Myanmar weekly news vol01 no 09

Myanmar Weekly News

1st March 2014

Vol.1 No.9

MYANMAR WEEKLY NEWS Vol 1, No.9

1st March 2014

www.myanmar.com

Table of Contents NEWSMAKERS

U.S. concerned by reports Myanmar suspends MSF in Rakhine State

Myanmar mentality

is

cracking

up

under

a

Buddhist

U.S. rights report highlights China, Myanmar reforms, abuses Feb 28, 2014

siege

Burma army takes control of huge jade piece in Hpakant

Census Could Worsen Conflict in Myanmar Fate or fairytale: Can Aung San Suu Kyi become Myanmar’s next president?

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POLITICS U.S. concerned by reports Myanmar suspends MSF in Rakhine State

By Jared Ferrie

Soldiers keep watch as they sit in a vehicle in Pauktaw village, outside of Thandwe in the Rakhine state, October 3, 2013. Credit: Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun/Files

YANGON (Reuters) - The United States on Friday urged Myanmar to allow humanitarian agencies "unfettered access" in Rakhine state, following reports the government had ordered medical aid group Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) to stop working there.

The Nobel Prize-winning charity has been giving health care to both ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, a mostly stateless minority who live in apartheid-like conditions and who otherwise have little access to healthcare.

"Free, regular and open access is essential to ensure the benefits of humanitarian activities are delivered appropriately to all people of Rakhine State," a U.S. embassy official told Reuters.

Government spokesman Ye Htut told media that MSF had been ordered to cease operations.

He accused the organization of falsely claiming it treated victims of violence around the time of an alleged massacre in mid-January, which the government denies took place.

The United Nations and human rights groups say at least 40 Rohingya were killed by security forces and ethnic Rakhine Buddhist civilians in a restricted area of the conflictridden western state.

MSF said on January 24 it had treated 22 people in the area of the alleged massacre for injuries including a gunshot wound, stab wounds and beatings.

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A diplomatic source who declined to be identified told Reuters that MSF was in negotiations with officials in the capital, Naypyitaw, after suspending operations late on Thursday.

An MSF spokesman declined to comment. Ye Htut and other government officials were unavailable for comment.

"INTERNAL AFFAIR" Myanmar's government has repeatedly rejected reports by MSF, the United Nations and human rights groups that Rohingya villagers in Maungdaw township were attacked and their homes looted.

On January 29, the government called diplomats to a briefing where officials said they had found no evidence of a massacre, but promised further investigation.

A request by U.S. Ambassador Derek Mitchell to include an international representative on the investigating team was denied by Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, who said it was "an internal affair".

Incidents in Maungdaw township and other parts of Rakhine state are difficult to verify independently as they are off limits to journalists and the government controls access by international aid groups, despite a wave of democratic reforms since military rule ended in 2011.

If confirmed, the massacre would take to at least 277 the number of people killed in religious conflict across Myanmar since June 2012. More than 140,000 people have been displaced.

Most of the victims were Muslims and the most deadly incidents happened in Rakhine State, where about a million Rohingya live.

MSF has worked in the state for almost 20 years treating hundreds of thousands of people from all ethnic groups through programs including maternal health and treatment for HIV and tuberculosis, according to its website.

"Insecurity, delayed authorization and repeated threats and intimidation by a small and vocal group of the Rakhine community have hindered MSF's work," the group said on its website.

(Additional reporting by Thin Lei Win in Bangkok; Editing by Alan Raybould and Robert Birsel) Source: http://in.reuters.com/article/2014/02/28/myanmar-msf-idINDEEA1R07320140228

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Aid Group Told to Leave Troubled Myanmar State

Doctors Without Borders is being forced to stop caring for sick people in a Myanmar state torn by sectarian violence, in a move linked to the humanitarian group's work with the longpersecuted Rohingya Muslim minority, reports said Friday.

Myanmar's presidential spokesman Ye Htut told the Myanmar Freedom newspaper that the group's contract in Rakhine state would not be extended because they hired "Bengalis," the term the government uses for Rohingya, and lacked transparency in its work.

He criticized the group over its handling of patients following an attack in the remote northern part of the state last month. The government has vehemently denied allegations that a Buddhist mob rampaged through a village, killing women and children.

Doctors Without Borders said it treated 22 injured and traumatized Rohingya. The United Nations says more than 40 Rohingya were killed, but the government says only one Buddhist policeman died.

Ye Htut told 7 Day newspaper that the group's "presence has more negative impact than benefit" and that its contract was not renewed because the group's work "could heighten tension and jeopardize peace and tranquility in the region."

Attempts to reach Ye Htut for comment Friday were unsuccessful. The international aid organization, which won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1999 and is also known by the French initials MSF, had no immediate comment.

The United States expressed concern about the reports, and urged Myanmar's government "to ensure unfettered access for humanitarian agencies, in accordance with international standards," an embassy official said.

Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million, only recently emerged from a halfcentury of military rule. Since then, ethnic tensions have swept Rakhine state, raising concerns from the United States and others that the bloodshed could undermine democratic reforms. Up to 280 people have been killed and tens of thousands more have fled their homes, most of them Rohingya.

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Since the violence erupted in June 2012, Doctors Without Borders has worked in 15 camps for the displaced people in Rakhine state. For many of the sickest patients, the organization offers the best and sometimes only care, because traveling outside the camps for treatment in local Buddhist-run hospitals can be dangerous and expensive. The aid group has worked to help smooth the referral process for emergency transport from some camps.

Due to increasing threats and intimidation from a group of Rakhine Buddhists who have been holding near daily protests against Doctors Without Borders, the organization has said its activities have been severely hampered and that it has not received enough government support.

The group has been present for nearly 20 years in Rakhine state, assisting with everything from child and maternal health to HIV, tuberculosis and malaria among all ethnic groups, including Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims.

Nationwide, it has long filled a gap in Myanmar's neglected and woefully underfunded health sector. It is the main provider of HIV drugs in the country, supplying more than 30,000 patients with life-saving medication that would otherwise be unavailable through the government. It also treats more than 3,000 tuberculosis patients, many of whom are also infected with HIV. Source: http://www.voanews.com/content/aid-group-told-to-leave-troubled-burmastate/1861133.html

U.S. rights report highlights China, Myanmar reforms, abuses Feb 28, 2014

Washington: The US State Department noted some positive reforms in Myanmar and China and other parts of Asia in its annual human rights report released on Thursday but said that serious abuses and severe restrictions on basic freedoms persisted.

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The report for 2013 said that despite some progress in Myanmar, conflict-related abuses in ethnic minority areas, politically motivated arrests and widespread discrimination and violence against Muslim populations continued.

It said 1,100 political prisoners had been released in Myanmar, but that politically motivated arrests continued as a result of “flawed laws.”

“The continuing humanitarian and human rights crisis in Rakhine State remained the most troubling exception and threat to the country’s progress during the year,” the report said.

Minority Muslims in the state have been involved in clashes with security forces as well as Buddhist civilians.

In China, while the government had announced the abolition of “Reeducation Through Labor” and relaxed a birth-limitation policy to permit more couples to have two children, it “continued to tighten restrictions on basic freedoms,” the report said.

“China continued its crackdown on human rights activists, increased repression in ethnic Tibetan and Uighur areas, and continued to severely restrict the freedoms of expression, religion, association, and assembly,” it said.

During 2013, at least 26 Tibetans had set themselves on fire in protests and at least 100 Uighurs were killed in clashes with security forces “amid reports of increasing economic discrimination and tightened restrictions on religious and cultural practices,” the report said.

It also highlighted new steps implemented in September to control and censor the Internet and target bloggers.

The report said that although Chinese authorities prosecuted a number of cases of abuses of power, particularly involving corruption, such prosecutions were selectively applied and some citizens who promoted efforts to combat corruption were themselves arrested and detained.

In Bangladesh, the report said, politically motivated violence, attacks on religious minorities and poor working conditions and labor rights remained serious problems.

It also criticized “a flawed and poorly managed electoral process” in Cambodia, which it said disenfranchised a significant number of voters in July national elections.

NORTH KOREA SITUATION ‘DEPLORABLE’ The State Department report said rights conditions in North Korea remained “deplorable,” with the government responsible for extrajudicial killings, disappearances, arbitrary detention, arrests of political prisoners, and torture.

It said a vast network of political prison camps held about 100,000 people, including family members of the accused, in “harsh and life-threatening conditions.”

The rights situation in Vietnam remained poor, with authorities restricting Internet and press freedoms and the freedom of association. It also persecuted unregistered religious groups, the State Department said.

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Positive developments in Vietnam included the government’s signing of the UN Convention Against Torture, improved engagement with international NGOs, and increased Protestant church registrations, it said.

In Afghanistan, where US forces have been fighting an Islamist insurgency for more than a decade, the report said extrajudicial killings by security forces, arbitrary arrest and detention and torture remained problems and pointed to increased “targeted” violence and endemic societal discrimination against women and girls.

In Sri Lanka, the government has not made sufficient progress on post-war reconciliation and ensuring justice and accountability for alleged war crimes, the report said.

“Ongoing serious human rights problems include disappearances and a lack of accountability for thousands who disappeared in previous years, as well as widespread impunity for a broad range of human rights abuses, such as torture by police and attacks on media institutions and the judiciary,” it said.

(Reuters) Source: http://www.newsyaps.com/us-rights-report-highlights-china-myanmar-reformsabuses/97869/

Myanmar is cracking up under a Buddhist siege mentality RSIS February 28, 2014 1:00 am

Muslim families flee their homes after Buddhist mobs unleashed a wave of deadly violence in Lashio, eastern Myanmar

Fear of being swamped by other cultures, plus a prophesy that Buddhism will eventually disappear, are stoking interfaith violence

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The religious violence that erupted in Western Myanmar in 2012 and quickly spread to other parts has inspired countless analyses on the plight of the stateless Muslim Rohingya and the underlying causes of the conflict. Regarding the causes, much emphasis is placed on the actions of Buddhist nationalists and a controversial group of extremist monks called the 969 Movement.

Analysts also attribute the violence to the loosening of military control and of censorship, weak rule of law, and disgruntled factions within government. President Thein Sein's administration has also been accused of inaction and even involvement in the attacks. While these are recent factors behind the violence against Muslims in Myanmar, other critical issues have been overlooked - especially a long-standing siege mentality among the populace that draws on Buddhist millenarianism and a sense of being demographically besieged.

There is a widespread belief in the country that Buddhism will disappear in the future. While international coverage discredits fears of Islamic encroachment by pointing to Myanmar's Buddhism-majority demographic, local Buddhists have a starkly different worldview in which their faith is besieged by larger, well-funded and better-organised faiths. This millenarianism can be traced to a scripturally unsupported but widely believed prophecy that Buddhism will disappear 5,000 years after its founder's death. As 1956 is considered the halfway point, the belief is that Buddhism is now declining irreversibly.

The collapse of state support for Buddhism following British colonisation, the colonist's tacit support for Christian missionaries and the large influx of migrant labour from British India created a sense of religious and demographic encroachment, fuelling millenarian narratives which culminated in the 1930s Saya San rebellion.

Furthermore, Buddhism's historical decline and Islam's subsequent dominance in parts of Asia gave rise to a certain narrative: that Islam might be Buddhism's nemesis and that the 21st-century will be a decisive juncture in the dharma's prophesised destruction.

Compounding the millenarian beliefs is an acute sense of demographic besiegement. Most Myanmarese are well aware their country borders the populous countries of China, India and Bangladesh, with a combined population of over 2.7 billion. Furthermore, unchecked immigration from China's Yunnan province since the late 1980s has created tensions, with an estimated two million illegal Chinese immigrants living in Northern Myanmar.

With the large-scale colonial-era influx of migrant workers from South Asia, resentment at the perceived economic dominance by Chinese and Indian businessmen, and the view of Myanmar being richly endowed with resources, it takes little imagination to construct a narrative where these three populous countries are scheming to swallow up the country through demographic pressure.

And within Rakhine state itself, the Buddhist Arakanese have an acute sense of being besieged politically, economically and demographically by both Myanmar's majority Bamar ethnic group and Bangladeshis, causing many to be extremely prejudiced against both Muslims and non-Arakanese Buddhists.

As coverage of Myanmar's religious violence proliferates, there is a growing perception within the country that the international community and media only concern themselves with the Muslim Rohingya version of events. The Myanmarese Buddhist perspective is

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neglected, or confined to the extremist views and actions of Buddhist monk Wirathu and the 969 movement, say local critics.

The way a selection of foreign commentators summarily dismiss what the Buddhists say are legitimate concerns has given rise to a new sense of siege and an antipathy towards the international media, fuelling an equally dismissive view within Myanmar, where international reports of the violence and the Rohingyas' plight are seen as sensationalised propaganda.

The manner in which some coverage has tarred local Buddhism with the same brush as the 969 movement has also prompted defensive attitudes from moderate Myanmarese, hampering domestic debate on how to solve the Rohingya issue.

And while the former junta remains widely reviled, its defiance of international pressure has instilled among ordinary Myanmarese the notion that Myanmar need not bow to external pressure regarding the Rohingya issue.

Some commentators are quick to dismiss the Buddhist siege mentality as based solely on paranoia or as the Myanmar military's creation to cement its role in politics. But dismissing the siege mentality and offering simplified portrayals of sectarian violence only serve to misdiagnose the root causes and make a viable solution more elusive.

Instead, analysis of the issue needs to incorporate endemic poverty, polarised grassroots media, geopolitical competition, historical issues and the political elites on both sides who are exploiting the propaganda potential of the situation. It should also take account of Myanmar's changing civil society landscape and self-serving actions by external actors.

Needless to say, the Myanmar government also has to be decisive in tackling hate speech, enforcing police impartiality, addressing the lack of training and equipment for law enforcement agencies, enforcing rule of law, and ensuring the security of all inhabitants regardless of race, creed or citizenship status. In order to solve such a complex and complicated problem, all its components and nuances must be recognised and taken into account.

Kyaw San Wai, a Myanmar national, is a senior analyst at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University.

His research focuses on Myanmar politics, political Buddhism, Southeast Asian affairs and Biosecurity.

Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Myanmar-is-cracking-up-under-aBuddhist-siege-ment-30227937.html

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Burma army takes control of huge jade piece in Hpakant

A jade stone from Hpakant, Kachin state in northern Burma.

Military troops in the jade rich Hpakant region of Kachin state moved in to take control of a giant jade boulder in the western part of Kachin state. The boulder has been estimated to weigh as much as 50 tons, depending on the quality of the jade found inside it could be worth tens of millions of dollars. The boulder remains semi submerged so it is still unclear exactly how big it is.

Kachin state's chief minister La John Ngan Sai (also Lajawn Ngan Seng) told the American news agency Associated Press (AP) that the jade boulder is now "being guarded by soldiers," before adding that after its dug up "We'll decide what to do with it."

Despite his claim it remains unclear however if La John Ngan Sai will have any say in what happens to the boulder, many Kachin including those who are on friendly terms with La John Ngan Sai view the former businessman as a powerless puppet of President Thein Sein.

AP quoted a man described as “a church official with ties to� the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), as saying that the government and the rebel group were in talks to determine the fate of the giant jade find. Dwut Lar (or Dut La) told AP that the KIO was offered 10% of the boulder's yet to be determined value.

According to Dwut Lar the KIO rejected this offer because it was too low.

Source: http://www.kachinnews.com/news/2639-burma-army-takes-control-of-huge-jadepiece-in-hpakant.html

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Myanmar sets up anti-bribery panel YANGON: Myanmar President Thein Sein has set up an anti-bribery commission manned mostly by ex-military officers, reports said Wednesday.

The commission has ex-general Mya Min as chairman, with ex-general Tin Oo as secretary, and 13 other members mostly with military backgrounds, The New Light of Myanmar reported.

Although the establishment of the commission was welcomed by observers, some expressed skepticism over the anti-corruption credentials of the commissioners.

Win Tin, a co-founder of the National League for Democracy (NLD) opposition party, said he was doubtful that a commission headed by two ex-generals would be effective in tackling corruption in Myanmar, which was under military rule between 1962 to 2010.

"The commission should include those who are experts on the issue, who will act fairly," he said.

From 1988 to 2010, when Myanmar was under junta rule, reports of corruption and cronyism among top brass were rampant.

The country has been under a nominally elected government led by the pro-military Union and Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) since March, 2011, when President Thein Sein took office and started to implement a series of political and economic reforms.

"The Anti-Corruption Law was approved by parliament in July 2013, but there has been no action since that time," said Supreme Court lawyer Robert San Aung.

Under the current law, corruption carries a maximum sentence of 15 years imprisonment for politicians, and 10 years for government officials.

"I doubt the commission can do a lot, but it's better than not having commission," said Thein Nyunt, a member of parliament under the New National Democracy Party. – dpa

US says military engagement key for Myanmar reform WASHINGTON (AP) The appointee to become the top U.S. defense official for Asia said Tuesday engagement with the Myanmar military is crucial for democratic reform in the Southeast Asian nation.

David Shear said without support from Myanmar's military, the transition to democracy "will likely falter."

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He was responding in writing to questions posed for his Senate confirmation to become assistant secretary of defense for Asian and Pacific security affairs.

The United States and other Western nations have rapidly eased economic and political sanctions against the nation known as Burma as its government has initiated reforms after five decades of military rule. But there are still stiff restrictions on U.S. engagement with Myanmar's military and a ban on weapons sales.

The Obama administration has initiated military dialogue with Myanmar on human rights and military law, hoping to encourage reforms within the military itself, but has faced congressional opposition to expanding even nonlethal cooperation because of allegations of continuing human rights abuses by security forces.

"I would characterize engagement with the Burmese military as crucial to the overall success of the ongoing reform movement in Burma," Shear said, adding that the Pentagon should move ahead with "calibrated and conditional engagement."

Shear, who has served most recently as ambassador to Vietnam, said the U.S. should be "clear-eyed" about the Myanmar military's poor rights record and history of dominating politics and the economy. Any expansion of defense ties requires progress on democratization, human rights and ending military trade with North Korea, he said.

The Senate must approve Shear's appointment before he becomes assistant secretary of defense.

Source: http://www.nzherald.co.nz/world/news/article.cfm?c_id=2&objectid=11210003

Leaked documents prove Myanmar government ordered Rohingya abuse

Rohingya children at a camp outside Sittwe in western Myanmar (AFP Photo/Soe Than Win)

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ucanews.com reporter, Bangkok, Myanmar February 25, 2014 Documents leaked to a Thailand-based rights group show evidence that the persecution of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar is official state policy, with copies of government directives released that order authorities to restrict Rohingya families to two children and tightly control the Muslim group’s movement.

The documents, released on Tuesday by Fortify Rights in a report titled "Policies of Persecution: Ending Abusive State Policies Against Rohingya in Myanmar," represent the first proof that abuses against the group are codified in law and ordered by the highest level of government.

One order dating from May 2005 and circulated among authorities in northern Rakhine state’s Maungdaw says that “those who have permission to marry must limit the number of children, in order to control the birth rate so that there is enough food and shelter”.

Since then, according to Fortify Rights, Rohingya have been made to sign agreements that they will not have more than two children. Violation of this agreement can result in a 10year prison sentence. Another directive states that any Rohingya deemed to have had extra-marital relations can be imprisoned for up to one year.

In order to enforce population control measures, officials are urged to demand that Rohingya women breastfeed in their presence “if there is suspicion of someone being substituted” in the family. Like the rules that prevent Rohingya travelling outside of their townships without permission, these policies are reserved only for Rohingya, and not other ethnic groups. This has led observers to conclude that they are being targeted because of their ethnicity and/or religion, which amounts to a crime of persecution.

“These policies are being supported by the highest levels of government, the same officials now being courted by Western governments,” said Matthew Smith, executive director of Fortify Rights and a co-author of the report. “These officials don’t see the need to end abuses of the Rohingya as part of wider reforms.”

Western Myanmar’s Rakhine state has been beset by several waves of violence between Rohingya Muslims and Rakhine Buddhists since June 2012. Like the government and the majority of Burmese, the Rakhine consider Rohingya to be illegal Bengali immigrants, and thus deny them citizenship status and the accompanying rights to healthcare and education.

In the Rakhine state capital of Sittwe, Rohingya have been forced to either leave their homes and move into refugee camps, or remain in Muslim-only ghettos where armed guards patrol barbed wire barricades and prevent residents from leaving.

One Rohingya man in Sittwe's Bhumi quarter who spoke with ucanews.com in February said he was forced to seek medical treatment in a clinic in a nearby refugee camp because police had denied him permission to visit Sittwe’s main hospital.

“It’s plain to see authorities have made life so intolerable for Rohingya that in many cases they have no option but to flee to another country,” Smith told ucanews.com. While these abusive practices have been known to human rights monitors for some time, he said that “it’s a whole other thing to have documents that prove intent and knowledge of the government of systematic abuse”.

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The material contained in the report would meet the evidentiary threshold for state-directed persecution, one of the most serious international crimes. Smith said he believes these policies are “just the tip of the iceberg” of internal government communications – more recent lobbying of the government by Rakhine politicians to have these restrictions further tightened could worsen the situation.

Work on a nationwide census will begin on March 30, but a requirement to list ethnicity could further inflame tensions. A recent briefing by the International Crisis Group said that the last census in 1983 may have artificially lowered the population count for Muslims, meaning that an accurate figure this time round could be used as proof by anti-Muslim nationalists that the Muslim population is expanding rapaciously.

Fortify Rights has called for an immediate end to abusive state policies in Myanmar, but warned that thus far, investigations carried out by the government into the violence in Rakhine state have not addressed the need to bring to a stop the persecution of the Rohingya.

Source: http://www.ucanews.com/news/leaked-documents-prove-myanmar-governmentordered-rohingya-abuse/70370

Fate or fairytale: Can Aung San Suu Kyi become Myanmar’s next president?

Supporters surround Myanmar democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi in January 2012, as she registered to run for a parliament seat.

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YANGON, Myanmar — In the West, Aung San Suu Ky is nearly sacrosanct. Prim yet defiant, she is an icon of mythological proportions — a righteous Nobel Peace Prize recipient who has suffered through tyranny to lead Myanmar’s oppressed toward a brighter future.

Riding the enormous support she enjoys from abroad, she was released from house arrest in 2010. In 2012 she rose to parliament. She has since announced her intention to run in Myanmar’s first presidential election slated for next year.

Yet despite her iconic status, and despite the impression from abroad that she would easily win a free and fair election, Suu Kyi faces serious challenges.

First, she must erase a clause in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution that prohibits her ascent to the presidency. But in the long run, she must also work to keep the polish on her freedom fighter persona.

Inside the long-suffering nation formerly known as Burma, her myth sometimes breaks down.

Much has changed in the three years since Suu Kyi, 68, was released from confinement by Myanmar’s totalitarian military regime.

The regime has loosened its stranglehold on the economy, a dysfunctional system that restricted ownership of cars and mobile phones to a tiny elite. The West has scrapped harsh sanctions designed to punish the tyrannical generals. A police state that censored any hint of criticism has been partially dismantled.

Suu Kyi, the face of dissidence, is suddenly everywhere: on T-shirts, billboards, TV stations and bumper stickers. In the police state era, anyone bold enough to brandish her image in public risked beckoning the secret police for an unpleasant late-night visit.

By joining parliament in 2012, and making amends with the generals she long opposed, Suu Kyi has played an indispensable role in Myanmar’s international makeover.

But the woman many call “Aunty Suu” has also descended from her golden perch into the unsavory world of politics. In confinement, she was Mandela-esque. But from the halls of power, she has made choices that have alienated some within Myanmar’s society.

“Throughout the decades of military rule, most narratives of the country presented an almost fairytale picture of one lady fighting valiantly against an evil military regime,” said Richard Horsey, an independent Yangon-based analyst. “The reality was far more complex and people are starting to catch sight of it.”

Even in the eyes of Myanmar’s people, he said, “the gloss is starting to come off.”

Aung San Suu Kyi is by far the most famous living person from Myanmar. Within the country, she is eclipsed only by her father: Aung San, the man credited with liberating his people from British imperial rule.

Suu Kyi remains “incredibly popular” among the nation’s dominant ethnic group, Burmans, according to Horsey. The support, he said, “is not based on a particular political vision or set of policies — she does not really espouse any — but because she is her father’s daughter,

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because she is revered for standing up to military rule in the past and because of the huge personal sacrifices she has made.”

As for the 2015 election, she benefits from the widely-held view that she is the nation’s rightful leader. After all, she rose to international renown when the military voided a 1990 election that should have sent her to the prime minister’s seat.

Despite the international community’s embrace of Myanmar’s reforms, it’s not yet clear whether the military will let her run.

Suu Kyi is hobbled by a clause in Myanmar’s military-drafted constitution that forbids the presidency to those with foreign children. (Suu Kyi’s two sons from her now-deceased English husband are both British nationals.)

Seemingly designed to stunt Suu Kyi’s rise, the clause specifically states that a president’s spouse or children cannot owe “allegiance to a foreign power.” Her sons — who have spent little time in Myanmar — do not appear ready to forsake their British citizenship.

Suu Kyi is now campaigning to kill off that prohibitive constitutional clause. If she fails, she will surely run regardless.

One potential scenario would see her party, the National League for Democracy, winning a majority and granting her the right to choose the president — even someone outside her party.

Her own party is essentially a one-woman show and there are few viable candidates within her circle. (The current president, a bespectacled ex-general named Thein Sein, belongs to a party http://www.globalpost.com/dispatch/news/regions/asiapacific/myanmar/140217/myanmar-president-aung-san-suu-kyi-election-2015

Uncertain fate surrounds Myanmar’s border outcasts Displaced members of ethnic groups living in camps are worried cuts to food, health and education are signs of secret plans to force them back It is a difficult time to be a refugee on the Thai-Myanmar border. Last month, the US all but stopped its refugee resettlement programme and many aid agencies have reduced their services.

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STATE OF FLUX: The Mae La refugee camp on the Thai-Myanmar border. Last month, the US all but stopped its refugee resettlement programme and many aid agencies have reduced their services. (Photos by Phil Thorhton and Saw Mort)

Meanwhile rumours and misinformation continue to circulate around the future of the nine refugee camps on the Thai-Myanmar border, estimated to be home to between 128,000 and 140,000 displaced people. Rumours include stories that Muslims will be forced to convert to Christianity before they will be registered for possible resettlement; that resettled Karen men had to sign up to fight for the United States in the Middle East; that fires at camps were deliberately started by drones or saboteurs; and that the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and its aid agency allies have a detailed “secret plan” to repatriate all camp residents to Myanmar government “holding pens”.

In recent times, Myanmar has undergone changes that even its harshest critics cannot ignore or dismiss. Political prisoners have been released, media crackdowns have eased, ceasefire agreements have been signed between the government and ethnic armed groups, and villagers report that there are fewer travel restrictions.

But between the good news stories are disturbing reports of the Myanmar military’s ongoing human rights abuses in Kachin and Shan states, the jailing of five journalists for reporting on an alleged government chemical weapons facility, the plight of Rohingya being beaten and killed because of their religious beliefs, and the constant reports of confiscation of ethnic lands.

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The message refugees are taking from this distorts what they think and feel about repatriation. One international aid worker who has worked in Southeast Asia on refugee issues for more than a decade warns that, “Unless there’s real information being given [to refugees] you are never going to stop the rumours.”

The international aid worker, who asked not to be identified, said that there was much crucial information that was not getting through to refugees. “Aid agencies are good at communicating to their donors but crap at talking to refugees. You can’t keep telling them nothing. Why are border-based international NGOs moving to Yangon? What’s the massive amounts of Japanese aid money been used for in ethnic areas? There’s lots of positive stuff as well as negative.”

The aid worker said refugees and camp officials were being left to puzzle out what’s happening for themselves.

“Refugees know that their camp rations and services are being cut at the same time as the same aid agencies are opening expensive offices in Yangon. They know that Kachin villages are being shelled by the Myanmar army [Tatmadaw] at the same time as there’s talk about them being returned to Myanmar.”

WE WANT TO GO HOME, BUT …

Naw Way Wah sweeps the split bamboo that forms the thin floor to the main room in her house in Mae La refugee camp. The two-room bamboo hut with separate kitchen space is sparsely decorated, but has all the characteristics of a long-term home. Family photos are stuck alongside religious pictures on the thin bamboo walls. Two sacks of rice guard the entrance to the small kitchen. Out of reach of rodents, perishable goods hang in plastic bags from ceiling beams. A half-finished Karen sarong lies folded among cotton threads. Naw Way Wah puts away the broom and spreads two mats over the bamboo floor.

Naw Way Wah and her husband, Saw Kyal Lir, at home.

Naw Way Wah explains that she and her family fled 29 years ago from her village, Ker Ghaw, in Myawaddy township. In 1986, she and her family ran from a Myanmar army attack on her village to hide in the jungle before taking refuge in neighbouring Thailand.

Naw Way Wah is now 70, and her husband, Saw Kyal Lir, a fit-looking 80. Together they have raised seven children and numerous grandchildren in the refugee camp that they call home. Mae La is 60km north of Mae Sot on the Thai side of the border, and is one of one of nine such camps in the country.

Naw Way Wah and Saw Kyal Lir were married in 1969, but have spent most of their life together in a refugee camp.

“I worry all the time that the camp will close and we won’t be prepared,” Naw Way Wah said while picking at the frayed edges of the floor mat and avoiding eye contact. “Our generation has experienced a lot of hurt, maybe for our younger generation it will be different.”

Both Naw Way Wah and Saw Kyal Lir confirmed that the rumours circulating through the camp about returning to Myanmar are unsettling.

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“We hear nothing official, but it doesn’t stop the rumours. The Thais came and did a survey, we told them that ‘we could not, dare not go back’. We’re afraid of the guns. It’s why we ran away in the first place. I worry all the time. If the camp closes what will we do?”

The survey referred to by Naw Way Wah and Saw Kyal Lir was conducted by the Mae Fah Luang Foundation, a Thai charity. Initial misunderstanding surrounding the survey’s objectives increased tension in the refugee community, with many believing that its real agenda was to force people back to Myanmar.

The results of the survey showed that an overwhelming number of Mae La refugees did not want to return to Myanmar, with only 2% wanting to go back. The majority, 60%, wanted to resettle in a third country, and 38% wanted to remain in Thailand. A lack of trust in ceasefires, lack of economic livelihoods, lack of land and a lack of infrastructure in Myanmar were among the reasons given.

A UNHCR document puts the number of Thai-based refugees who resettled to a third country from 2005 to 2013 at 89,937. In 2013 the US was the biggest taker with 7,085, Australia took 847, Finland 105, New Zealand 70 and Canada 38.

Naw Way Wah said life in the camp was preferable to living under the control of the Myanmar army.

“We have many restrictions here, but at least our children finished their education and we have healthcare and food. Living here is better than being chased out of your home by guns.”

Saw Kyal Lir is concerned that the international community will be quick to forget the hurts and wrongs that the Karen have experienced at the hands of the Myanmar army.

“We’re not ready to go back to our village, the army is still there. We don’t want to be army slaves. We won’t go where the government wants us to go. We want to return to our village, but we can’t trust their words, if they leave our village we can then begin to trust their actions.”

But Naw Way Wah takes a more practical approach to the idea of the refugee camp closing, and lists what she will need to start a new life.

“We’ll need a house, all the things you need to sleep and to cook. We’ll need security and health services, these are important and we have them here. We want to be able to take care of ourselves, but we need help.”

The UNHCR, in a recent copy of its Thailand-Myanmar Cross Border Bulletin, explained that the “Royal Thai Government has provided those fleeing armed conflict and persecution with access to safety and humanitarian assistance in nine Temporary Shelters or camps along its border with Myanmar”.

A provincial admissions board will “determine the asylum claims of those cases presented to it, and to date over 102,000 refugees have been registered by the Ministry of Interior and UNHCR”.

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The registration of refugees by provincial admissions boards stopped in 2006. The UNHCR bulletin noted that “access to services including food, shelter, health and education is assured by NGOs to all 128,000 residents of the nine camps, irrespective of whether they have been formally registered or not”. Being unregistered denies people the opportunity of applying for resettlement to a third country.

EVERYBODY’S TALKING “Since 2012, there have been non-stop discussions on refugees returning. Our position today is that it is not the time to promote the return of refugees from Thailand to Myanmar.

We have an assessment and at the moment the conditions are not conducive for return,” said Iain Hall, the senior field coordinator for the UNHCR based in Mae Sot. ATTEMPTED ACTION: A refugee looks at an international NGO office set up in Mae La. Photos: Phil Thornton Mr Hall said any plans that the UNHCR makes on repatriation would be guided by international law and standards.

“People fled for genuine reasons. They were chased from their villages by the military.

Repatriation needs to be voluntary, it has to be safe and with dignity,” he said.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights demands “public assurances of safety, nondiscrimination and freedom from fear of persecution or punishment upon return”.

The international standards and guidelines that Mr Hall follows are not that different to what Mae La refugees Naw Way Wah and Saw Kyal Lir told Spectrum they would need if they were to return to their homeland. The guidelines and standards that the UNHCR are working to are clear.

“Returning refugees need ‘physical security, including protection from armed attacks, landmine-free routes or at least demarcated settlement sites; and material security — access to land and/or a means of livelihood and support from the government, humanitarian organisations, and the donor community for sustainable reintegration activities,’ ” he added.

The question of returning in dignity states that it is “to ensure that refugees are not harassed; that they can return unconditionally; that they are not arbitrarily separated from their family members; that they are treated with respect by the national authorities of Myanmar, including a full restoration of their human rights; and the more complex issue of their civil rights”.

David Mathieson, the senior researcher on Myanmar in the Asia division of Human Rights Watch (HRW) agreed with Mr Hall’s assessment that now is not the time for repatriation.

“It’s a good thing that the process is moving slowly, repatriation of 140,000 people after a 60-year conflict is not going to be easy to manage. The Thai government and UNHCR must maintain their pledge that repatriation is done with safety and dignity.

“We need to be satisfied that the government of Myanmar is taking its responsibilities for its citizens’ welfare seriously. Refugees have a lack of trust in the political process. They have

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seen ceasefires come and go in the past without change. They are looking for signs to build their confidence,” Mr Hall said.

Mr Hall said the Myanmar government needed to “open up the humanitarian space” and allow international NGOs and community groups to do their work without restriction.

“If the community groups are telling us something is not right, we listen,” he said, adding that they needed funding to continue their work.

CAMP WHISPERS In the coolness of a large bamboo house at Mae La, a group of Karen men and women juggle ration cuts, teacher shortages and providing help to the camp vulnerable, the elderly and the young. The Thai government administers the refugee camps, and the camp committees are a vital conduit between Thai officials, refugees, NGOs, the UNHCR and community groups.

A camp official who asked not to be identified said refugees were worried that there would be forced repatriation.

“There is nothing ready in Burma [Myanmar], even though there’s a ceasefire it’s still not stable. The international NGOs who are in Burma claim that they have ease of access, but I doubt it. NGOs have to see and be aware of what’s really happening on the ground, not just believe what the government tells them.”

He said that the real obstacle to refugees returning was the continued presence of the Myanmar army camps and its reinforcing of them, from simple bamboo and wood structures to concrete fortresses.

“We know the media is freer, travel is easier, but we also know the government is dishonest. Refugees don’t trust the government. Villagers’ land has been confiscated and controlled by the Burma army.”

A recent report by the Karen Human Rights Group (KHRG) confirms what the camp official claims about the permanent nature of Myanmar army camps in or near civilian areas. The KHRG received 16 separate letters of complaint from internally displaced people. An extract taken from one letter sent by a villager from Hpapun township was received by KHRG on July 29, 2013, and states: “Tatmadaw has set up their army camp for more than 10 years there, and the resident villagers do not dare go back to their village. Therefore, I hope that the Tatmadaw based in our area will move quickly in order for us to work back on our farm land and take care of the graveyard and pay proper respect.”

The camp official said the constant rumours about returning to Myanmar had placed a heavy strain on people living in the camps.

“We hear it will be in one year, two years, three years, before the 2015 election and so on.

Fires in the camp and the rice ration cuts didn’t help, especially when we know the NGO has opened an office in Rangoon [Yangon]. We ask how can you afford to open an office when you are cutting the rice rations? NGOs talk about consultation, but we know that they don’t tell us everything.”

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The camp official said if people were not getting truthful and understandable information they would fill in the gaps for themselves.

“Here we have our curriculum, teachers and school system, but once we go back that will stop and it will be a government education system. Will our education system be accredited? Will our health workers be accredited?”

The camp official was adamant that the reinforced concrete camps of the Myanmar army were a clear indication that the military is using the ceasefire to consolidate its stranglehold in ethnic areas.

“If Burma had real peace there would be no need for anyone to come and tell us to go. We would have gone.”

Camp officials cited a recent video as an example that it is only the surface that has changed in Myanmar. The video captures a government minister reacting to villagers who asked him for aid. The video has since gone viral on the internet.

The official caught on the video is Ohn Myint, the Myanmar Minister of Livestock Breeding, Fisheries and Rural Development. Ohn Myint is caught lashing out at villagers in Tanintharyi and Magwe regions. The former military general’s outburst was reported by the Democratic Voice of Burma.

“I am Gen Ohn Myint and I’ll dare to slap anyone in the face,” he said. “I will attack anyone who insults the ruling government and if I cannot attack them verbally, I will throw them in jail. This is how it’s done internationally. If you oppose the government, you go to jail and only come out when we’re out of office.”

The camp official echoed what the UNHCR’s Mr Hall said about the Thai government’s tolerance of the current refugee situation on its border.

“Thai officials have told us not to worry, they will support us until the situation in Burma is safe for us to return — they said, ‘We welcome you until Burma is ready for you to go back in safety.’ “ Mr Hall agreed that the Thai government had shown a willingness to work to international guidelines on refugees, and that this was to its credit.

“The Royal Thai government has no documented plan — it has no end date or start date.

They want it to happen, but only under the international principles and standards.”

WHY WOULD WE GO BACK? Saw Win grew up in a refugee camp and now works for an international NGO. He explained that it was hard for young Karen to think about returning to Myanmar.

“I have an idealistic vision of returning, but the reality is very different. I can’t farm. It would be hard to find a job. I’m used to computers, air-conditioning, cars, DVDs and supermarkets. I wouldn’t know what to do.”

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Saw Win explained that despite his lack of agricultural skills he still wanted to help his community.

“I would like to help my people, maybe as a medic, a social worker or a teacher. It’s very hard for Karen like me now we know the difference. For young refugees without skills they also want to stay in Thailand as migrant workers — construction and domestic work.”

Saw Win said he wanted electricity, television, computers and shops.

“The young think of factory or office work, the old want jungles, farms, fishing and hunting.

For us that’s a romantic thought. Even though we know there are changes in Burma, young rural people don’t want to stay there, they come to Thailand for work.”

Saw Dino agreed with Saw Win that what young refugees wanted was different to the older generation of refugees. “Many left [Myanmar] when they were babies. Their memories and conversation is all about running, how the Burmese army mistreated their family and now occupies their land. Young people ask, ‘Back to what?’ We’re now used to schools, shops, and clinics, and we know none of these exist back there.”

Saw Dino explained that for him, settling back into his old village would not be a problem, but his wife would find it difficult “There’s no electricity, no fridge and it takes a day to get to the border. In the wet season you can only travel by tractor. If we are to go back we need services — jobs, roads and health care. If there’s no trust and confidence in the process, refugees won’t voluntarily decide to go back.”

Saw Dino said that his sister now lived in Umpiem Mai refugee camp and had a big family to look after while suffering from ill health.

“The ration cuts have hurt them. Her husband sneaks out [of the camp] to find work as a daily labourer, if he can’t go he has to borrow money. His work is seasonal, but his needs are everyday. He’s now thinking about returning. My brother-in-law wants to find permanent work so he can take care of his family.”

THERE’S NO SECRET PLAN Karen Women Organisation general secretary Naw K’nay Paw stressed that land disputes had to be settled before refugees and displaced people were returned.

“There’s no government land body with teeth to settle disputes. Villagers’ land has been stolen for rubber plantations, gold mining or for military camps. There has to be a mechanism to register land claims and act on complaints.”

Naw K’nay Paw said land had to be part of the peace talks between the government and ethnic leaders.

“It is important our leaders take this seriously. The Karen National Union has good land policies that recognise customary laws. The government has put in place land laws that are disadvantaging ethnic customary laws. The international community has experience in settling land disputes — they should use this experience to pressure the government.”

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Naw K’nay Paw made it clear what she thought was needed before the return of internally displaced people and refugees could begin.

“Before repatriation, infrastructure needs to be put in place. There’s a community structure in place already. When refugees return there should be community-run schools and health services partnered with international donors.”

Naw K’nay Paw said that swapping a refugee camp for a government-approved camp is not a solution.

“People are worried that they will be sent back to a piece of useless land that they can build on, but can’t grow anything on to make a living. People should not be sent back to wasteland.”

The latest incident that heightened refuges fears of being forcibly returned to Myanmar came from the Japan International Cooperation Agency (Jica).

A community-based group, the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (Kesan) on Tuesday last week criticised detailed plans by Jica to develop southeastern Myanmar.

Kesan warned that the plan is flawed and that it is concerned at what Jica proposes as a solution for refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). Jica’s plans include the development of four settlement sites, access roads to the sites and an information centre where refugees and IDPs can learn about conditions at the sites and any job vacancies.

Paul Sein Twa, from Kesan, said proposing four settlement sites that had no relevance to Karen people was alarming.

“Jica’s process is all wrong. Jica already has a detailed plan and has already decided on a framework without real consultation. There have not been any public forums, no apparatus to voice concerns, and ethnic people only heard about it when Jica released its development plan.”

HRW’s Mr Mathieson warns that the design of any repatriation plans needs to involve the refugees.

“All government and UN agencies should ensure that the voices of the refugees shape how it [repatriation] is done — not overpaid international consultants who lack the fundamental understanding of the complexity and contours of this conflict.

“The government has to understand the Karen attachment to the land, their own livelihood strategies and they way they view security — and they don’t associate security with the Burmese army.”

Mr Hall said the UNHCR needed to talk to both the Myanmar and Thai governments, community groups, refugees, donors and NGOs before advising the High Commissioner on repatriation. But he added that “at the moment the conditions are not conducive for return”.

Mr Hall also rejected speculation in the camps that there was a clandestine plan to return refugees to Myanmar.

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“UNHCR does not have a plan. There’s no plan at the moment. There are no secret deals with anyone,” he said.

Source: http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/investigation/396473/uncertain-fatesurrounds-myanmar-s-border-outcasts

KIO calls on church groups to pray as tensions with Burma army escalate Wednesday, 19 February 2014 The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) last week called on church goers in its territory to pray as tensions between the group and Burma's military continue to escalate after the recent loss by the KIO of two posts near its Laiza headquarters.

Those attending both Baptist and Catholic churches in Laiza and Mai Ja Yang, the KIO's other major town, have been asked to hold special prayer services in advance of an expected attack by the Burma army, also known as the Tatmadaw, religious leaders tell the Kachin News Group.

The Laiza Roman Catholic church held a 24-hour prayer service on Sunday February 16th shortly after the head priest father N’Bwi Naw met with Nuk Gan from the KIO's Cultural Department, according to a church colleague Lasang Tu San. It is expected that this will continue every Sunday until the situation improves.

At the Laiza Kachin Baptist Church, 24-hour prayer services and fasting have been held every Saturday since the war between the government and the KIO started in June 2011, according to Pastor Rev. Lahpai Shingrip.

Rev. Sumlut Gun Seng a Baptist pastor based in Laiza told the Kachin News Group, “the fighting is starting once again and it could involve heavy weapons. We have to pray to God who can enable everything,” he said.

Most of the Kachin populations are Christian and many Kachin have shown their support for the KIO by taking part in public prayer sessions at Kachin churches across Kachin state since a 17 year ceasefire between the KIO and the government ended in June 2011.

Tensions between the military and the KIO have increased significantly since government troops attacked and captured two KIA frontline posts situated less than 10 miles from its Laiza headquarters.

Government troops took Ja Ing Yang on February 11th and Hka U on February 12th shortly after the government attack was launched.

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After the posts were seized the military sent a large numbers of reinforcements from Myitkyina and Bhamo (or Manmaw) and deployed them at Burmese military bases in Nam San Yang and Dawhpumyang, less than 10 miles from the Laiza, according to KIA officers on the frontline.

Burma signals to China that it will attack Laiza Burmese government officials have reportedly signaled to their Chinese counterparts their intention to take Laiza which sits right on the Chinese border, according to a senior KIO official who wished to remain anonymous.

KIO officials tell KNG that the government forces will not likely attack Laiza or the KIO's other town Mai Ja Yang without receiving some sort of okay from China. Any attack on Laiza or Mai Ja Yang would likely create a huge influx of refugees into China.

Source: http://www.kachinnews.com/news/2634-kio-calls-on-church-groups-to-pray-astensions-with-burma-army-escalate.html

Can China and India Coexist in Myanmar?

Posted: 02/21/2014

"As in the past, so in the future, the people of India will stand shoulder to shoulder with the people of Burma, and whether we have to share good fortune or ill fortune, we shall share it together." These were Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's words in 1948, on the day of Burma's independence from Britain. Since then relations between the two countries have

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fluctuated between friendship, neglect and outright hostility, yet India's rise on the international stage and Myanmar's "democratic transition" are forcing both governments to reassess the nature of bilateral relations based on regional geopolitical developments.

India views Myanmar's emerging political transformation as a strategic and ideological opening that offers New Delhi an opportunity to dilute Chinese influence while expanding India's strategic depth. While India cannot expect to rival China's influence in Myanmar in the near or even medium term, it can have an impact on that relationship. In turn, Myanmar stands to gain from a stronger relationship with India on a variety of levels, whereas China views the strengthening relationship between India and Myanmar as a strategic threat.

India has long prided itself as the world's largest democracy, as well as being a leader of the Non-Aligned Movement. At previous junctures in their modern history, both of these factors contributed to the dynamics that shaped the India-Myanmar/Burma relationship.

Throughout the 1950s, ties were cordial, however the 1962 coup d'ĂŠtat in Myanmar led to a deterioration of relations. During the two decades of General Ne Win's junta, ethnic Indians were targeted, being viewed as "privileged" during British colonial rule. The nationalist wave that followed led to the expulsion of many ethnic Indians from the country. India pursued a rather disinterested and neutral policy vis-Ă -vis Myanmar throughout the majority of the Cold War. By the late 1980s, New Delhi began to play an activist role by sponsoring the democratic opposition -- seeking to establish itself as a beacon of democracy in Asia.

New Delhi soon learned that such an idealistic approach to foreign policy did not advance its strategic interests, nor did it help the democratic struggle in Myanmar, as the repressive nature of the regime only worsened. As the military junta in Yangon grew hostile toward India, China became the regime's closest ally. India's approach to Myanmar's government subsequently shifted toward realism by 1995, as New Delhi accepted that the ruling junta was there for the long term. Thereafter, India became one of only eight governments in the world to sell arms to Yangon, underscoring the degree to which the bilateral relationship fluctuated since independence.

Following the commencement of Myanmar's "democratic transition" in 2012, which led to the lifting of international economic sanctions, India's government and some of its private companies saw a strategic opportunity to influence the subcontinent's periphery. Indian firms such as ONGC Videsh, Jubilant Oil and Gas and the Century Ply-Star Cement group commenced operations in Myanmar. Total Indian investment in the country now approaches $300 million. Yet this is a small fraction of the total $43 billion in foreign direct investment (FDI) that has reached Myanmar and the majority of its FDI continues to originate from China. While a decrease in Chinese FDI in Myanmar has ensued since 2012 the government in Naypyidaw remains dependent on China (and Russia) for its military armaments. Here, India is simply not in a position to compete, and probably will not be for many years to come--if at all.

India's lack of capacity to become an influential trade and investment partner is driven by several factors, which include India's underdeveloped energy infrastructure, which limits New Delhi's capacity to transfer and distribute Myanmar's oil and natural gas in India, the reality that the two countries' mutual border is undeveloped, which contrasts with Myanmar's border with China, and bureaucratic hurdles and red tape that impede the crossborder trade and investment process.

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India has every reason to want to embrace Myanmar at this time, and to make as much progress as is possible on the trade and investment front. New Delhi's interest in integrating India's isolated northeast with the rest of the country will continue to provide Indian officials with an incentive to deepen economic, political and military ties with Myanmar. Yet security dilemmas on both sides of the border constitute major concerns for Indian authorities. For example, the Buddhist-orchestrated pogroms against Myanmar's Muslims have led to a radicalization of some Muslims in the region, which threatens to result in retaliatory attacks against Buddhist institutions in India and other corners of South and Southeast Asia. The Naga community, situated on both sides of the border, will also remain a concern for both governments as the concept of "Nagaland" potentially threatens both states' territorial integrity.

From Naypyidaw's perspective, deeper ties with India can alleviate some of its own concerns about destabilizing developments on its side of the border, while also demonstrating that the country can balance its partnership with China along with other regional actors. Given Myanmar's economic and political dependence on Beijing, it should be expected that the government in Naypyidaw will only do so much, and with caution. Even if Myanmar's relationship with China does not fundamentally shift (and we do not expect that it will), India--and other countries such as the United States and Japan--offer Naypyidaw greater leverage against Beijing by emphasizing that Myanmar has other options. Chinese officials view the gradual development of economic, political and military relationships with India as a threat to Beijing's unique relationship with the country.

Myanmar's government understands the value it provides to both India and China. India's security dilemmas and its interest in new sources of oil and natural gas will continue to drive its ambitions vis-Ă -vis Myanmar for the foreseeable future. At the same time, China's access to the Bay of Bengal via Myanmar, and the security of energy accessibility via its landlocked southern provinces, make Myanmar an important strategic partner for Beijing. Within this context, deepening ties between India and Myanmar will remain an issue for China.

Regardless of whether Myanmar completes it democratic transition or retreats to resume its previous pariah status, its geostrategic significance and natural resources will continue to shape the balance of power in a region where Chinese and Indian interests intersect. China and India can indeed coexist in Myanmar, but China will maintain a distinct advantage by virtue of its recent history, the nature of its military assistance, and its alignment of long term interests with Naypyidaw.

Daniel Wagner is CEO of Country Risk Solutions, Senior Advisor with Gnarus Advisors, and author of the book "Managing Country Risk". Giorgio Cafiero is a research analyst with CRS based in Washington.

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/giorgio-cafiero/can-china-and-indiacoexi_b_4824140.html

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BUSINESS Aust firms join Myanmar investor gold rush AUSTRALIAN businesses face challenges in investing in Myanmar, with analysts afraid that political and economic reforms are slowing ahead of a 2015 general election.

Australian business, notably in mining and energy, have joined in the rush to Myanmar as it opens to the world since reforms in 2011.

Sean Turnell, an economist at Sydney-based Macquarie University, says the resource sector leads strong foreign investor interest.

"If one was to look at where's the hard cash going, it's that one," Mr Turnell said. "(It) just dominates beyond measure and the big player in that context is Woodside."

Woodside Petroleum, which recently reported a 17 per cent fall in annual profits, says Myanmar is part of its long-term growth strategy.

Analysts say significant numbers of companies are bidding for new oil concessions, with Australian interest in mining and exploration.

"There is really big, serious money there. So that's where the real money is on the table," Mr Turnell said.

But in a warning to investors, Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade says Myanmar's long entrenched military remains influential, especially in oil, gas and timber.

Australian companies taking a stake in Myanmar include ANZ Bank, with a representative office in Yangon and hopes of a full banking licence once reforms take hold.

Foreign banks are still prevented from conducting banking business in Myanmar, leaving many waiting on the 2015 vote.

Myanmar's booming tourism sector, with visitors increasing by 30 per cent a year, has drawn attention from Australian advisory services and joint ventures.

Bangkok-based lawyer John Hancock lists education, mining, natural resources, land titling, mapping and supporting legal reforms as opportunities for his fellow Australians.

"You've got the whole legal system, which needs a total overall, and the land structure ... needs major reforms," Mr Hancock said.

All land is nominally owned by the state.

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Other concerns lie in implementing the broad range of laws that have been passed by parliament, said Mr Hancock.

"There's a lot of new laws coming through but the actual detail, the quality of the drafting, the clarity of those laws and the infrastructure within the government to implement them is just really, really strained," he said.

Observers fear the reform process may have stalled.

Mr Turnell says, on land reform, "we've actually seen regression rather than any progress".

Aung Zaw, editor of The Irrawaddy newspaper, said many in Myanmar fear reform's honeymoon period is over.

"It has been more than three years," he said.

"People in Burma said they have seen a regression on every front, particularly with the 'gold rush'. "(Investors) were fooled by this reform process. Investors are going in and the government is good at manipulating everyone."

Source: http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/latest-news/aust-firms-join-myanmarinvestor-gold-rush/story-fn3dxity-1226836289705

Myanmar Summer Electricity Shortage Poses Serious Threat To Production

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Employees work at a fish export factory at Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Zone in Yangon.

Electricity is a luxury for most parts of the impoverished Southeast Asian nation. Only 30 percent of the country’s population has access to electricity, and even they have to deal with frequent outages. The government is building power lines, and it is hopeful that toward the end of the year, more Burmese will be connected to the power grid.

But the country’s budding industries may not be able to wait that long. The Yangon Electricity Services Board (YESB) is currently supplying factories with 18 hours of electricity every day, but in the hottest months of the year, when domestic use spikes, factories will be unable to access the 3,500 to 40,000 electric units they need daily to operate, the Myanmar Times reported on Monday.

“Power shortages cause industry to fall down,” said U Myat Thin Aung, the chair of the Management Committee for Hlaing Tharyar Industrial Estate at Yangon’s largest industrial zone in Hlaing Tharyar Township. “Last May, the amount of electricity provided for Yangon’s industries was sometimes zero.”

The 31 industrial zones of Yangon, the commercial center of Myanmar, will require a daily supply of 250 megawatts of electricity, which the power lines will not be delivering to them come March.

Last May, around 100 seafood factories were forced to shut down for two weeks as they could not access the electricity they needed to keep products frozen. Hundreds of tons of food were left to spoil as a result. A single day of production loss at a medium-sized frozen seafood factory is about $2,200, said U Hnin Oo, vice chair of the Myanmar Fishery Federation.

“I would try to run my factory by generating electricity myself using diesel, but I don’t think I can survive long doing that,” U Tun Aye, owner of Shwe Yamone frozen fish factory in Hlaing Tharyar industrial estate, told the Myanmar Times.

To be negatively impacted would be especially bad this year, as Western countries have only recently lifted their trade bans with Myanmar and the European Union recently signed export deals with the Southeast Asian country’s economy. Not being able to deliver on such deals could damage Myanmar’s reputation seriously.

“Myanmar’s products need to be better quality, but if we don’t have reasonable electricity it is very difficult to take advantage of the EU market,” U Hnin Oo said, according to the Myanmar Times.

Source: http://www.ibtimes.com/myanmar-summer-electricity-shortage-poses-seriousthreat-production-1558139

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LABOUR Myanmar maids arrive in Hong Kong as welfare fears grow Published: 24 Feb 2014 at 21.49, Online news: Asia

File picture taken on January 19, 2014 shows demonstrators shouting slogans during a march in support of an Indonesian maid who was allegedly tortured by her employer in Hong Kong

Hong Kong on Monday received its first official group of maids from Myanmar since the former junta-ruled nation allowed its citizens to work abroad as domestic helpers, as the city tries to plug a shortage.

An initial group of 19 women -- drawn from around 200 expected over the next three months -- arrived in the semi-autonomous Chinese territory, said the agency which arranged their employment.

They are the first group legally in Hong Kong following a change last year to Myanmar's migration law as the nation opens up.

Some 300,000 helpers, mainly from Indonesia and the Philippines, are already in Hong Kong.

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Concerns about the welfare of domestic workers have grown after an Indonesian maid was allegedly scalded and beaten repeatedly over an eight-month period by her Hong Kong employer.

The allegations last month sparked angry protests by domestic workers and saw other maids come forward alleging abuse. The employer is facing criminal charges.

Immigration Department data showed that 47 Myanmar nationals were already working in Hong Kong, but were brought in on an individual basis by fellow citizens with Hong Kong residency.

Campaigners from activist group HK Helpers Campaign said Myanmar women were the group "most vulnerable" to abuse in the region.

Activists handed out Burmese-language advice leaflets to the new arrivals at the airport Monday.

"They have limited skills in Cantonese and English. They are not Internet-savvy... They are probably the most vulnerable group (of maids) from Southeast Asia," Tom Grundy told AFP. Myanmar began to emerge from decades of harsh military rule in 2011.

Women from the long-isolated nation have been working legally for several months as domestic helpers in Singapore, but with limited rights according to Rangoon-based Andy Hall, a migration activist and researcher.

He said Myanmar implemented "almost no regulation" on agencies wishing to employ the workers, and their fate in Singapore was "really concerning" and involved "serious debt bondage".

Hong Kong is facing a potential shortage of domestic helpers from traditional providers.

Indonesia last year reiterated it would ban the export of domestic workers from 2017.

Between 1,000 and 2,000 maids from Myanmar are expected in Hong Kong in the next year, said Law Yiu-keung of the Golden Mind agency, which brought them to Hong Kong.

Foreign domestic helpers in Hong Kong by law must be paid at least HK$4,010 ($517) a month, are entitled to free food and accommodation, and receive statutory holidays.

Source: http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/asia/396766/myanmar-maids-arrive-in-hongkong-as-welfare-fears-grow

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ETHNIC GROUPS Southeast Asia seen failing Myanmar's persecuted Rohingya Muslims International rights groups are calling for neighboring countries to protect Rohingya Muslims fleeing Myanmar, where leaked documents allegedly reveal state-sponsored persecution.

Rohingya from Myanmar, who were rescued from human traffickers, are held at a detention center near Thailand's border with Malaysia February 12, 2014. Two police raids last month freed a total of 636 people, mostly Rohingya, who were en route to Malaysia. Damir Sagolj/Reuters

As Myanmar defends itself against allegations of state-sponsored persecution of its Rohingya Muslim minority, attention has turned to what neighboring countries are doing to protect Rohingya asylum seekers. International refugee rights organizations say a coordinated response is needed for what is a growing refugee crisis in the region.

The mistreatment of the Rohingya, a Muslim minority, is consequential for neighboring countries trying to cope with a rising number of refugees while also making economic inroads into Myanmar, formerly known as Burma. Police and immigration officers in countries from Thailand to Australia are accused by rights groups of gross mistreatment of Rohingya, who live mostly in Rakhine state bordering Bangladesh and are essentially stateless under Myanmar's law.

Rohingya are widely disdained by the Buddhist majority in Myanmar. The community is not recognized as a legitimate ethnic minority under a 1982 citizenship law, despite Rohingya having lived in Myanmar for generations.

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Since 2012, when Myanmar began inching towards democracy, sectarian violence has erupted against Muslims, including Rohingya. Arson attacks and killings have displaced over 140,000 Rohingya; many live in camps in Rakhine state where their movement and access to basic services such as healthcare and education are severely limited.

State-sponsored discrimination?

On Tuesday a report published by the Southeast Asia-based human rights organization Fortify Rights claimed to have obtained evidence of state-sponsored policies that deny Rohingya the same rights as other ethnic groups in the country and severely restrict their freedom.

It cited leaked government documents that detail a raft of measures allegedly used to restrict the size of the Rohingya population including limits on who they are allowed to marry and the number of children they can have.

The Myanmar government flatly rejected the findings. A spokesperson for President Thein Sein told the Myanmar Times that the government “Do[es] not remark on baseless accusations from Bengali lobby groups.” The government does not recognize the term Rohingya and refers to the community as Bengalis.

Regional implications The policies are designed to make life so intolerable for Rohingya they leave the country, says Matthew Smith, director of Fortify Rights. He says Southeast Asia needs to face squarely what is a growing refugee crisis, and is critical of the response from Thailand, in particular.

It's unclear how many Rohingya have fled Myanmar since violence escalated in 2012. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNCHR) estimates that 27,000 asylum seekers left by sea in the year ending June 2013. Some left from Bangladesh and are thought to be Bangladeshi migrant workers. However, Vivian Tan, a regional spokesperson in Bangkok for the UNCHR, says most are Rohingya seeking asylum. Those who survive the treacherous journey end up in neighboring countries including Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia.

“There is an increasing sense of hopelessness in [Myanmar] that is pushing more and more to flee,” says Ms. Tan. "We urge countries in the region to keep their borders open and to give these people the protection they need.”

Malaysia, a majority Muslim country, is a top destination for Rohingya: Over 34,000 are registered with the UNHCR there. Malaysia has won praise for its humanitarian response to refugee arrivals, but rights groups say that it lacks a clear legal policy, putting migrants and refugees at risk of exploitation and arbitrary arrest.

Australia has also been criticized by rights groups for its treatment of boat people, many of whom are Rohingya. Recent riots in an Australian-run detention centre for asylum seekers in Papua New Guinea left one detainee dead and injured others.

In Thailand, the government has come under increasing pressure after a series of media reports have shown Rohingya in cramped and inhumane detention centers and even

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implicated the Thai authorities in selling refugees to brokers for international human trafficking rings.

Thorny diplomacy A change of attitude towards Rohingya in Myanmar is the only thing likely to stem the flow of boat refugees in the long term. But influencing the Myanmar authorities – notoriously suspicious of outside interference – is a thorny diplomatic issue.

Singapore-based analyst Alistair Cook, a research fellow at the Centre for Non-Traditional Studies at Nanyang Technological University, says countries including Thailand and Malaysia are cautious about raising the Rohingya issue with the Myanmar government at a time when they are building trade and economic ties.

“Myanmar is very sensitive to the outside world and this is an incredibly delicate issue,” says Mr. Cook.

He says there’s a need to humanize the issue and reframe it so the Rohingya are no longer referred to constantly as a burden.

“The Rohingya are presented as inanimate objects that suck state resources and cause problems wherever they go. This undermines their basic humanity,” says Cook. “We need to shed light on the complexities of their situation and encourage greater understanding of their long history in this region.”

By Flora Bagenal, Correspondent / February 26, 2014 Source: http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-Pacific/2014/0226/Southeast-Asia-seenfailing-Myanmar-s-persecuted-Rohingya-Muslims

Myanmar govt targeting Rohingya Muslim community: report Press Trust of India | Yangon | February 25, 2014 12:33 pm

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Rohingya Muslims have come under fire from the Myanmar government. (Reuters)

An independent human rights group says it has obtained documents directly implicating the Myanmar government in abusive and discriminatory policies targeting the country’s minority Rohingya Muslim community.

Matthew Smith, executive director of Fortify Rights, said on Tuesday that his 79-page report detailing restrictions on family life, the right to travel freely and practice religion was based largely on leaked official documents and an analysis of public records. He said while most of the policies have long been known, seeing them spelled out in writing was chilling: “It represents a level of planning and knowledge among Myanmar authorities that raises the abuses to the threshold of crimes against humanity.�

Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million, emerged from decades of military rule in 2011. The government had no immediate comment.

Source: http://indianexpress.com/article/world/asia/rohingya-muslim-rohingya-myanmarrohingya-community-rohingya-muslims-human-rights-myanmar/

Rohingya Discrimination Is Myanmar Policy, Report Says

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Rohingya Muslim women look out from their home in Sittwe, Myanmar. Reuters

YANGON—A report released Tuesday alleges that the Myanmar government has in place official policies that deny Rohingya Muslims the same rights as others in the country, including population control measures and restrictions on their movements.

Released by Fortify Rights, a Southeast Asia-based human rights organization, the report also highlights other discriminatory policies applied to the Rohingya, including restrictions on marriage, childbirth and construction of places of worship. The group said the 79-page report, "Policies of Persecution," is based primarily on 12 leaked official documents and a review of public records.

"The impacts of these restrictions are severe and have been well-documented for decades, but the official orders have been kept out of the public domain," said Matthew Smith, executive director of Fortify Rights.

The report, for example, highlights a government document that states that Rohingya Muslims with permission to marry must "limit the number of children, in order to control the birth rate so that there is enough food and shelter." Security forces, according to Fortify Rights, were also empowered by government officials to do spot checks on Rohingya homes and to confirm women are birth mothers of children, including by forcing them to breast feed in the presence of soldiers.

The Rohingya population—concentrated in Rakhine state, which borders Bangladesh—are widely hated in Myanmar, which is predominantly Buddhist, and seen as foreign and often illegal immigrants. Myanmar's 1982 citizenship law doesn't name the Rohingya a legitimate

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ethnic minority group, and denies them most citizenship rights. The Rohingya say they have been living in the country for generations.

Violent religious clashes in recent years have forced most Rohingya from their homes and into squalid camps where more than 140, 000 still live in dire conditions, dependent on humanitarian aid for their survival. At least 150 have also been killed in these clashes, including in other parts of the country where anti-Muslim violence has spread.

Representatives of Myanmar's central government didn't respond to multiple requests for comment.

Win Myaing, spokesman for the Rakhine state government, told The Wall Street Journal that restrictions "for population control, marriage and birth rate" were implemented under the Nasaka—a controversial border security force established in 1992, mostly to monitor immigration movements between Bangladesh and Myanmar.

Nasaka, he added, prohibited the Rohingya from traveling between villages, but that policy has since been eased to allow those with a Foreign Registration Card to move freely.

Nasaka was disbanded by Myanmar President Thein Sein last July. Human rights groups, however, say that the discriminatory practices continue.

Mr. Win Myaing, responding to their claims, said that the Muslim population is sometimes "weak in respecting and obeying the law" and therefore need more scrutiny.

"Most people point out human rights issues in Myanmar for those people, the Bengalis," he said, using the term most government officials use to describe the Rohingya, implying that they are from Bangladesh. "[But] we also have a question on whether they can obey and respect the existing law while living here."

He added that any restrictions on movements now are also designed to protect the Rohingya population after bloody clashes since 2012. The group, which lives in heavilypoliced camps and shelters, are frequently open to abuse and intimidation by the Buddhist community, which has also started targeting human rights groups working with Rohingya.

"The two communities live separately, from the time of conflict till now," Mr. Win Myaing said.

The treatment of Myanmar's minority Muslims—officially 4% of the country's population, though said to be significantly higher—is a key concern to diplomats and human rights groups in the country. Violence and reports of human rights abuses continue to stain Myanmar's image as it moves from pariah state to an engaged member of the international community, and is of concern to the country's newfound bilateral partners and supporters, particularly the U.S. Speaking last Wednesday at a press conference after a six-day visit across Myanmar last week, Tomas Ojea Quintana, the United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, said Muslim communities in Rakhine state are "segregated from Buddhist communities and completely restricted in their freedom of movement."

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These restrictions, he added, impact "a range of other human rights, including access to livelihoods, health care and education, and entrenches the pattern of systematic discrimination against the Rohingya community."

—Myo Myo contributed to this article.

Write to Shibani Mahtani at shibani.mahtani@wsj.com Source: http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304610404579404092576360508? mg=reno64wsj&url=http%3A%2F%2Fonline.wsj.com%2Farticle%2FSB10001424052702304610404579 404092576360508.html

Rights Group Blasts Myanmar Over Rohingya Policies YANGON, Myanmar February 25, 2014 (AP) An independent human rights group said Tuesday it has obtained official documents directly implicating the Myanmar government in abusive and discriminatory policies targeting the country's long-persecuted minority Rohingya Muslim community.

Matthew Smith, executive director of the Southeast Asian-based Fortify Rights, said a dozen leaked official and public records detail restrictions on travel, religion, home repair, marriage and families.

While these policies have long been known, in some cases dating back decades, it's the first time the official orders have been made public, he said, describing the chilling effect of seeing them in writing.

"It represents a level of planning and knowledge among Myanmar authorities that raises the abuses to the threshold of crimes against humanity," Smith said. "These abuses have been carried out for years with complete impunity, driving the population into the ground."

Presidential spokesman Ye Htut did not respond to requests by The Associated Press for comment, but was quoted by the Myanmar Times as saying government officials "do not remark on baseless accusations from Bengali (Rohingya) lobby groups."

Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million, only recently emerged from a halfcentury of brutal military rule. It has been hit by sectarian violence since it began its bumpy transition to democracy in 2011. As many as 280 people have been killed, most of them Rohingya attacked by Buddhist mobs, and another 140,000 forced to flee their homes.

Nowhere have Rohingya — described by the U.N. as one of the most persecuted religious minorities in the world — been more pursued than in Rakhine state, which sits along the coast of the Bay of Bengal and is cut off from the rest of the country by a mountain range.

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It is home to almost all of Myanmar's 1.3 million Rohingya. Though many are descended from families who have been there for generations, the government says they are Bangladeshi and has denied them citizenship.

Confidential documents published in the 79-page report reveal that official orders issued by Rakhine state authorities from 1993 to 2008 outline consistent state policies restricting Rohingya.

Some of the "regional orders" — dated 1993, 2005 and 2008 — are copied to various departments falling under state and central government jurisdictions. However, they also have been discussed on the record since 2011, the group said, adding that to the best of its knowledge almost all the policies are still in place and are being enforced.

The report said the orders laid the groundwork for a two-child policy in Maungdaw and Buthidaung townships, requiring Rohingya "who have permission to marry" to "limit the number of children, in order to control the birth rate so that there is enough food and shelter."

One document gives detailed instructions for officials to confirm that women are the real mothers of infants, forcing them to publicly breastfeed if it's suspected that they are trying to claim others' children as their own.

Source: http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/rights-group-publishes-antirohingya-policies-22659275

Census Could Worsen Conflict in Myanmar Posted 23 February 2014 16:28 GMT

Shan minority group in Myanmar. Photo from Flickr page of EU Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection

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Myanmar’s nationwide census scheduled from March 23 to April 10 threatens to inflame more ethnic and religious conflicts in the country over some ‘antagonistic and divisive’ issues included in the questionnaire. Myanmar’s last census was held more than 30 years ago.

The census, supported by the UN, aims to determine Myanmar’s key demographic and socio-economic statistics in order to ascertain the country’s particular development needs.

But questions about ethnicity or tribal identification have become controversial after the government listed 135 ethnic groups and sub-groups on the questionnaire. Critics reminded the government that the listing is a colonial legacy which must be revamped. Several ethnic groups have complained about being lumped with other minorities while others claimed they were dropped from the listing.

The government is urged to reclassify the listing based on consultation with ethnic communities. And while the government is doing this, some groups wanted the census delayed for another month.

In Myanmar, majority are Burmans. An estimated 40 percent of the population is considered an ethnic minority, with Shan composing the biggest minority group.

The common complaint of many groups is the inaccurate categorization of ethnic groups.

For example, the Palaung (Ta’aung) tribe questioned their inclusion as a Shan race: “We, Ta’aung, settled down in this land before the Shan…We are not the same with other races. We live in mountainous area and have a different culture and language. “ Kyaw Thu, head of the civil society consortium Paung Ku, thinks questions on ethnicity and religion should be dropped because they are no longer necessary: “If development is the priority, the data of headcounts—the numbers of people and the age group—is enough to conduct economic projects. “ Tun Myint Kyaw, local coordinator in Mon State for the European Union-funded Rule of Law Project, also urged the removal of some controversial questions in the census: “If [the Ministry of Immigration and Population] has a plan to omit the ethnicity and religion category from the national identity card, why would they still include in the census data collection? “ Khun Jar of the Kachin Peace Network explained how inaccurate ethnic categorization can cause trouble; and he also warned about the danger of conducting census in some remote areas where armed conflicts are still taking place: “If the government accepts 135 ethnic groups only, it can cause harm to the peace process because ethnic groups can get into armed conflicts if disagreements arise among them We can’t anticipate who will conduct the census in remote areas and places where there is no ceasefire. In some places there are no schools. Teachers are normally used to collect data on the population. So with no schools, it will not be easy to collect population figures at the refugee camps. “

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Thet Ko from Minority Affair proposed the drafting of a new listing based on the principle of democratic consultation: “The list of ethnics should be compiled again after consulting with ethnic groups through a democratic procedure. “ Some ethnic groups are worried that they might lose political representation if the proposed census will adopt the official listing of ethnic groups in the country. Ethnic minister positions in local parliaments are automatically given to ethnic groups with more than 0.01 percent of the population in the area.

The government is accused of deliberately bloating the number of ethnic subgroups to deny representation to some tribes.

But in the case of the Rohingyas, the government refuses to recognize them as citizens.

Kyaw Min of the Democracy and Human Rights Party is appealing for the recognition of Rohingyas, who are mostly Muslims: “Every human race has its own identity. We have our identity already…This is not just now—we have had it for a long time. But we have found that there is discrimination in the country, which ignores our demand that our identity be recognized. “ One concern about the inclusion of religion in the census is the destabilization it might generate. In particular, the census might confirm that Myanmar has a growing number of Muslims which could provoke Buddhist extremist groups to cause trouble in many villages.

Worried about the threat, the International Crisis Group, is proposing to limit census questions on age, sex and marital status: “…the coming census, consisting of 41 questions, is overly complicated and fraught with danger. Myanmar is one of the most diverse countries in the region, and ethnicity is a complex, contested and politically sensitive issue, in a context where ethnic communities have long believed that the government manipulates ethnic categories for political purposes A poorly timed census that enters into controversial areas of ethnicity and religion in an ill-conceived way will further complicate the situation. “ Meanwhile, the Burma Partnership fears the census might undermine the national reconciliation process: “ Yet the lack of transparency and consultation is a damning indictment of the UN’s – and donors’ – role in the census, while the accusations of inaccuracy and divisiveness only serve to further undermine the credibility of these parties. Moreover, there are real fears about the logistics of collecting the data, both in terms of authorities using the correct forms and accessing remote areas or conflict zones, which would have implications for the accuracy of data recorded It is clear that this census represents a Pandora’s Box of potential ethnic tensions and conflict. At a time when the Burma government claims to be striving to secure a sustainable peace deal with the armed ethnic groups and cementing political reforms before the 2015 national elections, the timing and nature of the census is strange, to say the least. It risks

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jeopardizing national reconciliation, undermining the peace process, and exacerbating intercommunal violence. “ Apparently, some ethnic groups are cynical of the census process that they chose to conduct a census on their own.

Source: http://globalvoicesonline.org/2014/02/23/census-could-worsen-conflict-inmyanmar/

Karen Group Warns JICA Plan Could “Fuel Conflict” February 22, 2014 A Karen environmental group has voiced its concern over a Japanese International Cooperation Agency (JICA) report detailing development plans for southeast Myanmar.

The Thailand based Karen Environmental and Social Action Network Group (KESAN) raised the concerns in a document released to the press, saying that the 593-page document ‘Preparatory Survey for the Integrated Regional Development for Ethnic Minorities in the South-East Myanmar’ was deeply flawed.

“The Study is based mainly on existing government data; only limited field surveys were conducted and no public forums were held. The study team held discussions with various ‘stakeholders.’ There is no detailed list of stakeholders included in the report,” KESAN said in a statement to the press.

A KESAN spokesperson, Saw Paul Sein Twa, said that JICA’s plan for development in Southeastern Burma highlighted a lack of understanding of the realities on the ground.

“They [JICA] have failed to understand the key driving factors of conflict in Eastern Burma,” he said, “The plan could fuel new conflict.”

“For us the issues around the ownership and control over land and natural resources are one of the key drivers of the conflict and these must be resolved first.”

Saw Paul said that JICA’s development plan was ‘pre-packaged” and came as a surprise.

“Our own people should be deciding our development path.”

Saw Paul also added that the development plans had no way of guaranteeing security and protection of human rights for local people. “We see an economic plan that can be exploited by the people in power to grab land and worsen the ongoing land conflict situation”, he said.

KESAN expressed frustration at JICA for just working through existing government structures before the peace process has led to political reform. “There needs to be structural change giving local people power over their own land and resources”, said Saw Paul.

According to Saw Paul, KESAN was only consulted about the project after the report had been released. “JICA asked us to consult with them after they had released the report – it

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seems they are moving as fast as possible after the ceasefire.” He said, “and when they asked our consultation it was only on minor details.”

Saw Paul pointed to the Kunlong Mega Project as a potential example of development being linked to human rights abuses. “The government and military crony companies use the army to militarize construction areas – people don’t receive compensation… they [foreign investors] need to ensure their projects don’t facilitate more human rights abuses.”

“At this time we call for a moratorium on development projects until we get rule of law, environmental regulations, democratic and constitutional reforms. We need a political settlement between the government and ethnic groups. Only then can we have a positive peace and then a sustainable people-centered development plan,” He concluded.

JICA – a segment of the Japanese Government – aims to “encourage all people to recognize the development issues they themselves face, participate in addressing them, and enjoy the fruits of such endeavors” through “inclusive development,” according to a mission statement posted on JICA’s official website. “JICA is advancing its activities around the pillars of a field-oriented approach, human security, and enhanced effectiveness, efficiency, and speed.” The mission statement added.

At the time of publishing, Karen News is still waiting on a response to emails and telephone calls sent to JICA requesting a response from JICA to the concerns KESAN raised in this story.

Source: conflict.html/

http://karennews.org/2014/02/karen-group-warns-jica-plan-could-fuel-

Census and ethnic sensibilities Critics claim the first population-wide survey in 30 years is designed to ‘divide and rule’ and weaken ethnic minorities' political position Officially, Wut Yee Maung has a complicated background. If her Myanmar ID card is to be believed, she is a young Muslim woman who is half Burman-Pakistani and half BurmanPathan. But the reality is different: Neither of her parents are Burman or Pakistani, and how she came to be registered as such is a mystery to her.

When the census-taker comes around, Wut Yee Maung could register as Pathan, but to do so she will have to be listed under code 914: “Other”. The Pathan are not included among the 135 fractious and sometimes overlapping ethnic groups recognised on the Myanmar government’s official list. Instead, because of the prevailing tensions in Myanmar and on the advice of family members, she is inclined to conceal her Muslim identity and register as Burman and Buddhist.

This kind of confusion will play out time and again when Myanmar’s first census in three decades is held over 12 days, starting on March 29. The government is deploying 100,000 teachers as trained census-takers across the country to get a more accurate picture of the population’s size and ethnic make-up. The government estimates the population at just under 61 million, while the Asia Development Bank puts it just above.

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Each person can freely choose the ethnicity they would like to be recorded as, but several significant minority groups — including Burmese Muslims, Pathan, Pathi and Rohingya — will have to select code 914.

Critics fear the difficulties of getting accurate ID cards and the complex ethnic groupings under the census will hamper minorities’ rights, lead to under-representation at state and provincial government levels, obstruct peace negotiations and prolong the government’s “divide and rule” tactics. Because of the confusion, and the fact many people who belong to ethnic minorities in Myanmar have flawed ID cards, several communities have taken it on themselves to hold their own, parallel censuses.

One of these will be Shan state, where the Shan Population Collecting Committee is encouraging people to take part in both the government census and one of their own making. Naing Haeo Hseng, a central committee member, said there would be some extra questions about national ID cards, such as whether the respondent had one and whether the information on it was correct. If there is a discrepancy between someone's ID card and how they are recorded on the census, it remains unclear whether they will be able to vote for a representative of their ethnic group in next year's elections.

Naing Haeo Hseng calls the list “a crazy one” because the Shan are divided into 33 subgroups, some of which are mentioned twice but in different languages. The Shan Population Collecting Committee will use a list of 18 ethnicities instead of 135.

The committee also planned to apply for national ID cards for those who do not have one, and to change incorrect cards. However, Ministry of Immigration and Population directorgeneral U Myint Kyaing said the government had made no plans for providing new ID cards, so the issue is unlikely to be resolved before the 2015 elections.

The government has officially recognised eight main ethnic groups — the Bamar (or Burman), Chin, Kachin, Karen, Kayah, Mon, Rakhine and Shan — while the other 127 are all classified as sub-groups. These categories are proving controversial, with some from large ethnic groups claiming there are too many divisions — the Chin have 53 sub-groups. On the other hand, some small groups have complained about being labelled as part of larger ethnicities.

U Myint Kyaing insisted the list was based on the outcome of the 1973 census, would only be used for reference purposes and would not be changed.

A member of the census team, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said: “If nobody answers, that ethnicity will disappear. We are not saying these are our nationals, the list is just for coding reference. We are not defining their identity.”

Tensions have also mounted around the census because minority groups fear that wrongly categorised ethnicities could damage their claims for indigenous rights and obstruct peace negotiations with the government.

Women's Organisations Network of Myanmar chairwoman Susanna Hla Hla Soe is worried about the potential danger posed to the peace process as the list could cause friction among larger ethnic groups that talk in unity to the government. “Now our country is going to negotiate peace, it should not become an obstacle to peace,” she says.

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Bertil Lintner, a journalist and author of several books on Myanmar, said: “The biggest problem is that the census will create divisions and the whole purpose behind it is divide and rule. People are not like flowers, insects or butterflies, you cannot divide them into different species.”

Burmese Muslim Association representative Myo Win said code 914 was worrying because it covered ethnic groups that were not officially denied citizenship but often have difficulty obtaining ID cards.

Myo Win said Burmese Muslims were an official ethnic group when the census of 1973 was conducted but this changed after the introduction of the 1982 Citizenship Act, which he calls “the apartheid law”. After that, the name of the Muslim population was changed to Pathi and was still not recognised.

Many Rohingya are also Muslim and denied citizenship under the 1982 law. The government refers to many Rohingya as “Bengali”, claiming they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Bangladesh also does not recognise the Rohingya as its citizens.

U Wirathu, the leader of the 969 Buddhist nationalist movement in Myanmar and wellknown for his anti-Muslim sermons, has been exploiting the lack of data about the Muslim population to illustrate his claim that they pose a threat to Buddhism. The movement says the Muslim population is about 23% and they are a danger to the Buddhist identity.

“They [Muslims] are breeding so fast and they are stealing our women, raping them,” U Wirathu told Time magazine. “They would like to occupy our country, but I won’t let them.

We must keep Myanmar Buddhist.”

Myanmar has been plagued by religious violence since clashes occurred between Muslims and Buddhists in 2012. U Wirathu’s sermons have been said to instigate the violence, an allegation he denies. Civil groups dispute that Muslims comprise such a large part of the population. The census, if conducted according to international standards, could provide an opportunity to debunk U Wirathu’s claims.

“The Muslim population is about 8-10% of the total population, the government says it is about 4% and Wirathu says it is 23%,” Myo Win said.

Perhaps the census will provide a clearer picture, but perhaps the facts will get lost in the confusion of the 135 ethnic categories and the controversial code 914.

Source: http://www.bangkokpost.com/news/investigation/396474/census-and-ethnicsensibilities

Tough test for a nascent democracy When after years of house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi aptly described by many as the architect of democracy and human rights was allowed to enter politics, citizens of the world must have had heaved a sigh of relief.

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Her entry into the political arena was not only seen as a good omen for democracy in Myanmar but also raised expectations of many that it would put an end to the plight of the defenseless Rohingya Muslims in the province of Rakhine. Ironically, on both fronts the situation is not very reassuring.

Despite Suu Kyi’s willingness to take part in the 2015 general elections, the sword of Law 59f is hanging over her political career, which bars anyone with family members who owe allegiance to a foreign power from participating in polls. Analysts believe it was a shrewd clause deliberately inserted into the constitution by the military junta to cope with such a situation. On the other hand, relentless oppression against Rohingyas, the most-persecuted group of people in the world, continues unabated. Whether out of political expediency or an uncertain future that is barring the peace icon from stepping in to address the situation, is difficult to say.

That’s a tricky question. However, one thing is clear that the military junta is still very much in control, as it enjoys enormous constitutional powers. Without clipping the wings of the military and confining it to the barracks, achievement of a true democracy will remain a distant dream.

In all fairness to the Noble laureate, we cannot shift the entire responsibility on one person who is struggling to gain a foothold in a system that does not perhaps even recognize basic human rights. What is the rest of the world doing to resolve the issue? Why pin hopes only on Suu Kyi? Is it the same way the international community responded to the so-called Spring in the Arab World, when it turned bloody? Too many questions without appropriate answers! It is like talking to a wall. It is indeed a very depressing situation.

The poor Rohingyas are far from being political so any uprising on those lines is a farfetched idea. This writer thinks many of the Rohingyas themselves must be wondering as to what they have done to deserve such a treatment. They are being butchered on a massive scale every now and then. Rights organizations are describing it as a slow-burning genocide.

The recent in the series of massacres took place in Du Chee Yar Tan village in the township of Maungdaw on the night between Jan. 13 and 14. According to credible media reports, a group called “969” attacks villages and unleashes a wave of terror on poor Rohingya Muslims reportedly with the connivance of local authorities.

The wave of slaughter that began in Du Chee Yar Tan has been described by Human Rights Watch (HRW) as “ethnic cleansing” and “crimes against humanity.” The United Nations, the United States and the United Kingdom issued official statements in the wake of the events.

The Myanmar government was called upon to protect the Rohingyas by permitting humanitarian aid to reach them, improving humanitarian conditions in the camps and restoring their citizenship rights. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay said they had documentation regarding the attacks and deaths and demanded that Myanmar officials open a swift and impartial investigation.

It is tragic that the so-called reform government in Myanmar has as of yet taken no steps to prevent these events and ensure the punishment of those responsible. It said that what has appeared in the world press was a smear campaign and that a national commission would investigate events if necessary. In order to hoodwink the world, the Myanmar government set up a national commission to investigate the events in Du Chee Yar Tan village. A

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representative of the Rohingya people was added to the 27 members of this commission, which had also investigated the events in 2012 in order to give the impression the rights of the Rohingyas were being protected.

However, villagers stated that this person, identified as Mawji Hullah, was a government supporter who acted against the interests of the Rohingyas, and that this measure was purely eyewash. The Rohingyas stated that the commission’s 2012 report did not reflect the truth and that events had been misrepresented to the global media. They are, therefore, calling for all countries, the UN and human rights organizations to impose economic and political sanctions on the Myanmar government until they agree to the establishment of an independent investigative commission.

While the world’s attention is focused on the Middle East, the Rohingya people have for years been exposed to the most ruthless oppression; various extreme nationalist terrorist groups are on the prowl literally hunting down Rohingyas. The reform government that recently came to power in Myanmar had emerged as a ray of hope for the Rohingyas but to no avail. This turmoil in the country represents a grave threat to Myanmar’s political, social and economic development.

This is a source of great concern. The future of democracy in Myanmar depends on how the current government, which is moving away from the shadows of decades of military rule, handles the Rohingya issue. This is a make or break situation for the government. This is the time when the government representing a budding democracy takes effective measures to address the issue and lays the foundations of an all-inclusive democracy.

Myanmar is coming out of its decades-long isolation. It is a golden opportunity for democratic forces, particularly Suu Kyi, to act in support of the Rohingyas. This will, on one hand, put an end to the bloodshed in Rakhine and on the other hand boost the stature of democratic forces of Myanmar in the world. However, if the government fails in protecting the minorities, strict economic and military sanctions should be imposed to ensure an end to this bloodshed.

The writer has authored more than 300 books translated in 73 languages on politics, religion and science.

Source: http://www.arabnews.com/news/529321

CARTOON OF THE WEEK

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