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‫‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳـــﻞ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺭﻣﺰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ »ﺁپ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺖ« ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺁپ ﺩﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺷــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬


‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻤــﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ »ﺁپ ﺩﻳﺖ« ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﻴﺒﺖﺯﺩﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭘﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻪ! ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺁﺫﺭﺟــﻮﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ »ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ »ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺩﺭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻼﻣﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﺁﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺫﻛﺮ»ﺁﺩﻭﺭﻧﻮ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻨــﻞ ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨــﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً »ﺟﺎﻣﻊﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻳﻂ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ »ﻣﺴﺘﺮ« ﻃﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺸﺔ ﺗﻬﻰ ﭼﺮﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺏ ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬


‫»ﻣﻌﺘﺒــﺮ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑــﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳــﺪ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1390‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﭘﻜﻴﻨﺰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﺮﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻟﻮﻟﻴﺘﺎﺧﻮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺒﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ »ﺳﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺸﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﻰ ﭼﺮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺘﻦ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ »ﺧﻮﺵ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻃﻦﺍﺵ »ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ـ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ« ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ« ﺯﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ »ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ »ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ«‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﺘﻠﻜﺘﻮﺋﻞ« ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻨﻴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺳﻒ »ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ »ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﺎً ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺶﻋﻘﺎﻳــﺪ« ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﺮ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮ« ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻰ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ‬

‫»ﺗﻔﻜﺮ« ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻓﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴــﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ »ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻭ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻤــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻀﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜــﻪ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫــﻢ ﻣﺎﺑﻌﺪﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻴﻠﺴــﻮﻑ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ »ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ« ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ‪» ،‬ﺗﻴﺘﻴﺶ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻃﻮ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﭘﻜﻴﻨﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻻﺕ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﻴﻪ ﻗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﮓ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺷﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮ ﻛﻨﻰ ﺯ ﺍﻃﻠﺲ ﺟﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯ ﺻﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﻫــﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ »ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﻭﺑﻢ ﺩﻳﻦ‬


‫ﻭﻣﺬﻫﺐﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷــﺪ! ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻓﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺑﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﭘﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺟﺬﺏ« ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻪﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﻰ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺳــﺮﺍﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺒﻪﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻔﺴﻄﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻠــﻰ »ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻛﺸــﻜﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻨﮕﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺗﻰ ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻰﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺭﺳﻮﺍﻯ »ﻭﺩﺭﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﺴﻮﻥ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰ »ﺍﺟﺘﻬﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪:‬‬

‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻼﻫﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺰﺩﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺍ »ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯ ﭘﺮﮔﻬﺮ! ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ؛ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫»ﻏﺮﺏﭘﺮﺳﺖ« ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﻭﻗﺘــﻰ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴــﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺟﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻀﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻓﻖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪﻙ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﻰ ﺑﭙﺮﺳــﻴﻢ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭ« ﺑﺎ »ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻰ« ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﺁﮔﺎﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺿﺪﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠــﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ‬

‫»ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ]ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ[ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺒﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫»ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﻣﻬــﺮ ﺗﺄﺋﻴــﺪ ﺍﻟﻬﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ« ﺷــﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﺒــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬


‫ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻟﻬــﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻣﻼﻳــﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﭘــﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ! ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻨﺪﺓ »ﺳﺮﺷﻨﺎﺱ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﺎﭘﻜﻴﻨﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﻮچ ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺠــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳــﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﻫﻴﺨﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﻭﺩﻩﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺮﻙ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻣﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؟! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺘﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺁﺫﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻛﻼﺳــﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ؛ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣــﻼ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻪﻣﻼ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﮕﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ »ﺧﺸــﻜﻪﻓﻜﺮﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫــﺐ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣــﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪،‬‬

‫»ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻻﺯﻣﺔ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ!« ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ »ﺩﺭﺩ« ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻯ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﻣﻴﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ« ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺔ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻫﺐ »ﻓﻜﺮ« ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻤــﺎﻥ ﺣــﺬﻑ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺟﺰﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻰ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻗﺺﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ؛ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ‬ ‫»ﺣﻖ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ! ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‪» :‬ﻫﻦ ﻧﺎﻗﺼﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ!« ﺑﺎﺭﻯ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫گ‪...‬ﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻘﻴﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺧﺸﻜﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ« ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺑﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ!‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺼﺒــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﻪﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﻄــﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ﻭ‬


‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ‪» ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ! ﻣﺸﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﺯﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻚﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮﻯ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﭘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺓ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﻢﺷﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧــﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺳــﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣــﺎﺩﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣــﺎﺩﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻓﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﺴﺘﺮ«‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﭼﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺒــﺎﺩﻝ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠــﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺭﻭﻧــﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣــﻊ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺸﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸــﻰ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺗــﻪ ﻓﻜﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺨﺪﻣﺘﻰ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺻــﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺳــﺎﻗﻂ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻰﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺭﺷﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺭﺷﺪ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮﻃﻼﺋﻰ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺳــﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﺯﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻳﻜﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳــﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺍﺫﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﺮﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻮﻡﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻦ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺮﻫــﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﻮچ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ‬ ‫»ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫــﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻨﻔﻜﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻜﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻜﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﭼﺔ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻭ ﻏﺼﺐ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻣﺎﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‬


‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻰﮔﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫»ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻫﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﻻﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ«‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ »ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﭼﺮﻧﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ!‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻰﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻐﺰﻯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺮﺏﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﻓﻴــﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ ،2011‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ‪ 95‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣــﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫــﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ »ﺧﻮﺏ«‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺘﺨﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻕﭘﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻴﻬــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺻﺎﻓﻰ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻠﻰ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳــﻴﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻮﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﺪ! ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺝ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍ‪» :‬ﺑﺠﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺮﻩ!« ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺩﺭﺳــﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷــﺪ؛ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀــﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ »ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ« ﺳــﮓﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻼﺩﺓ ﺯﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

زر و آذر  

nahid roxan

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