺮﻫﻨــﮕﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ؟« ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳــﻮ ﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﭼﻜﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﻗــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺨﺶ ﺷﺸﻢ« ﻧﺸﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﺁﮔﻮﺭﺍ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻴﺘﻴﺴــﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺨﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺳــﺖ]‪ [...‬ﻋﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻣــﺪﺭﻥ ﻋﻘﻠﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻮﻛﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻜﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﺩﻫﻜﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ]ﻓﻜﺮﺩﻫﻜﻮﺭﻩﺍﻯ[ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﻮﻟﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩ ]‪[...‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻩﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰﻫﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻋﻘﻠﻨﺪ ]‪[...‬ﻣﺴــﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪﺷﺎﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻠــﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1953‬ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺁﮔﻮﺭﺍ!« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻛﺎﻫــﺶ ﻧﻘﺪﻳﻨﮕــﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﺪ »ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﻮﻳﺴﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ« ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ـ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ« ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻘــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺯﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻠﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻯ »ﻣﺎ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻫﻦﻭﺗﻠﭗﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ« ﻭ »ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﭗ« ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬