nahid roxan

‫ژﺍﻧــﻮﻳﻪ ‪2012‬‬ ‫‪7‬ژﺍﻧــﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫‪7‬‬

‫ﺑﮕﻮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺟﺰ ﻭﺩﻛﺎﻯ ﻳﻜﺘﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﻯ!‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﻣﺘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ! ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺗﺠــﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﺣﺒﺎﺏ ﺩﻻﺭ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗــﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺵﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻰﺍﺕ« ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2012‬ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤــﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﺮﻭﺝ« ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫»ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﻭﭼﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻬﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ »ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗــﻰ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻭﻏﻠﻮ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻡ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﻣﺎ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤــﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﻨــﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ـ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ« ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻻﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳــﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﺮﺯﺍﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻼﺵ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﺸﺪ! ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺟﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺸــﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻣﺮگﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻑ ﻣﻠﻮﻛﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻨﮓﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺮ‪» ،‬ﺷﻴﺦﺍﷲ« ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﮔﻼﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺷﺎﻩﺍﷲ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊﺍﺵ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺷــﻴﺦﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻩﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺘــﺔ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺎء ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻻﺋﻴﺴﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ »ﺟﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﻣﻼﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻭﺍﻻ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﻠﻌــﺔ« ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺑﻴﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢﺳﻨﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺨﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ« ﻭ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﺎﻙﺭﻳﺰ« ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﻭ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ« ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴــﻢ؛ »ﺧﺎﻙﺭﻳﺰ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1332‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧــﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻣﻨﺒــﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺗﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﻌــﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ »ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﺳــﻴﺤﻮﻥ« ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮگ »ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺴــﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ »ﺩﺭ ﻇﻮﺍﻫــﺮ« ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠــﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫»ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻴﺮﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 4‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺔ »ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫» ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﻟﻠﻬﻰﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻧﮓ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻤﻰ« ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺿﺪﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ«‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺤﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ »ﮔﺎﻟﺮﻯ ﺳــﻴﺤﻮﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﭼﻴﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺮﻭﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎﺝﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ »ﺿﺪ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻤﺎﻕ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ »ﺑﺨﺸﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺗــﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ »ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻧﺚﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؛ ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪.2012‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻕ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﭽﺎﻝ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ »ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ« ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺿﺪﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮگ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻫــﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻔﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺷــﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣــﻖ« ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 1357 ،1332‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 1388‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺳﺎﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﻗﻼﺩﺓ »ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻮﺕﻭﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ »ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕﺷﺎﻥ »ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ« ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﭘﻮﺯﻳﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﻨﺪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﺍﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻝﻫﻮﻟﻜــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻼﻗــﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟــﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﺪﻯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻫﺎ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ« ﺗــﻼﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ »ﺑﻐﺪﺍﺩ ـ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ!« ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺨﺪﻣﺖ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﺰﻟﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺗــﺶ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺷــﺪ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻟﻄﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴــﺞ ﻓــﺎﺭﺱ ﻻﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻨﮕﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ! ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺣﻀــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻞﺁﻟــﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ »ﻋﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﭻ ﭘﭻ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻮﻟﻴﻮﻭﺩﻯ »ﺁﺭﺗﻴﺴﺘﻪ« ﻳﻚ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﺔ ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ« ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ‬ ‫ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻮﭼﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﺿﺎ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻗﺘــﻞ« ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﻭﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ؛ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷــﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻃﺮﻳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳــﺖ »ﻣﻴﻜﻮﻧــﻮﺱ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ »ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﮕﻰ« ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻭ »ﭘﺲﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸــﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﺲﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺟﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷﻴﻠﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺧﻴﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻄﻬﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻰ ﻣﻰﺧــﺰﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻟﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺭﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣــﻰ« ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺑﻬﺠﺖ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 6‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺮﺱ ﻣﺸﺘﺎﻗﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻟﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻯ ﺑﻠﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺷــﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ »ﻛﺒﺎﺑﻰ« ﻛﻴﺴﻴﻨﺠﺮ! ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺲ ﻫﻴﺲ! ﻫﻮﺍ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﺴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸــﺪ! ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰ‬ ‫ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴــﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﻨﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻦ ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻬــﺎﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 5‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ 2012‬ﻗﻠﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻮﺛﻖ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪» ،‬ﺩﻣﺘﺎﻥﮔﺮﻡ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﺶ ﮔﺮﻡ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﮔﻮﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ »ﺣﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ« ﺑﻪ »ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺳــﻴﺤﻮﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺫﺑﻴﺢﺍﷲ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ‪ 7‬ﺳــﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻓﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻦ ﻫﻔﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﮕﻰ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ‬ ‫]‪ [...] .« [...‬ﺁﻗﺎ ﺫﺑﻴﺢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﺎﺟﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺳﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺳﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺁﻗﺎﺫﺑﻴﺢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺎﺝ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺳــﻴﺤﻮﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺪﺍﺷﻠﻮ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻠﻴﺤﻀﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ »ﻣﺒﻬﻢ« ﻭ ﺿﺪﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺿﺎﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ »ﺷــﺎﻩ« ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﺨﻚ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ »ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ«‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺷﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﺎ »ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ« ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ »ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ« ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 4‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪ ،2012‬ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸــﻰ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ« ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ؛ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺩﻛﺎﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﺳﮕﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀــﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﮔﺮﺑــﻪﺍﻯ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻣﻰﺯﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷــﺎﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳــﺎﻝ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺭﻕﭘﺎﺭﺓ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻜﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ« ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﺵ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﺭﺑﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﺔ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎﺋﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧــﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﻕﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﻮﺯﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻯ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﻮﺯﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ »ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺴــﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﺳــﻮﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺑــﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ؛ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺗﺸــﺮﻳﻒ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ« ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ 22‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ ،1388‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ »ﻧﺸــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸــﻪ!« ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻻﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺠﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﻴﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ]ﺣﺮﻓﺎﻯ[ ﺻﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻳﻪ ﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗــﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 4‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪،2012‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﺔ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻢ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺤــﻮﺭ »ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺨﺮﻳﺒﻰ‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ »ﺣﺴﻴﻨﻰ« ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﻓﺮﺿــﻰ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ« ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ« ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺣﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ« ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﺮگ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﺳﺘﺪ! ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻋﺘﺼــﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻳــﻚ ﺟﻮﺭ ﻫﺎﺭﺍﻛﻴﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء »ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﭼﺸﻢ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻧﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺍﻭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻓﺘﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻤﺴــﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪[...] .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ ]‪ 88 [...‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ]ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ[ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭼﺸﻴﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺿﺮﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺘﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ‪ 40‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻠﻮﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺸــﺘﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ »ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻯ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ »ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ« ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭘﻠﺌﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺟﺰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺴﺎﻟﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺋﻰﺟﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻢ »ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻧــﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺻــﺪﺍﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ« ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﻜﻨﺠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﺍﻳــﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ؟! ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸــﺨﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻧﻮﻓﻞ ﻟﻮﺷــﺎﺗﻮ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤــﻪ!« ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻳــﺪﻥ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺨﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﭘﺲﮔﻮﺋﻰ« ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔــﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻄﺮﺕﻣﺎﻥ« ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻄﺮﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ« ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏﺷــﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪» .‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭﺍژﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﻓﻄﺮﺕ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﺓ ﮔﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ« ﻭ »ﻓﻄﺮﺕ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺎﺗﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪» ،‬ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ« ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﻧﻴــﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺍﺭﺯﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﻻﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣــﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﺎً ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺷــﻮﺩ]‪ [...‬ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣــﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺻﻴﺎﻧــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺻــﺪ ﺭﺣﻤــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ! ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻘــﺪﺱ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩﻫــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣــﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﻓﻞﻟﻮﺷــﺎﺗﻮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻓﻪ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻻً »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺘﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻕ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻛﻤﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ »ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ« ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺗﻘﺪﺱ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ ﺍﻭ ]ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ[ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺶ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫»ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻚ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺗﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﮕــﺮ »ﺑﻴﻞ« ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧــﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﺍﺭﻟﻴﻨــﮓ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫــﺎ ﺩﻧﺪﺍﻥﮔﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻰ‪«.‬‬