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by Aarushi Singeetham Adivasi Women
As India's native daughters, Adivasi women are infused with centuries of wisdom and tradition. However, their lives are frequently characterised by struggles they did not choose but nevertheless confronted with an unmatched fortitude that can only be characterised as amazing. These women fight against the odds of economic hardship, social isolation, lack of access to education, and cultural marginalisation daily. They are warriors, but not on battlefields.
For the majority of Adivasi women, access to healthcare and education both necessary for advancement remains a utopia. There are no schools in remote tribal regions, and those that do exist are frequently understaffed and understaffed. Girls are discouraged from going to school, which keeps them in poverty. Adivasi women predominantly inhabit remote regions, relying on subsistence farming and daily wage labour. Numerous indigenous tribes have been uprooted due to the intrusion of industrial operations, especially mining, which has deprived them of their customary means of subsistence and left them vulnerable financially. They are frequently forced into unstable labour marketplaces where exploitation is common as a result of this economic instability. In states like Madhya Pradesh, the degradation of agricultural land due to climate change exacerbates their plight, compelling women and young girls to seek work in informal sectors, where they are susceptible to trafficking and forced marriages.
Social exclusion further isolates them. Seen as "outsiders" in their land, Adivasi women are often excluded from mainstream societal frameworks. They face discrimination based on their ethnicity, caste, and gender, leaving them with little to no representation in policy-making or decision-making bodies. The rise of witch-hunting practices in certain regions exemplifies the extreme forms of violence they endure, leading to social ostracisation and even death. We live in the 21st century, truly, why do we still promote such practices? Is it just? Don’t these women need a voice too?
The plight of Adivasi women in India is dire. To save their territory, numerous Adivasi women are leading the antiextractivist movement, much as other Indigenous women worldwide. However, because the political repression women experience is frequently sexual, doing so puts them in a precarious situation. In addition, many Adivasi women experience assault and prejudice from members of their community.
It is not by accident that the military state forces and police target Adivasi women with repressive measures like rape and custodial brutality. These harsh methods are employed because they make the impacted women and the greater Adivasi groups fearful. As the rural economy fails to sustain the Adivasis, they look for other options. There have been several instances where Adivasi girls have been forced to work as housemaids or menial workers and have been starved and brutalised by their employers. The agencies enrolling and supplying them to employers assume no responsibility. Many such women and girls have been isolated from their families with promises of lucrative jobs and sold off to be used as sex slaves in countries of the Middle East and others.
How much do these women need to go
Amidst these adversities, Adivasi women have emerged as beacons of resilience. Take, for instance, the entrepreneurial ventures in Odisha, where tribal women, despite being illiterate, have successfully managedfarmer-producer organisations, contributing significantly to their communities' economic upliftment.

In Gujarat's Dang district, women's collectives have transformed agricultural practices, achieving a turnover of about ₹1.85 crore through the sale of organic seeds and produce. These initiatives have not only provided financial stability but have also empowered women to take on leadership roles within their communities.
Activists like Padala Bhudevi from Andhra Pradesh have been instrumental in advocating for women's rights and entrepreneurship among the Savara tribe. Her efforts in improving family diets and promoting sustainable agricultural practices have garnered national recognition, including the Nari Shakti Puraskar
As a woman myself, I cannot even imagine the pain these women go through daily. We now live in a world wherein there is enough to go by for everyone, however it is deprived for many out there, just like the Adivasi women. It is saddening to see that even after knowing the silent struggles of these communities nothing is being done about them. The narrative of Adivasi women is one of enduring strength amidst systemic challenges.









byAanyaBarman

Historically consigned to the bottom of India’s social, economic and political pyramid, the Dalit community has grappled with systemic oppression for a long time. They have endured relentless marginalization, occupying the lowest tier in the Hindu caste hierarchy, in all walks of their life, from property to safety and even education. Over the years, a rise in Dalit consciousness has served as a glimmer of hope for the Dalit communities but, much of this growth is centered around men, sidelining the arduous struggles of Dalit women. The issues of these women, to this day, remain overshadowed by male-centric policies and opinions. Yet, despite the exhausting levels of oppression and disdain that they have encountered, Dalit women are still striving, challenging and fighting to have their voices heard, their contributions recognized, and their rights upheld in the face of societal discrimination.
Born into a society where caste dictates identity, Dalit women are denied equality from the very start In villages across India, they are forbidden from entering religious temples, accessing clean water from common wells and shunned from opportunities that prove their skill and talent. An NGO called Navsarjan Trust reported that in 71. 4% of non-Dalit villages, Dalits are not allowed to fetch water and 66.2% of midwives refuse service to Dalit women in childbirth and pre-natal care This refusal to share basic human necessities and services to the marginalized class exemplifies how deep the scars of caste bias really are, and how they even govern access to survival essentials. Moreover, Dalit rural women have very limited access to and control over land, as due to cultural norms they do not own land, even when it is within their family. In the few cases where a Dalit woman does have land, she is often accused of being a witch and forced off the land or out of the community.
“Women’s labor is already undervalued; when she is a Dalit, it is nil...” says an article by Human Rights Watch. This is the harsh reality of economic tyranny that Dalit women face every single day. Many find themselves forced into degrading, low-paying jobs such as manual scavenging, being landless laborers or are forced into prostitution and sold in urban brothels. A majority of Dalit communities still abide by the ancient Jajmani system- where members of low castes perform services for upper castes in exchange for goods and services It is this ingrained socio-economic system that normalizes inequality and perpetuates exploitation, pushing them towards dependency and vulnerability under the illusion of job and financial security. Even those who manage to acquire formal employment are treated as less capable than their colleagues, are rarely offered promotions and do not receive any service and utilities offered by the employer, from housing to healthcare to even training.
For Dalit women, every step towards financial independence is met with roadblocks of prejudice. It is the weight of this societal prejudice that crushes their aspirations before they even have a chance to bloom.



Amidst the obstacles faced by Dalit women, their vulnerability to sexual violence and abuse stands out as one of the most harrowing manifestations of caste and gender discrimination. Cases of sexual abuse and other forms of violence against Dalit women are calculated tools wield by landlords and the police to enforce social hierarchy in society and to impose political lessons within Dalit communities. In most cases, the attacks were neither investigated nor prosecuted. Even when cases are registered, the lack of appropriate investigation or the judge’s own caste and gender biases can lead to exoneration or acquittal, regardless of availability of evidence or witnesses Furthermore, Dalit women are pressured to withdraw statements or reports or settle, to make compromises as they go up against dominant caste members of society This failure to successfully prosecute cases of rape also allows for crimes against women to continue and encourages the use of rape as a tool to punish and silence Dalit communities. Studies show that in India, the conviction rate for rape cases against Dalit women is under 2% compared to the conviction rate of 25% in rapes against all other women in India. Reports also reveal that the women in most cases are denied their right to medical treatment for their injuries. Fear of retaliation and the indifference of law enforcement agencies leave many voiceless, their stories untold.
Education is often portrayed as a path to empowerment, but for Dalit women, it is riddled with obstacles Dalit families residing in rural areas are unable to send their children to schools and educational centers due to the societal and financial constraints that they endure In addition, Dalit women are married off at a very early age and thus are unable to continue their education and academic exploration.
Those who do attend school are segregated from their peers, forced to sit at the back of the classroom, given fewer opportunities and are bullied brutally for their caste-based identity This results in high illiteracy rates, dependency and the inability to financially contribute to their families.
Yet, even in the face of relentless adversity, Dalit women continue to rise. They fight for dignity, justice, and opportunities not only for themselves but for others like them. Let us take the story of Bhanwari Devi, an activist who, after her own heart-wrenching experience, stood up against the abuse that she and her fellow Dalit women endured For nearly a quarter of a century, she challenged caste and gender violence in Rajasthan. It was her case that paved the way for the formulation of guidelines to deal with sexual harassment in the workplace called the “Vishaka Guidelines”. Similarly, is the story of a Dalit woman, Mayawati, who broke societal boundaries and rose to political platform as she became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1995 She stood as a role model for woman arou country, showcasing what Dalit wome achieve when they are given the chance women are also breaking barriers in edu Anita Bharti, a Dalit writer and poet, has u pen to challenge caste norms and showca harsh realities of what it is like to be a woman
Some more examples include TTCU (Tami Textile and Common Labor Union) is a w led independent and majority Dalit un textile workers that represent 11, 000 workers in Tamil Nadu. They have proved taking steps towards the safety and secu textile workers and Dalit women in societ Dindigul agreement was signed in April 2 TTCU and Eastman Exports with an aim caste-based and gender-based violenc harassment in Eastman factories and sp mills in Dindigul.
. This agreement has received support from major multinational fashion companies such as H&M.
While these victories inspire hope, the path to equality is speckled with stones. Measures must be taken to reform the justice system to ensure that Dalit women are heard and protected, and that justice is accessible for all. Steps towards this goal would include police and judicial training and monitoring, strengthening laws against domestic and sexual violence and implementing awareness campaigns to help prevent exploitation Moreover, resources must be invested in educating women and girls thus, ridding them of the dependency of their male counterparts or employers Representation matters more Dalit women in parliament and panchayats and in leadership roles will ensure their voices are no longer ignored Change will come not just from policies but from transforming societal attitudes by teaching empathy, celebrating diversity, and confronting bias.







BySahasra Gajavelli
History had proven to be unkind again. When the Brits arrived with their love for tea and bureaucracy, they subtly but surely engrained patriarchy deeper into Indian minds. Suddenly women in general, regardless of their birthing, regardless of their religion, found themselves marginalized Adding to this chaos was the partition in 1947, Muslim women became doubly disadvantaged, displaced by the violence and alienated as a religious minority.
Balancing on a tightrope is not for the faint of the heart, and neither was being a Muslim woman in India until not very long ago. Her life is a mess of dodging stereotypes, communal politics, and unsolicited advice about “modernity”. It’s carrying the weight of painful history while trying to carve a future where dignity and equality are not mere ideals. It’s history, patriarchy and politics, it’s a hell of a lot of systemic discrimination. Long before racism and religious stereotypes could be forwarded on WhatsApp, Islamic followers existed in India. They weren’t confined to courtyards, they ruled and educated Razia Sultana was one of the greatest rulers of the Delhi Sultanate in the 13th century. Was there a complete absence of male courtiers telling her to “stick to the kitchen”? I fear not Was she a queen, in the literal sense and otherwise? A strong yes.
Their stories of survival were overshadowed by political narratives and their misery was a microcosm of the broader gendered impacts of communal strife. Communities that felt under siege post-partition started to turn women into some sort of a symbol of cultural preservation to police them even more. The Muslim women were caught in the crosshairs of a nation questioning their allegiance and a community questioning their freedom.
Did the discrimination stop after that? No, it just rebranded, and some might call it worse. Their identities are shaped by being women in a patriarchal society, and Muslims in a country where their faith was politicized.
Shah Bano Begum v. Mohd. Ahmed Khan was one of the biggest steps forward for Muslim women in the history of the Indian judiciary. The gist is, that Ahmed Khan divorces his wife and has to pay alimony or maintenance only for the “iddat” period under their personal laws. Shah Bano won the right to alimony against this law, but the backlash was so uncontrollable that it led to the passing of an Act to reduce their maintenance rights Turns out that was one step forward and three steps back
This only worsened the patriarchy surrounding the religious politics in India wherein Muslim women were made pawns in larger battles. They locked them within regressive personal laws that just justified further marginalization.
Fast forward to today, and this has all but reduced. Education? Check. Employment? Double check. Hijab? Triple check. Yes, schools in Karnataka had a major problem with girls covering their hair to study and made them pick between education and faith We sure love societal ultimatums.
There have been (too many to ignore) reports proving that Muslim women lag behind other communities at a phenomenal level, cue the Sachar Committee Report The unflattering blend of Islamophobia and misogyny finding its way into everything from job rejections to hate crimes doesn’t help either.
For the layman, Instagram and Twitter are for posting selfies and arguing over pineapple on pizza. For Muslim women, it is a battleground where they have no option but to be subject to doxxing, harassment and threats.
Most netizens are aware of the “Bulli Bai” app released in 2022. Its main motive was to target prominent Muslim women and upload doctored pictures of numerous women including journalists, social workers, students and famous
personalities, accompanied by derogatory content. These pictures were reportedly taken from their respective Social Media accounts before being edited and uploaded to the website for an auction without their consent. This case is also connected very closely to the Sulli Deals where several pictures of Muslim women were posted on Twitter, where each was described as a "deal of the day" in 2021, leading to public harassment.
The same year, a YouTuber named Liberal Doge "rated out of 10" Pakistani Muslim women in his livestream and some group of anonymous accounts harassed Hasiba Amin, the National Convenor of Congress IT Cell. According to analysts, the same group of people were behind the Sulli Deals app, despite the YouTuber denying all allegations of ties with the same.
Activists like Bilkis Bano (the "Dadi" of Shaheen Bagh) and Rana Ayyub have emerged as powerful symbols of resilience and defiance. Plus, organizations like Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan are working to reform personal laws and improve literacy rates, and economic empowerment
The number one legal controversy that would benefit the Muslim community to an extent is adopting a Uniform Civil Code that respects religious diversity without compromising on gender equality. And finally, we need to normalize the narrative that Muslim women are not a monolith. The more we showcase these stories, the more we dismantle stereotypes. Their struggles cannot be untangled in any way, shape or form from the broader fight for women’s rights in India.

Muslim women in India are not waiting for the world to change, they’re changing it themselves. Through protests, education, or simply by existing in areas where they’ve historically been excluded, they’re rewriting the narrative. So, the next time you hear about their toils, remember that they don’t need saving, they need solidarity.
Equality is not a privilege. Agency is not a gift.









What would you do if every day your identity was in question? If every day, you woke up to scepticism and doubt about your heritage. Well, for the Siddi people, this is the reality they live. Despite being a part of India for significant centuries, the Siddhi still face discrimination, segregation and alienation, all due to their African descent. The Siddi community continues to face additional challenges, including limited access to clean water, education, adequate housing, and finance. Whilst these challenges may be what is holding the Siddhi back, it is important to acknowledge the efforts and contributions to our society.
The Siddi people were first thought to have arrived in India in 628 CE. Originating primarily from the Bantu peoples of Southeast Africa, the Siddi population were brought to the Indian subcontinent as slaves, where they served emperors and Nizams across various regions of India. This caused an assimilation into local communities, where Siddis integrated into the Indian society, adopting local languages, religions and customs. Moreover, freed or escaped slaves formed self-sufficient communities in forest or rural regions to safeguard themselves from further exploitation. As of today, the Siddi are scattered across the remote areas of Karnataka, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Goa and Tamil Nadu, often in isolated villages and interior forests.
Socially, the Siddi are considered one of the most marginalized communities. While the caste principle of hierarchy is non-existent among the Siddi themselves, they are still treated on the same level as the Dalits. While the practice of ‘untouchability’ has been outlawed, remnants of these discriminatory practices are still present in our society in subtle ways, specifically practices done by those of the upper class. Practices like these include serving food separately to the Siddhi at marriages and ceremonies and making them clean the floor after the food is served.

Social exclusion remains a grave issue for the Siddi people. As previously mentioned, despite centuries of being integrated into India, the Siddi are often treated as outsiders, due to discriminatory practices, and racial/ caste-like bias; this can lead them to face a lack of opportunities and unjust treatment.



These practices extend to decision-making processes, where Siddis are excluded from village governance, stripping them of their representation and voice. In addition, Siddis in Karnataka and Gujarat face exclusion from participating fully in religious practices, including being denied entry into temples. This continues to occur, despite the Siddi being devout Hindus. Efforts by the Siddi community to combat such exclusion are ongoing, with organizations like ‘Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram’, advocating for inclusion and cultural recognition.
The discrimination experienced by the Siddi community not only affects them as a group but significantly impacts the women, who bear a greater burden of racial bias, gender discrimination and socioeconomic marginalisation. This can create an increased vulnerability to exploitation and exclusion of women, severely impacting their quality of life and diminishing their future opportunities.
There are several key reasons for the further discrimination faced; Siddi women are often expected to adhere to traditional roles and this is only compounded by their marginalised community status. These roles are not just limiting but also physically taxing, leaving little room for pursuing education or other skill development. Additionally, due to the Siddi residing in remote and rural areas, reproductive and maternal healthcare is inaccessible. A study in Karnataka revealed that Siddis are more likely to suffer from preventable maternal health issues due to poor nutrition and inadequate healthcare facilities. Siddi women are also objectified or dismissed due to their physical appearance, this can create a significant gap in social acceptance and
opportunities. Furthermore, in patriarchal setups, Siddi women are often forced to suppress their voices, making them dependent on their male counterparts for decision-making and economy. A lack of education further hinders their ability to assert their rights and fight for systemic inequality.
Whilst these women may face significant struggles, efforts are underway to address these challenges and create meaningful improvements in their lives.
Majorly programmes like the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP) have been working to empower the Siddi community, in Gujarat. The Siddi in Gujarat are often dependent on the forests and require ‘head loading’( the process of collecting dry wood from forests and selling it to nearby markets) for a source of livelihood. However, this process is now ‘illegal’, hence leading to the implementation of various programs to provide a long-term sustainable empowerment strategy. The AKRSP initiated targeted programs in the 1980s to protect and improve the livelihoods of women. Activities under this project include the formation of savings, creating incomegenerating options, providing agricultural






Additionally, the AKRSP brought the creation of the Siddi Women's Federation. It was designed to bring together the Siddi women from various villages to enhance collective action and representation. Additionally, prominent Siddi leaders gave inspiring speeches on messages such as voluntary saving, afforestation and women empowerment. Efforts also included education campaigns which discussed family planning and community mobilization.
The Federation was deemed successful due to it fostering confidence among women, enabling them to lead economic and social change in their communities. It offered sustainable livelihoods to the women like organic manure production, which replaced the difficult head loading. The National Rural Livelihoods Mission (NRLM) is another organization that focuses on empowering rural women through a community-driven approach. Through promoting financial literacy and extending banking services, women can increase their independence.

Siddi women also play a significant role in gaining recognition for their community through personal initiative and advocacy. Through performances, crafts and participation in cultural festivals, Siddi women can actively showcase their cultural heritage and highlight their rich history and traditions. The community have also begun to strive to send their children to school to pursue skill development. This enhances their economic opportunities and fosters a better living standard. The women form the community have also stepped up to share their issues in public forums and meetings with government officials. They advocate for better resources such as access to healthcare and education, and are proactively creating a positive change.
In conclusion, the journey of the Siddi women from rejection to recognition is a testament to their empowerment and determination. Through federation, initiatives and other efforts they have gravely improved their socio-economic status and have gained recognition in our society. Through continued support and efforts, it's only a matter of time before we see their full inclusion in mainstream society.














By Poorvi Kurundakar

The year was 2017. Houses were set on fire.
Entire Rohingya communities were razed to the ground. 6,700 Rohingya Muslims were killed.
Hundreds of women across several villages in Myanmar were raped by soldiers. Survivors recounted systematic campaigns of sexual violence targeting young girls, pregnant women, and the elderly.
Has humanity truly sunk to such depths that the fundamental respect for rights, especially those of women has been forgotten?
Have we really grown so blind and shallow that we cannot honour the vibrant and rich cultures that define our world?
The Rohingya, a Muslim minority group that has resided in the Rakhine state of Myanmar for generations, have been effectively rendered stateless since 1982 when the Myanmar government passed the Citizenship Law. This essentially excluded the Rohingya people from recognised ethnic groups.
Stripped of their identities, and their homes and forced to face restrictions on movement, education and other basic human rights, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, an armed group of Rohingya people, launched a series of alleged attacks on police posts in 2017 In response to this, the Myanmar government began a military operation, described as a "clearance operation," involving mass killings, sexual violence, and the burning of entire villages. The UN and human rights organizations have called it a genocide.

This so-called cleansing was merely the prelude to the unimaginable nightmares that awaited the refugees. Over 742,000 Rohingya fled to neighbouring Bangladesh, joining an already large refugee population in camps like Cox’s Bazar, the world’s largest refugee settlement. Rohingya refugees have also sought refuge in other nearby countries like Malaysia (168,400), India (93,100), Thailand (84,000) and other countries across the region.
Refugees are considered to be outside the purview of international legalities and yet at its mercy for survival. For refugee women, this stripping of their autonomy stereotypes them as reproductive vessels in need of chivalrous protection within the larger refugee discourse
Peace is a distant dream, replaced by daily struggles for dignity and survival- especially for women. In Bangladeshi settlements, they are made to hike long and dangerous treks daily to collect firewood, often ending in unfortunate mishaps- potentially leading to death due to inadequate healthcare in the shoddy tenements. They are also increasingly susceptible to diseases such as urinary tract infections, bacterial vaginosis, etc. due to lack of privacy, clean water, proper disposal facilities, and menstrual products. The weight of trauma, combined with the ongoing stressors of refugee life, leads to widespread depression, anxiety, and PTSD among Rohingya women
Apart from concerns relating to daily hygiene and basic livelihoods, human trafficking is an increasingly grave concern Jameel, 29, living at refugee camp Kiryani Talab, Jammu, left his village of Arkan in Myanmar after they were attacked by the Buddhist community supported by the Myanmar Army in 2012. “Every day is filled with anxiety, wondering if our loved ones will be the next victims It’s heartbreaking to know that our sisters, mothers, and daughters are at risk Our daughters and sisters are being sold like goats and sheep,” he said. Many times these womenoften minor girls- are falsely promised a better life in Jammu and other states by traffickers. Hence, they illegally cross Bangladeshi borders from camps like Cox Bazar into India They are then married to locals against their will in Jammu and Kashmir in exchange for scraps of crumpled banknotes, or many times even end up in jail. Since the Rohingya women face indefinite arbitrary detention, legal protection measures are excessively weak- so much so that they are not even being allowed to represent their cases in courts Apart from this, post-marriage, they face severe sexual assault, domestic violence and repeated beatings.

The most disturbing aspect of this situation is how utterly forgotten these women are. The world has shunned them to barren lands and makeshift godowns, forcing them into criminal welfare, prostitution, drug rings, deportation and detention. They are prisoners in a forgotten corner of the world, their chains made of silence. Over the last few years, hundreds of Rohingya have been detained by Indian authorities for not carrying valid documents and few have been deported. They have labelled them as a security threat, not only blaming them for having links to Muslim extremist groups- but also questioning their right to freedom based on religious and cultural beliefs.
These women are like whispers lost in a storm, their voices drowned by indifference. It’s high time we start treating and thinking of these refugees as human beings and not infiltrating aliens. Because every human being and most of all every woman- deserves to have her voice heard.











