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Contents List of Boxes, Figures, and Tables Preface and Acknowledgments 1 Introduction and Conceptual Framework The Challenge of Managing Diversity in a Global Context Tensions Posed by Global Workforce Trends Diversity and Exclusion: A Critical Workforce Problem The Inclusive Workplace Model Conceptual Framework and Organization of the Book PART I: THE GLOBAL CONTEXT FOR DIVERSITY MANAGEMENT 2 Diversity Legislation in a Global Perspective: Equality and Fairness in Employment The International Bill of Human Rights and Employment Rights Importance and Influence of the Declaration of Human Rights Implementation Diversity-Related Employment Legislation Broad-Based Antidiscrimination Legislation Practical Implications Appendix 2.1. Universal Declaration of Human Rights Appendix 2.2. Global Antidiscrimination and Equal Rights Legislation Checklist of Protections Offered by a Select Number of Countries 3 Discrimination, Equality, and Fairness in Employment: Social Policies and Affirmative/Positive Action Programs Discrimination and Equality in Employment Theoretical Perspectives of Discrimination and Affirmative Action Social Policies and Affirmative/Positive Action Programs Principles of Affirmative Action and Positive Action Programs The Public Debate Over Affirmative and Positive Action Policies 4 Global Demographic Trends: Impact on Workforce Diversity International Population Trends National Trends 5 Socioeconomic Transitions: The New Realities of the Global Workforce Worker Migration Occupational Diversity Migration of Employers Implications for Diversity of Gender, Disability, and Sexual Orientation Educational Trends and Workforce Diversity PART II: SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES OF WORKFORCE DIVERSITY 6 Defining Diversity in a Global Context: Prejudice and Discrimination 10

Workforce Diversity Defined Toward a Global Definition of Diversity Stereotypes and Prejudice Dehumanization and Oppression Employment-Related Discrimination 7 Vive la Différence? Theoretical Perspectives on Diversity and Exclusion in the Workplace Diversity and Exclusion: A Critical Workforce Problem Overview of Social Psychological Theories of Diversity and Exclusion Theoretical Underpinnings of the Inclusion-Exclusion Construct Orienting Theories of Diversity and Exclusion Explanatory Theories of Diversity and Exclusion Research on Organizational Demography Documenting Exclusion 8 Culture and Communication in the Global Workplace The Cultural Context for the Global Workplace Cross-Cultural Communication Effective Cross-Cultural Communication 9 Interpersonal Relationships in a Global Work Context Cultural Styles and Relational Mental Models Diversity in Interpersonal Relationships Interpersonal Relationships and Cross-Cultural Communication Theoretical Perspectives on Interpersonal Cross-Cultural Communication PART III: MANAGING A DIVERSE WORKFORCE IN THE GLOBAL CONTEXT—THE INCLUSIVE WORKPLACE 10 Diversity Management: Paradigms, Rationale, and Key Elements Defining Diversity Management From Equal Rights Laws, to Affirmative/Positive Action, to Diversity Management Diversity Management Paradigms Models of Global Diversity Management The Impetus for Implementing Diversity Management Characteristics and Limitations of Diversity Management 11 Inclusive Leadership: Unlocking the Diversity Potential Leadership Dilemmas and the Diversity Paradox Transformational Leadership, Inclusive Leadership, and the Organization’s Competitive Advantage Organizational Leadership and Inclusion Inclusive Leadership at the Supervisor Level: Leader-Member Exchange (LMX) 12 An Overview of the Inclusive Workplace Model: Managing the Globalized Workforce Diversity 11

Diversity Management and the Inclusive Workplace 13 The Inclusive Workplace: Level I—Inclusion Through Diversity Within the Work Organization Inclusive Policies and Practices Barriers and Benefits of Implementing the Inclusive Approach at Level I Case Illustration: Level I—Inclusion Through Diversity Within Work Organizations—Denny’s, Inc. Questions for Discussion and Further Analysis 14 The Inclusive Workplace: Level II—Inclusion Through CorporateCommunity Collaborations Inclusive Policies and Practices Barriers and Benefits of Implementing the Inclusive Approach at Level II Case Illustration: Level II—Inclusion Through Corporate-Community Collaboration—Unilever Questions for Discussion and Further Analysis 15 The Inclusive Workplace: Level III—Inclusion Through State/National Collaborations Barriers and Benefits of Implementing the Inclusive Approach at Level III Case Illustration: Level III—Inclusion of Disadvantaged Groups at the National/State Level—Eurest Questions for Discussion and Further Analysis 16 The Inclusive Workplace: Level IV—Inclusion Through International Collaborations Barriers and Benefits to Implementing the Inclusive Approach at Level IV Case Illustration: Level IV—Inclusion Through Global Collaborations— Fair Trade Company Fair Trade History Global Village and Fair Trade Company Fair Trade Future Questions for Discussion and Further Analysis 17 Practical Steps for Creating an Inclusive Workplace: Climate for Diversity, Climate for Inclusion, and Survey Scales Introduction Climate for Diversity and Climate for Inclusion The Climate for Inclusion-Exclusion Scale (MBIE) Psychometric Properties and Previous Research Utilizing the Measure The Mor Barak et al. Diversity Climate Scale Psychometric Properties and Previous Research Utilizing the Measure 18 Toward a Globally Inclusive Workplace: Putting the Pieces Together The Value Base for the Inclusive Workplace 12

Implementation of the Inclusive Workplace Conclusion References Index About the Author

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List of Boxes, Figures, and Tables Chapter 1 Box 1.1. Hai Ha-Kotobuki Joint Venture (Vietnam): Programs for Inclusion Within the Company 8 Box 1.2. The Port Authority of New York (United States): Programs for the Homeless in the Local Community 8 Box 1.3. Delta Cafés (Portugal and East Timor): Programs for Disadvantaged Groups 9 Box 1.4. La Siembra (Canada): International Inclusion Programs 10 Figure 1.1. Conceptual Framework and Organization of the Book 11 Chapter 2 Box 2.1. The Debate Over the Ban on the Wearing of Religious Attire and Religious Symbols in the Workplace 17 Box 2.2. Equal Employment Legislation and De Facto Discrimination, Case Example: Belgium 21 Box 2.3. Affirmative Action in Higher Education: Justice Scalia’s Controversial Comments and Brazil’s Universities’ Quotas 23 Figure 2.1. United Nations: The International Bill of Human Rights 16 Figure 2.2. Worldwide Legislation Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination: Map of Countries 28 Table 2.1. Worldwide Legislation Against Sexual Orientation Discrimination: Listing by Country 29 Table 2.2. Comparison of the Legal Provision for Protection Against Sexual Harassment at the Workplace Among Selected Asian Countries 34 Chapter 3 Box 3.1. Discrimination Categorization: Management Advice in 1943 53 Box 3.2. Discrimination Categorization: Harassment of Arab Muslim at an Auto Appliances Company 54 Box 3.3. Discrimination Categorization: Black Employees File a Discrimination Lawsuit Against Xerox 55 Box 3.4. Equal Employment Legislation and Religious Discrimination: The Case of Northern Ireland 63 Box 3.5. Making the Case Against and for Affirmative Action: The U.S. Supreme Court’s Ruling in Favor of White Firefighters and the First Latina Supreme Court Justice 66 Table 3.1. Affirmative Action Legislation Worldwide (Select Countries) 58 Chapter 4 Box 4.1. The Women Who Leave, the Children Who Follow: Enrique’s Story 82 Box 4.2. The Price of Migration for Women From the Philippines 83 14

Box 4.3. “Reverse Mentorship”—Millennials and Boomers in Today’s Workforce 88 Box 4.4. Ethnic Diversity in Malaysia 90 Figure 4.1. Worldwide Population Trends 75 Figure 4.2. Historic and Projected Age Composition, 1970 and 2050 77 Figure 4.3. International Demographic Trends 81 Table 4.1. Population Ages 15–59 (in 1,000s) 78 Table 4.2. Population Ages 15–59, Selected Countries (in 1,000s) 79 Table 4.3. The Foreign-Born Share of the Population of More-Developed Regions and Selected Countries 81 Table 4.4. Labor Force Participation Rates 85 Chapter 5 Box 5.1. Outsourcing: The Experience for the Displaced Workers and for Those Who Receive the Jobs 103 Box 5.2. The Bhopal Disaster: Economic Exploitation and Human Tragedy 106 Box 5.3. Sexual Harassment and the High-Tech Industry 107 Box 5.4. Barefoot College: Educating the Rural Poor 109 Chapter 6 Box 6.1. Ziauddin Sardar Statement on His Identity and Subsequent Stereotypes 131 Box 6.2. The Fear of Being Judged: How Stereotypes Outside of the Workplace Affect Behavior Inside the Workplace 133 Box 6.3. The Nobleman and the Fortune Teller: Art and Stereotypes in Renaissance Italy 134 Box 6.4. “You Speak English Really Well”: The Insidious Nature of Microaggressions 136 Box 6.5. Documenting Employment Discrimination Against Migrant Workers 142 Figure 6.1. A Framework for Viewing Individuals Whose Culture Is Different From One’s Own 139 Table 6.1. A Typology of Diversity Definitions 118 Chapter 7 Box 7.1. The Binocular Resolution Classical Experiments of Racial Categorization in South Africa: Prestige of Groups, Identification, and Exclusion 153 Box 7.2. The Classic Minimal Group Experiments 156 Box 7.3. Ouch! Facing the Sting of Social Exclusion 162 Figure 7.1. Orienting and Explanatory Theories of Diversity and Exclusion 150 Table 7.1. Summary of Theories for Understanding Workplace Diversity and Exclusion 169 15

Chapter 8 Box 8.1. Leadership Through Effective Cross-Cultural Communication Saves the Day in Najaf 182 Box 8.2. Hugs for Inclusion: Using a Universal Nonverbal Gesture to Communicate Acceptance 186 Box 8.3. How Can the Important Guest Sit at the Head of a Round Table?

The Use of the Physical Setting to Convey Respect in Business Communication 187 Box 8.4. Are Members of a Cultural Group Interacting With a Member of Another Group More Likely to Change Their Original Communication Style or Reinforce It? 188 Figure 8.1. Barriers to Effective Cross-Cultural Communication 183 Table 8.1. Dimensions of Cultural Difference 175 Chapter 9 Box 9.1. Relational Mental Models About Time in Ecuador 194 Box 9.2. What Just Happened in That Meeting? 194 Box 9.3. Communicating Through the Exchange of Business Cards: TaskOriented Versus Relationship/Task-Oriented Cultures 203 Figure 9.1. Combined Versus Differentiated Relational Styles 197 Figure 9.2. Beliefs About the Effects of Task and Relationship Conflict 199 Figure 9.3. “Keep off the Grass,” Stated Directly (United States), and the Same Message, Stated Indirectly, “Since We Have Broad Road, Why Should We Open Small Paths” (China) 204 Table 9.1. Cultural Context and Communication Orientation 202 Chapter 10 Box 10.1. A Diversity Training Gone Awry: The Texaco “Jelly Bean Jar” Incident 215 Table 10.1. The Human Resource Approach to Diversity Management 214 Table 10.2. Motivation for Implementing Diversity Management 220 Chapter 11 Box 11.1. Do Personal Experiences of Exclusion Affect CEOs’ Inclusive Leadership? 232 Box 11.2. A Secretary of State and a CEO Finally Break the Gender Barrier at a Prestigious Private Golf Course 233 Box 11.3. A CEO’s Controversial Decision to End the Work-From-Home Policy: Marissa Mayer’s Policy Reversal at Yahoo 234 Box 11.4. Leader-Member Exchange and Managing the Millennials: Do the Old Rules Apply? 236 Figure 11.1. The Diversity Paradox 226 Figure 11.2. Inclusion: The Key to the Diversity Paradox Dilemma 226 Figure 11.3. The Path From Transformational Leadership Through Inclusive Leadership to Organizational Climate of Diversity 228 16

Figure 11.4. A Circular, Two-Stage Process of Diversity and Inclusion 229 Figure 11.5. Diversity and Inclusion (D&I) Policy-Practice Decoupling 231 Chapter 12 Box 12.1. Definition of the Inclusive Workplace 240 Figure 12.1. Expanding Circles of Inclusion 240 Chapter 13 Box 13.1. A Company’s Diversity and Inclusion Programs (Level I): The Case of DCM Shriram Industries (India) 245 Figure 13.1. The Inclusive Workplace: The Value Base for Level I 243 Figure 13.2. The Inclusive Workplace: The Practice Model for Level I 247 Chapter 14 Box 14.1. A Company’s Community Inclusion Programs (Level II)— The Case of Nestlé (Switzerland) 262 Figure 14.1. The Inclusive Workplace: The Value Base for Level II 260 Figure 14.2. The Inclusive Workplace Model: Obstacles and Benefits for Level II 264 Chapter 15 Box 15.1. A Company’s Collaboration With Governmental Programs for Disadvantaged Populations (Level III): The Case of Hong Yip Service Company Ltd. (Hong Kong) 280 Figure 15.1. The Inclusive Workplace: The Value Base for Level III 277 Figure 15.2. The Inclusive Workplace Model: Obstacles and Benefits for Level III 280 Chapter 16 Box 16.1. A Company’s International Inclusion Initiatives (Level IV): The Case of eShopAfrica (Ghana) 290 Figure 16.1. The Inclusive Workplace: The Value Base for Level IV Inclusion Through Global Collaborations 289 Figure 16.2. The Inclusive Workplace Model: Barriers and Benefits for Level IV Inclusion Through Global Collaborations 293 Chapter 17 Figure 17.1. Practical Steps for Creating an Inclusive Workplace 302 Figure 17.2. The Mor Barak et al. Diversity Climate Scale 309 Chapter 18 Figure 18.1. The Value Base for the Inclusive Workplace 316 Figure 18.2. Implementing the Inclusive Workplace Model 317

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Preface and Acknowledgments No one is born hating another person because of the color of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite.

—Nelson Mandela, Long Walk to Freedom, 1995 In the decade since I completed the first edition of Managing Diversity: Toward a Globally Inclusive Workplace, the field of diversity management has blossomed from a nascent practice area into a burgeoning specialization within business, governmental, and nonprofit organizations. Most global organizations now have people in executive positions in charge of diversity. The term inclusion that was introduced and defined in the first edition has become mainstream, and most professionals now relate to the specialization as Diversity & Inclusion, or D&I for short. Many global organizations have corporate officers who are in charge of whole departments that oversee policies and practices that are more closely aligned with the strategic goals of the organization. Moreover, diversity management has become a recognized field of scientific inquiry, and there are increasing numbers of research articles published every year in academic journals. I am gratified to see that the concept of the inclusive workplace and the model that I introduced in the first edition of this book have gained recognition by practitioners and researchers alike. The main principle of the inclusive workplace is that inclusion relates not only to the organization itself but should also be applied to expanding circles that are relevant to the organization’s life—the local community, the wider national sphere, and the global context (see Figure 18.1 in Chapter 18). Through the different editions of the book I have introduced the accumulating research highlighting the benefits of the inclusive workplace model to the organization and its employees as well as on the communities it is serving, its stakeholders, and (where applicable) its stockholders.

Yet, both globally and locally, diversity and intergroup relations are as tumultuous as ever before. Although more organizations are benefiting from the richness of ideas and talents that are introduced by a more diverse workforce, they operate in social environments that are increasingly more suspicious and even hostile to people who look and behave differently from the mainstream. In the public and political spheres, there is increasing talk about erecting walls, both physically and metaphorically. These walls refer to strengthening borders and national identities on the one hand, and to creating restrictions in access to rights and privileges, on the other hand, between groups such as members of racial or ethnic minorities, sexual and gender identity minorities, the poor and the affluent, and immigrants and nonimmigrants. In some countries the arena for intergroup hostilities is 18

political and affects people’s livelihoods and sense of community; in others—and more tragically—they result in military actions that take people’s lives and destroy communities and cultures. There is more work to be done in order to remove barriers of misunderstandings, miscommunications, and suspicion in order to create more inclusive organizations and more inclusive societies. The increased recognition that inclusion is not only the right thing to do but also carries great benefits for individuals, organizations, and societies at large represents a ray of hope.

My original quest to examine and understand key diversity experiences in today’s global society has led to interviews with employees and managers around the globe, several research projects, and three international conferences—all culminating in this book. When I began my research, I was intrigued by three things: First, the original concept of inclusion that emerged from my interviews with employees and leaders at all levels of the organization in my initial qualitative studies was quite new in the context of diversity, and there was no research—let alone any measures for assessment—at the time. This was the impetus for my work and for generating specific measures for diversity and for inclusion, measures that have since been used rather extensively by other researchers in the field (see Chapter 17). Second, I was interested in the global aspects of diversity management and in what we could learn from research and practices in different countries. Initially, diversity was mostly thought to be a uniquely American specialization, and even the terms to describe diversity were anchored in the racial/ethnic groupings that were established by the U.S. Census Bureau (e.g., Caucasian, Asian, African American, and Latino). In contrast, this book takes a truly global view of diversity—from the definitions of the concepts (see Chapters 6 and 7) that could apply to any country or regional context; through the demographic, legislative, and public policy overviews (see Chapters 2–5); to the specific examples embedded in descriptive boxes throughout the book. And third, there was not much research to document the “business case for diversity” that was touted by pioneer practitioners in the field. The inclusive workplace model, unique to this book, provides not only a new way to conceptualize diversity management but is also backed with updated research (see Chapters 11–16) that demonstrates the benefits, as well as the limitations, of diversity policies and practices.

This fourth edition provides new and up-to-date information on both practice and research in each of the chapters. This includes updated global demographic trends of diversity, new legislation and public policies in different countries, and new case examples throughout the book. In addition, there are three features that are new to this edition. First, there is a new chapter devoted to inclusive leadership (Chapter 11). Second, this edition includes a chapter devoted to surveys and measurement tools to help organizations assess their baseline and progress to becoming more inclusive (Chapter 17). And third, the book examines research and practices that generate a climate of inclusion in organizations and includes distinguishing definitions of climate of inclusion and climate of diversity (Chapter 11).

Over the years that I have been studying workforce diversity, many people have helped me 19

gain insight into diversity experiences around the world. Although the responsibility for the contents of this book rests solely with me, I am deeply thankful to those who joined me on this exciting journey.

I am indebted to the many people who agreed to participate in my research projects over the years, and who so generously shared their thoughts and their concerns regarding diversity. In fact, the realization that inclusion was key to understanding diversity in organizations came during the preliminary stages of a diversity research project that I conducted about two decades ago. I was invited to carry out a study on diversity in a large, high-tech company with headquarters in Southern California and business contracts all over the world. I approached the project with great trepidation because I felt that I lacked “a hook,” a key construct or theme to provide the anchor for the study; I was wondering what was the common concern shared by people who were different from the organization’s mainstream.

As a first step, I asked the company’s management for permission to conduct some interviews. They agreed, and several interviews were scheduled with employees of diverse backgrounds at different levels of the organization. I was deeply touched by the interviewees’ willingness to open up and tell me about their experiences, their thoughts, and their feelings. Some felt they were an integral part of their work team and the organization, whereas others thought that their coworkers, their boss, or their subordinates could not get past a certain characteristic that made them different. Whether the interviewee was a woman manager, an African American supervisor, a Korean American engineer, or a Latina secretary, their statements were similar.

Invariably, employees who were more included in the organization’s decision-making and information networks were more satisfied, more committed to the organization, and more productive than those who were not. After several interviews with women, men, members of diverse racial and ethnic groups, as well as people with disabilities and members of diverse sexual orientations—many repeatedly telling me how they felt—it finally dawned on me: Inclusion was the key!

In the years that followed, I expanded my research to other countries and interviewed employees in several regions of the world. The theme of organizational inclusion guided my research and led to the development of the inclusive workplace model. My scientific work has also yielded two research measures that have been used extensively in diversity research in different countries and have been translated into several languages. I am thankful to the people who agreed to be interviewed and to the colleagues who collaborated with me on these projects.

I wish to thank the Rockefeller Foundation, particularly Susan Seckler and Susan Garfield, for their generosity in providing the Bellagio Award and inviting me to organize and lead a conference on Global Perspectives of Workforce Diversity. The discussions at the 20

conference, held in the summer of 2001 at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Villa Severloni in Bellagio, Italy, were inspiring. I wish to thank my dear colleagues who participated in the meetings: Manolo I. Abella, International Labour Organization (ILO), United Nations, Switzerland; Nancy J. Adler, McGill University, Canada; Cordula Barzantny, Groupe Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, Toulouse, France; Jae-Sung Choi, Yonsei University, South Korea; Philomena Essed, University of Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Brigida Garcia, El Colegio de Mexico, Mexico; Ellen Ernst Kossek, Michigan State University, United States; Alan D. Levy, Tishman International, United Kingdom and United States; Stella Nkomo, University of South Africa; Harriet Presser, University of Maryland, United States; Martha Farnsworth Riche, Farnsworth Riche Associates, Maryland, United States; Maritta Soininen, University of Stockholm, Sweden; Hou Wenrou, Renmin University, China; and John Wrench, University of Southern Denmark, Denmark.

I am also grateful to the Borchard Foundation for generously providing funding for a colloquium on workforce diversity in the United States and Europe. I am particularly thankful to Dr. Beiling, the director of the Borchard Foundation, and his wife, Mrs. Beiling, for so graciously hosting the colloquium at the Foundation’s Château de la Bretesche in Brittany, France, in the summer of 2003. Both Dr. and Mrs. Beiling have generously shared with the participants their wisdom—accumulated during their world travels and fascinating experiences—and enhanced the group’s discussions. A decade later, the Borchard Foundation funded a second colloquium to examine the contact between multiculturalism and diversity management. This time, our gracious host was Dr. Kristen Beiling and her family. Our colloquium has benefited greatly from her wise input and from her warm hospitality. I am very grateful to Mr. Alan Levy, chairman and CEO of Tishman International, for his important contribution to both the Bellagio and the La Bretesche colloquia, for so generously sharing his unique perspective on diversity, and for keeping all of us honest with his real-world wisdom. I also wish to thank my dear colleagues who participated at the La Bretesche colloquium: Manolo I. Abella, International Labour Organization, United Nations, Switzerland; Sheila H. Akabas, Columbia University, United States; Cordula Barzantny, Groupe Ecole Supérieure de Commerce, Toulouse, France; Lena Domilelli, University of Southampton, United Kingdom; Paul Kurzman, Hunter College, City University of New York, United States; Lawrence Root, University of Michigan, United States; Jeffrey Sanchez-Burks, University of Michigan, United States; Abye Tasse, PhD, Institut du Developpement Social, France; and Gill Widell, Göteborg University, Sweden.

I wish to thank Marilyn Flynn for her steadfast support of my research and scholarly work.

I am especially thankful to Dnika Travis, who contributed to this project almost from its inception—for providing background research and helpful feedback. Her contribution was consistent and particularly valuable. I wish to thank Gary Bess for providing ongoing support and assistance with several of the diversity projects that led to this book and for assisting with various stages of the manuscript. I am thankful to Shunit Mor-Barak for 21

initial edits of the manuscript and helpful comments on style and structure. Ralph Fertig and Jennifer Joseph provided helpful comments on the international legislation chapter. I am also thankful to doctoral students and research assistants who helped with various stages of the manuscript—Jan Nissly and Jim Fredo for their wonderful contribution to the various case studies; MinKyoung Rhee, Hsin-Yi “Cindy” Hsiao, Erica Lizano, and Ahraemi Kim for their valuable assistance with the second and third editions of the book; Katie Bess Strautman for her assistance with the third and fourth editions of the book; Rebecca Lengnik-Hall and Kim Brimhall for their assistance with the fourth edition; and the students in my graduate seminars on global diversity management over the years who cheerfully agreed to utilize drafts of the manuscript’s first, second, and third editions as the course textbook and provided helpful comments.

I wish to thank the editor of the first edition, Al Bruckner, who saw the value of this project from its inception and provided support and valuable assistance throughout my work on the book. Al has since tragically passed on, and he is truly missed. I am thankful to the wonderful team at SAGE—Lisa Cuevas Shaw, the executive editor of the second edition, for her support, astute input, and patience; MaryAnn Vail; Diane Foster; Robert Holm; Patricia M. Quinlin, senior acquisitions editor, for her guidance and support for the third edition; Katie Guarino for her valuable assistance in the production process; and Megan Markanich for copyediting the third edition. For their guidance and support for the fourth edition I wish to thank the SAGE editorial team: Maggie Stanley, acquisitions editor; Katie Ancheta, eLearning editor; and editorial assistant, Neda Dallal. I also want to extend my thanks to the production team: David C. Felts, senior project editor, and Talia Greenberg, copy editor.

I also wish to thank the following reviewers: Stefano Basaglia, University of Bergamo, Bergamo, Italy, and Diversity Management Lab, SDA Bocconi School of Management, Milan, Italy; Marilyn Y. Byrd, The University of Oklahoma; Dana M. Cotham, University of Nevada Las Vegas; Andri Georgiadou, Hertfordshire Business School, University of Hertfordshire; Paul H. Jacques, Rhode Island College; Keith James, Portland State University; Alexia Panayiotou, University of Cyprus; Renee L. Roman, The Chicago School of Professional Psychology; and Debra M. Seeberger, Towson University.

My family has been supportive through the long hours of working on this manuscript, and for that, I am deeply grateful. I wish to thank my parents for being their wonderful selves and for their continued support. I sorely miss them both, my mother for her wisdom, selfless giving, insightful perspective on human nature, and endless love, and my father for his courage and tenacity, for instilling in me the confidence to do the right thing and for his unconditional love.

To my beloved children, Tomer and Shunit, and the wonderful addition to our family, Oz; I am thankful to you all for your constant love and support and for engaging in interesting conversations that helped me think through some ideas I was struggling with and the 22

insightful discussions around the dinner table during our Shabbat and holiday celebrations.

To Tamar, Doron, Limor, Yoel, Shir, Nir, Inbal, and Eden, I am so grateful that you are all in my life. And to Jennifer, Ori, Mikah, Leah, Joseph, Naomi, Shay, Tzameret, Shir-Yam, Yinon, Yarden, Jonathan, Ramit, Or, Aviv, Yarden, and Leah, and to the memory of our beloved Tali, who continues to inspire us all. To my aunts, uncles, and cousins on four different continents who exemplify a close-knit global family. I feel fortunate to have you all in my life.

Most important, I wish to thank my husband, Ysrael Kanot, for helping me stay focused and on track—even at times when the task seemed overwhelming—and for his continued love, support, and enthusiasm for this project.

A test bank, PowerPoint slides, and more resources for instructors are available at study.sagepub.com/morbarak4e.

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1 Introduction and Conceptual Framework

What makes a successful manager? Chinese tradition divides human beings into four classes, each with its own unique qualities: the shi (scholars) are learned and contemplate vision and ethics, the nong (farmers) work the land and can provide for basic human needs, the gong (artisans) are creative and strive for beauty and excellence, and the shang (merchants) have strong ambition and a drive to succeed and to accumulate wealth.

According to Chinese ancient wisdom, it is only when one can combine the qualities of all four classes—the vision and ethics of the scholars, the appreciation and respect for basic human needs of the farmers, the creativity and drive for excellence of the artisans, and the merchants’ ambition to make a profit—that one can become a successful manager.

When I interviewed him for this book, Mr. Kyung-Young Park, the chief vision officer (CVO) of Harex,1 relayed this wisdom, which had been imparted to him by the honorary chairman of his company, Mr. Seo. After a long discussion on diversity management and the outsider’s misconception of the homogeneity of both Korean and Chinese societies (“there are many differences among us that foreigners do not see—regional, for example”), he concluded that managers could learn a great deal about managing diversity from that Chinese teaching.

Indeed, effective diversity management should encompass these four principles: (a) like scholars, managers must adopt an ethical learned approach to diversity, always aiming to “do the right thing”; (b) like farmers, they must respect their employees’ unique characteristics; and (c) like artisans, they must introduce creative solutions as they strive for excellence in diversity management. These qualities, combined with the last principle—(d) 24

ambition to utilize diversity to promote business goals and profitability for the organization —lay the groundwork for sound management. These interactive qualities—vision, ethics, respect, creativity, business goal orientation, and striving for excellence—are, in essence, the heart and soul of this book.

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The Challenge of Managing Diversity in a Global Context Successful management of today’s increasingly diverse workforce is among the most important global challenges faced by corporate leaders, human resource managers, and management consultants. Workforce diversity is not a transient phenomenon; it is today’s reality, and it is here to stay. Homogeneous societies have become heterogeneous, and this trend is irreversible. The problems of managing today’s diverse workforce, however, do not stem from the heterogeneity of the workforce itself but from the unfortunate inability of corporate managers to fully comprehend its dynamics, divest themselves of their personal prejudicial attitudes, and creatively unleash the potential embedded in a multicultural workforce.

The global economy moves diversity to the top of the agenda. Immigration, worker migration (guest workers), and gender, religious, and ethnic differences continue to dramatically change the composition of the workforce. There is a growing demand for equal rights for these workers and for other groups like older workers, workers with disabilities or nonaverage body weight, gays and lesbians, and workers with nontraditional gender expression. Even without globalization, population projections suggest that the trend to a diverse workforce will be amplified in the coming decades. For example, due to consistently low birthrates and increased longevity, virtually all the more-developed countries will need even larger waves of immigrants just to sustain their current ratio of workers to retirees. At the same time, developing countries are experiencing an unprecedented growth in the numbers of young people. The combination of push-and-pull factors is moving all countries toward the same outcome: a more diverse workforce (United Nations, 2011c).

Most large corporations in today’s global economy are international or multinational, and even those that are not rely on vendors to sell to customers located outside their national boundaries. For example, Virgin Group, headquartered in the United Kingdom, provides services in sectors including hotel/travel/tourism, media/entertainment, computer/IT/telecom, and transportation, and has main offices in Australia, Japan, the United States, Singapore, and South Africa. With total revenues exceeding £13 billion (or $21 billion), Virgin employs more than 50,000 people in 34 countries around the world (Virgin Group, 2012).

In the context of the globalized economy, most large companies fall in the category of multinational companies (MNC). The literature on international management includes several typologies of MNC, which are useful for understanding, explaining, and conducting empirical studies about the functioning of—and the interplay between—multinational corporations, the countries in which they do business, and the challenges of managing in a global context (Bartlett & Beamish, 2010; Bartlett & Ghoshal, 1998, 2002b; Harzing, 26

2000; Hordes, Clancy, & Baddaley, 1995; Rašković, Brenčič, & Jaklič, 2013; Rugman, Verbeke, & Yuan, 2011). The specific strategies employed by different MNCs to handle the global-local tension are often the determinant of the extent to which the company makes national differences a virtue rather than a hindrance (Edwards, 2010).

The seminal typology offered by Bartlett and Ghoshal (1998; Bartlett, Ghoshal, & Beamish, 2007; Berndt, 2014) is helpful as a general framework for understanding unique corporate cultures relevant to global workforce diversity. The first is international corporations with headquarters in one country and operations in one or more other countries. Their strategy is based primarily on transferring and adapting the parent company’s knowledge or expertise to foreign markets while retaining considerable influence and control. This category of companies is characterized by an organizational culture primarily influenced by the home country, particularly regarding human resource management.

The second category is multinational corporations, in which the central corporate office still has the dominant decision-making power but each national or regional operation has some autonomy in business decisions. These companies develop strategic capabilities that allow them to be very sensitive and responsive to differences in national environments around the world. The company’s culture is less unified and rigid, compared with those of international companies, and less dominated by one national culture.

The third form is global companies with headquarters that may be located in a specific geographic region but with a team composed of managers across the globe jointly making major business decisions. These companies are driven by their need for global efficiency and typically treat the world market as an integrated whole (Bartlett & Ghoshal, 1998; Bartlett et al., 2007). The corporate culture in this type of company is not dominated by any one national culture.

In addition to strategic alliances and a wide-ranging business span, companies must be able to utilize the diversity of their human resources to become truly global. This means that they maximize human talents regardless of where their employees are located or their national origin. Soliciting input from employees from varied backgrounds, with different educations and life experiences, can positively impact a company’s external outputs (products and customer service) and internal processes (company culture, management policies) (Patrick & Kumar, 2012). As a first step to utilizing diversity, companies must learn the human side of the global company. The training, orientation, and cultural understanding needed for the management and employees of any company—national, international, multinational, or global—include the deep understanding of individuals who live in other national and cultural contexts and the ability to work within a global team framework.

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Tensions Posed by Global Workforce Trends As a result of unbalanced fertility rates in different regions of the world, global demographic trends are projected to create unprecedented workforce tensions. For example, the United Nations expects that the working-age population of the more-developed countries (as currently defined) will barely grow due to low fertility rates. In countries such as Germany, Italy, Japan, or the Russian Federation, the United Nations expects fewer people ages 15 to 64, based on population projections for 2025 and 2050 (United Nations, 2011c). Even if fertility rates increase in these countries, the current deficit in young people cannot be replaced, except by immigration. To maintain their current working-age population levels to the year 2050, these countries will need a few hundred thousand immigrants every year. Historically, these relatively homogeneous societies have been resistant to immigration, yet their current practices, induced by workforce decline, indicate a tacit acceptance of it. Other developed countries, such as the United States, will have more people in those ages but not enough to keep up with the pace of rapid population growth throughout the developing world as today’s “youth explosion” in those regions enters the working ages.

Given these contrasting growth rates, today’s more-developed countries can expect their share of the world’s working-age population to drop from over 20% to 15% over the first quarter of the century (see Chapter 4 of this book). In contrast, working-age populations will continue to swell in developing countries as the substantial youth bulges produced by high fertility rates in earlier decades reach working age. Developing countries have seen a spurt in the size of young-adult populations in recent decades reflecting the widespread adoption of the public health knowledge and practices of the mid–20th century that have rapidly reduced mortality, especially for infants and youth. Although many migrants are fleeing upheavals and even violence in their native lands, most are seeking economic opportunities. With or without the transformation of economies in an increasingly global context, it would be difficult for these countries to accommodate such a surge of young adults into their labor force.

In most countries, people have become accustomed to having children survive, and fertility rates have declined. So over the next 2 decades, this bulge should be absorbed virtually everywhere except in Africa, which may contain more than one in four of the world’s children in 2025 (United Nations, 2011c). Consequently, Africa may be the last frontier of “excess” labor available for low-wage competition in its home countries, or to fill jobs in developed countries that have fewer working-age people (see Chapter 4 of this book).

Women’s increased presence in the formal labor force has affected—and will continue to affect—not only the workplace but also family and community life. Increasing numbers and shares of women in the workplace may be the most important component of diversity 28

at the national level in most of the world. In particular, the gap between women’s and men’s rates has been narrowing in most regions (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2011). Women’s share in the workforce grew significantly in Latin America, Western Europe, and other developed regions during the past several decades. Historically, only a small proportion of women could afford to remain outside the labor force, no matter what their family responsibilities, but they tended to work as unpaid family labor, particularly in agriculture or the informal economy. Even in countries where women have traditionally been discouraged from working outside the home, they came to make up an increasing share of the measured labor force. As a result, women’s economic activity rates are increasingly similar around the world, except in regions where society constrains women’s roles outside the home. Women’s increased presence is particularly evident in economies where higher educational attainments are allied with higher earning prospects in the formal economy. Thus, a country’s scale of development is a major determinant of women’s presence in the workplace (ILO, 2011).

A particularly relevant aspect of current workplace trends is that women increasingly migrate autonomously as workers, and women migrants equal or outnumber men in some parts of the world. They are even becoming common in Asia, largely as a result of more women workers migrating on their own. Rapid economic growth and structural changes in the labor market that began in the 1980s and continued into the 21st century have motivated women to independently migrate. Women migrants’ earnings now represent an important source of income for their families at home. Contract labor migration is the most rapidly increasing type of international migration in Asia, and women migrants are concentrated in such female-dominated occupations as domestic helpers, entertainers, salespersons, hotel and restaurant employees, and assembly-line workers.

The global economic trends that generate increased or decreased demands for workers in different areas at different times create tremendous opportunities as well as hardships for work organizations, individuals, and families. For example, the technology industry’s boom in the 1990s created increased demand for skilled workers, and developed countries’ generally strong economies during those years created a multinational, multicultural workforce that included many foreigners. Conversely, the global economy’s downturn in the early 21st century, particularly the 2008 global financial crisis, has displaced many immigrants from their jobs and placed them in limbo. Unable to extend their legal stay in their host countries because their work visas were often linked to their original employersponsors, workers were forced to return to their countries of origin, where there were no jobs for them.

Global legislative trends banning discrimination against women, immigrants, minorities, and other diverse groups in the labor force have required employers in most democratic and quite a few nondemocratic countries to institute policies that ensure fair treatment of all employees. Some countries have introduced public policies stemming from the ideology of compensating population groups that have been discriminated against in the past.

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Employers are required to provide designated groups of applicants, such as racial and ethnic minorities and women, with a competitive advantage by actively recruiting them for open positions.

Disregarding these economic, demographic, and legislative trends can be devastating to companies, their employees, and the communities surrounding them. Companies unable or unwilling to change their policies and practices may suffer dire consequences. They may experience intergroup conflicts among their employees; they may limit their access to the pool of potentially talented employees; they may miss opportunities for creating alliances with business organizations; and they may be vulnerable to expensive lawsuits or government sanctions resulting in serious damage to their earnings, their public image, and their access to investment. Their culturally and linguistically diverse workers, who use languages other than the language of management, may even suffer safety impacts including work-related injuries or illnesses (O’Keeffe, 2016).

All signs point to increasing heterogeneity in the workforce, even as countries throughout the world struggle with hostile intergroup relations, prejudice, discrimination, and even violence. Gender, ethnicity, language, social class, religion, or other distinctions may define group membership, as each culture determines the context of social exchange and reward allocations. In Europe, for example, immigrants from North Africa and the former Soviet Union experience prejudice and discrimination in obtaining jobs. Worldwide, these group divisions contribute to exclusion of underprivileged groups such as women members of ethnic, religious, racial, and sexual orientation minority groups; older workers; and people with disabilities from positions of power in the workplace and create barriers to job opportunities and promotion. They also stifle the economic growth that could come from these groups of workers and directly affect long-term corporate earnings.

As a result of the increasing heterogeneity in the workforce, countries throughout the world are struggling with a powder keg of hostile intergroup relations in the workplace. The impact of prejudice and discrimination can be more than just detrimental to businesses—it can even result in violence; but effective management of workforce diversity can create tremendous rewards for businesses.

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Diversity and Exclusion: A Critical Workforce Problem One of the most significant problems facing today’s diverse workforce is exclusion—both its overt practice, as a matter of formal or informal policy, and the perception by employees that they are not regarded as an integral part of the organization (e.g., Choi & Rainey, 2010; Insch, McIntyre, & Napier, 2008; Lonsmann, 2014; Mor Barak, 2014, 2015; Nishii, 2013; Shore et al., 2011). Though diversity groupings vary from one culture or country to the next, the common factor that seems to transcend national boundaries is the experience of social exclusion, particularly in the workplace. Individuals and groups are implicitly or explicitly excluded from job opportunities, information networks, team membership, human resource investments, and the decision-making process because of their actual or employer-perceived membership in a minority or disfavored identity group.

Applicants and employees alike may be subject to stereotype threat (Casad & Bryant, 2016). Inclusion in organizational information networks and in decision-making processes has been linked to better job opportunities and career advancement in work organizations (e.g., Cunningham, 2007; Shore et al., 2011), job satisfaction (e.g., Acquavita, Pittman, Gibbons, & Castellanos-Brown, 2009; Bortree & Waters, 2008), well-being (e.g., Mor Barak & Levin, 2002; Vakalahi, 2012), job performance, and organizational commitment (e.g., Ailey, Brown, Friese, & Dugan, 2016; Cho & Mor Barak, 2008; Shore et al., 2011), all of which are related to employees’ intention to leave and actual turnover (e.g., Buttner, Lowe, & Billings-Harris, 2012; Mor Barak, Levin, Nissly, & Lane, 2006). Employees’ experience of exclusion, therefore, may play a critical role in explaining the connection between the lack of opportunities for members of diverse groups and their discontent with their roles as employees in organizations. Work organizations, therefore, need to remove barriers to full participation of traditionally excluded groups such as racial, ethnic, and religious minorities; women; people with disabilities; those who are targets of weight bias “under-” or “over”-weight; and members of gender and sexual orientation minorities. They need to overcome social and economic tensions between majority and minority identity groups to become inclusive organizations. One way to combat exclusion, and move beyond merely “managing diversity,” is for the work organization to create an inclusive climate (Nishii, 2013), resting on a foundation of fairly implemented employment practices and policies that eliminate bias, thereby flattening out perceived status levels among groups.

The implications are far-reaching, as work organizations represent opportunities to bridge understanding and tolerance among peoples from around the globe.

Recent unprecedented global demographic trends have created ethnically diverse work environments that are often the backdrop for hostile relations, discrimination, and even hate crimes. If managed well, however, these differences could lead to increased harmony among the groups involved (e.g., Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006; Stotzer & Hossellman, 2012).

In addition to race, gender, and social class that cut across different cultures as determinants of exclusion, other characteristics like ethnicity, language, or religion may define group 31

membership, as each culture determines the context of social exchange and reward allocation (Hofstede, Hofstede, & Minkov, 2010). Worldwide, these group divisions contribute to exclusion of group members from positions of power in the workplace and create barriers to job opportunities and promotion.

On a global scale, a gradual shift has been taking place in research and theory development related to diversity, social identity, and multiculturalism in the 21st century. More crossnational collaborations have been taking place, creating a conversion of ideas, concepts, and theoretical formulations from different regions and national contexts around the world.

Prior to this shift, the research and scholarly work on individual and intergroup differences in the workplace has largely been disjointed. Although there were similarities in areas of research (e.g., gender and intergroup relationships), they were often examined under different frameworks and using different terminology. Broadly speaking, social psychological theories regarding diversity, social identity, and intergroup relations have been developed primarily in two locations: North America and Western Europe. Beyond these two regions, little or no attention has been paid to issues of exclusion in the workplace. In a review of the workforce diversity literature, Jonsen, Maznevski, and Schneider (2011) concluded that the diversity research field itself is not very diverse. They note that there are not enough studies analyzing diversity at the organizational (rather than personal) level, not enough studies addressing a variety of cultural contexts in real-life organizations (rather than artificially constructed ones), and that conceptual frameworks guiding existing studies are dominated by U.S.-centric research.

Research into workforce diversity hailing from different regions of the world often uses different terminology and may not even use the word diversity. For example, European scholars and those from regions other than North America who publish in this area often identify their work under titles such as “gender studies,” “demography of the workforce,” “labor migration,” and “guest workers.” The difference has been more than a semantic preference and seems to have stemmed from different perspectives and worldviews. North American researchers have focused on diversity of the workforce (e.g., gender, racial, and ethnic differences), which emanated from the region’s historical role in absorbing immigrants and a value system rooted in equal employment opportunity (EEO), antidiscrimination, and fairness paradigms. Their studies focus on the discrepancies between the ideals and realities of the traditional EEOs, antidiscrimination, and fairness paradigms in the dynamic and fast-changing American society. European research has centered on multiculturalism, immigration, worker migration, and gender work roles, and the inherent social and emotional difficulties in integrating immigrants and women into each country’s relatively stable social fabric and gender roles. Their studies have focused on the social and emotional difficulties inherent in integrating immigrants and women into each country’s relatively stable social fabric and gender roles. The increased movement of individuals and groups across national boundaries has triggered debates among European countries as well as in other regions of the world regarding the multicultural nature of their 32

societies (Bertossi, 2010). Beyond these two regions—North America and Europe—little or no attention has been paid to issues of exclusion in the workplace, perhaps because jobs have been scarce for dominant groups as well. There is clearly a need to bridge this gap and develop a comprehensive knowledge base.

Within the organizational context, I have conceptualized the inclusion-exclusion construct as a continuum of the degree to which individuals feel a part of critical organizational processes, such as access to information, connectedness to coworkers, and ability to participate in and influence the decision-making process (Mor Barak, 2000b, 2011; Mor Barak & Cherin, 1998; Mor Barak et al., 2006). The importance of the inclusion-exclusion experience has its historical roots in basic human needs, and thus the employee’s experience is the measure of a work organization’s success at becoming a truly global company.

Because people have always depended on one another for their livelihood and needed to work together in order to acquire food, shelter, and clothing, social inclusion has had an important survival function through the ages and across cultures (Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Leary & Baumeister, 2000; MacDonald & Leary, 2005; Vohs & Baumeister, 2010).

Research on organizational demography indicates that being in the minority has significant effects on individuals’ affective experiences in the workplace, including feelings of isolation and lack of personal efficacy in team and in one-on-one relationships (Barlow, Louis, & Terry, 2010; Lopez, Hodson, & Roscigno, 2009; Mor Barak et al., 2006). Milliken and Martins (1996) indicated a strong and consistent relationship between diversity in gender, ethnicity, and age and exclusion from important workplace interactions. One of the most frequently reported problems faced by women and minorities in organizational settings is their limited access to, or exclusion from, informal interaction networks (Ely & Thomas, 2001; Gray, Kurihara, Hommen, & Feldman, 2007; McDonald, 2011; McDonald, Lin, & Ao, 2009). These networks allocate a variety of instrumental resources that are critical for job effectiveness and career advancement, as well as expressive benefits such as social support and friendship (Gray et al., 2007; Ibarra, 1993; McDonald, 2011).

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The Inclusive Workplace Model This book presents a comprehensive model for diversity management utilizing the inclusive workplace model (Mor Barak, 2000b, 2005, 2014). Work organizations need to expand their notion of diversity to include, in addition to the organization itself, the larger systems that constitute its environment. Viewed from an ecological and systems perspective (Ashford, LeCroy, & Lortie, 2009), the notion of organizational inclusion is utilized as a focal point for understanding and managing workforce diversity. The concept of the inclusive workplace presented here and elaborated on in later chapters refers to a work organization that accepts and utilizes the diversity of its own workforce—while also being active in the community, in state and federal programs that support immigrants, women, the working poor, and other disadvantaged groups—and that collaborates across cultural and national boundaries (Mor Barak, 2000b).

The inclusive workplace is defined as one that Values and utilizes individual and intergroup differences within its workforce Cooperates with, and contributes to, its surrounding community Alleviates the needs of disadvantaged groups in its wider environment Collaborates with individuals, groups, and organizations across national and cultural boundaries Valuing and utilizing individual and intergroup differences within the organization’s workforce refers to the organization’s relations with its own employees. Whereas an exclusionary workplace is based on the perception that all workers need to conform to preestablished organizational values and norms (determined by its “mainstream”), the inclusive workplace is based on a pluralistic value frame that respects all cultural perspectives represented among its employees. It will strive to constantly modify its values and norms to accommodate its employees (see Box 1.1 for an example).

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Box 1.1 Hai Ha-Kotobuki Joint Venture (Vietnam): Programs for Inclusion Within the Company Hai Ha-Kotobuki, a joint venture company between Vietnamese corporation Vinataba and the Kotobuki Group of Japan, is a food manufacturing company located in Hanoi, Vietnam. Hai Ha-Kotobuki produces candy, cookies, and fresh cakes for sale in Vietnam and other Asian countries, including Japan, Singapore, China, Russia, and Mongolia (Hai Ha-Kotobuki, 2012; Vietnam Business Forum, 2013). The company was one of two businesses selected to partner with the Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry, CARE International, and the National AIDS Committee in a joint project to promote HIV/AIDS prevention and control. With the support of top management and the involvement of a large number of company staff, Hai Ha-Kotobuki developed an HIV/AIDS workplace policy that included implementing prevention programs, confidential testing and nondisclosure of results, discrimination prevention, flexible work conditions for staff with HIV, and care responsibility for staff with HIV (Pramualratana & Rau, 2001). Employees were surveyed regarding their knowledge of HIV/AIDS; staff (including all supervisors and managers) were trained; and equal opportunity programs were implemented to ensure nondiscrimination of HIV staff, equal access to all company benefits, and flexible work conditions (Asian Business Coalition on AIDS, 2003). As a result of this collaboration, the company enjoyed reputational benefits. As noted by its deputy director, “instilling public trust in a company’s quality products and the procedures involved in providing the product to the public is vital to our success” (World Bank, 2012).

Cooperating with, and contributing to, local community refers to the organization’s sense of being an integral part of its surrounding community, regardless of whether it derives profits from local institutions and stakeholders. An exclusionary workplace misses the connection between profits and its community because it focuses solely on its responsibility to its financial stakeholders. An inclusive workplace, by contrast, maintains a dual focus, simultaneously intrinsic and extrinsic, that comes from acknowledging its responsibility to the wider community (see Box 1.2 for an example).

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DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller, without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who, as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.

FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER” (Sarcopsylla penetrans)

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley, some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing, but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature, from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,

or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.

Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?

The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both “off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the craving for tobacco in the tropics.

Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to

an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and lemon-juice.

Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment, that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.

Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.

My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari; consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had

bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding, consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us, seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten years to come.

Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch: Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9 × 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.

How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his mutilated finger-tips.

Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.

The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface, however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day such a fire is a grand sight.

Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction, sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.

Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush, and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the

western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.

It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki suits had not escaped scatheless.

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR MAHUTA

I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process

may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe— not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more, between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them— cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes, perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.

This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the secondary bush.

After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact, receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains, where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were accustomed to rule.

But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and

lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible, impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and come back to his starting point.

The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.

According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast, to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however, correct.

The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau, instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks and springs of the low country.

“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.

He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a stillborn child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which

was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In course of time, the couple had many more children, and called themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams, for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest wateringplace; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”

The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?

Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short, woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood, ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia, Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably) would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded

by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.

The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.

Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.

This knowledge is crystallized in the ancestral warning against settling in the valleys and near the great waters, the dwelling-places of disease and death. At the same time, for security against the hostile Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted that every settlement must be not less than a certain distance from the southern edge of the plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the present day. It is not such a bad one, and certainly they are both safer and more comfortable than the Makua, the recent intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain, especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the

most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.

The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.

It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding out how the back door is fastened.

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of “Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have