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‫‪ 17‬ژﺍﻧــﻮﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻣﻚﻓﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻔﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ »ﭼﻴﻞﻛﺎﺕ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﻣﻚﻓﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻮﺍﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺳــﺮﮔﺌﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺑﻜﻮﻑ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣــﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﺪﻭﺩﻑ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ! ﺑﻴﻦ‬


‫ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻨﺪ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﮔﺰﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ! ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻡ! ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺐ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺳــﺮﺍﺏ!« ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺑﺮﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ »ﺩﻭﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﺣﻀــﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ‬

‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫»ﺑﺮﻕ« ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻩﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻯ »ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ« ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤﻜﺔ »ﻧﺠﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ« ﻓﺮﺿﺎً ﺍﺳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻧﻜــﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﺠــﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺗــﺮﺍژﺩﻯ »ﺑﺮﺑــﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺋﻰ »ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻴﺮﺍژ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ؛‬


‫ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻧﻰ! ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻰ »ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺴــﺘﻦ ﺑﻨﮕﺎﻩ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ!‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ »ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ« ﻭ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍژ« ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ »ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺐ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ »ﺳــﺮﺍﺏ!« ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﺷــﺒﺢ« ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌــﺎﺩﻝ »ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻴﻦ »ﺷــﺒﺢ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺐ«‪ ،‬ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻳﻢ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺒﺎﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺍﺭﺟــﺎﻉ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺭﺁﻣﻴﺰﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍژ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍژﺓ »ﺳﺮﺍﺏ«‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻔــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ـ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺑــﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻮﻡ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺧﻨﺰﺭﭘﻨﺰﺭﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺝ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ »ﺩﻣﭙﺴﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ـ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻳﻮﻣﻮﻧﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪﺓ ‪20‬‬ ‫ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ »ﻓﺎﻧﺘﻮﻡ« ﺑﺎ »ﻣﻴﺮﺍژ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘــﻰ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ »ﭘﺮﻫﻴــﺐ« ﺑﺎ »ﺳــﺮﺍﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ!‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨــﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑــﻼگ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ« ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ »ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻫﺮﺍﺧﺎﻧــﻮﻡ »ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭ« ﺗﻘــﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻋﻼﺋﻰ ﻧﺎﺑﻜﺎﺭ؛ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‪ 33 ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺑﺮﻩ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺧﻮﺭ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ« ﻭ »ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ »ﺷــﺮﻳﻒ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛــﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺎﻟــﻒ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﺩ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺍﻧﺒﻬﺎﻯﺗــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓــﺮﻭﺵ ﺧﻨﺰﺭﭘﻨﺰﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﻗﻴﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﻇﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳﺘﻢ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ! ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻨﺠﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﺪ ﺑﻴﺦ ﺭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺵ‪ .‬ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺷــﻤﺎ! ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺤﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ »ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ« ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﻔﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻳﻢ! ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺒﺘﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳــﻮءﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! »ﺑــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﺍﺡ ﺷــﻜﻤﺶ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻛــﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺶ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ« ﺩﺳﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸــﻰ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬


‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺻﻔﻮﻯ« ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻣﻐﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻨﺎﺯﺭﭼﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪26‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻟﺤﻈــﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻌــﻜﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﻋﺖ‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ« ﺷﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺣﻨﺎﺯﺭﭼﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ »ﻏﻴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ!‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺻﻔﺮﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ]ﮔﻔﺖ[‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺻﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺻﻬﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ‪ 10‬ﺻﺒﺢ ‪ 21‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﺮﺣﺬﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﻛﻴﺴــﻴﻨﺠﺮ ـ ﺑﻴﻜﺮ« ﻭ ﺷﺎﺧﻚ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻧﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻜــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰ���ﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫»ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﺩﻳــﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﺗﺎﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ »ﺩﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺗﺶ« ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻯ ﭘﺸــﻢ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﺧﺘﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻍ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥﺍﺵ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﮔﺰﻳﻦ‪.‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻃﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﺳــﻰ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻃﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ]‪ [...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺴــﻨﺠﻴﺪﻩ ]‪[...‬ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‪] 5 + 1‬ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ[«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ »ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 21‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﻠﻂﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻄﻨﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻳﻠﻨﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ »ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺸــﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺩﺓ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ »ﻣﻮﺳﺎﺩ« ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺧﺸﻨﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻤﻴﺘﺮﻯ ﺭﻭﮔﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻍ«‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 24‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﮔﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫]ﺩﺭ[ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑﻫــﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻰ ]ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ[ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ]‪[...‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺛﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴــﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬


‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻍ ﻋــﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷــﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺳــﺘﻴﺎ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻫﻤﺪﺳــﺘﻰ« ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬــﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ« ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﺣﻨﺎﺯﺭﭼﻮﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 16‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺳﺘﻴﺎ« ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ »ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ« ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛــﻪ »ﺑﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺮﻩﺯﻭﻓﺴــﻜﻰ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺼــﺮﺍﻑ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺑﺮﻩﺯﻭﻓﺴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﺳﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻭﻓﺴــﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺟﮕﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮ »ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ« ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻭﻓﺴﻜﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 17‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪ 2012‬ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ »ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﻘﻒ ﺍﻋﻈﻢ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ« ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﺝﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻳﻠﺘﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻭﻓﺴﻜﻰ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 15‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻯ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ« ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻗﺎﻯ »ﺣﺸﻤﺖ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪ« ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ؟« ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻰ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﺷﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﻰ »ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ« ﻣﻰﻛﻮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨــﻰ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ«‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ »ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﭘﻠﻴﺪ« ﺑﺎ »ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﻧﻴــﻚ«‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﻧﻴﻚ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳــﺲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫»ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺘﻢ«ﻭ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ« ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮچﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ »ﺡ‪ .‬ﺡ« ﻛﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬


‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ« ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧــﮕﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﺍﻭﻻً ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ »ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻦ ﻓﻼﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳ��� ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺣﺴﺎﺳــﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻰﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﻧﺎﻣﻪ« ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺘﺒﺪ« ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ؛ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷــﻴﺐ ﻗﻬﻘﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻠﺔ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ »ﺡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡ« ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔﺮ« ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳــﻠﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨــﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻳــﻚ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﺍ ً »ﻭﺟﻴﻪﺍﻟﻤﻠﻪ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻢﺗﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ »ﺡ‪ .‬ﺡ« ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟! ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺎﺏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬ ‫»ﻇﻠﻢ« ﻭ »ﺳــﺘﻢ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯﺗــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻣﻴﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻘــﺐ ﺯﺩﻥ »ﺡ‪ .‬ﺡ« ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻧﺎﻣــﺔ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺷــﺎﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﺷــﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺳﺮﮔﺸــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1388‬ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﻯﻫــﺎﻯ »ﺡ ‪.‬ﺡ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﻧــﮕﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺣﻀﺮﺕ »ﺡ‪ .‬ﺡ« ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴــﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ« ﻭ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋــﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔــﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﻰ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿــﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬


‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻴﺴــﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﺡ‪ .‬ﺡ« ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ‬ ‫»ﭘﺴــﻮﻧﺪ« ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ! ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ »ﻣﻄﻠﻖ« ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪33‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻮﺷــﺘﻪ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1979‬ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ »ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸــﮕﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﺨﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣــﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺯﺩﺓ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺭﺍﻧــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1979‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ« ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪،‬‬

‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﺧﻮﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﭙﮕﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬


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