Myanmar weekly news vol01 no 08

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Myanmar Weekly News

22th February 2014

Vol.1 No.8

MYANMAR WEEKLY NEWS Vol 1, No.8

22th February 2018

www.myanmar.com

Table of Contents NEWSMAKERS

EU trains Myanmar's police force to better manage protesters

The pro-democracy icon may not be able to run for president unless the constitution is changed.

UN representative faces public furies in Sittwe

China, Myanmar face Myitsone dam truths

Making ‗Rule of Law‘ a Reality in Burma

DKBA General Battles Suspected Throat Cancer

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POLITICS EU trains Myanmar's police force to better manage protesters

The Myanmar government is looking to improve its police forces' ability to handle outbreaks of violence, such as those recently seen in Rakhine state.

YANGON: The Myanmar government is looking to improve its police forces' ability to handle outbreaks of violence, such as those recently seen in Rakhine state. It has invited the European Union to share its experiences in managing protesters, while respecting their rights. During a training scenario, police officers were given the task to handle an angry crowd without resorting to force. Later, they did put into practice what they've learnt when they were called upon to handle a scuffle at a football match at the recent SEA Games in Yangon. General Thuya Bo Ni, Commander of the Police Battalions, said: "Previously, in order to stop demonstrations, officers often resort to using force but now, they've changed their thinking and are learning how to start negotiating with the protesters first. We're learning the best international practices and by putting it to use, we're seeing positive results." Myanmar has some 70,000 police officers. The EU is only training 4,000 of them, but it's a start in helping the police force improve their efforts at maintaining law and order.

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Mr Roland Kobia, EU ambassador, said: "There have always been problems and difficulties. So we don't have the illusion that there won't be any problems in the future. But it's trying to bring the police force into a modern police corps that respects human rights, that respects fundamental freedoms, and that's basically a police force that's there to protect the citizens of Myanmar and not to go against the people." He believes that it's essential for the Myanmar police force to improve its practices, as the country undergoes a transition to a democratic society. Each training session for these officers lasts for about two weeks. The whole point is to help them change their mindsets in how they operate in Myanmar. Examples of the lessons also include teaching them how to use less aggressive force on their citizens and how to better manage an aggressive crowd in the future. The EU is funding the 18-month training programme in Yangon at a cost of some 10 million euros (US$13.8 million). It hopes to expand this training to others in Nay Pyi Taw and Mandalay soon. - CNA/de Source: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asiapacific/eu-trains-myanmars/1006586.html

UN: Sectarian violence threatens Myanmar reforms YANGON, Myanmar (AP) The U.N. special investigator on human rights in Myanmar warned Wednesday that sectarian violence could jeopardize the country's democratic reforms if it is not addressed urgently. Tomas Ojea Quintana said the government's investigation of recent violence between Buddhists and Muslims in northern Rakhine state failed to address allegations of killings of women and children. "The situation in Rakhine state might jeopardize the whole (reform) process because of the international and regional implications of the situation," he told reporters at the end of a six-day investigative mission. The United Nations says at least 48 Muslims appear to have been killed by Buddhist mobs in a village in the state's Maungdaw region. The government has vehemently denied that the violence occurred.

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He said he will urge the U.N. Human Rights Council to work with the government to carry out a credible investigation if the government's current probe fails to meet international standards. "An investigation conducted with the involvement and support of the international community, including in relation to technical assistance, represents an opportunity to turn the tide of impunity in Myanmar," he said. Quintana, who is concluding his six-year mandate as special human rights envoy to Myanmar, said he had seen many improvements in the rights situation, but that establishing the rule of law remains a focus of the country's transition from harsh military rule to democracy. Source: http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/un-sectarian-violencethreatens-myanmar-reforms/2014/02/19/712c98f8-997a-11e3-b1dee666d78c3937_story.html

Constitution amendment proposals to be submitted before 2015 election in Myanmar The Committee for Implementation of 2008 Constitution Amendment will submit amendment proposals for the 2008 constitution to the Parliament six month ahead of the 2015 general election, Myanma Freedom Daily said Wednesday, citing House of Representative Speaker U Thura Shwe Mann. Speaking at the Union Parliament session in Nay Pyi Taw on Tuesday, USwe Mann said that the implementation committee had agreed to analyze matters including elevating the role of Union Parliament (two houses of parliament), regularizing the role of Myanmar army to a democratic role, working towards a decentralized system of governance and the prospect of self-determination in order to progress the nationwide peace process. The Union Parliament has sent the basic principles for amending the constitution to the committee which will carry out the work. The 31-member implementation committee formed on Feb. 3 for amending the constitution was tasked to review a report compiled and submitted by the Parliament's Joint Committee for Review of 2008 Constitution at the end of January. The earlier Joint Committee for Review of 2008 Constitution said it received over 28,247 letters of suggestions from over 20 political parties, legal experts, government departments including the military and civil societies. The call for amendment includes an article 59-f in the constitution that was said to have been intentionally drawn by the previous military government to block Aung San Suu Kyi from being eligible to run for presidential election.

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The 194-page 15-chapter Republic of the Union of Myanmar Constitution 2008 was promulgated by the previous military government in May 2008. Source: http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/843466.shtml#.UwS1Y87_yqZ

China, Myanmar face Myitsone dam truths By Yun Sun

Debate between China and Myanmar over the suspended US$3.6 billion Myitsone hydroelectric dam project recently reached a new pitch. A war of words between their governments erupted after China Power Investment launched a renewed public relations campaign to promote the mega-project. This included a corporate social responsibility report released in December beautifying the dam and its supposed wondrous contributions to local livelihoods and development. The report was quickly slammed by Myanmar activists as "propaganda" aimed at garnering support for what is a widely unpopular project. Soon after, mainstream media on both sides joined the polemical debate. China's official People's Daily published a special report on January 3 calling for the resumption of the contractually agreed upon dam. Four days later, Myanmar's prominent,

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privately-run Eleven Media published a pungent editorial rebuttal, saying that "There should be no compromise on [the] Myitsone project." Since its inception, the China-backed Myitsone dam has galvanized widespread local criticism and concern over the project and its potential negative environmental and social impacts. The project is situated in the northern Kachin State, where government forces and ethnic rebels fighting for autonomy are locked in a debilitating armed conflict that reignited in June 2011. Some view the government's agreement to build the dam as one cause for the renewed hostilities after 17 years of ceasefire. More than two years after its official suspension, however, it is time for both sides to come to terms with new realities. On one hand, China needs to take an honest look at the situation and honor the Myanmar people's decision to scrap the project. At the same time, Myanmar needs to face up to and prepare for the legal, financial and diplomatic consequences of their reversed decision on the project. Many analysts have come to view the status of the dam as a barometer for the health of broad China-Myanmar relations. The controversial Myitsone dam project was first signed between Myanmar's previous military government and the state-backed China Power Investment in 2005. Construction formally commenced in 2007 but was mostly halted with the announcement of the suspension in September 2011. That same month, Myanmar Foreign Minister Maung Lwin Wunn made an official visit with senior officials in the US State Department aimed at reviving bilateral relations. The controversial dam is located at the confluence of two rivers that form the Irrawaddy, the mother river of Myanmar. Multiple factors contributed to the widespread opposition to the project, including its sensitive location, perceived corruption and lack of transparency during the negotiation process. Those concerns were compounded by anticipated negative social, economic and environmental impacts and the uneven distribution of the dam's power output, 90% of which was scheduled to be exported to China. Thein Sein, president of Myanmar's incumbent quasi-civilian administration and prime minister under the former ruling junta, said he was responding to the "people's will" in suspending the project. More broadly, the Myitsone dam has had become a symbol of perceived Chinese exploitation of Myanmar at a time the country was in a disadvantaged, isolated position caused by Western economic sanctions and a symbol of the former military government's tyranny over its people. In this sense, the Myitsone issue is politically and emotionally charged. The project's suspension represents Myanmar's growing assertiveness vis-a-vis its powerful northern neighbor and hopes among its people of eventual victory against decades of military dictatorship and exploitation. To some the project's demise has come to symbolize the rebirth of the nation and its severance from a subjugated past. Under this premise, many in Myanmar see the suspension of the Myitsone dam as irrevocable. Since the day of the project's suspension, the Chinese have consistently pushed for its resumption. Because Thein Sein only suspended, rather than permanently cancelled, the project, China has remained hopeful it will restart under new conditions. Their perseverance is financially-motivated, as a large amount of investment has already been disbursed. As illustrated by China Power Investment's recent corporate responsibility report, China has steadfastly tried to convince Myanmar's people of the economic and social benefits of the

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dam. The Chinese government also intervened, making "the smooth implementation of key cooperative projects" a priority in recent meetings with top Myanmar leaders. Conflicting expectations have fueled a tortuous debate about the dam's future. The Chinese firmly believe that local opposition to the dam originates from popular ignorance about its benefits and their biases about its impacts. Without understanding, let alone accepting the fundamental unacceptability of the project in Myanmar politically and emotionally, China self-defeating imagines that with more persuasion (public relations) and enticements (material concessions), the dam will be resumed. The Myanmar people, however, perceive such efforts as a powerful neighbor's overwhelming pressure to impose a deal that benefits China while harming Myanmar. The longer China continues on this path and the harder it pushes, the more damage it will inflict on already strained bilateral relations. Considering China's broader strategic interests in Myanmar, including massive oil and gas pipelines and the commercial and the strategic corridor into Southeast Asia and South Asia, China needs to face reality and better calculate the longterm costs of its current Myitsone strategy. In particular, Beijing needs to reconsider whether it is wise to let the destiny of one commercial project sway and affect the future of broader Sino-Myanmar bilateral relations. Indeed, since the suspension of the Myitsone dam, China has not only suspended almost all new major investment in Myanmar, but also let Myitsone become a festering thorn in bilateral political relations. On the other hand, Myanmar also needs to strategize realistically about their desired endgame on Myitsone. Emotional accusations or political statements against the resumption of the dam do not facilitate a long-term solution and risk nettling a powerful neighbor with a history of interfering in Myanmar's internal affairs. What they need to carefully consider and propose is a practical, face-saving solution that is mutually acceptable. If Myanmar is to permanently cancel the Myitsone dam, the reasonable next question is the legal and financial liability associated with the disbursed investment, collateral damage and compensation. It is understandable that Myanmar's people might perceive such liability as "ridiculous" since "the cancelation only corrects the wrong". However, simply hoping that a unilateral cancellation of a bilateral legal agreement will have no consequences is shortsighted. Some Myanmar analysts have cited the "lack of transparency" and "rampant corruption" during the agreement's negotiation process as grounds for denying liability for an outright cancellation. However, the agreement itself is a responsibility legally inherited by Thein Sein's government, an obligation it has never denied. The alleged irregularities during the negotiation warrant investigations and punishment of those who committed them, but not the abandonment of the project with no consequences. In a similar case between the Philippines and China in 2012, the Aquino government cancelled the North Rail built by China due to the Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo government's alleged corruption in the procurement process. Nevertheless, Manila committed to pay back the Export-Import Bank of China the $185 million disbursed loan in four installments. In the case of Myitsone, which is much larger in scale, Myanmar might be able to leverage other Chinese strategic and economic interests against the specific amount of reimbursement.

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But to call for the cancellation of the project without offering a mutually acceptable solution is neither viable nor realistic. For the sake of their own interests and future bilateral relations, it is time for both China and Myanmar to face this reality on Myitsone. Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say. Please click here if you are interested in contributing. Articles submitted for this section allow our readers to express their opinions and do not necessarily meet the same editorial standards of Asia Times Online's regular contributors. Yun Sun is a Fellow in the East Asia program at the Stimson Center, a non-profit and nonpartisan think tank that studies peace and security challenges around the world. Source: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/SEA-01-190214.html

Is Suu Kyi eclipsing Myanmar's peace process? The pro-democracy icon may not be able to run for president unless the constitution is changed. Hereward Holland Last updated: 17 Feb 2014 10:39

Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi may not be eligible to run for president in 2015 [AP]

For the small troop of protesters marching through Yangon, Myanmar's mildewed commercial capital, their chant is as salient as it is obscure.

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"Law 59f," a woman screams into a megaphone. "We don't want it," responds a chorus of a hundred-odd demonstrators. Responding to a recent parliamentary constitutional review, the group is demanding the abolition of a clause barring pro-democracy icon Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from running in the 2015 elections. Bemused street food vendors and their patrons watch or film the spectacle with their smart phones. "Aung San Suu Kyi is the architect of democracy and human rights. She is our leader. We love her," says Aung Naing, a demonstrator at the rally. "Why do we have no right to allow her to be president?" The darling of Western governments, the Nobel laureate's name is a byword for stoic resistance to the military dictatorships that mismanaged the southeast Asian nation for almost half a century. The tenacious 68-year-old, who spent a dozen years under house arrest, is wildly popular. After boycotting the flawed ballot in 2011, her National League for Democracy won a landslide parliamentary by-election in 2012, winning 43 of the 44 seats they contested in the 440-seat parliament. Suu Kyi is a shoe-in for the presidency, but only if the arcane clause barring anyone with family members who "owe allegiance to a foreign power" is lifted. Her two sons hold British passports and she was once married to a British academic. Call for constitutional change in Myanmar "I would like to highlight one amendment that is very simple, and very important. I refer to 59f, the presidency clause," said Hugo Swire, a British Foreign Office minister, on a trip to Myanmar in January. "Without amendments to allow all citizens to contest the presidency, the 2015 general elections cannot and will not be fair elections. And without fair elections, the credibility of Burma's democratic reforms will be cast into doubt." Yet experts say diplomatic capital spent on Suu Kyi's presidential aspirations are eclipsing wider reforms needed to address the military's stranglehold of parliament, a major sticking point in ongoing peace negotiations with ethnic armed groups. 'It's not the only flaw' "59f is objectionable because it looks like it has been written with the specific intention of excluding Aung San Suu Kyi. But it's not the only flaw in the constitution, and probably not the most important," said Richard Horsey, a Yangon-based political analyst. More than a dozen ethnic armed groups, some whom have waged the longest-running insurgencies in the world, are demanding greater political, economic and cultural autonomy before they lay down their arms. "Right now the negotiations are going well, but in terms of the constitution it is stuck," said Dau Hka, a spokesman for the technical advisory team for the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO). The armed groups, of which the KIO is one of the largest, also want to federalise the military by integrating their forces into the army, a proposal deeply unpopular with the

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generals. "Resolving resource and power-sharing issues between the centre and the ethnic minority borderlands is probably the most critical issue facing the country," Horsey told Al Jazeera. Nonetheless, British and US foreign policy appears fixated on the election of "The Lady", as Suu Kyi is known, making only secondary references to the concerns of ethnic groups issues which, if left unresolved, have the potential of flaring into violence before the 2015 election. The army appoints one-quarter of the parliament's members, which represents a de facto veto against constitutional changes. It also appoints three key ministerial posts and one vice president. 'A near-sighted strategy' "The international community seems more vested in installing Suu Kyi as president than in tackling the long-term challenge of reducing the enormous constitutional power of the military," said Dave Mathiesen from New York-based Human Rights Watch. "It's a nearsighted strategy to push for one person to gain power, when they're unlikely to have much influence over a parliamentary system designed to preserve military privilege." At this stage it remains unclear whether Suu Kyi will be eligible in 2015. But time is running out. She would need more than 75 percent of the votes to change the constitution, but the hostile military holds 25 percent of the seats. The results of a 108-member parliamentary constitutional review released at the end of January found that 5,740 people requested Suu Kyi's clause 59f be amended in her favour, 55 that it be added to, 194 that it be removed and 51 that it be retained. Kyaw Min San, a lawyer for local law firm Justice For All, toured the country canvassing opinions during the consultation process. He said people in Myanmar's ethnic minority areas are more concerned with appointing chief ministers from their communities instead of the presidency, and with reducing military involvement in the parliament and judiciary. "I think 59f is important, but more regional representation and more democratic procedures... are much more important," Min San told Al Jazeera. The report made no firm recommendations, but said parliament should prioritise clauses that require no referendum, and emphasised the concerns of ethnic groups, such as decentralisation and autonomy. This signifies official recognition that the peace process and constitutional reform process should be linked more closely, and is a shot across the bow at Suu Kyi, said Andrew McLeod, a law lecturer at Oxford University. "If Daw Suu is to continue pushing to amend the presidential qualifications, there could be an appearance that she's putting her own selfinterest above that of ethnic groups," McLeod told Al Jazeera by telephone. 'Everyone is a reformer in Burma' Now a 31-member implementation committee, heavily stacked with members of the ruling party and the military, will take the reins of the review process.

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Since her release from house arrest in November 2010, Suu Kyi has been careful to curry favour with the former generals responsible for the drastic political and economic reforms. The icon of dissent is even accused of being too cosy with the military, a strategy born of pragmatism in her bid for the presidency. Both incumbent President Sein Thein and speaker of parliament Thura Shwe Mann, Suu Kyi's most likely adversary in 2015, have in recent weeks sounded positive about allowing "The Lady" to contend in 2015, although they warn of being "too greedy" with constitutional amendments. Ultimately, the key changes will be resolved behind closed doors. The outstanding question is how far Myanmar's reformers can push the military to relinquish power. "I think everyone is a reformer in Burma. I think the difference between people is how fast and how much," said McLeod. Source: http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2014/02/suu-kyi-eclipsing-myanmarpeace-process-20142169443994675.html

Making „Rule of Law‟ a Reality in Burma

FIle photo of Burma's lawyers protesting the privatisation of an historic courthouse in downtown Rangoon on 17 October 2012. (PHOTO: DVB)

―Everybody talks about the rule of law but they don‘t talk about how to support the judicial system to provide the rule of law,‖ a senior member of Burma‘s judiciary told the

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International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) during a meeting in the capital Naypyidaw recently. Four decades of brutal authoritarian rule systematically weakened the independence and integrity of the legal system. With reforms underway, judges in Burma are facing demands to provide justice, accountability, and stability — virtually overnight. Burma‘s judiciary, however, simply does not have the resources to meet this demand at present. As the country prepares for a groundbreaking general election next year, it is important for all political parties and candidates to make clear how they would strengthen the judiciary‘s ability to carry out its responsibilities. It is also crucial for the international community to provide all the help it can. Everyone in the so-called New Burma is calling for the rule of law, including President Thein Sein, opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi – who is Chair of the Parliamentary Rule of Law and Tranquility Committee — ethnic and religious minority groups, civil society and business people. But ‗rule of law‘ evidently means different things to different people. Some in Burma seem to equate it with ‗greater security.‘ Others view rule of law as important for different reasons, as the country proceeds down the rocky path of reforms: law and order; economic growth and development; fighting corruption; and fostering good governance. What is clear is that strengthening the rule of law, regardless of why people invoke the concept, requires an independent judiciary. Whether it‘s for fighting corruption, fostering good governance or attracting foreign investment, Burma needs judges and lawyers who are able to operate independently and impartially to provide proper jurisprudence and, importantly, change the public‘s poor perception of the system. A crucial point to remember is that an independent judiciary is not just an instrument for achieving desired social ends. An independent judiciary is the law. Article 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights says that everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal. The United Nations General Assembly has for its part unanimously affirmed that ‗human rights, the rule of law and democracy are interlinked and mutually reinforcing‘. International laws and standards also state that governments must prioritize the provision of sufficient resources to ensure the judiciary‘s ability to provide independent and impartial tribunals. Burma‘s judiciary desperately needs these resources. Many courthouses lack the most basic facilities. Some are too small to accommodate public audiences, despite the 2008 Constitution guaranteeing the right to a public trial. At present,

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judges in Burma do not have full access to the necessary cases, laws and international standards. Furthermore, they are underpaid and treated as basic civil servants instead of as an independent and equal branch of government. Those in remote areas still face pressure from the military, government officials and powerful local interests. In its December report ―Right To Counsel: The independence of lawyers in Myanmar [Burma]‖, the ICJ found that corruption, which is widespread in almost every sector of the country, also plagues the legal system. Significantly, it also erodes the public‘s perception of judicial integrity. Add to this the unprecedented scrutiny and criticism from a newly liberated and emboldened media, and it is easy to understand why Burma judges feel that they are being asked to do the impossible. There is no question—even inside the judiciary—that there is a lot of room for improvement in the recruitment, training, conduct and integrity of the system. To its credit, the Burma judiciary is now trying to adapt to its new environment and the increasing demands placed upon it. But improving the independence of the judiciary and bolstering the rule of law requires a systematic and concerted effort from the entire government and in particular from the powerful executive and legislative branches of the administration. The executive and legislature must assist the judiciary to become a proper, equal branch of government, able to regulate its own affairs and be accountable for satisfying the public‘s demands. Amidst competing clamor for attention, it is crucial for the Burmese government, and the many international supporters eager now to assist, to ensure that the judiciary is granted the independence and resources necessary to improve the rule of law in Burma. The task is daunting, the challenges enormous. But this is the only way to strengthen ‗rule of law‘ in the evolving ‗New Burma‘ and improve the dire human rights situation for everyone living in the country. Sam Zarifi is the International Commission of Jurists‘ Regional Director for Asia and the Pacific. Source: http://www.dvb.no/analysis/making-rule-of-law-a-reality-in-myanmarburma/37387

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Myanmar opposition, former amending constitution

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Myanmar's opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD), and 88 Generation Peace and Open Society Group, a former students group formed to build peace and promote civil society in Myanmar, will cooperate to push for the amendment to the country's 2008 constitution, according to a joint statement of the two organizations Monday. The two claimed in the joint statement that they will jointly work for the amendment to the Sections 436 in Chapter 12 of the Constitution, calling for the emergence of a genuine democratic union. Section 436 in Chapter 12 of the Constitution states "(the constitution) shall be amended with the prior approval of more than 75 percent of all the representatives of the Union Parliament, after which in a nation-wide referendum only with the votes of more than half of those who are eligible to vote." The statement followed a meeting here on Sunday between the NLD CEC members led by NLD Chairperson Aung San Suu Kyi and 88 Generation leaders headed by Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi. Myanmar Union Parliament formed on Feb. 3 a 31-member Committee for Implementation of 2008 Constitution Amendment, chaired by U Nanda Kyaw Swa, deputy speaker of the Parliament. The implementation committee is tasked to review a report, which includes a wide range of public suggestions, compiled and submitted by the Parliament's Joint Committee for Review of 2008 Constitution at the end of January. The implementation committee is also designed to re-submit a report on constitution amendment to the Parliament. The earlier Joint Committee for Review of 2008 Constitution said it received over 28,247 letters of suggestions from over 20 political parties, legal experts, government departments including the military and civil societies. The call for amendment critically includes an article 59-f in the constitution that was said to have been intentionally drawn by the previous military government to block Aung San Suu Kyi from being eligible to run for presidential election. Constitutional amendment has been widely called for ahead of the 2015 general election for the emergence of the next term of government and achievement of domestic peace. The 194-page 15-chapter Republic of the Union of Myanmar Constitution 2008 was promulgated by the previous military government in May 2008. Source: http://www.globaltimes.cn/content/842937.shtml#.UwIEac7_yqY

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MYANMAR: The Cycle Of Death And Destruction February 17, 2014: The government has negotiated another group of ceasefire deals with northern tribal rebel groups. This does not mean peace is finally coming to the north. These ceasefire deals are just that and an opportunity for the tribes to rebuild their resources and have a bit of relief from army raids and random firepower. The ceasefires also allow the southerners and their tribal allies to continue exploiting the tribal peoples. That sort of abuse has been going on for decades and it eventually (after a few months or years) triggers another round of armed rebellion. In theory all this bad behavior by troops and government officials is illegal and not happening. In practice the abuse continues. There‘s money to be made up there, especially with the Chinese coming in with large amounts of cash looking to set up mines, dams, oil and gas operations and all manner of development that benefits China. Burmese troops and government officials take bribes and fees from the Chinese to help make it happen (and keep the angry tribes out of the way). It does little for the people who have long lived up there and actually does much harm to the locals. Despite the peace negotiations the army continues to attack, but not on a large scale. The rebels continue to make travel on the few roads dangerous. This makes life difficult for the troops, who get most of their food and other supplies via truck. The unrest also cuts off pro-rebel villages from road traffic and makes consumer goods more expensive as they have to be smuggled in past the army roadblocks. Some of the rebel groups in the north are improving their military forces, even though they participate in peace negotiations. For example the Wa rebels (UWSA or United Wa State Army) are establishing an air force. This consists of some Mi-17 helicopters from China. Some 30 Wa tribesmen are in China training to operate and maintain the helicopters. In Shan state the UWSA is a major factor and the army tends to respect UWSA military capabilities. Half the tribal militiamen in the far north belong to the UWSA, which has about 30,000 armed men operating along the Chinese border. The Wa are ethnic Chinese, and many other Wa live across the border in China. The Chinese has made it clear to the Burmese government that any attack on the Wa would not be appreciated and have pressured the Burmese on behalf of the Wa. Burmese troops continue interfering with truck traffic entering Wa territory. The Wa can get what they need from China, but some Burmese Wa live closer to roads coming from the south, rather than those coming from China. Many Wa believe that the Burmese would like to push all the Wa into China, but that is not likely to happen because of UWSA resistance and Chinese support. It is true that the ethnic Burmese in the south would prefer the northern tribes to just disappear. The tribes feel the same way towards the southerners and point out that the tribesmen are not going south to rape and rob the southerners where they live. While many tribal groups try to coexist with the southern invaders, the abuse is only reduced, not eliminated because of that support. The corrupt cops and marauding soldiers see all tribal people as potential victims. Thailand admitted that it had forcibly sent back 1,300 Burmese Moslems last November. Moslem nations continue energetically protesting attacks on Moslems in Burma. All this bad publicity is lost on most non-Moslem Burmese. That‘s because throughout the region Islam tended to arrive in the form of a conquering army that would be less abusive to new

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subjects who converted. Most of the people in south Asia resisted this demand to convert and suffered generations of Moslem violence because of their intransigence. Non-Moslems in the region also note that most of the religious violence in the world is caused by Moslems. Hindus, Jews, Christians and Buddhists are all frequent targets, as are many Moslems believed to be heretics (like Shia and many smaller groups). Foreign observers rarely pick up on these ancient grievances but the locals take it for granted and act violently to real or imagined Moslem threats. Foreign aid groups on the west coast (Arakan and Rakhine states), where most of the anti-Moslem violence occurs, make most of the complaints about local Buddhists attacking Moslems or interfering with efforts to get aid to displaced Moslems. Some of the accusations are true, but the Buddhists note that the Moslems are quick to complain yet say or do little about the more numerous Moslem attacks on non-Moslems worldwide. Buddhist religious leaders insist they are encouraging violence against Moslems in order to prevent violence against Buddhists and other non-Moslems in Burma. This strikes a chord with most Burmese, be they the Buddhist majority in the south or the largely Christian tribes in the north. In 2013 over 250 people have died and over 150,000 driven from their homes because of the religious violence in Burma. Most of the victims have been Moslem and that is where more and more of the foreign aid is going. Before that most of the foreign relief aid went north to the tribal areas where the army has been fighting rebels for decades and since 2011 over 100,000 people have been driven from their homes in the north. That is still going on but has been eclipsed since 2012 by the anti-Moslem violence. The government considers many of the foreign aid groups more interested in obtaining more donations by exaggerating the problems the refugees are having. The foreign aid staff are paid well for their efforts but it all depends on foreign donors, especially wealthy Arabs in the Persian Gulf, increasing their contributions. February 14, 2014: The government is prosecuting five journalists for reporting on a closely guarded military facility that was described as a chemical weapons factory. Since 2009 there have been rumors of the army using unidentified chemical weapons against tribal rebels. The army denies the accusations but will not disclose what is going on at the military base. February 11, 2014: Germany agreed to forgive $748 million of Burma‘s debt to Germany. That‘s about half the debt and the Germans are aware that a lot of that aid was stolen by government officials rather than applied for the public good. In the last half century the various military governments had accumulated about $11 billion in foreign debt. One reason the military surrendered power and allowed real elections in 2011 was the reluctance of foreigners lend to Burma. The military dictatorship was seen as hopelessly corrupt and incompetent. The new elected government still has problems with corruption but at least is trying to do something about it. February 8, 2014: Two Buddhist politicians from Rakhine state escaped unharmed when a man on a motorcycle fired on them and sped away. Buddhists assume the shooter was a Moslem while the Moslems assume the shooter was a Buddhist radical trying to generate more animus towards Moslems. February 3, 2014: In Arakan state some 3,000 Buddhists demonstrated in support of the police. The Arakan Buddhists feel threatened by the Moslems in the area and support the use of police or civilian violence against the threat.

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January 27, 2014: The World Bank agreed to provide $2 billion for building infrastructure and expanding the medical care system. January 22, 2014: A coalition of 16 rebellious tribal militias in the north has agreed to yet another a peace deal with the government. The tribal negotiators must now sell it to all their followers before this latest effort can be signed and implemented.

January 21, 2014: The IMF (International Monetary Fund) believes that the Burmese economy will grow by over seven percent in each of the next two years. The IMF believes the growth rate could be higher if the government could do more about the continued corruption. Although the military government stepped down in 2011 many of the corrupt officials that served the military dictatorship still have jobs and are still dirty. Source: http://www.strategypage.com/qnd/myanmar/articles/20140217.aspx

Myanmar journalists on trial for reporting alleged chemical weapons factory

Myanmar police have charged five journalists with "disclosing state secrets" after their newspaper

(Reuters) - Myanmar police have charged five journalists with "disclosing state secrets" after their newspaper carried a story about an alleged chemical weapons factory, state media reported Sunday. The trial of four reporters and the head of Unity Journal began on February 14 in Pakokku, a town in the country's central region where the military facility is located, the state-run New Light of Myanmar newspaper said.

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The New Light of Myanmar said charges under the Official Secrets Act also included "trespassing on the restricted area of the factory", but the newspaper did not disclose the nature of the facility. Government spokesman Ye Htut told local media last week that the factory did not produce chemical weapons. He could not be reached for comment on Sunday. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on February 3 called for the suspects' release, saying "journalists should not be threatened or arrested for reporting on topics of national and international importance". The Unity Journal story claimed the secret facility built in 2009 consisted of tunnels burrowed under 3,000 acres of land and quoted workers as saying the factory produced chemical weapons, according to the CPJ, which noted reports that authorities confiscated copies of the publication. Myanmar's former junta, which handed power to a quasi-civilian government in 2011, has repeatedly denied accusations that it used chemical weapons against ethnic insurgent groups. In 2005, British-based rights group Christian Solidarity Worldwide said it interviewed five ethnic Karen rebels who suffered symptoms consistent with a chemical weapons attack, as well as two government soldiers who defected after the alleged attack took place. The soldiers told the rights group the use of chemical weapons was widespread, and one said he was ordered to carry boxes of chemical weapons to the front line. Ahmet Uzumcu, head of the Nobel Peace Prize-winning Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, said in December that Myanmar was preparing to join the convention banning chemical weapons.

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U.S. Urged to Conclude Longstanding Review on Landmines By Carey L. Biron

At an artificial limbs centre in Kabul. Credit: Najibullah Musafer/Killid/IPS

WASHINGTON, Feb 3 2014 (IPS) - The U.S. government is being urged to conclude a review of national policy on landmines that has dragged on for more than four years, a lag that some say has indirectly led to the injury or death of more than 16,000 people. Rights and advocacy groups are now mounting a new campaign to urge President Barack Obama to finish the review, hold true to pledges that have been lingering for years, and formally join an international treaty to ban antipersonnel mines. In a letter sent to the president on Friday and publicly circulated on Monday, critics of U.S. policy on the issue urged the administration to sign on to the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty and to move to begin to destroy the millions of landmines that remain in the country‘s stockpiles. ―It‘s a real paradox. The United States has shown extremely good behaviour on this issue in recent years, yet it still reserves the right to use these weapons." -- Mica Bevington ―Your administration‘s review is now into its fifth year, and it is hard to understand why the process should be delayed any further, particularly after the administration said more than one year ago that the review would conclude ‗soon‘,‖ the letter, signed by 17 rights, watchdog and advocacy groups on behalf of several hundred civil society organisations, states. ―We have repeatedly urged the US to fulfill its long-held intention to join the Mine Ban Treaty. U.S. accession would help to convince the other countries not yet party to join, strengthening the norm against the weapon, thereby ensuring it is not used in the future and creates no additional humanitarian and socio-economic harm.‖

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Some 161 countries are currently party to the Mine Ban Treaty, which came into effect in 1999. Last year just a few countries are known to have used antipersonnel mines, including Syria and Myanmar, but nearly three dozen remain outside of the treaty, including China, Egypt, India, Iran, Israel, Pakistan, Russia, South Korea, Sri Lanka and others. The United States, meanwhile, is the only member of NATO not to have signed onto the treaty, as well as the only country in the Western Hemisphere other than Cuba. ―We believe that U.S. involvement in this treaty would deter others,‖ Steve Goose, the executive director for Human Rights Watch (HRW)‘s Arms Division and a lead signatory of the new letter to President Obama, told IPS. ―These countries wouldn‘t come onboard the day after the U.S. signs, but they would be affected by the fact that the United States has aligned itself fully with this new international standard.‖ 4,000 per year The treaty, also known as the Ottawa Convention, bans the use, sale or stockpiling of landmines, while also mandating that members destroy all mines within their territories. The treaty is widely seen as having been successful in significantly bringing down the number of landmine-caused injuries and deaths, from about 25,000 per year to current levels of around 4,000 per year. Needless to say, that number is still very high. Advocacy groups suggest that millions of landmines remain in upwards of 60 countries, some left over from as long ago as World War II, highlighting the uniquely dangerous nature of these weapons. Broad recognition of the unacceptably long-lasting nature of anti-personnel mines led thenpresident Bill Clinton to decide, in 1997, that the United States would join the Mine Ban Treaty in 2006. While his successor, George W. Bush, reversed this decision, stating that the United States would never join the treaty, many had expected President Barack Obama to change course yet again when he took office in 2009. Instead, in December 2009 the president announced that his administration would undertake a policy review. And while that review seems to have gotten off to a strong start, with administration officials reportedly talking to a broad group of stakeholders in 2010, its finalisation has since been held up repeatedly. It is unclear what has slowed down the U.S. policy review. Some have pointed to a 2009 Pentagon statement suggesting it wanted to maintain the option of using certain mines in Afghanistan, while others say concerns over the possibility of war on the Korean peninsula could play a part. The U.S. State Department was unable to comment for this story, though an agency official in December noted that the review was ―pressing forward to conclusion‖. Yet HRW‘s Goose says recent weeks have seen a new flurry of action. ―This review has limped on now for almost five years, though we‘ve been hearing that an announcement could now happen in coming days or weeks,‖ he says.

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―That‘s why we feel now is the time to try to push them over the hump, get the right decision made and have it announced publicly. We‘ve gotten mixed signals about what the review will contain, but we‘re optimistic that we‘ll have a positive outcome.‖ U.S. paradox Particularly confusing for advocates is that fact that the United States has largely conformed to the Mine Ban Treaty‘s mandates for decades. Indeed, since the early 1990s it has been the world‘s most generous anti-mine donor. Further, the U.S. military has reportedly not used antipersonnel mines since the Gulf War, in 1991, and has not exported any of the weapons since 1992. The country even halted all landmine manufacturing in 1997. Nonetheless, the U.S. military continues to stockpile as many as 10 million landmines. And these, of course, remain available for future use unless new policy specifically bars doing so – or unless the government moves to destroy these caches. ―It‘s a real paradox. The United States has shown extremely good behaviour on this issue in recent years, yet it still reserves the right to use these weapons,‖ Mica Bevington, communications director for Handicap International U.S., a charity that won the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize for its anti-mine work, told IPS. ―We feel that now is the time for the U.S. to put the other foot down and join the treaty. Doing so might encourage other countries – such as China and Russia – to join the treaty, and it would also ensure that these millions of deadly weapons are destroyed once and for all.‖ Handicap International, which runs the world‘s largest anti-mine operation, currently has de-mining and rehabilitation operations in 37 countries. The group says that 70 percent of the victims of landmines or unexploded ordnance are civilians, with nearly a third being children. ―With these injuries comes a community-wide sense of fear, and they require long-term support rehabilitation and attention,‖ Bevington says. ―We need to put politics aside and remember that the victims here are people.‖ Source: http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/02/u-s-urged-conclude-longstanding-reviewlandmines/

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Thaksin's son says Pojaman has never been to Myanmar Panthongtae Shinawatra, the son of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, said Sunday that his mother, Khunying Pojaman na Pombejra, has never been to Myanmar.

Panthongtae posted a message on his Facebook wall to counter a report by The Irrawaddy that said on Friday that Pojaman, during her recent trip to Myanmar, paid a visit to Yangonbased astrologer San Zarni Bo to seek advice for Thaksin's "smooth re-entry" to Thailand and to ask about his business concessions in Burma. In the message, Panthongtae added that his mother had not met his father for five years after their divorce. The Nation Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/breakingnews/Thaksins-son-says-Pojaman-hasnever-been-to-Myanma-30226945.html

China, Myanmar To Hold Meeting On Boundary Management Next Week YANGON, Feb 15 (Bernama) -- The 12th meeting on the implementation of an agreement on China-Myanmar boundary will be held in Nay Pyi Taw for five days beginning next Wednesday, Xinhua news agency reported.

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The meeting will be attended by a Chinese delegation led by Ouyang Yujing, directorgeneral of the Boundary and Ocean Affairs Department of the Chinese Foreign Ministry and a Myanmar delegation headed by director-general of the Political Department from Myanmar Foreign Ministry, U San Lwin. Both sides will discuss a range of topics relating to boundary management, border immigration, opening of new checkpoints along the border line and border security. The meeting is organised in light of the agreement on cooperation and management of China-Myanmar Boundary signed by the two countries in 1997. In 1960, the China-Myanmar Boundary Treaty was signed which led to effective management and sound cooperation on boundary issues by both countries. -- BERNAMA Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/politics/Potjaman-seeks-fortune-telling-inMyanmar-30226906.html

Getting closer to a ceasefire in Myanmar?

Aung Thu Ra Special to The Nation February 15, 2014 1:00 am An end to the world's longest insurgency seems closer in Myanmar, but a nationwide ceasefire between armed ethnic groups and the government is proving elusive. Ethnic groups have met several times in the past few months but have struggled to agree on the nationwide ceasefire framework proposed by the government.

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The latest hitch came last week when a repeatedly delayed meeting with the government's Internal Peace Making Committee (IPMC) was postponed again after rebel representatives said they needed more time to prepare for the ceasefire talks. The meeting will now take place in March at the earliest, they said. Representatives from 17 armed ethnic groups last met on January 20 for a five-day conference in Law Khee Lar, Kayin (Karen) state, the home base of the Karen Nation Union and its political wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA). An insight into the challenges faced in reaching agreement on the ceasefire was offered by General Saw Moo Htoo Say Phoo, chairman of the Karen Nation Union. In his concluding speech he cautioned against use of the word "revolution" in the framework. "I would like to warn all of you not to use the phrase 'armed revolution', which leaders said could become a sticking point and further delay the peace process," he said. The terminology to be included in the draft of the government's long-awaited nationwide ceasefire agreement was the hot topic of conversation from day one of the Law Khee Lar talks. Some rebel leaders wanted the document to refer to them as "ethnic revolutionary armed groups", rather than armed groups. After two days of discussion, agreement was reached to change the wording from "armed group" to "revolutionary group". Such disputes saw the original three-day conference extended to six days. After the six days, 16 armed ethic groups signed the draft ceasefire agreement, with only the Restoration Council of Shan State refusing to sign. Ethnic rebel leaders are now set to meet with the government Peace Making Committee in March, in the Karen state capital of Hpa-an, where they will attempt to reach agreement on the long-awaited pact. The road to a nationwide ceasefire began last year, when 18 armed ethnic groups gathered in the rebel-controlled Kachin capital of Laiza to draft guidelines for government negotiations and strengthen their collective position. But the government rejected the Laiza agreement, forcing the rebels to reconvene for talks in Law Khee Lar. The major sticking point was the government's rejection of ethnic groups' demand for political negotiations on autonomy before signing any ceasefire agreement. The government has offered to hold such talks only after the ceasefire is signed. "The draft we have signed now is neither in favour of the government nor the ethnic groups. It is a combination of both sides" position, said General Gwan Maw, deputy commander of the Kachin rebels and a joint leader of the Nationwide Ceasefire Coordinating Team (NCCT), a collective of 14 armed ethnic groups. The new draft comprises 11 sections spanning 28 pages and includes a political roadmap and provisions such as the establishment of an independent watchdog group and the role of soldiers in the ceasefire process. It leaves the way open to reaching peace between the government and ethnic groups, but this will only come through political negotiations. Both sides need to secure ceasefires across the nation and establish a working plan for political reconciliation.

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"As ending the fighting is essential to political reconciliation, we need to discuss the process of signing ceasefires across the nation" said Tan Khe, chairman of the All Burma Student Democratic Force, who attended the Law Khee Lar conference as an observer. Naing Han Thar, a joint leader of the NCCT, was optimistic that the Law Kee Lar draft agreement would eventually secure a nationwide ceasefire, but there is still concern among the ethnic groups that the government will object to its terminology and propose an alternative draft at the Hpa-an meeting, further delaying the journey to peace. The Law Kee Lar draft has been submitted to the government, representing an important step in Myanmar's protracted peace process, but no agreement has yet been reached between the two sides. The government has agreed to 80 per cent of the Law Kee Lar agreement, but issues of terminology remained a sticking point, said Hla Mg Shwe, a senior supervisor of the government Peace Making Committee. However, both sides have underscored the importance of political dialogue as part of the nationwide ceasefire agreement, saying it would be a major test for peace and democracy in the country. Meanwhile the nation waits to see whether a deal to bring an end to decades of fighting can be reached next month. Aung Thu Ra is chief reporter for the Yangon-based 7 Day News Journal. Source: http://www.nationmultimedia.com/opinion/Getting-closer-to-a-ceasefire-inMyanmar-30226863.html

UN representative faces public furies in Sittwe

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(Sittwe, 14 February 2014): The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights for Myanmar, Tomás Ojea Quintana, today faced a public protest when had arrived in Sittwe, the Arakan capital city of western Burma. ―Around 200 local Arakanese, holding different posters, staged the demonstration in front of city‘s prison gate. The agitators shouted various slogans including ‗Quintana Get Out‘, ‗Quintana Go Out‘, ‗We Don‘t Want Quintana‘ etc‖, informed a protestor. Speaking to Narinjara, Ko Nyunt , an agitator alleged that the UN representative is biased towards the outsiders (read Bengali Muslim). Quintana is ignoring the Arakanese Buddhists and hence the protest programe was organized, he added. Quintana, who arrived in Sittwe by a morning flight on Friday and then proceeded to Sittwe prison to inspect the prisoners. When he came out from the prison protestors staged the demonstration. It may be mentioned that Arakan witnessed a series of protests against the UN and INGOs in several parts of the State recently asking these organizations to leave the province as ‗they were bias in approach and creators of problems only‘. The UN representative is also scheduled to visit some IDP refugee camps in Sittwe and other places like Maungdaw. Quintana will also visit other province/divisions of Burma including the conflict-torn Kachin State, Sagaing division (controversial Latpadaung copper mine) and Thilawa deep sea port during his final mission. Source: http://narinjara.com/index.php/un-representative-faces-public-furies-in-sittwe/

Land Owners: “We Have To Rent Our Stolen Lands Of The Army…” February 14, 2014 • Thaung

Author: Saw Nyunt

Landowners in Hpa-an Township are frustrated that they have to pay yearly rent to use lands that once belonged to them, but were confiscated by the military in 2003. Villagers claim that the property, that includes land from four villages in Aein Duu village tract, costs the villagers 300,000 kyat a acre in fees paid to the military to continue farming on it. ―I had to move out the same night when the government military troops came to grab these lands,‖ said Saw Thwaik, a villager from Chaung Tha Ywar Thit.

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―My family was forcibly driven away. None of the villages dare to live on the land. Now, we have to rent the lands that [once] belonged to us, but that‘s impossible.‖ In 2003, Burma Army Infantry Battalion 310 confiscated more than 500 acres belonging to 69 villagers from Shwe Pyi Taung, Kawt Kha Mein, Chaung Thar Ywar Thit, and Moke Ta Kwee villages in the Aein Duu village tract. Soldiers from Infantry Battalion 310 forced farmers to sign waivers transferring official custody of their stolen land to the military, the farmers claim. ―The military troops summoned us,‖ land grab victim Nan Tu said. ―We were asked to sign on the paper. We dare not to sign it. Then we were summoned day-by-day. Finally, the villagers had to hide from them.‖ Farmers reported the theft of their land to the government‘s defense ministry, agricultural ministry, and to a land investigation commission, as well as other departments. Farmers claim Burma Army soldiers also rent the land out to other business interests. ―We submitted our letter a number of times to relevant departments. However, there is no response yet. It makes the farmers suffer,‖ U Ni, who assists villagers with the appeals, said. ―They [farmers] also could not stand to lose their lands any more. Finally, we will stage a protest if our proposal does not succeed.‖ Villagers said that they have seen no sign of government intervention on behalf of their stolen land claims. Source: http://karennews.org/2014/02/land-owners-we-have-to-rent-our-stolen-lands-ofthe-army.html/

BUSINESS Massive jade boulder found in Myanmar YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Soldiers have been sent to northern Myanmar to protect an enormous jade boulder that could weigh up to 50 tons. The top minister in Kachin state, Lajun Ngan Seng, says the raw jade was discovered in the mining region known as Hpakant just over a week ago. Still half buried, it's difficult to know its exact size. But he says authorities believe it may be 18 feet (5.5 meters) high, weighing up to 50 tons.

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Myanmar is one of the world's biggest producers of jade, most found in the conflict-torn mountains of Kachin, where ethnic rebels have been fighting the government for more than half a century. Most of the gemstones, considered to be of the highest quality, are smuggled over the border to China. Source: http://news.yahoo.com/massive-jade-boulder-found-myanmar-055736815.html

India Sells Sonars to Myanmar in $30M Deal Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) has been mandated towards research & development of various systems and technologies for the use of our Armed Forces and is not involved in their export.

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However, Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) has signed a contract for the supply of three (03) numbers of Hull Mounted Sonars–Export (HMS-X) with the Government of Myanmar on the 16th January, 2013. The contract value of these three sonars is US$29.24 Million This information was given by Defence Minister Shri AK Antony in a written reply to Shri Mohd. Ali Khan and Shrimati T. Ratna Bai in Rajya Sabha today. Source: http://www.defense-aerospace.com/article-view/release/151714/-india-sellssonars-to-myanmar-in-$30m-deal.html

Myanmar Microfinance (MFI): New Directive Caps Loans At $500, Could Stifle Small Business Growth By Sophie Song on February 18 2014 12:37 PM

Vendors sell vegetables at Thiriminglar market, one of Myanmar's biggest wholesale vegetable markets, in Yangon October 14, 2013. REUTERS/Soe Zeya Tun

A new directive in Myanmar caps microfinance (MFI) loans at $500, which has the sector worried that small business growth could be stifled even as it expands its role within the Southeast Asian economy. The industry has experienced considerable growth in Myanmar in the last two years, as the previously closed-off economy opened and internationally backed financial institutions have capitalized on the estimated 84 percent of Burmese who have no access to financing, the Myanmar Times reported on Monday. To date, there are about 150 MFIs operating in the country, providing financing options for the impoverished population.

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In an effort to enforce responsible lending, the Microfinance Supervisory Committee (MSC), Myanmar‘s regulatory body for the MFI sector, has announced a new directive on Jan. 14 that capped microloans at about $500. ―Microfinance is very important for alleviating poverty. We‘re doing our best to make sure it helps poor people,‖ U Win Aung, the managing director of the MSC, told the Myanmar Times. While regulations are necessary to stabilizing the industry, many have said they will ask the MSC to amend the new rule, which will affect the lenders‘ bottom lines as well as those of their clients. ―It‘s important not to be too restrictive,‖ said Fahmid Bhuiya, chief operating officer of Pact Global Microfinance Fund. ―The limit might get in the way of lending to the exceptional entrepreneurs who create employment.‖ The directive also specified that MFIs are restricted from offering loans with monthly interests exceeding 2.5 percent, or annual interest rates exceeding 30 percent, ceilings comparable to the global average and much lower than the 10 percent per month generally offered by ―loan sharks‖ and other informal lenders in Myanmar. Aside from stifling business growth, the $500 cap could also mean fewer jobs that small businesses would have otherwise been able to provide, said Kim Bunsocheat, the managing director and chief executive of the Cambodia-based MFI, Acleda MFI Myanmar Co. Ltd. ―If the limit were higher, they could hire a larger workforce,‖ Bunsocheat said, according to the Myanmar Times. Last year, the microfinance sector in Myanmar reached more than 2.8 million clients, with a loan portfolio totaling $283 million, with a market demand for about $1 billion, meaning the industry has a lot of room to grow. Vikram Kumar, the resident representative of the International Finance Corp., said that the sector ―is on the cusp of what could be an exponential growth phase.‖ Source: http://www.ibtimes.com/myanmar-microfinance-mfi-new-directive-caps-loans-500could-stifle-small-business-growth-1556343

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Singapore's Navigat creates blueprint for future Myanmar power deals

Feb 17 (Reuters) - A subsidiary of Singapore-based Navigat Group said on Monday it had begun supplying power under a purchasing agreement that will be the template for future deals by Myanmar, which has one of the lowest electrification rates in Asia. MAXpower (Thaketa) Co Ltd said it spent $35 million building a 50MW gas-fired plant in a suburb of the main city, Yangon, becoming the first entirely foreign-owned company to enter a long-term power purchasing agreement with the government. Navigat CFO Arno Hendriks told Reuters the deal stemmed from a 2012 meeting with government officials and was negotiated directly with the state-owned Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise (MEPE). Hendriks said it was a "lengthy process" for the government to formulate the agreement with help from the Asian Development Bank, but the agreement will now be used as the basis for future deals. The government agreed. "We see it as a blueprint for other initiatives to develop the electricity sector across Myanmar," MEPE managing director Htein Lwin said in a statement. In a report last year, the World Economic Forum said increasing electricity supplies was key to boosting Myanmar's economy, which stagnated under decades of military dictatorship until a quasi-civilian government took over in 2011. "Myanmar is trying to develop large hydropower plants," said Hendriks. "In the meantime, there is an urgent need for power for citizens, but also for industry." He said hydropower projects would take a minimum of five years to come online, while his company could build smaller gas-fired plants within six months.

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Despite having abundant natural gas and hydropower potential, only about 26 percent of Myanmar's 60 million people have access to electricity, among the lowest rates in Asia, according to an October 2012 Asian Development Bank report. The Ministry of Electric Power plans to complete 17 power plant projects between 2013 and 2016, according to a ministry presentation to the Japanese International Cooperation Agency in July 2013. Of those, seven will be hydropower and the rest gas. On Feb. 12, APR Energy PLC announced it had won a bid to develop a gas-fired plant with 100 MW capacity in the Mandalay region of central Myanmar. APR, which is based in Jacksonville, Florida, said it was the first American company to sign a power generation contract with Myanmar since the United States lifted sanctions on the country in 2013. Hendricks said his company hoped to sign an agreement to develop another 50 MW power plant in 2014 and was in discussions with General Electric Co to secure the Myanmar distribution licence for its gas engines, which it distributes in Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia. Source: http://www.reuters.com/article/2014/02/17/myanmar-electricityidUSL3N0LM1SJ20140217

HEALTH CARE Action needed on Myanmar‘s growing elderly-care gap

Living with no public support and increasingly less private family help as well

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YANGON, 18 February 2014 (IRIN) - Increasing economic migration is straining families in Myanmar, leaving the elderly to care for grandchildren as their own health diminishes, according to NGO HelpAge International, which warns this phenomenon will intensify in the coming years as migration increases. A ―skip generation‖ - households with older people living only with grandchildren - is emerging, and places a double burden on older people struggling to care for themselves. In 2013 HelpAge, with support from the UN Population Fund (UNFPA), carried out the country‘s first comprehensive study on the elderly population in decades, which found that people over 60 accounted for about 9 percent of Myanmar‘s estimated population of 60 million, a figure that had ―virtually quadrupled over the past 60 years‖. But these are only estimates, and ―need to be replaced with accurate information and it is a census which can help validate this,‖ said Janet Jackson, UNFPA‘s Myanmar representative, in reference to the upcoming census in March and April this year - the first for more than 30 years. ―The number of elderly people is increasing steadily in Myanmar, but no one knows how many there are. This means that planning for them in terms of policy or services is not easy,‖ Jackson added. By 2050, older people are expected to form a quarter of the population, a huge challenge for a nation that does not yet have a policy on elderly care. With no pension system in place, more than half of people aged 60 or over in Myanmar are still economically active, while a quarter of those aged 70 to 74 are still working, mostly in agriculture. A third of the roughly 4,000 elderly people the NGO interviewed reported a lack of electricity, while almost 60 percent had no running water. A quarter of the survey‘s respondents said they had not been able to afford health care in 2012. Half are illiterate, with a disproportionate number being women. The “skip generation” Even by Southeast Asian standards, the elderly in Myanmar are ―exceptionally‖ close to their families, noted HelpAge. ―Economic migration is becoming an increasingly important issue. We‘ve found that as many as 70 percent of households in villages in Kayin and Mon states have a child living in bordering Thailand or an urban hub in Myanmar. Many parents aren‘t sending any money home and as the grandparents start to struggle with their own health and mental health issues, it‘s having an impact on [grand]children,‖ Tapan Barman, country director of HelpAge, told IRIN. ―In Hpa-An Township [in Kayin State], I was struck by the huge extent of migration... Virtually every older person said they had at least one child working in Thailand,‖ Peter Morrison, HelpAge‘s regional programme manager, said.

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According to Sister Mary Andrew at the Home for Aged Poor in Yangon which cares for 134 older people, cases of children abandoning their parents are relatively common. ―We find some [older people] on the street, whereas others come knocking on the door, saying, ‗I have no shelter or food and no one to take care of me.‘ Others have families, but the children don‘t want to care for them. We‘ve taken in many older people whose children have gone abroad, left their parents and never come back for them,‖ she told IRIN. She added that there is now a waiting list as the home has reached maximum capacity and funding from private donors decreased dramatically following Cyclone Nargis in 2008. ―Myanmar‘s traditional social support system, whether it be a church, pagoda or mosque, fills the gap - to some extent. But if you ask older people, most will say that they don‘t want to leave their villages and live in an institution,‖ Barman added. Costly legislation Although a National Action Plan on Ageing was expected to be approved during the 2013-14 financial year, Barman said it was delayed due to a ministerial shuffle. ―Unlike Thailand, which began the process [of introducing pensions] about 30 years ago, Myanmar was a closed country for so long and social protection is completely new to the government. It wasn‘t until last year that there was any interest in the idea,‖ Barman said. Aung Tun Khaing, deputy director-general of the Ministry of Social Welfare, told IRIN parliament is ―likely‖ to approve a plan by the end of 2014. An ageing policy, and implementation legislation, is expected to follow the action plan, which will set up a pension system and subsidized health care. The law (HelpAge will advise on drafting) is expected to contain a section on gender equity, said Barman, which aims to prevent discrimination against women in land ownership and employment. ―A universal pension isn‘t affordable at this stage. The government has so many other priorities and the health sector is weak. It will need to be introduced in phases - for example, by covering those above 80. In The Philippines, the pension is really small. But it helps - something is better than nothing,‖ Barman concluded. Source: http://www.irinnews.org/report/99665/action-needed-on-myanmar-s-growingelderly-care-gap

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TOURISM Government doesn‟t allow homestay tourism in Myanmar Feb 17, 2014 NAYPYIDAW, Myanmar - Homestays are an increasingly popular way for travellers to immerse themselves in a foreign culture, and many countries, including in Southeast Asia, encourage such travel as a means of developing local economies. Myanmar, however, is far behind the curve in this regard, as the government does not officially allow foreigners to spend the night in the homes of villagers. One of the main benefits of homestays is that they allow people from different cultures to meet and learn from one another, but U Myint Tun Oo, the deputy director of the Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, sees this as a potentially negative aspect of the concept. ―The government doesn‘t allow homestay tourism in Myanmar because of the different cultures, languages and living standards between villagers and tourists,‖ he said. ―We need to educate villagers who lack knowledge of homestay tourism. If we allow it now, there will be unnecessary problems and misunderstandings between tourists and villagers.‖ U Myint Tun Oo said the ministry is currently writing guidelines and holding workshops for homestays, but he was unable to say when they would be officially allowed. While not enthralled by the concept of cultural exchange, U Myint Tun Oo was effusive about the economic benefits. ―If homestays become popular in Myanmar, the villages where tourists go will improve and get many benefits. Tourists will buy the products of the village, so the more tourists that come, the more it will benefit the villagers,‖ he said. According to U Thet Lwin Toe, vice chair of the Union of Myanmar Travel Association (UMTA), there is more to homestays than just economic benefits. He said they would facilitate the sharing of ―knowledge and experience between tourists and villagers‖, which would help Myanmar become better-known to the world. He also said there would be educational benefits.

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―The main target of homestay tourism is the local community, which means local or international students could stay with a family while studying and writing their thesis about life in ordinary villages,‖ he said. U Thet Lwin Toe added that he thought homestays would be more appropriate for package tours than for independent travellers. ―Our country should open for homestay tourism, but first we need to train people so the tours are operated systematically,‖ he said. Source: http://www.eturbonews.com/42845/government-doesn-t-allow-homestay-tourismmyanmar

ETHNIC GROUPS Questions arise over „assassination attempt‟ of Myanmar politicians by rashvinjeet s. bedi

Aye Maung (centre) and members of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP), arrive back at Yangon International Airport. - EPA

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PETALING JAYA: Dr Aye Maung and U Aye Thar Aung went back to Myanmar on Feb 7 to be greeted by a ―hero‘s welcome‖ following an attempt on their lives in downtown Kuala Lumpur. Hundreds were on hand to greet the Arakanese political leaders with banners including one that read, ―Islamic terrorists tried to kill our leaders but they escaped.‖ This so-called ―assassination attempt‖ has got a lot of traction in the Myanmar media with the politicians milking it for all its worth. Just like the banner, Thar Aung who is the chairperson of the Arakan League of Democracy blamed ―Islamic terrorists‖ for the attack. ―All Rakhine people in Malaysia and Myanmar understand that these gunmen are Islamic terrorists,‖ he was quoted as saying by the Myanmar Times On Feb 5, the two politicians and their entourage were in their BMW 7 series, supposedly with a Singapore number plate, when a motorcycle pillion rider allegedly shot at them at about 11pm along Jalan Alor in Bukit Bintang. The gunman escaped from the scene in the motorcycle ridden by an accomplice. A day before, 88 Generation activist Ko Aung Gyi, who is also from Rakhine, was found dead in Ampang from stab wounds. Police say there might be links between the death and the suspected assassination attempt. ―These Arakanese leaders come to Malaysia frequently but this is the first time that such a thing has happened,‖ Myanmar Muslim activist in Malaysia who wants to be known as Ahmad told The Star Online. Dr Aye is the chairman of the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and chairman of a commission set up by the Myanmar government to investigate reports of ethnic riots in Rakhine. The Rakhine leaders were in Malaysia for an event ―Political Reforms in Myanmar and the Politics of the Rakhine State‖ which was held on Feb 4 at the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall. While not completely ruling out the assassination attempt, Ahmad believed that it could have been staged to fabricate lies about the Rohingya and to gain the sympathy of people back home. Many Myanmar media outlets and blogs have said that the Bengali (Rohingya as they are known in Myanmar) were responsible for the attempt on the lives of the group from Rakhine. The Rohingya who are predominantly Muslim, are said to be one of the most persecuted communities in the world. They face discrimination in Myanmar, particularly in their homeland of Arakan, which borders Bangladesh.

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They are not recognised as citizens and are considered to be stateless. They often face violence from the Rakhine people who are predominantly Buddhist. Mohammad Sadek, programme coordinator of the Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee (RARC) in Malaysia claimed that no Rohingya was involved in the attempted assassination. ―I have checked and no Rohingya person was involved in the attack. Any blame put on the Rohingya is false and is only to defame us. ―If we attack anyone from Myanmar in other parts of the world, our family and friends back home will be attacked. It doesn‘t make sense for us to do such a thing,‖ said Sadek. He however, acknowledged that there is tension between the Rohingya and the Rakhine people and claimed that Dr Aye was one of the main persons involved in initiating attacks against the Rohingya. ―He led the violence and should be considered a war criminal. How can he head the commission to investigate the violence? They are only going after the Rohingya,‖ he said. For the past few years, many Rohingya have been killed and hundreds of thousands have been displaced from their homes because of sectarian violence. Malaysia is home to about 34,000 Rohingya who are refugees and about 85,000 Rakhine people, made up of both refugees and workers. Last June, clashes allegedly involving Myanmar Buddhists and Rohingya spilled over to the Klang Valley, killing a few and injuring scores of others. Ahmad said there are a lot of holes in the story of the attempted assassination. He pointed out that those shot at had told the media in Myanmar they had heard the hitman saying ―shoot shoot‖ and that the shooter had a long beard. ―If they are in a car and are being shot at, how can they hear or see anything?,‖ he asked. He also said that it would not make sense for the ―hitman‖ to shoot at a moving object and that a proper hitman would have probably waited. ―I‘m not sure if it happened in the first place or even if it did, it could be at their own hands,‖ he said. He said the whole incident could have been set up to divert attention from the recent slaughter of 40 Rohingya men, women and children in Du Chee Yar Tan village. The women were reportedly raped in front of their family members as well. ―There has been a lot of backlash from this event. Now that this so called assassination attempt occurred, the news has been diverted,‖ said Ahmad. He said that the government could not say anything about the Rakhine people because they would then be accused of not protecting the Buddhists but rather siding with the Muslims.

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―The agenda of RNDP is to get 100% control of the Arakan state. They want to wipe out all the Rohingya people living in Arakan,‖ he said. Sadek said the Rohingya had been living peacefully side by side with the Rakhine people for centuries. ―We just want to go back to our homeland and live in peace,‖ he said. Source: http://www.thestar.com.my/News/Nation/2014/02/20/Questions-arise-overassassination-attempt/

Myanmar Ethnic Strife Spills Over to Malaysia By Kalinga Seneviratne

SINGAPORE, Feb 20 2014 (IPS) - Two Myanmar Buddhist politicians who were visiting Malaysia narrowly escaped a late night assassination attempt outside a leading shopping mall in Kuala Lumpur this month. The incident has raised fears of an overseas spillover of the religious violence that has engulfed their state of Rakhine in recent years. Aye Maung and Aye Thar Aung are leaders of the Arakan National Party (ANP), representing the mostly Buddhist Rakhines, the largest ethnic group in Myanmar‘s western state of Rakhine, which was known as Arakan during British colonial times. Gunmen riding a motorcycle fired a number of shots at a car carrying them and their companions in a busy shopping area of the Malaysian capital, but no one was injured, according to eyewitness reports.

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―We have set up a committee of inquiry with Buddhists, Muslims and persons of no religious affiliation to look at the issue and determine what is really happening and provide some solutions." -- Dr Chandra Muzaffar The Buddhist leaders returned to Myanmar a day after the incident. Aye Maung told a news conference that it was a well-planned terrorist attack. ―I strongly believe the attack was a planned assassination attempt on our lives,‖ he claimed. ―Our internal disturbances have now reached overseas, and we can now firmly conclude from this incident that the terrorists are now well established in foreign countries, especially in Malaysia.‖ Some Muslim groups in Malaysia, however, claim that the ANP has staged the drama in order to gain the sympathy of Buddhists in Myanmar ahead of the general election there in 2015. Rakhine state has witnessed several episodes of violence since 2012 between Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims, leaving scores dead and displaced. Many of the victims were from the Rohingya Muslim minority, considered by most Myanmar Buddhists as illegal migrants from Bangladesh. Thousands of Rohingyas have fled to Muslim-majority Malaysia, where about 250,000 Myanmar nationals – both Buddhists and Muslims – are believed to reside, with many employed in low-paying jobs at restaurants and construction sites. The Malaysian police have been quick to blame Myanmar migrants for the shooting incident. But Malaysian political analyst Dr Chandra Muzaffar, head of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST), said a lot of Muslims in the region have been unhappy with the way Rohingyas are being treated inside Myanmar. ―Certain groups must be reacting because of certain perceptions of these politicians,‖ he told IPS from Kuala Lumpur. ―Police need to investigate thoroughly to find out who was behind this.‖ Kuala Lumpur‘s acting investigations chief Khairi Ahrasa said in a media statement that a special squad, headed by him, has been set up to investigate the case ―which has elements of political involvement.‖ He also said they are investigating whether the killing of a Myanmar national, Ko Aung Gyi, in the city a day later has any connection with the shooting incident. Ko Aung Gyi, a member of the 88 Generation Students group who hailed from Rakhine, was killed soon after his meeting with the Rakhine delegation. The former student leader turned political activist from Rakhine had been living in Malaysia with his family for several years. According to his wife, Ma Su Su Myint, he was killed after being called to discuss a business matter. There have been a number of killings within the Myanmar migrant community in Malaysia in the past year. In late May 2013, violence in the community in Kuala Lumpur left at least two people dead, and was widely linked to the Rakhine state‘s troubles. Earlier that month, Indonesian police arrested four men who were later found guilty of attempting to bomb the

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Myanmar embassy in Jakarta. The bomb plot‘s mastermind said the conspirators were trying to avenge the killings of their Muslim brethren in Myanmar. JUST has been concerned about the escalating tension between Muslims and Buddhists in the region and in November organised an inter-faith dialogue in Kuala Lumpur attended by Buddhists from across Asia and Muslims from Malaysia and Indonesia. ―We have set up a committee of inquiry with Buddhists, Muslims and persons of no religious affiliation to look at the issue and determine what is really happening and provide some solutions,‖ Muzaffar told IPS. The six-member delegation of ANP leaders that was visiting Malaysia when the attack took place was basically the core political leadership of Buddhists in the Rakhine state. They were in Malaysia to meet exiled Myanmar Buddhists, collect donations and drum up support for their campaigns. They were also believed to have held a town hall-style public talk and discussion titled ―Reform in Burma and Arakan Politics‖ in Kuala Lumpur, according to a blog by Myanmar exile Hla Oo, who says Aye Maung is ―bitterly hated‖ by Rohingya Muslims. Aye Maung‘s Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) and the Arakan League for Democracy (ALD) – originally two rival groups – formally agreed to merge and form ANP (Arakan National Party) in October 2013, thus making it a formidable force in the state ahead of the 2015 general elections. RNDP‘s former stronghold was northern Rakhine while ALD‘s bases were in southern Rakhine. ALD won 11 out of 26 seats in Rakhine in the 1990 general elections. ALD didn‘t participate in the 2010 elections but RNDP participated and won 16 seats in Rakhine. The ANP leadership applied for official registration to Myanmar‘s Union Election Commission on Oct. 15 last year, but their application was only granted on Jan. 13 this year. Muzaffar believes that the Myanmar government is not doing enough to stop the violence in the state and the military may be trying to use Buddhist nationalism to perpetuate military rule beyond the 2015 elections. Referring to the Association of South East Asian Nations grouping of which Myanmar is a member, he said, ―Other ASEAN governments can‘t do anything to stop this, but they can get a dialogue going under the ASEAN charter of 2007. ―The international community could also help…but the problem is all are hoping to get a big slice of the Myanmar pie and western governments don‘t want to antagonise the Myanmar government.‖ Source: http://www.ipsnews.net/2014/02/myanmar-ethnic-strife-spills-malaysia/

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DKBA General Battles Suspected Throat Cancer February 15, 2014 •

Author: S'Phan Shaung

General Saw Lah Pwe, head of DKBA, is recovering from what is thought to be throat cancer in a hospital in Singapore, a DKBA commander confirmed to Karen News. DKBA Tactical Commander General Saw San Aung said that General Saw Lah Pwe‘s condition had improved, but that he needed to go through a further ―four rounds‖ of treatment at Glen Eagle hospital in Singapore. ―According to the doctors he [Saw Lah Pwe] has recovered by as much as 75%. He needs to follow-up with a medical check again in the coming week,‖ Gen. Saw San Aung said. Karen News has been led to understand that Gen. Saw Lah Pwe was in Burma on the 1st of February this year for a period of convalescence in Rangoon. Gen. Lah Pwe had been receiving treatment in Singapore since January. U Nyo Ohn Myint, from the Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), who had seen Gen. Lah Pwe, said that the he had been receiving food and water by pipes in his throat. ―He looks better than before he went to Singapore. He is able to speak now. We talked to him for about half an hour. We can say that his health has improved to the point where we are not so worried anymore.‖ The MPC had arranged Gen. Lah Pwe‘s ID card, passport and travel documents so he could get medical treatment overseas. Doctors recommended Gen. Lah Pwe get treatment in Singapore after he had first visited Panlong Hospital in Rangoon on December 23. Source: http://karennews.org/2014/02/dkba-general-battles-suspected-throat-cancer.html/

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Burma (Myanmar): Continued Ethnic Cleansing of Christian Kachin Minority By Elizabeth Kendal/ Life Site News On February 17, 2014

Burma Army Machinegunner at Kong Run on 3 February 2014

The Burmese Army (the Tatmadaw) is continuing its campaign of ethnic cleansing in resource-rich Kachin State. The Christian Kachin have long resisted the Burman Buddhist regime's brutal dictatorship. While the Kachin want autonomy so they can freely maintain their culture, the Burman Buddhist elite and military want complete control of Kachin land so they can exploit its resources. The situation in Burma is reminiscent of that in Sudan, where the Islamist-Arab regime in Khartoum is doing the same in the resource-rich mostly Christian, African south. Similar situations exist in Papua, Indonesia and in Vietnam's Central Highlands. In each case, the resistance of the predominantly Christian ethnic peoples is met with extreme military violence and ethnic cleansing motivated by greed and fuelled by state-sanctioned racial and religious hatred. On the morning of 30 January, Burma Army troops attacked Nam Gau Village of Mansi township in south Kachin State. More than 2000 people had already fled attacks in the area in November-December 2013 and now the remnant has also fled. The Burma Army took 20 villagers captive and thoroughly looted the village. Later that day soldiers of the Kachin Army led some villagers back to help them gather what remained of their belongings. At that point the Burma Army returned and a fierce fire-fight ensued. The next day Burma Army reinforcements arrived and the fighting escalated with the Burma Army attacking nearby Nam San Village also, firing heavy mortar rounds on civilian homes. Whilst ultimately the Kachin Army was driven out, it moved on to attack the Burma Army base, forcing the Burma Army to abandon the villages to defend their base. Other Kachin soldiers helped the local people collect what remained of their belongings. When the Free Burma Rangers relief teams conducted a medical clinic for those displaced in nearby Nam Lim Pa on 30 January, they found three bodies with clear evidence of torture. The ethnic cleansing continues.

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Despite propaganda to the contrary, the situation faced by the Kachin is actually worse than ever. In the past, when Burma was aligned with China, the West would attack the junta by exposing human rights abuses and championing the rights of the persecuted ethnic nations. However, when Burma re-aligned and sought rapprochement with the West, everything changed. All the West can see now is an opportunity to make great economic and geo-strategic gains in Burma. Nevertheless, before Western politicians could engage with Burma, Burma's image problem had to be dealt with. In reality, Burma's political 'reforms' are cosmetic and 'peace talks' are a stalling tactic. The government is essentially powerless, a mere front for the military which still calls the shots. The reforms really are all about image. In an act of extreme betrayal, the 'international community' is allowing the regime in Naypyidaw to control all distribution of international aid. Therefore the Kachin Army fights to defend the Christian Kachin from Burma Army aggression and expansion but the regime controls the aid. Like the regime in Sudan, the regime here uses this tactic to infiltrate deep into hostile territory where it then sets up offices and distribution centres and consolidates its presence. Thus the war-ravaged Christian Kachin are forced to choose between holding their ground and starving, or opening the door to the regime. As a retired US Army Special Forces officer, Tim Heinemann, notes: 'This is effectively international support for Burman-led counter-insurgency operations.' (Asia Times, 23 January 2014). It seems the West is prepared to ignore gross human rights abuses and war crimes to get access to Burma's vast and untapped resources, markets and cheap labour. Once their champion, now the West wants the ethnic nations to submit and co-operate. In July 2013 the British government even approved arms export licences to Burma worth over US$5 million. Source: http://crossmap.christianpost.com/news/burma-myanmar-continued-ethniccleansing-of-christian-kachin-minority-8960

UN Envoy Holds Talks With Kachin Government, Rebel Leaders Amid Clashes

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U.N. envoy Tomas Quintana (R)greets Kachin Chief Minister La John Ngan Hsai in the state's capital Myitkyina, Feb. 16, 2014.

Visiting U.N. human rights envoy for Myanmar Tomas Quintana held talks Sunday with government officials and ethnic rebels in northern Kachin state where fresh fighting threatens to mar President Thein Sein's plans to sign a permanent nationwide ceasefire agreement. He met separately with Kachin‘s Chief Minister La John Ngan Hsai in the state's capital Myitkyina and with leaders of the Kachin Independence Organization, the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), in Laiza, a rebel stronghold along the Myanmar-China border, officials said. The meeting took place as the government beefed up military reinforcements around Laiza following deadly clashes that erupted last week after a brief respite, reports said. Two KIA-controlled frontline posts that served as "protection" for the group's Laiza base were seized by Myanmar government troops after heavy clashes on Tuesday and Wednesday, the Kachin News Group reported on Thursday. No findings yet Quintana, who is the U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, did not offer any of his findings yet following the Kachin trip, which also included visits to camps located in rebel areas that are sheltering refugees scrambling from war-torn areas. ―The government as well as the KIO have shown willingness to let us visit the IDP [internally displaced persons] camps around Laiza and that is where we are headed to," he said before proceeding to rebel stronghold. "This trip is very important for my role," he said.

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"The people in these areas have suffered a lot from the fighting and I‘d like to hear their voices too,‖ said Quintana, who arrived last week on a six-day final official visit to Myanmar to assess the current human rights situation in the country and follow up on his previous recommendations. La John Ngan Hsai said he discussed with Quintana prospects for coordination of relief efforts for refugees outside government-controlled areas. "We are making our best efforts to provide in the IDP camps stability, health, education and housing opportunities for all the refugees with the help of NGOs as well as the authorities," he said. The Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), is the only major Myanmar rebel group that has not yet signed a cease-fire pact with the government. In October last year, the government and Kachin rebels failed to nail down a permanent cease-fire accord, but signed a new agreement aimed at reducing hostilities and laying the groundwork for political dialogue. March meeting Government peace negotiators are scheduled to meet with key ethnic rebel groups in HpaAn, capital of eastern Myanmar‘s Kayin (Karen) state, in March to lay the groundwork for a nationwide ceasefire agreement and crucial talks that could lead to a federal system of government giving ethnic states more powers. Quintana on Friday visited the volatile western Rakhine state, where Buddhist attacks on the Muslim Rohingya population have left more than 200 dead and tens of thousands displaced since 2012. He faced protests by scores of ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, who accused of him being biased in his reports which they said were in favor of the Rohingyas. The Rohingyas, who have borne the brunt of violence in Rakhine, are considered illegal immigrants by the Myanmar government even though they have lived in the country for decades. The U.N. considers the Rohingyas as among the most oppressed groups in the world. Quintana visited the prison in Rakhine's capital Sittwe and refugee camps housing thousands of mostly Rohingyas who were displaced by clashes in the state. He also held talks with government and community leaders. He will hold a press conference in Yangon on Wednesday before returning to Geneva, where he will present his final report on the rights situation in Myanmar at the Human Rights Council on March 17. Reported by RFA's Myanmar Service. Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.

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Source: http://www.rfa.org/english/news/myanmar/kachin-02162014155741.html

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