Interculturalism and the Rights of Migrant Workers
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Working on an hourly or daily basis ensures more autonomy and empowers these women significantly. Some of them can then initiate the difficult process of having their qualifications recognised and try to gain other employment. 3.
Methodology
The research we undertook was based on a questionnaire administrated individually.1 Taking into account frequent language problems of subjects and the complexity of the survey, we decided to tape record the entire interviews for further analysis and categorisation of some open-ended questions and their comments. These questions afterwards were analysed by three independent judges. We interviewed 400 female domestic workers from seven countries - Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Capo Verde, Philippines, Peru and Poland - that were employed as domestic workers in Italian families for at least two years.2 The research was done during the period of "sanatoria", legislation that urged the regularization of caregivers for elderly people and domestic workers.3 It permitted previously illegally employed workers and their employers to obtain the necessary documents without being penalized. This law specifies the minimum salary of care-givers and domestic workers, and defines their working time, holidays, health insurance, social assistance, maternity leave, illness, accidents and professional injury. 4.
Who are immigrant female domestic workers?
The average Italian stereotypes female domestic workers as poor women without any education, coming from some third world country that is probably affected by famine or war. Even though women constitute almost a half of all regular immigrants in Italian territory (45.8%), they appear in mass media in only 18.2% cases, both for TV, journals and newspapers.4 The present research illuminated the otherwise obscured picture of immigrant women. What usually remains invisible is that foreign domestic workers in Italy are highly educated and qualified women. The percentage of women without any education is extremely low (7.1%). On the contrary, many of them are college graduated 46.4%, while 25.3% graduated from universities. The level of education is significantly associated with the country of origin (Hi-square = 132.51 (df= 24) p<.0001). Polish women have the highest percentage of high school diplomas (66%). Women from African countries are characterised with lower higher education. In most cases the women who had come to Italy had previous work experience and had held a working position in their country of origin (68.%). Only 31.5% did not have a paid job. In most cases, both husband and wife had been employed. Only 22.3% of husbands had been unemployed at the time of data collecting. Thus, we assume that it was not extreme poverty that made them leave, it is more likely that they took a decision to improve their income by exporting a wifeâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s capacity to care and cure, even though she would sacrifice her social status and position. Most Philippine, Polish and Peruvian women had been employed, and only the majority of African women had not held any profession at the time of emigration. Even though immigrant women bring great professional experience the only career path found in Italy, is in the domestic sector. We wondered if they knew what to expect upon their arrival in Italy. Redefining or giving up oneâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s own professional identity is a very painful process. In most of the cases (56.6%), women knew what their new job in Italy would be. Therefore, they took a conscious decision to immigrate and make this significant change in their lives. The data suggest that the decision to immigrate was not motivated by extreme despair. On the contrary, the decision was taken by intelligent and courageous women who decided to improve their life conditions. One third (30.1%) of immigrant women were surprised to discover the limited work opportunities available for them; basically in the domestic sector - one third of our sample (35,8%) worked as care-giver for an elderly family member (26.1%) or baby-sitter (9%), and a significant part of the sample (29.2%) were taking overall care of the household (cleaning, baby-sitting, cooking). When they first arrive, many of the immigrant women do not have adequate documents. They are supposed to have a regular work contract before obtaining a permit of stay. Otherwise, if they enter the country as tourists and afterwards start to work, it is quite difficult to change their status. At the time of the survey, 29% of all interviewed women were without permit of stay. The majority of women without legal documents came from Peru and Poland. Living without documents is a significant obstacle to women wanting to have an independent life. Women who work illegally, more frequently have live-in jobs. In this position they risk social isolation and depression, they have no health insurance or maternity leave and can be dismissed without notice. Illegality is highest among newly arrived women. In fact, 61.3% of women without documents and rights, had arrived in the past 2 years. With the passing of time, these workers succeed in obtaining documents. Among women who have lived in Italy for 10 or more years, only 10,5% still do not have a regular contract. This finding suggests that women who decide to settle down succeed in obtaining legal documents.