Improving public health through environmental design for informal public spaces

IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

University of Westminster College of Design, Creative and Digital Industries School of Architecture and Cities MSc Architecture and Environmental Design 2018/19 Thesis Design Study

Improving public health through environmental design for informal public spaces (Case study: San Jose, Costa Rica) Hrabrina Nikolova September 2019

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

CONTENTS PAGE 1. ABSTRACT AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS................................................................................................................4 2. INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................................................................5 2.1 Socio-ecological inequalities..................................................................................................................................6 2.2 Costa Rica - eco-nationalism and urban realities................................................................................................. 6 2.3 Public spaces and informal settlements ................................................................................................................7 2.4 Objectives, themes and research questions..........................................................................................................7 2.5 Methodology...........................................................................................................................................................8 2.5.1 Qualitative approach........................................................................................................................................8 2.5.2 Quantitative approach.......................................................................................................................................9 2.5.3 Computational simulations and data validation………………………......………………………………….………9 2.5.4 Design applicability……………………………………………………………………..……………………………….9 2.6 Structure of the report.............................................................................................................................................9 2.7 Summary...............................................................................................................................................................10 3. LITERATURE REVIEW..............................................................................................................................................11 3.1 Terminology..........................................................................................................................................................12 3.2 Indigenous culture of Costa Rica.......................................................................................................................13 3.3 The architects as a physician.............................................................................................................................15 3.4 Communities and urban design..........................................................................................................................17 3.5 Urban planning and slum upgrading...................................................................................................................19 4. SITE CONTEXT......................................................................................................................................................... 21 4.1 Costa Rica and San Jose – climate...................................................................................................................... 22 4.2 Rio Torres bio-corridor............................................................................................................................................26 4.3 Parque Plideportivo Aranjuez and Norte Otoya......................................................................................................27 4.4 Pulsa Urbana case study........................................................................................................................................30 5. FIELDWORK..............................................................................................................................................................31 5.1 Fieldwork measurement locations..........................................................................................................................32 5.2 Qualitative assessment..........................................................................................................................................33 5.3 Quantitative assessment........................................................................................................................................38 5.3.1 Measuring equipment..................................................................................................................................... 38 2

IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

CONTENTS PAGE 5.3.2 Fieldwork Day 1 (26.05.19)............................................................................................................................. 40 5.3.3 Fieldwork Day 2 (27.05.19)............................................................................................................................. 41 5.3.4 Fieldwork Day 3 (28.05.19)............................................................................................................................. 42 5.3.5 Fieldwork Day 4 (31.05.19)............................................................................................................................. 43 5.3.6 Fieldwork Day 5 (13.06.19)............................................................................................................................. 44 5.3.7 Conclusions.................................................................................................................................................... 45 6. ANALYTICAL WORK................................................................................................................................................ 47 6.1 Case study 'Fabian'............................................................................................................................................... 50 6.2 Case study ‘Joseph’.............................................................................................................................................. 52 6.3 Case study 'Silvester'............................................................................................................................................ 54 6.4 Shadow-mapping ................................................................................................................................................. 56 6.5 Universal Thermal Comfort Index (UTCI)............................................................................................................. 58 6.6 Conclusions.......................................................................................................................................................... 59 7. DESIGN PROPOSALS AND APPLICABILITY...........................................................................................................61 7.1 Top down approach – change of conditions...........................................................................................................62 7.2 Bottom up approach – urban form…......................................................................................................................66 8. CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................................................... 71 9. REFERENCES.......................................................................................................................................................... 73 10. FIGURES................................................................................................................................................................. 77 11. APPENDIX................................................................................................................................................................80

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

KEY WORDS

1. ABSTRACT

pubic health public spaces informal settlements air pollution environmental urban design

To provide healthy quality spaces and reduce further environmental inequalities it is imperative to assess the air quality of public areas within informal settlements. This research looks into Norte Otoya neighbourhood for San Jose, Costa Rica. Despite its large areas of tropical rain forest, Costa Rica has some of the highest CO2 emissions in Central America (Q Costa Rica, 2017) and high levels of urban air pollution.

Public health and air quality is particularly relevant in developing countries, where lowincome and informal communities tend to be more exposed to air pollution. (Chen & Xu, 2016; Dietz, 2016) Through detailed assessment on the environmental and air pollution of Norte Otoya, this thesis provides unprecedented data on particulate matter (PM10 and PM2.5) levels in the area, while highlighting the main source of pollution – transport. It challenges the official governmental statistics of ‘Moderate’ exposure, by identifying ‘Very Unhealthy’ readings, in accordance to the European Union Air Quality Index benchmarks, while exceeding the World Health Organisation ones.

Furthermore, the inquiry into improving public health within such settlements is developed throughout the thesis, addressing the complex socio-cultural and topographical context. With the use of computational simulation, this assessment takes into account wind direction, velocity, humidity, temperature and current use of open spaces. Three scenarios will be assessed – urban form, change of conditions and a combination of both (as described in the conclusion), each being sensitive to its climatic and social constrains. The resulting proposal is an alternative use of space, that is most successful when t combines planning and community participation.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank the University of Westminster, London UK and all the teaching staff that have been with me along the journey of my course, and Dr. Rosa Schiano-Phan, the course leader, as well as Mehrdad Borna, my supervisor, for their encouragement, inspiration and guidance.

Also, I would like to thank Gregory Melitonov and Ines Guzman from Taller KEN architects, as well as the team, for giving me the opportunity to participate at the Fundamental Design Build Initiative 2019 in Costa Rica. This research is a parallel investigation on a site which the Fundamental Design Built Initiative (FDBI) is concerned with. Being part of the project, I had the opportunity to work with and be inspired by many organisations, including local NGOs such as Rutas Naturbanas and Rio Urbano, which work hard to clean, restore and conserve the rivers of San Jose. I am also grateful to be able to converse with local architects and professors of architecture at the University of Costa Rica, and TEC, and have an in-depth understanding of public spaces in Costa Rica’s informal settlements.

Finally, I would like to thank everyone from the Norte Otoya community for their support and kindness.

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

2. INTRODUCTION

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

2. INTRODUCTION 2.1 Socio-ecological inequalities An estimated 25% of the world’s urban population live in informal settlements (UN-Habitat, 2013) with projections of almost 70% growth in people migrating to urban areas by 2050 (UN, 2018) adding to unprecedented strait on current living conditions. This also contributes towards an uneven impact of environmental deterioration on societies.

Current research on this topic debates why low-income neighbourhoods fall under ecologically declining urban areas, while trying to establish which condition appears first. It is undeniable, however, that poor communities are most vulnerable to higher levels of air pollution. (Hajat, Hsia, O’Neill, 2015) Recent reports on household air pollution in Nairobi’s poorer dwellers showed that indoor ‘air pollution is one of the leading causes of premature death and disease in these settlements’ (Dianati,et al.

2019). Another study on the health impact of outdoor air pollution in New Delhi identified that low-income residents tend to be more exposed to toxic air as 'levels of particulate matter tend to be higher in those areas' (Garg, 2011).

Furthermore socio-economic based environmental injustices are not unique to developing countries (Grineski, Bolin, & Boone, 2007). Dealing with air pollution on a city scale, even in the Global North, comes with many challenges, including a wide-ranging technical and political-economic transitions in all industries, infrastructure, transportation, and social services (Institute of Development Studies, 2018). It is therefore important to acknowledge that although mitigation of air pollution through policy, as a formal approach, is generally considered best practice, opportunities for air pollution dispersion and bringing environmental awareness, as an informal approach, would reduce the risk of further ecological inequalities.

These conditions however are due to change further, as low latitude countries are considered most vulnerable to climate change (Martin, R.2015) with projections on increased rainfall, extreme weather events and even higher temperatures. (IPCC, AR5 Climate Change 2014).

There is already evidence of the effects - one in four rain showers that fall over San Jose, Costa Rica, can be defined as acid rain (Díaz, 2006). This is an important factor, since once it enters the Earth’s hydraulic cycles, it is linked to further environmental decline through pollution deposition, material corrosion, acidification of rivers, contamination of soil, and erosion. Considering that in Central and Latin America, social inequalities are historically rooted (Dietz, 2016) climate change adds yet another dimension creating urgency in addressing critical urban points.

Assessing ambient air quality within such settlements is particularly important since open areas function as both

public and private spaces. Due to scarcity of space, the existence of any areas for communal gathering very often determines the homogeneous nature of the community. Despite all evidence, there are still have been no attempts by either humanitarian minded architects or social organisations towards environmental approach in defining such spaces or assessment for improving existing ones.

This research aims to assess the dangers to the public health of an informal settlement in San Jose, Costa Rica. It is an inquiry into assessing and improving ambient air quality for informal public spaces: what is the relationship between ambient air quality and sociodemographics, why is there any ambient air pollution within the settlement, why is the settlement formed there and are European urban design strategies capable of mitigating informal circumstances?

2.2 Costa Rica - eco-nationalism and urban realities What makes Costa Rica a particularly unusual case is the highly contrasting urban and rural environments. A stable economy, democratic government, and peaceful society with no military, the country has earned the title “Switzerland of Central America” (BBC, 2012). It is therefore alarming that despite its tropical rainforests, Costa Rica has some of the highest CO2 emissions and urban air pollution (Q Costa Rica, 2017). According to the World Health Organisation, San Jose shows evidence of poor air quality and health risks. Furthermore, adequate records and information are lacking, and no studies have been done that show a relationship between air pollution and health problems in Costa Rica. However, since 2014 some monitoring of air pollution concentrations in the city of San Jose have been carried out. Those observations indicate that half of the city’s population is exposed to particulate matter PM10, concentrations ranging from 25 to 51 µg/m3. According to WHO Ambient Air Quality Standards this will translate to 'Moderate' Air pollution level which still contributes to poor air quality’ (Latin America Health Care System Profiles Handbook - Strategic Information, Developments and Regulations).

No official studies on PM2.5 have been carried out or published. This report challenges some of the official statistics, showing much higher readings for both PM10 and PM2.5.

These urban realities are contradicted by international perceptions of eco-nationalism, resulting from Costa Rica’s efforts to preserve its natural resources and promote the country as a progressive Central American democracy. Programs, such as Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) are supported internationally as a successful natural resource management. Locally however, public movements brand them as political means for privatisation of forests and 6

IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

2. INTRODUCTION territories, while restricting forest dependent indigenous communities. Furthermore, REDD+ is recognised as a tool through which local and foreign investment can obtain offset for major carbon intensive construction projects (Lang, 2016). The resulting expansion of national parks and reserves (covering over 25% of the country) have created ‘ecological islands’, forming closed off wilderness areas where the periphery is heavily urbanised and impermeable to species migrations (Torro, 2011). This urban density is further strained by conflict in neighbouring countries, and refugees’ migration. There are now 23 000 Nicaraguan migrants that live in Costa Rica (Robles, 2019).

Part of the effort to ease the increasing division between cities and nature is the conservation of urban biocorridors, such as Rio Torres in San Jose. Due to their pollution, the river and surrounding flora and fauna are areas of cheap land value and are mainly populated by informal or low-income neighbourhoods. Such is the case with Norte Otoya Barrio. Part of the settlement is entirely adjacent to a railway train track, and segregated by weekly high-budget activities within the Parque Polideportivo Aranjuez. Even though the park is considered public, it is predominately used by wealthy residents of San Jose.

An attempt to blur those boundaries and re-establish connection between different social classes, is an architectural installation turned public space proposed by the Fundamental Design Build initiative. This research however would investigate mainly the potential of such spaces within the boundaries of the settlement and assess its environmental benefits and constrains.

within the informal settlements of Bogotá, Colombia, showed the importance of available spaces for recreation, work and everyday social interactions. In the context of land scarcity, the existence of gathering locations predisposes the general well-being of the community and the city.

Furthermore, defining a specific space as ‘public’ within informal community could be difficult as any open inbetween space could be used as such. This fluidity of use shows the adaptability of its residents to topological and climatic constrains. This is particularly important in tropical climate, where temperature and rainfall are very high.

Finally, what constitutes quality public spaces in the developed world (i.e USA, Europe) in terms of design (usually formally planned) is challenged by the governing rules of their informal equivalent. As described by Hernandez-Garcia, ‘these spaces are not necessarily created to deliver services equitably across spaces and to people in places, as desired in the developed world’. In this sense the individuals are the direct creators of such spaces, sometimes adapting their use on knowledge in weather patterns which has been discussed in more details in chapter 5 of this thesis. However this knowledge in place is insufficient when dealing with wider problems, such as exposure to air-pollution, due to the limited research on the topic as well as being predominantly discussed in formal urban planning. Environmental urban design is therefore seen as an external expert strategy, which is no longer organically formed.

2.3 Public spaces and informal settlements

2.4 Objectives, themes and research questions

Seeking ‘the urban poor’ and their areas as places where new notions can be spread and grow has been explored as early as 1843, when religious missionaries would target ‘unsavoury urban neighbourhoods’ in London, UK. (Reed, 1988)

This research highlights the necessity for environmental assessment of air pollution concentrations as an important parameter in the organisational process of informal public spaces or the potential of such spaces.

What this paper is concerned with is analysing the air quality of those spaces against their use. Considering there is a difference in the way informal communities give meaning to open spaces, at least comparing to formal urban design, this thesis also aims to start a dialogue for bridging academic investigations and community participations.

The first published study on informal dwellings was conducted by John FC Turner, following a selfconstructed neighbourhood of Lima, Peru (Architectural Design, 1963) and the eventual governmental efforts for its integration and further development. Since then the creative approach in space-resource optimisation of self-made barrios (Smedley 2013), particularly in Central America, is still little understood. The ability of marginalised groups to self-organise and be efficient in improving their conditions with minimum resources or input had been closely observed by humanitarian organisations in developing countries . This is however also seen as counter-effective for such communities in terms of legalising their status as they take the burden of responsibility from the local government. More recently the works of Jaime Hernandez-Garcia on public spaces

Therefore, the immediate objectives of this report are: 1.

To identify and characterise the air quality of the site – pollution levels, type of pollutants and its sources 2.

To understand the climatic and environmental conditions of the site 3.

To identify and characterise the current public and open spaces and their use 4.

To understand the performance of those spaces in terms of comfort and public health (qualitatively and quantitatively) 7

IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

2. INTRODUCTION 5.

To highlight the most favourable areas for public use and introduce alternative space appropriations.

In the long term, this research hopes to introduce a new methodology in assessing and designing for informal public spaces, especially but not limited to, Central America. This is beneficial to both the efforts of current non-governmental organisation as well as policymakers and urban planners. This study is not directly policy oriented, however it is hoped that discussions on the topic could influence policy.

Three main themes will be covered – socio-economic context of the Norte Otoya Barrio, the air quality and environmental assessment of the site and its current against alternative use of outdoor spaces. The first two are the context and research of the study, and the last one is the objective. Even though the new proposal of land use can be seen as mitigation of circumstances, rather than solving the core problems, its aim is to holistically achieve a shift in priorities of its current urban hierarchy, as explained in Chapter 5.

These themes followed the initial research questions on: - What are the sources, types and levels of air pollution within San Jose’s informal settlements?

- What are the relationships between the socioeconomic status of the residents, the land use and the air quality?

Lastly, this study also aims to improve the health of the residents of Norte Otoya by enhancing awareness and reducing exposure to air pollution.

2.5 Methodology Starting point is a thorough literature review and research on the topics of Latin American informal settlements, public spaces within such settlements and air pollution.

Open public spaces are also culturally sensitive to their climate and hence use. Therefore climatic analysis was conducted prior any primary data collection. The IPCC report for Latin and Central America was also taken into consideration. This information was compared against the findings on the fieldwork.

When analysing the potential sources for air pollution, the railway train track became the focus of research. The Costa Rican railway system, under the stewardship of the Instituto Costarricense de Ferrocarriles (Incofer) was built in the late 19th century, and poorly maintained since, still operating with diesel burning trains. By the time of writing this report, a government initiative to modernise the transportation would supply new larger trains, that would still run on diesel (Rico, 2019a).

This study employed qualitative and quantitative methods,

sometimes simultaneously during fieldwork, because of the social, topographical and environmental complexity of the site. The borders of the informal settlement are very much defined in the case of Norte Otoya barrio. Those boundaries hold particular importance for the social activities and the access to households by the residents.

The act of being constantly present at the borders of the community made it possible for the residents to stop by and express interest in this research. In most situations data collection locations had to flexible due to changing circumstances – for example a community member is willing to open their household for measurements or there is a drastic change of weather. The fieldwork methodology also transformed with time with the level of acceptance by the community and their trust in a foreigner. In the case of informal settlements, foreign is anyone who does not belong to that particular barrio.

The methodology in data collection also changed due to noting weather patterns and optimising the performance of the air quality measuring devices.

2.5.1 Qualitative approach For the qualitative analysis of the site, the framework of Miles and Huberman (2019) was used to describe the main phases - data selection (through observations), data display (through photography and drawings) and conclusions. The observations include semi-structured informal conversations with various groups that use different public spaces during different times of the day or on specific days only. Considering some events take place once a week only, it took 2 weeks in total to interact with every social group that uses the public areas next to Norte Otoya Barrio. Further observations on the themes that emerged in response to the current circulation on the site include assumptions on ‘public’ spaces within the community based on the amount of households one can enter through one door. This lead to other assumptions on any potential deviations of current use of spaces.

The methodology does not include categorisation or classification of the groups in terms of age, gender, location, ethnicity and social background, as such information is not available and could not be gathered for the duration of the thesis. Demographic data however is presented within the 3 case studies as shown in chapter 6. The qualitative analysis also reflects on the amount of people using the public areas, including passersby.

The movement and types of activities in each location was mapped, based on density of the crowds. This would later inform spot measurements locations. The analysis showed the importance of air quality assessment judging by the scale and impact it may have on the public.

This understanding of the overall environment and perceptions of the environment (healthy - unhealthy) was communicated via sketching, photography, and partly by photo-elicitation (in this case showing picture diagrams of pollution data to residents). For the 3 case studies 8

IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

2. INTRODUCTION where measurements were taken inside households, the premises were chosen to represent families with various social and ethnic backgrounds. Another criteria for choosing these dwellings is the difference in their level height relevant to the level of the railway tracks.

2.5.2 Quantitative analysis The initial fieldwork on the environmental qualities of the site include measuring air pollution (particulate matter - PM2.5, PM10, Nitrogen Dioxide NO2) and CO2 (indoors only), while simultaneously recording weather conditions.

Each location shows 2 minutes of data collection. The timing of 2 minutes is precisely how long it takes for a passer by to enter, walk by, and exit the railway track.

The air quality as monitored using FLOW device (Plume Labs) which has an AI based mechanism. It learns to be more accurate overtime. This led to the device being left on to measure air quality both on and off site. Some of the data shown in chapter 5 is from other areas of San Jose.

The fieldwork lead to identifying sources of pollution, and type of pollutants. These results were then linked back to the type of activities and the meteorological conditions.

Later in the fieldwork the methodology changed. Based on the qualitative and quantitative assessment of the site, and the fact that residents treat the rail tracks as a public space as well as street, measuring time was increased to 15 min per location. The findings were analysed against 3 detailed case studies of 3 households and their surroundings. The pollution contamination of the open areas was both direct, indirect as sometimes the pollution source would be on the same level or above the dwellings.

A comparison between the 3 dwellings was done to assess how the current urban form can assist air pollution mitigation through dispersion.

use and urban form. Since the proposal is applicable for open spaces with similar conditions, the design is tested in more abstract terms, looking at the geometry itself and its ability to disperse air pollution.

2.6 Structure of the report This report is divided in 9 chapters. The Abstract / Acknowledgments, References and Appendix are particularly important for this thesis, as the research conducted overlaps with meetings between organisations and the community, and literature obtained during the FDBI project in San Jose. The project of the initiative in itself could be seen as a ‘slum-upgrading’ (UN Habitat, 2015) attempt through activating an existing public space.

This however is not covered within the framework of the report. Further analysis on the performance of the FDBI needs to be conducted in order to establish success rate.

Chapters 2 to 4 describe all the conditions which, only when combined together, can define the research problem. There is still limited evidence on each of the topics discussed, particularly in the context of Central America and Costa Rica, which created a specific constrains, referring to empirical data and literature from Latin America and Western academic publications on environmental design and air pollution mitigation. This is then applied on a specific site. Even though the report examines one barrio as a case study, similar set-ups could be seen throughout San Jose and Costa Rica. This makes the analytical part of the thesis highly applicable to settlements in similar climate and urban context.

Chapters 5 to 7 are dedicated to primary data collection, analytical work and design investigations. Although they are conducted and focused on Norte Otoya barrio, the methodology is generally applicable in assessing other similar areas.

2.5.3 Computational simulations and data validation Based on the data collected on site, EnviMET simulation are conducted on the 3 case studies. The results showed the particles movement, trajectory and behaviour.

Because of the verticallity of the site (see chapter 6) the analysis was conducted through sections and elevations.

This showed a ratio between most and least polluted areas. Those favourable locations were also assessed against the Universal Thermal Comfort Index to reconfirm their potential for public use. The summary of those results is reflected against the current use of open spaces by the community.

2.5.4 Design applicability The literature review combined with analytical work created a base for proposing alternatives in both space 9

IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

2. INTRODUCTION 2.7 Summary The results of the fieldwork and analytical work showed 'Very unhealthy' levels of both PM2.5 and PM10 air pollution, where the main sources are the burning of diesel and friction from the wheels of the train. This has an impact on the public health for both the resident of Norte Otoya and for the daily commuters who use the railway as a pedestrian path.

The design proposals discussed in the report are a top down, bottom up and combined approach. The top down is considered as the official slum upgrading approach, which is influenced by the fieldwork and computational analysis. This results in a new piece of infrastructure where an alternative pathway and public areas are introduced by the banks of Rio Torres. The second option, bottom up is used to describe a series of roof installations. The cone-based shape of the canopies is used to enhance wind and disperse pollution. This approach is more accessible and affordable, and its success depends on the efforts of NGOs and the communities. This thesis provides a reference for the implementation of such installation, suggesting that the proposed geometry would successfully mitigate circumstances in any similar scenario, The final approach is the combined efforts of communities, NGOs and municipalities in improving the conditions of the residents as well as Rio Torres. New access routes are possible, which would avoid pedestrians having to use an active railway track as a pedestrian path, while providing a safe passage. In addition to this, Norte Otoya community can accommodate the internal open spaces for alternative uses, including giving access to wider public use. This combined with the proposed architectural pollution dispersion system, would entirely shift the focus from the railway towards the river.

The applicability of the methodology in assessing the site, as well as the design proposals are adequate for any settlement with similar climate, topography and pollution source.

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3 LITERATURE REVIEW

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

3. LITERATURE REVIEW 3.1 Terminology ‘Slum upgrading - or slum improvement as it is also called - a package of basic services: clean water supply and adequate sewage disposal to improve the well-being of the community. But fundamental is legalising and ‘regularising’ the properties in situations of insecure or unclear tenure.' (MIT) Informal settlements are the most complicated urban condition. When addressing the topic of urban environmental design, much of the literature refers to scholar works or environmental planning and management, with very little on ‘slum upgrading’ (World Health Organisation). This report however is also concerned with the formal versus informal approach to urban design, and public open spaces in particular.

It is therefore important to list the literature where this terminology was adopted from. Definitions of informal settlements vary, but one that closely describes the complexity of the term is by UN Habitat: ‘Informal settlements are residential areas where 1) inhabitants have no security of tenure vis-à-vis the land or dwellings they inhabit, with modalities ranging from squatting to informal rental housing, 2) the neighbourhoods usually lack, or are cut off from, basic services and city infrastructure and 3) the housing may not comply with current planning and building regulations, and is often situated in geographically and environmentally hazardous areas. In addition, informal settlements can be a form of real estate speculation for all income levels of urban residents, affluent and poor.’

(UN-Habitat, 2003) The National Institute of Statistics and Censuses (INEC) also describes an informal settlement as a product of the so-called “land takeovers”, which eventually improve certain conditions, such as infrastructure of housing and access to services.

Based on author's observations of informal settlements in Bulgaria, India, Brazil and Costa Rica, this definition can be completed by adding – ‘urban areas which are formed organically, creating a specific ecosystem, that does not follow an official planning or building regulations.’

This highlights the approach towards design decisions or improvements that might happen within informal boundaries – organically, through the assessment and understanding of each particular settlement, ‘ the precariousness of the housing and the struggle of the people’ (Hernandez-Garcia, 2013).

Place-making – refers to a collaborative process by which we can shape our public realm in order to maximise shared value. More than just promoting better urban design, place-making facilitates creative patterns of use, paying particular attention to the physical, cultural, and social identities that define a place and support its ongoing evolution. (UN - Habitat 2015) 'Public spaces are all places publicly owned or of public use, accessible and enjoyable by all for free and without a profit motive. Public spaces are a key element of individual and social well-being, the places of a community’s collective life, expressions of the diversity of their common, natural and cultural richness and a foundation of their identity. […] The community recognises itself in its public places and pursues the improvement of their spatial quality’ (Garau, 2015).

The definition above is challenged in regards to informal neighbourhoods. In this context, informal public spaces are also defined in more unconventional ways. According to European planning ‘if a place is equally accessible to everyone, irrespective of their physical abilities, age, gender, ethnicity, income level and social status, it can be called a public space’ (Madanipour, 2016). This definition however is again not entirely accurate, as public spaces within settlements are not necessarily accessible or open to the public, as it is the case with Norte Otoya barrio. For the purpose of clarity, ‘public’ and ‘open’ spaces would be interchangeable terms within the report.

‘Slum upgrading - or slum improvement as it is also called - a package of basic services: clean water supply and adequate sewage disposal to improve the well-being of the community. But fundamental is legalising and ‘regularising’ the properties in situations of insecure or unclear tenure.' (MIT) 'Environmental justice / equality' - refers to the dynamic relationship between poverty, ecosystem services and pollution that sees vulnerable and poor urban dwellers suffer disproportionately from environmental impacts.

Environmental justice aims at curbing abuses of power in relation to natural resources and calls for the legal and social empowerment of the poor and new approaches to sustainability to secure future generations’ quality of life’ (UN - Habitat 2015).

Barrio - a district of a town in Spain and Spanish-speaking countries. In the US, the Spanish-speaking quarter of a town or city, especially one with a high poverty level.

‘Wind shadow’ - A turbulent and/or low-wind-speed region downwind of (behind) an object such as a building, tower, or trees. (Anne Whiston Spirn, 1986)

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

3. LITERATURE REVIEW 3.2 Indigenous culture of Costa Rica Costa Rica has some vernacular architecture preserved by the indigenous communities. Although not very well studied, there are some traditional houses and urban compositions that can reveal more about the original culturo-climatic relationships between the people and their buildings.

In her journal, Verena Tochtermann examines few native architectural morphologies (Bribri, Cabécar, Boruca, Maleku tribes), using Mieke Bal’s ‘Traveling Concepts in the Humanities’ (1946) as a starting point. The resulting analysis help to articulate a cross-disciplinary understanding to the architectural discourse onto which we can build further concepts.

‘What happens is that the human has four persons, […] four beings made into one, one is like the aura of one, which is the one that protects, this is the concept of the house. That’s the reason why we are the house and the house is us’.

Interview with Alí García Segura (Bribri and professor for Bribri studies), San José, July 13, 2017 by Verona Tochtermann

For instance, in Bribri indigenous culture, form is greatly influenced by symbolism. Although it defers from culture to culture, a common verticality is observed, which is translated into their architecture. The cosmovision (the way we understand the world) of the Bribri is shown in the shape of the roof (upper world - supramundo),as well as the ground floor, which is the extension of the underworld - inframundo. Each is made of 4 level, one a mirror of the other. (Tochtermann, 2018) What Tochtermann did not discuss is the relationships between materiality, typology and climate. Adopting the ‘traveling concept’ of Bal, this report would also reflect on indigenous typologies and assess their urban form and performance against air pollution dispersion. As seen further in chapter 7, there is a comparison to be made between scale and form of the traditional houses and their informal contemporary counterpart.

Fig. 3.2.1 Sketch of the cosmovision of the Bribri people of Costa Rica (González Chaves and González Vásquez, La casa cósmica talamanqueña y sus simbolismos, Figura 24: Concepción genérica del mundo, según interpretación de las historias bribris, 146)

Fig. 3.2.2 Ù sulë - Tyical Bribri house (Photo: Tochtermann, Die Architektur der Ureinwohner Costa Ricas, 100)

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IMPROVING PUBLIC HEALTH THROUGH ENVIRONMENTAL DESIGN FOR INFORMAL PUBLIC SPACES, H. NIKOLOVA 2019

3 LITERATURE REVIEW

Fig. 3.2.3. 'The construction process of the Ù sulë follows specific, strict rules and is remembered by the Bribri through stories about the construction of the world.'

(Tochtermann, 2018) - photoes by V. Tochtermann

Fig. 3.2.4 When old meets new - Innovative technologies on vernacular structure (photo source: https://www.pixcove.com/solar-panel-buildings-rooftop-architecturestraw-grass-roof-house-hut-shed-power-solar-panel-energy-astral-alternative/)

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3. LITERATURE REVIEW The construction process is complemented by the materials selection - as shown on Fig3.2.5 the roof and structure are made of thatched lianas and wood. This lightweight, low-thermal building is appropriate for the warm and humid climate of Costa Rica, where mainly the roof receives very strong solar irradiation. (Szokolay, 2015)The timber and lianas makes it the ideal choice for both roofing and structure, due to the heat insulation properties of the air gaps of the materials (Szokolay,2015).

The cone shape of the roof has also environmental function, as well as symbolic. As air moves from higher to lower pressure, the attic creates an air flow which helps heat dissipation and removes humidity (Szokolay, 2015).

Zooming out of the building scale and reflecting on the geometry, as analysed by Tochtermann, there is an interesting comparison to be made between the indigenous form and its air pollution dispersion capacity.

According to Anne Whiston Spirn (1986) ‘pyramidal shape tends to create a smaller wind shadow and less corner effect than one of rectangular shape, enhancing wind. Another important comparison is the in-between spaces of the Cabécar tribe, as laid out by Tochtermann in fig 3.3.1,the current grid organisation of San Jose, and the informal settlement, as described in chapter 7.

The advantages and disadvantages of the two city layouts are analysed in same chapter. The similarities are their publicness. The object of interest is not the form, but the absence of it, the void and its shape, dictated by the physical environment around it.

3.3 The architect as physician Adopting Bal’s use of traveling concepts, one can look at the environmental architect as the medical examiner of the human habitat. The doctor (architect) assesses symptoms (deterioration, deficit), gives prognosis (assessment). then proposes treatment (mitigation, improvements). The architects as much as the physician, is concerned with the well-being through the process of healing.

The process of achieving this is also crucial, as pointed out by Bal - the concept of performativity, rather than performance in both practices is the real core of transferring notions and knowledge. To back this up with an example - the same way an MRI image of damaged lungs would create reaction on the patient about their heath, a diagram of air-pollution readings on someone’s street brings out emotional response.

Fig. 3.2.5 Drawing of Ù sulë as drawn by Verena Tochtermann

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Fig. 3.3.1 Top Left: Verena Tochtermann, Die Architektur der Ureinwohner Costa Ricas: Eine Gegenüberstellung der indigenen Bauformen und deren Kontext (master’s thesis, Technische Universität Wien, 2016), 84., Top right: geometry analysis by Anne Whiston Spirn (1986) and Below: Cabécar tribe villge, as drawn by Verena Tochtermann

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3. LITERATURE REVIEW 3.4 Communities and urban design According to Dr. Jan Gehl in his book ‘Ciudades para la gente’ (‘Cities for people’) San Jose is a liveable city, where one can use ‘an attractive pedestrian path and a cosy bus stop’ (Gehl, 1980). This statement is largely true for downtown San Jose. The city could be walkable, however recent urban sprawl, high property prices and outdated public transport have forced residents to commute further, using mostly cars.

Historically called Villa Nueva, today’s San Jose formed during the Spanish colonisation of Costa Rica as a strategic centre for tobacco production (Encyclopedia Britannica). This is also evident in the European grid-like system of the city. Despite country’s natural resources, green public spaces in San Jose are relatively few, mainly concentrated in the city centre, and highly curated.

Today the city is overwhelmed by vehicles, traffic and lack of pedestrian-only routes. This has a big impact on air quality, but also gives opportunities for creative use of current infrastructure, such as improvised pedestrian routes and community place-making.

Looking further back, the struggle for territory in the Pacific, as extensively covered by the anthropologist

Arturo Escobar, is still seen today in various forms.

As described in his book ‘Territories of difference’ the Pacific should be seen as ‘region-territory of ethnic groups’ (Escobar, 2008). Therefore bringing notions of quality urban design, as proposed by Gehl, would further accompany the enactment of ‘Eurocentric globality’, which is currently imposed by the Western idea of modernity. This is important to consider when analysing the Norte Otoya barrio.

The ‘uneven geographies of poverty and livelihood being linked to culturally infected patterns of development’, as describe by Escobar (2008) are some of the leading forces in destruction of the traditional modes of production in those regions. Even though he refers to indigenous and black communities and their the cultural and bioecological conditions that have been transformed through Western capitalist modes of production, it is necessary to adopt that understanding also in the context of Central American urban design.

The works of Gehl and Escobar have a notion in common however - the need of non-specialist planning of urban spaces. Even though Jan Gehl does not specifically speak about community orientated design, he points out that ‘Medieval urban spaces have a virtue of their spatial qualities.’ (Gehl, 1980)

Fig 3.4.1 Map of San Jose from 1984, (Online source: https://issuu.com/majesbian/docs/344953224-ciudades-para-la-gente-ja/126

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Fig 3.4.2. Martina Franca, Pulia (Image source: Jan Gehl, 1980 'Life between buildings')

Fig 3.4.3 Informal settlement - La Carpio, San Jose Costa Rica, image source: Geofacies Magazine July 23, 2018

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3. LITERATURE REVIEW 3.5 Urban planning and slum upgrading In December 2018 the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) published 'Summary for Urban Policy Makers' (SPM) report. The SPM describes the consequences of unchecked development by highlighting the threat of undoing all the economic and social progressed achieved since the formation of the United Nations. It also calls for specific attention on cities and urban areas as the major players in adaptation and mitigation of climate change (SPM,2018).

Urban adaptation includes, amongst other factors, green infrastructure, ecosystem services and community-based adaptation. The latter is important for the participation of individuals and for their support of local governments in the implementation of mitigative actions to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. This, combined with the enhancement of natural systems, such as rivers and wetlands, and context-appropriate development of green spaces, would increase the urban resilience today and in the future.

One of the ways a transition towards sustainable cities can be achieved is by building an institutional capacity for more effective land use planning and infrastructure development. For the occasions of unplanned urban development (i.e informal settlements), an opportunity could be seen in providing climate resilient and lowcarbon structures, as those neighbourhoods are not yet 'locked in to high emissions infrastructure' (SPM, 2018).

Within undeveloped urban areas, planning can reduce the need of carbon-intensive transportation, by providing compact, alternative pedestrian routes and organisation of public spaces.

Fig. 3.5.1 Medellin, Colombia, Image source: WHO (https://www.who.int/ sustainable-development/cities/strategies/slum-upgrading/en/)

Good example is the MetroCable car in Medellin, Colombia built in the early 2000s, showing the potential of technologies, adequate urban planning and community engagement to improve both the health of the residents and their resilience towards climate change (WHO).

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Fig 3.5.2. Examples of Carbon Dioxide reduction techniques (SPM, 2018)

Fig. 3.5.3 Examples of urban-relevant adaptation options, with highlights on the need for sustainable land use and urban planning ( Source: SPM, SR1.5 Chapter 4, Table 4.12)

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4. SITE CONTEXT

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4. SITE CONTEXT 4.1 Costa Rica and San Jose - climate Costa Rica has many climate zones due to the variety of altitudes and coast lines. According to the Köppen-Geiger climate classification the most common ones are Tropical savanna climate or tropical wet and dry climate, tropical monsoon climate, tropical rainforest climate, subtropical highland oceanic climate and oceanic climate. San Jose falls under the 'Tropical savanna climate' which has distinct wet and dry seasons (Wikipedia, 2019). The average temperature in San José is 20.4 °C and average precipitation is 1901mm. The wet season usually starts from June and lasts until September, however on the time of conducting the research (May, 2019) the wet season has already began.

Fig 4.1.1 Google maps - Central America (Image source: Google Earth)

Fig 4.1.2 Google maps - Costa Rica (Image source: Google Earth)

Fig 4.1.3 Google maps - San Jose (Image source: Google Earth)

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4. SITE CONTEXT From the climate analysis of San Jose, it is evident that it has noticeably changed. The average rainfall in May is 180mm (Fabio Baudrit Weatherstation - Meteonorm).

According to IPCC A1B scenario (REF) , this was due to change by 2050, with average participation up to 220mm in May. As evident from official statistics (see Fig 4.1.6 )

rainfall already exceeded projections in May 2019. This change has devastating consequences, not only for indigenous land depending communities (Rodriguez, 2018), but also increases acidification on surface waters and soils, due to wet deposition of pollutants.

Fig 4.1.4 Average precipitation for Costa Rica in 2019, Santamaria weather station - source:

Fig 4.1.5 Average precipitation in San Jose for the period 1991 - 2010 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm

Fig 4.1.6 IPCC projection on average precipitation in San Jose for 2050 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm, IPCC climate scenario A1B

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4. SITE CONTEXT A similar scenario is observed for the temperature changes. The average maximum temperature in May 2019 was 28oC, much before the 2050 projections. The minimum average temperature for the month is 18oC. This is relevant as described in chapter 7 - Analytical work for the comfort of the outdoor spaces, as well as

the air movement that occurs from the temperature amplitude.

Higher temperatures of the air contribute towards stronger Urban Heat Island effect, increase in air pollution and mortality (Katsouyann et al., 1993).

Fig 4.1.7 Average minimum and maximum temperature in Santamaria, Costa Rica, Source: weather-and-climate. com, Santamaria International weather station

Fig 4.1.8 Average temperature in San Jose for the period 1991 - 2010 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm

Fig 4.1.9 IPCC projection on average temperature in San Jose for 2050 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm, IPCC climate scenario A1B

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4. SITE CONTEXT Prevailing wind is also important for air pollution concentrations and dispersion. Wind is more unpredictable, and its behaviour depends greatly on the context (urban or rural). The directional wind is primarily from the East throughout the year, with January being particularly windy. Since January is also a dry month, this could contribute positively towards air pollution dispersion.

The wind rose for May 2017 indicates stronger winds than those observed during fieldwork , as shown in chapter 5.

Fig 4.1.10 Annual wind rose for prevailing wind in San Jose, source: Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017

January

February

March

April

Fig 4.1.11 Wind rose for prevailing wind in May, San Jose, source: Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017 June

July

August

September

October

November

December

Fig 4.1.12. Monthly wind rose for prevailing wind in San Jose, source: Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017

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4. SITE CONTEXT 4.2 Rio Torres bio-corridor San Jose Greater Metropolitan Area is currently focusing on restoring the rivers crossing the city, being part of urban bio-corridors. Local NGOs Rutas Naturbanas and Rio Urbano have developed schemes to socially engage the city with its rivers by introducing series of pathways and accesses to the river-front. The first section of the master-plan is considered to be between Barrios Escalante, Aranjuez, Otoya and Amรณn along Rio Torres.

There is currently no proposal for a small plot of the master-plan - the inter-junction between three of the municipalities - Otoya, Aranjuez and Amรณn. It is also where the so-called Norte Otoya settlement is located.

This particular intersection is also interrupted by a train track for the national railway system - Incofer. This makes it a particularly complicated zone when addressing urban development issues, as it is unclear which municipality and/or institution is responsible for its well-being. This thesis focuses on precisely this urban void, highlighting the socio-ecological importance of addressing this critical point.

Fig 4.2.1. Bio-corridors (Source: Floresa, L. & Mongea, L. S. (2018) ' Strategies For The Recovery Of Threatened Natural Systems And Their Role In The Mitigation Of Rapid Urban Growth InMontes De Oca, Costa Rica'

Fig 4.2.2. Render image - Rutas Naturbanas proposal for Rio Torres access and path route (Image source: Courtesy of Rutas Naturbanas)

Fig 4.2.3. Master-plan proposal for the first 3 kilometre section (Image source: Courtesy of Rutas Naturbanas)

Fig 4.2.4. Landscape plan showing the disconnected route between Otoya and Aranjuez. For more information, refer to Appendix of this document (Image source: Courtesy of Rutas Naturbanas)

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4. SITE CONTEXT 4.3 Parque Plideportivo Aranjuez and Norte Otoya The Norte Otoya settlement is in-between Rio Torres, Avenida 17, Incofer track and Parque Polideportivo Aranjuez. The railway track is also informally used as a pedestrian pathway, connecting the neighbourhoods Amon, Otoya and Aranjuez. It also serves as the public space of the residents of the settlement and has a semiformal entrance to the adjacent park. The Polideportivo is a public park, with a football field, basketball court, semicovered events space, children playground and police station. The pathway that circulates the park is also used as a weekly market for organic foods and handmade goods.

As described below, the main points of the area: • Location 1 is an informal entrance to the community and the only wide part of the railway track for a car or social service/ healthcare vehicle, to enter the community.

• Location 2 is a meeting point for many locals, residents, and an ‘official’ gate entrance to the park, although the park is presumably public.

• Location 3 is a very complex topological intersection between the rail track and river, little vegetation and high rate of erosion, particularly on the west side, which also contains dwellings • Location 4 is the tunnel entrance and another complex intersection between the railway tunnel, residential dwellings, dense vegetation and the highway at the top. The tunnel is also a point of crime due to lack of night infrastructure and safe passage • Location 5 is a playground for children, which is use by the locals, however it also serves young adults and as a meeting point • Location 6 is a curated garden by the park’s administration and NGO Rutas Naturbanas. It also hosts a weekly Saturday event – Feria Verde – high end luxurious organic goods market that attracts hundreds of people every weekend.

• Location 7 is an Anti-drugs police office which oversees only the park area. The area around it is also used as a parking.

• Location 8 is a relatively heavily used football field, surrounded by a road and parking.

• Location 9 is a basketball courtyard and semicovered events tent.

Rio Torr

es

Fig 4.3.1. Plan view of site and points of interest

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Fig 4.3.2 Location 1

Fig 4.3.2 Location 2

Fig 4.3.3 Location 3

Fig 4.3.4. Location 4

Fig 4.3.5. Location 3

Fig 4.3.6. Location 4

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Fig 4.3.7 Location 5

Fig 4.3.8 Location 6

Fig 4.3.12 Location 7

Fig 4.3.9. Location 8

Fig 4.3.11 Location 9

Fig 4.3.10 Location 9

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4. SITE CONTEXT 4.4 Pausa Urbana case study Even though Parque Polideportivo Aranjuez is considered a public place, it is used mainly by the middle class residents of Aranjuez area and San Jose. At night areas where activities happen during the day are locked.

The issues of how public spaces are design, perceived and used are addressed by a Costa Rican NGO Pausa Urbana. A group of activists, artists and architects, the initiative focuses on the gradual activation of neglected urban spaces through weekly community events and design ideas.

Fig 4.4.1 Heredia Christmas Tree (Image source: Pausa Urbana http://pausurbana.blogspot.com/)

An example of such event is the 'Heredia Christmas Tree' which consisted of the design, realization and installation of a large Christmas Tree, made mostly with recyclable materials, in the central park of the city of Heredia, San Jose `Province. This shows a community participation in recreational activities within already established public space.

Another successful example is the Pasaje San Juan, a collaboration between local artist, UN-Habitat and engagement with students from the area. The aim is to enhance the street and transform it to a welcoming public space through colourful design. Even though Pausa Urbano address critical social and urban issues, there is a need, more than even, for an environmental assessments on the proposed new spaces and their use.

Fig 4.4.2 Community participation as shown for the Heredia Christmas Tree (Image source: Pausa Urbana, http://pausurbana.blogspot.com/)

Fig 4.4.3 Pasaje San Juan (Image source: Pausa Urbana http://pausurbana.blogspot.com/)

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5. FIELDWORK

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5. FIELDWORK 5.1 Fieldwork measurement locations Each project of Pausa Urbano uses the current circulation of people while identifying the potential for alternative ways of using the space. The fieldwork measurement locations were chosen while qualitatively assessing the site, using Pausa Urbano's strategy of observing the activities carried out throughout the day.

interact. The tunnel is also perceived as unsafe by the locals, due to crime issues.

At the time of conducting the analysis (May, 2019) the wet season has started, which meant that there were rain showers every day - predominantly in the afternoon. The locations for shade, as established by the community transform to locations for protection from the rain.

The qualitative and quantitative assessment of the site is parallel, because of the nature of the areas in focus spaces are used by the public when they are convenient, accessible and provide some comfort.

Apart from the days when there are scheduled activities within Parque Polideportivo, the area is least active between 12pm and 5pm, which almost aligns with the railway schedule.

5.2 Qualitative assessment

In late afternoons, the site becomes more lively, with people returning from work, community members socially interacting, young adults meeting and children playing.

Most of these activities happen at the rail tracks, due to the social convenience (all house entrances face the tracks, as well as the natural shading of the buildings and the topography from the west). There is a cultural aspect to this - residents tend to leave the front door open, and the metal gate locked, partly to ventilate the houses, and partly for overseeing passers by. This is a mechanism for watching out for other community members, as well as foreigners.

The qualitative assessment combines authors observations (represented through diagrams and photographs) and conversations with passer-bys.

Throughout the day the use of spaces changes* with the weather conditions, as well as demographically.

Norte Otoya contains around 30 families, with different ethnic and religious backgrounds - Catholic, Jewish, Costa Rican, Nicaraguan, etc. The average age of the residents is 30 years old, showing the predominantly elderly population.

The railway track is heavily used during mornings and evenings as a pedestrian pathway, from the north to downtown San Jose. The user profile consists of students (variety of ages - from nursery to undergraduates) and workers. The flow of people is steady, until 10-11am, when the crowd changes. These are also the morning active hours of the pedestrian train that crosses the same line. Because of security issues, and an accident resulting in loss of life of a resident crossing the line, the trains are now instructed to indicate by sound (using whistles and horns) every time they pass though this area.

Interestingly this contributes towards another source of pollution - sound. The consequences are negative for the residents, not only right next to the railway, but also within a wider radius.

The east side of the rail track is most active, as it is shaded and is wider. Due to the climate, the early mornings are particularly hot by 8-9am and shade is needed. The park area is almost not used during mornings in most days of the week, apart from dedicated Thursdays and Fridays to dance classes or football trainings.

By 12pm the sun is almost vertically above the ground, making it hard for pedestrian to find shadow unless they are using the park area. The railway tunnel serves as a heat retreat, since the trains stop for a lunch break between 12pm and 3pm. There are still small unregulated train wagons that run in between those hours, making it highly unpredictable and unsafe place to rest or socially

On specific days, such as Saturdays, there are commercial and recreational activities within the park.

The event, 'Feria Verde', attracts people from different ages and similar backgrounds, as well as many foreign residents of San Jose, or tourists. Even though there are multiple accesses to the event (including the railway ramp), visitors tend to drive through the park, eventually turning a big part of the green areas into a parking lot.

Norte Otoya residents have expressed their concerns that the market is unaffordable, with some complaining of the amount of noise in the morning. Many of the Feria Verde visitors are not aware of the existence of the settlements, believing that there is no path beyond the railway tracks.

The conclusion from the qualitative assessment is the importance of providing an alternative access from the settlement to the Polieportivo, once for the integration of the community, and last - for their health and safety.

*Note: The site is used by 5000 passers by on average every day. On Fridays, during events, there are on average 500 people using the Parque Plideportivo.

During Saturdays - 1000 people.

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1

1

2 3

2 3

Fig 5.2.1 Camera positions diagram

Fig 5.2.2 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 8am

1

2

3

Fig 5.2.3 images - people passing by in the morning, using the east side of the tracks, where it is shaded (Author photo, 8am May 2019)

Fig 5.2.3 Section diagram showing sun angles at 8am for May 2019 10

50

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1

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Fig 5.2.4 Camera positions diagram

Fig 5.2.5 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 2pm

1

2

3

Fig 5.2.6 images - people using existing infrastructure and the park area for shade, however the railway is still used as pedestrian passage (Author photo, 12pm May 2019)

Fig 5.2.7 Section diagram showing sun angles at 12pm for May 2019 10

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2

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Fig 5.2.8 Camera positions diagram

Fig 5.2.9. Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 5pm

2

1

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Fig 5.2.10. images - people residents using the railway as street/ public space (Author photo, 5pm May 2019)

Fig 5.2.11. Section diagram showing sun angles at 5pm for May 2019 10

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2

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Fig 5.2.12 Camera positions diagram

Fig 5.2.12 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 12pm on Saturdays

1

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Fig 5.2.13 images - the public areas of the park are transformed every Saturday, with increased traffic, vehicles and different activities (Author photo, 12pm May 2019)

Fig 5.2.14 Section diagram showing sun angles at 12pm for May 2019 10

50

100

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Fig 5.2.15. View of the site from Avenida 17, on top of the railway tunnel

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3 Quantitative assessment 5.3.1 Measuring equipment The dynamic use of spaces around Norte Otoya led to identifying the key measurements locations. The air pollution measurements were taken with FLOW device, produced by PLUME LABS. It measures particulate matter (PM) sizes 10 Âľm or larger, and 2.5 Âľm or smaller.

At the time of the research, the NO2 (Nitrogen dioxide) sensor did not detect any air-pollution. Considering the observed visible air-pollution from the transport system, it is realistic to say that the sensor is broken, and the lack of values is incorrect. This has been one of the major limitations to the research. As a result, the report would reflect on the PM10 and PM2.5 readings. The measurements are sent via a mobile application and could be extracted online. The FLOW device has an AI self-learning system, which becomes more accurate the more it is active.

Note: FLOW also detects Volatile Organic Compounds (VOC), but since the assessment is on outdoor spaces, and VOC appears in nature too, it will not be discussed in this report.

CO2 measuring device was used for indoor air-quality measurements on the tree case studies (as described in Chapter X).

Fig 5.3.1.2 FLOW air quality measuring device and mobile application interface

For the weather conditions, Testo 410-1 vane probe anemometer was used, measuring minimum, maximum and average wind velocity, air temperature and humidity.

Fig 5.3.1.1 Testo anemometer

Fig 5.3.1.3 An examplar CO2 hand held meter with a sensor.

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Fig 5.3.1.4 Circulation patterns and measurements locations

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3.2 Fieldwork Day 1 (26.05.19) Initial observations show strong correlation between the peaks of PM10 and the train passing by. According to official train schedule, passenger trains stop running after 11am (resuming in the evening), however there are cargo trains which are unofficially passing in between the passenger ones. Readings on the first day are higher near the vegetation, having the prevailing wind following the railway from the south-west. Locations 1 and 5 show highest readings in PM10, related to the car park surrounding the basketball grounds and the Avenida 17 highway. Measurements were also taken in the morning during rush hour. This all comes to show that much of the transportation is burning diesel.

Even though after 7:30pm the device was not on site, it was still located by the same railway tracks in Otoya barrio. The readings show, once again, very high PM around the same time as the train functions.

Fig 5.3.2.1 Spot measurements locations on 26.05.19 and weather conditions

Fig 5.3.2.2. Official Incofer train schedule

Fig 5.3.2.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia)

1

2

3 4

5

Fig 5.3.2.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 26.05.19

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3.3 Fieldwork Day 2 (27.05.19) The following day PM10 is still the predominate pollutant.

As per previous research conducted in New Zealand on how weather impacts air-pollution and particulate matter in particular (Hernandez et al., 2012), there seem to be a positive correlation between PM10 and a threshold of 73% Relative Humidity. On day 2 relative humidity was around 60%.

Prevailing wind from south-west on that day showed PM dispersion towards the park, hence the higher readings from the basketball field

Fig 5.3.3.1 Spot measurements locations on 26.05.19 and weather conditions

Fig 5.3.3.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia)

Fig 5.3.3.2. Official Incofer train schedule does not show the cargo trains. they usually run in=between the passenger ones

4 1

2 3

Fig 5.3.3.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 26.05.19

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3.4 Fieldwork Day 3 (28.05.19) On day 3 - PM2.5 readings would occasionally exceed PM10. This is potentially related to much higher humidity, lower temperature and little to no wind. Based on research when humidity increases, moisture particles eventually grow in size to a point where ‘dry deposition’ occurs, reducing PM10 concentrations in the atmosphere.

(Hernandez et al., 2012), Also confirmed is the passenger and cargo trains as the main sources of air pollution for the study area.

Locations 1 and 2 also appear under a tunnel of vegetation and are a preferred location for shelter from rain. Interestingly, these are also the locations with the highest levels of pollution concentrations on that day.

Fig 5.3.4.1 Spot measurements locations on 28.05.19 and weather conditions

Fig 5.3.4.2. Official Incofer train schedule

Fig 5.3.4.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia)

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5 13

4

Fig 5.3.4.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 28.05.19

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3.5 Fieldwork Day 4 (31.05.19) On the 4th day reading repeat – Location 1 and 2 still show high levels of both PM2.5 and PM10, even though prevailing wind is from south-east.

Location 4 is indoors – first contact with a community member and first readings of indoor pollution – it is interesting to observe that PM10 is still very high, even inside the household. Based on the qualitative assessment, this is due to the dwelling being completely exposed towards the railway, and with one sided ventilation through the front door.

Locations 5 to 9 show relatively moderate PM pollution, however still surprising, considering the amount of vegetation. Possible reasons – the surrounding hills and trees makes it difficult for wind to pass through.

Fig 5.3.5.1 Spot measurements locations on 31.05.19 and weather conditions

Fig 5.3.5.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia)

Fig 5.3.5.2. Official Incofer train schedule

2 13

4 6 5 78 9

Fig 5.3.5.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 31.05.19

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3.6 Fieldwork Day 5 (13.06.19) For the final day of air quality measurements, the methodology was changed to gather information in 15 minutes per each location. Again, all measurements had to be taken in the morning during rush hour, but also due to the climate as it usually rains in the afternoons. That day was particularly windy, however PM 2.5 levels still spiked when cargo train passed.

Fig 5.3.6.1 Spot measurements locations on 13.06.19 and weather conditions

Fig 5.3.6.2. Official Incofer train schedule

Fig 5.3.6.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia)

4

13 2

Fig 5.3.6.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 13.06.19

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5. FIELDWORK 5.3.7 Conclusions As observed during the week of fieldwork, the coarse and fine particulate matter (diameters bigger than 10 and smaller than 2.5) reaches 'Very Unhealthy' (according to the European CAQI) levels, especially in the mornings when students and working residents use the railway as a pedestrian route. This means the rate of exposure for the passers by is still very high, considering the density of PM per hour. Every day of measurements showed an average readings of PM10 48-50 µg/m³ which are much higher than the official statistics of 25 µg/m3 for the area (The Costa Rica star, 2019). PM2.5 surpassed the average as described above on two of the days.

Furthermore, the findings show the peaks of PM correspond with the train passing by, which occurs much more frequently than the official schedule. This, in combination with the adjacent residential houses, creates a particularly problematic public space.

Relating this chapter to the earlier narrative of the architect as a physician, the fieldwork can be seen as the examination of the site. The diagnosis - air pollution from diesel burning and metal wheel friction. With the source of pollution identified, there are three main strategies in improving the conditions - removing the source, creating protection from the polluted air through design, and identifying alternative routes and areas with least exposure for both pedestrians and residents to use.

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK Based on the data collected during fieldwork, and the conversations with residents, 3 households were chosen as part of the analytical work. The criteria was accessibility and variety in topography. Most measurements could not be taken within the settlement, apart from inside some of the houses located between the railway tracks and the river. All scenarios of air pollution concentrations and identifying areas with least pollution are done with the help of EnviMET simulation software.

The method of approaching this assessment is by dissecting the site vertically. This is due to the difference in pressure that creates air flow and wind. This method also showed an interesting hierarchy of spaces and their use. Avenida 17 and the rail are at the top in terms of height as well as use - they are the busiest in social terms. The green spaces and the river are at the bottom with no visibility, access or interactions.

Fig 6.1.1 Illustrative plan highlighting the 4 main elements of the site - the highway, the railway, the housing and nature (river and vegetation) and section line

20 Fig 6.1.2 Illustrative section showing hierarchy of spaces from top to bottom - highway, railway, housing/nature and river (bottom)

80

N

Fig 6.1.3 Drone still diagram highlighting the verticallity of the site, with Rio Torres as the lowest point.

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK The first case study, Fabian’s house, is also the first one from the settlement to be built in Norte Otoya. It is adjacent to both Avenida 17 and the railway. Fabian lives with his family, 6 people all together. The family recollects accessing the riverside and alternative routes before the settlement grew.

Joseph is part of the Jewish community, and he lives with his sister and parents. They have renovated their house, which they bought from a relative.

The last study is through Silvester’s house. He is a Nicaraguan costume designer, and lives with his boyfriend and friend. He is unaware who originally build the house.

All houses have their entrances towards the railway tracks, but differ in size, level above the water, height and construction.

Fig 6.1.4 EnviMET simulation model - plan view of terrain

Fig 6.1.5 EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM10 between 8am and 10am. Case studies

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK 6.1 Case study 'Fabian' The first case study is a section through Fabian's house.

He lives with his brothers, parents and grandparents. The house is located right next to Avenida 17 and the railway.

It is the first house from the settlement according to Fabian. Now the dwelling is surrounded by other houses, some of them in a considerably better condition.

The house has no operable windows, and is ventilated by the front door towards the railway and a small courtyard at the back. There is no opening towards the river. Measurements of air quality were identical to the ambient air quality, with high levels of PM10 and PM2.5, showing readings of 48-50 µg/m³ per hour. CO2 was also measured, showing 500ppm, which is considered standard for indoor spaces (CIBSE, 2011).

Fig 6.1.5 Site photos - Hrabrina Nikolova, Norte Otoya Barrio, San Jose, May '19

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK The Envimet simulation validated the fieldwork measurements, confirming the high concentrations of particulate matter within the radius of the household (see fig. 6.1.7) The dwelling's proximity to the source of pollution, the infrastructure and terrain makes it particularly difficult for wind to penetrate and disperse pollution.

Alternatives to this is using the back garden area as source of ventilation, as opposed to the front door. There is currently no access to the household apart from via the highway or railway tracks.

Fig 6.1.6 Plan view and section through case study 1 - Not for scale

Fig 6.1.7 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure - Not for scale

Fig 6.1.8 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK 6.2 Case study 'Joseph' Joseph’s house is around 3m below the railway level, and even though it has operable windows, ventilation is from the front door towards the pedestrian area, meaning the railway. There are also windows towards the river, so the air quality measurements showed high levels of PM10 and PM2.5 only when the train passed by.

Fig 6.2.1 Site photos - Hrabrina Nikolova, Norte Otoya Barrio, San Jose, May '19

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK The second scenario showed much better pollution dispersion because of the little obstructions from the east (no vegetation) and the urban form - the rooftop enhances air flow. The success rate can be seen from the rate of dispersion against distance - high concentrations on the railway lead to very low values within less than 10 meters.

This is also relevant for the spaces between the house and the river which is protected from air pollution because of both the house and the difference in heights between the track and the river. This could be identified as a 'healthy' public space.

Fig 6.2.3 Plan view and section through case study 2 - Not for scale

Fig 6.2.4 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure - Not for scale

Fig 6.2.5 EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK 6.3 Case study 'Silvester' The last case study is particularly interesting as the porous roof lets air flow through the building, which enhances pollution dispersion significantly. No indoor air pollution levels were detected. Another benefit is the balcony and levels -1 to ground floor, where an overhang shields the river from pollution exposure.

Fig 6.3.1 Site photos. Right - access to balcony towards the river. Bottom - front door entrance - Hrabrina Nikolova, Norte Otoya Barrio, San Jose, May '19

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK The house is next to locations 1 and 2 as described in Chapter 5.3.4 Fieldwork Day 3. The readings are the highest as confirmed by the simulation.

This is contrasted by the availability of the urban form to block the pollution (using a metal fence) and disperse it through series of vegetation, creating a barrier.

Considering the house is exposed entirely towards the river, the indoor measurements were opposite the the ambient air quality, showing no pollution levels.

Fig 6.3.2 Plan view and section through case study 2 - Not for scale

Fig 6.3.3 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure - Not for scale

Fig 6.3.4 EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK 6.4 Shadow-mapping Shadow mapping as an environmental design strategy is important when discussing public spaces. The comfort of an outdoor space determines how often and for how long is used. For example the hot climate of Costa Rica means direct solar radiation poses health risks, particularly during peak hours, if users are not under a shadow. The shadow mapping simulation allows us to pin down the areas of the settlement where sun exposure is considerably less.

The simulation is conducted over the length of an year.

This is due to the little variations in incident solar radiation between seasons. The identified locations with little to no direct sun are also visibly preferable by the community members as well, as shown in images 6.4.3 to 6.4.7 of this chapter. Most of those places appear under a shadow or have sunlight during late afternoons when the sun is not so strong. *Note: The conditions described are favourable for daytime use only. No night-time simulations, measurements or use are done for the proposed areas.

Fig 6.4.1 Annual sunlight hours - shadowmapping produced by Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017

Fig 6.4.2 Open areas shown as boxes of 'voids'

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Fig 6.4.3 Areas for physical activities

Fig 6.4.4 Areas for kids playground

Fig 6.4.5 Areas for storage

Fig 6.4.6 Area photo showing the availability of the river-front

Fig 6.4.6 Internal courtyard, semi-public

Fig 6.4.7 Improvised gathering space by the north bank of Rio Torres

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK 6.5 Universal Thermal Comfort Index (UTCI) The UTCI measures the thermophysiological effects of the atmospheric environment on the human biometeorology.

(UTCI official definition, refer to references). This interdisciplinary field tries to understand the relationships between temperature, humidity, wind, solar radiation and the human perception of comfort. In general terms, the definition of comfort varies between ages and genders, however there are some key universal factors that pply to the majority of users. The assessment criteria is called 'Stress levels' as shown on Fig 6.5.1.

The UTCI simulation, conducted with Envimet software has differentiations from in the data layer legend colours, however values can be related to the official scale. The results show stress values between +12 and +25 in the areas between the houses and the river. This indicates no thermal stress, making it the most balanced area with highest potential in comfort.

Fig 6.5.1 UTCI assessment scale (Image reference: UTCI official database, http://www.utci.org/utci_doku.php)

Fig 6.5.2 Universal Thermal Comfort Index - Envimet simulation from 9am for 2 hours

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6. ANALYTICAL WORK 6.5 Conclusions All three case studies confirmed the impact of the railway system on the air quality of the currently used pedestrian public area and for the adjacent community. Furthermore, the topography and urban form play an important role in absorbing, blocking or dispersing the pollution while creating healthy open spaces located by the level of the river front - according to the Envimet results, the pollution levels are between 5 to 9 times lower by the river.

This finding is further reinforced by the environmental analysis. The highest comfort experienced by the users is in areas with least high sun and temperature. As seen from the shadow-mapping, and confirmed by the UTCI, the in-between spaces towards Rio Torres offer most pleasant microclimatic conditions.

Finally, even though the train track acts as an informal public space and street of Norte Otoya barrio, there are open areas that are identified already by community members and are used for recreational purposes. These locations also align with the data validation analysis, showing that there is an interest in shifting the public attention from the railway to the river.

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY 7.1 Top down approach - change of conditions Good design is central to planning. Design proposals in both formal and informal areas need to be environmental.

In the case of Norte Otoya, the significance of the railway track to connect different barrios means a top down approach, or municipality led urban design, is needed.

By introducing a safe, free of air pollution passage that connects to the neighbourhoods, the city would benefit from healthier communities, willing to participate in further developments.

As observed from the fieldwork, an alternative access from end of Calle 15, following the river to Paque Polideportivo Aranjuez, opens multiple opportunities for public spaces.

This, in combination with series of bridge passages, as discussed in projects by Rutas Naturbanas and Rio Urbano, would create a significant improvement in the current infrastructure and space use. This approach however needs to be communicated and integrated with the Norte Otoya community, highlighting on the health and social benefits that such development would bring.

A critical point - the intersection between Avenida 17 and the rail would require a tunnel linking the settlement with the park. This perhaps is the most intensive intervention, and further survey on its applicability needs to be done.

It is however evident that such passage would be very beneficial to all connecting neighbourhoods.

Fig 7.1.1 Proposed alternative pathway for public use (Photo credit: Fundamental Design Build Initiative)

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY

Fig 7.1.2 Envimet model with section lines

A

B

A

B

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY Section B

Section A

Fig 7.1.3 3D view showing pollution levels near the river are on average 4 times less concentrated

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY

Fig 7.1.3 Image render showing what air flow would look like if it was visible (Envimet simulation)

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY 7.2 Bottom up approach - urban form The second proposal in mitigating the circumstances is change of urban form. Referring back to Totchermann and Whiston Spirn, the concept of a cone as a roofing elements has been analysed. This element is then repeated to create a continuous urban form. The aim is to encourage air flow from the railway tracks up towards the atmosphere (dispersion method). The results from the simulation show much wider range of pollution, which is much diluted towards the river. As seen from the comparison in fig. 7.2.3 there is an evident concentration of particles adjacent to the current form (wind shadow).

The cone performs significantly better, achieving twice more air flow for the in-between spaces - fig. 7.2.2.

Fig 7.2.1 Envimet plan view of modelled cone architectural form

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY Current

Proposed

Fig 7.2.2 Envimet plan view of modelled both current and proposed form

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY

Current

Proposed

Fig 7.2.3 Envimet results - comparison between current and proposed form

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Fig 7.2.4 Renders showing architectural form as an identity

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7. DESIGN PROPOSAL AND APPLICABILITY

Fig 7.2.5 Sketch elevation showing potential of using architectural form to create a cohesive visual language

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8. CONCLUSION

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8. CONCLUSION Improving public health and mitigating air pollution on urban scale comes with many challenges. As described through the course of the thesis, it is even more complex to address such issues within informal settlements. As in the case of Norte Otoya, urban policy, environmental design and community engagement need to come together to be able to shift the current use of public spaces. The top down approach, i.e. municipality led urban development, would benefit economically in improving public health by reducing healthcare bills. (Leon, 2018). This would also reduce the associated socio-ecological inequalities within low-income communities.

As seen in the works of non-governmental organisations such as Pausa Urbana, architects and activists recognise the importance of reclaiming urban voids in favour of the general public. This needs to integrate environmental design strategies within its frameworks to ensure a healthy quality spaces are achieved. The tools with which this could be done would also empower communities to understand the conditions and associated risks of pollution exposure and why these conditions need to change. Creating a new path, as proposed, or identifying quality urban spaces, as investigated, can be the pretext to start a dialogue on how these conditions came about and what are the main issues to be solved. As cities move to carbon-zero infrastructure, the problem of air pollution remains until a completely new mode of transportation and energy is introduced.

Bottom up approach, or community initiated urban design could inform policy too, showcasing the efficiency of space use and the knowledge of construction in complex terrains already in place. Governmental monitoring of environmental conditions and air quality in particular in such areas can advise in return residents for potential health risks. Sensory systems and visible air pollution indicators are the first step in enhancing awareness and moving towards cleaner technologies and cities.

The conclusion drawn from the research is that air quality analysis on public spaces is crucial, calling for an interdisciplinary approach in mitigating air pollution, while endowing communities, and cities.

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9. REFERENCES

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8. REFERENCES 9.

Smedley, T. (2013) Sustainable urban design: lessons to be taken from slums, The Guardian.Available from https://www. theguardian.com/sustainable-business/sustainable-design-lessons-from-slums [Accessed April 2019] Summary for Urban Policy Makers. What the IPCC special report on global warming of 1.5⁰C means for cities, Global Covenant of Mayors, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, December 2018, Available from http://doi. org/10.24943/SCPM.2018 [Accessed August 2019] Szokolay, S.V (2015) Introduction to architectural science: The basis of sustainable design, Architectural Press Publications ISBN 0 7506 58495 Tochtermann, V (2018) Building New Concepts, Concepts in Indigenous Architecture as an Interdisciplinary Enhancement Factor?, On-Culture, 31 July 2018 Available: https://www.on-culture.org/journal/perspectives/tochtermann-buildingnew-concepts/, [Accessed on August 2019] Torro, V. (2011) Costa Rica’s Eco-nationalist mythology and REDD+, Academia, Available from: https://www.academia. edu/1113036/Costa_Ricas_Eco-nationalist_mythology_and_REDD_ ,[Accessed April 2019] Turner , John FC (1963) Dwelling Resources in South America, Barriada integration and development, Architectural Design, 8 August p. 377-378 Available from http://www.communityplanning.net/JohnFCTurnerArchive/pdfs/AD808BarriadaIntegration.pdf [Accessed July 2019] The Challenge of Slums; UN-Habitat (2013), The State of the World Cities Report 2012/13. Refer to Issue Paper No. 9 on Land for ‘security of tenure’ definition.

UN-Habitat lll Issue paper on informal settlements (2015), United Nations Development Programme, Environmental Justice.

UTCI Universal Thermal Climate Index, Available online: http://www.utci.org/, no date, [Accessed August 2019] What is slum upgrading?(no date) Reference for administrators. policy makers and decision-makers, MIT Available online: http://web.mit.edu/urbanupgrading/upgrading/whatis/what-is.html [Accessed on August 2019] Whiston Spirn, A. (1986) Air Quality at Street Level: Strategies for Urban Design, Public Streets for Public Use. Edited

by Anne Vernez Moudon. Revised edition. New York: Columbia University Press, 1991 Torro, V. (2011) Costa Rica’s Eco-nationalist mythology and REDD+, Academia, Available from: https://www.academia. edu/1113036/Costa_Ricas_Eco-nationalist_mythology_and_REDD_ ,[Accessed April 2019] 68% of the world population projected to live in urban areas by 2050 (UN, 2018) New York

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10. FIGURES Fig. 1 (Front Page) – Image of façade and public space in Norte Otoya Fig. 3.2.1 Sketch of the cosmovision of the Bribri people of Costa Rica (González Chaves and González Vásquez, La casa cósmica talamanqueña y sus simbolismos, Figura 24: Concepción genérica del mundo, según interpretación de las historias bribris, 146) Fig. 3.2.2 Ù sulë - Tyical Bribri house (Photo: Tochtermann, Die Architektur der Ureinwohner Costa Ricas, 100 Fig. 3.2.3. 'The construction process of the Ù sulë follows specific, strict rules and is remembered by the Bribri through stories about the construction of the world.'

(Tochtermann, 2018) - photoes by V. TochtermannFig. Fig. 3.2.4 When old meets new - Innovative technologies on vernacular structure (photo source: https://www. pixcove.com/solar-panel-buildings-rooftop-architecturestraw-grass-roof-house-hut-shed-power-solar-panelenergy-astral-alternative/) Fig. 3.2.5 Drawing of Ù sulë as drawn by Verena Tochtermann Fig. 3.3.1 Top Left: Verena Tochtermann, Die Architektur der Ureinwohner Costa Ricas: Eine Gegenüberstellung der indigenen Bauformen und deren Kontext (master’s thesis, Technische Universität Wien, 2016), 84., Top right: geometry analysis by Anne Whiston Spirn (1986) and Below: Cabécar tribe villge, as drawn by Verena Tochtermann Fig 3.4.1 Map of San Jose from 1984, (Online source: https://issuu.com/majesbian/docs/344953224-ciudadespara-la-gente-ja/126) Fig 3.4.2 Martina Franca, Pulia (Image source: Jan Gehl, 1980 'Life between buildings') Fig 3.4.3 Informal settlement - La Carpio, San Jose Costa Rica, image source: Geofacies Magazine July 23, 2018 Fig 3.5.1 Medellin, Colombia, Image source: WHO (https://www.who.int/sustainable-development/cities/ strategies/slum-upgrading/en/) Fig 3.5.2. Examples of Carbon Dioxide reduction techniques (SPM, 2018) Fig. 3.5.3 Examples of urban-relevant adaptation options, with highlights on the need for sustainable land use and urban planning ( Source: SPM, SR1.5 Chapter 4, Table 4.12) Fig 4.1.1 Google maps - Central America (Image source: Google Earth) Fig 4.1.2 Google maps - Costa Rica (Image source: Google Earth) Fig 4.1.3 Google maps - San Jose (Image source: Google Earth) Fig 4.1.4 Average precipitation for Costa Rica in 2019, Santamaria weather station - source: Fig 4.1.5 Average precipitation in San Jose for the period 1991 - 2010 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm Fig 4.1.6 IPCC projection on average precipitation in San Jose for 2050 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm, IPCC climate scenario A1B

Fig 4.1.7 Average minimum and maximum temperature in Santamaria, Costa Rica, Source: weather-and-climate. com, Santamaria International weather station Fig 4.1.8 Average temperature in San Jose for the period 1991 - 2010 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm Fig 4.1.9 IPCC projection on average temperature in San Jose for 2050 Source: FABIO BAUDRIT International weather station, Meteonorm, IPCC climate scenario A1B Fig 4.1.10 Annual wind rose for prevailing wind in San Jose, source: Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 017 Fig 4.1.11 Wind rose for prevailing wind in May, San Jose, source: Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017 Fig 4.1.12. Monthly wind rose for prevailing wind in San Jose, source: Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017 Fig 4.2.1. Bio-corridors (Source: Floresa, L. & Mongea, L. S. (2018) ' Strategies For The Recovery Of Threatened Natural Systems And Their Role In The Mitigation Of Rapid Urban Growth InMontes De Oca, Costa Rica' Fig 4.2.2. Render image - Rutas Naturbanas proposal for Rio Torres access and path route (Image source: Courtesy of Rutas Naturbanas) Fig 4.2.3 Master-plan proposal for the first 3 kilometre section (Image source: Courtesy of Rutas Naturbanas) Fig 4.2.4 Landscape plan showing the disconnected route between Otoya and Aranjuez. For more information, refer to Appendix of this document (Image source: Courtesy of Rutas Naturbanas) Fig 4.3.1 Plan view of site and points of interest Fig 4.3.2 Location 1 Fig 4.3.2 Location 2 Fig 4.3.3 Location 3 Fig 4.3.4 Location 4 Fig 4.3.5 Location 3 Fig 4.3.6 Location 4 Fig 4.3.7 Location 5 Fig 4.3.8 Location 6 Fig 4.3.9 Location 8 Fig 4.3.10 Location 9 Fig 4.3.11 Location 9 Fig 4.3.12 Location 7 Fig 4.4.1 Heredia Christmas Tree (Image source: Pausa Urbana http://pausurbana.blogspot.com/) Fig 4.4.2 Community participation as shown for the Heredia Christmas Tree (Image source: Pausa Urbana, http://pausurbana.blogspot.com/) Fig 4.4.3 Pasaje San Juan (Image source: Pausa Urbana http://pausurbana.blogspot.com/) Fig 5.2.1 Camera positions diagram Fig 5.2.2 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 8am Fig 5.2.3 images - people passing by in the morning, using the east side of the tracks, where it is shaded (Author photo, 8am May 2019) 77

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10.FIGURES

Fig 5.2.3 Section diagram showing sun angles at 8am for May 2019 Fig 5.2.4 Camera positions diagram Fig 5.2.5 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 2pm Fig 5.2.6 images - people using existing infrastructure and the park area for shade, however the railway is still used as pedestrian passage (Author photo, 12pm May 2019) Fig 5.2.7 Section diagram showing sun angles at 12pm for May 2019 Fig 5.2.8 Camera positions diagram Fig 5.2.9 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 5pm Fig 5.2.10 Images - people residents using the railway as street/ public space (Author photo, 5pm May 2019) Fig 5.2.11. Section diagram showing sun angles at 5pm for May 2019 Fig 5.2.12 Camera positions diagram Fig 5.2.12 Plan diagram - Highlighted most active zone at 12pm on Saturdays Fig 5.2.13 images - the public areas of the park are transformed every Saturday, with increased traffic, vehicles and different activities (Author photo, 12pm May 2019) Fig 5.2.14 Section diagram showing sun angles at 12pm for May 2019 Fig 5.2.15 View of the site from Avenida 17, on top of the railway tunnel Fig 5.3.1.2 FLOW air quality measuring device and mobile application interface Fig 5.3.1.1 Testo anemometer Fig 5.3.1.3 An exemplar CO2 hand held meter with a sensor.

Fig 5.3.1.4 Circulation patterns and measurements locations Fig 5.3.2.1 Spot measurements locations on 26.05.19 and weather conditions Fig 5.3.2.2. Official Incofer train schedule Fig 5.3.2.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia) Fig 5.3.2.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 26.05.19 Fig 5.3.3.1 Spot measurements locations on 26.05.19 and weather conditions Fig 5.3.3.2. Official Incofer train schedule does not show the cargo trains. they usually run in=between the passenger ones Fig 5.3.3.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia) Fig 5.3.3.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 26.05.19 Fig 5.3.4.1 Spot measurements locations on 28.05.19 and weather conditions Fig 5.3.4.2. Official Incofer train schedule Fig 5.3.4.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia)

Fig 5.3.4.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 28.05.19 Fig 5.3.5.1 Spot measurements locations on 31.05.19 and weather conditions Fig 5.3.5.2. Official Incofer train schedule Fig 5.3.5.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia) Fig 5.3.5.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 31.05.19 Fig 5.3.6.1 Spot measurements locations on 13.06.19 and weather conditions Fig 5.3.6.2. Official Incofer train schedule Fig 5.3.6.3 European Common Air Quality Index benchmarks (source: Wikipedia) Fig 5.3.6.4 Particulate matter readings over 24 hours on 3.06.19 Fig 6.1.1 Illustrative plan highlighting the 4 main elements of the site - the highway, the railway, the housing and nature (river and vegetation) and section line Fig 6.1.2 Illustrative section showing hierarchy of spaces from top to bottom - highway, railway, housing/nature and river (bottom) Fig 6.1.3 Drone still diagram highlighting the verticallity of the site, with Rio Torres as the lowest point.

Fig 6.1.4 EnviMET simulation model - plan view of terrain Fig 6.1.5 EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM10 between 8am and 10am. Case studies Fig 6.1.5 Site photos - Hrabrina Nikolova, Norte Otoya Barrio, San Jose, May '19 Fig 6.1.6 Plan view and section through case study 1 Not for scale Fig 6.1.7 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure - Not for scale Fig 6.1.8 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM Fig 6.2.1 Site photos - Hrabrina Nikolova, Norte Otoya Barrio, San Jose, May '19 Fig 6.2.3 Plan view and section through case study 2 Not for scale Fig 6.2.4 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure - Not for scale Fig 6.2.5 EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure Fig 6.3.1 Site photos. Right - access to balcony towards the river. Bottom - front door entrance - Hrabrina Nikolova, Norte Otoya Barrio, San Jose, May '19 Fig 6.3.2 Plan view and section through case study 2 Not for scale Fig 6.3.3 Section - EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure - Not for scale Fig 6.3.4 EnviMET simulation showing concentrations of PM and distance of exposure Fig 6.4.1 Annual sunlight hours - shadowmapping produced by Rhino Grasshopper, Energy Plus, EPW from Santamaria Weather Station 2017 78

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10. FIGURES Fig 6.4.2 Open areas shown as boxes of 'voids' Fig 6.4.3 Areas for physical activities Fig 6.4.4 Areas for kids playground Fig 6.4.5 Areas for storage Fig 6.4.6 Area photo showing the availability of the riverfront Fig 6.4.6 Internal courtyard, semi-public Fig 6.4.7 Improvised gathering space by the north bank of Rio Torres Fig 6.5.1 UTCI assessment scale (Image reference: UTCI official database, http://www.utci.org/utci_doku. php Fig 6.5.2 Universal Thermal Comfort Index - Envimet simulation from 9am for 2 hours Fig 7.1.1 Proposed alternative pathway for public use (Photo credit: Fundamental Design Build Initiative) Fig 7.1.2 Envimet model with section lines Fig 7.1.3 3D view showing pollution levels near the river are on average 4 times less concentrated Fig 7.1.3 Image render showing what air flow would look like if it was visible (Envimet simulation) Fig 7.2.1 Envimet plan view of modelled cone architectural form Fig 7.2.2 Envimet plan view of modelled both current and proposed form Fig 7.2.3 Envimet results - comparison between current and proposed form Fig 7.2.4 Renders showing architectural form as an identity

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11. APPENDIX

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11. APPENDIX

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