Page 1

INFORMALITY BEGINS AT HOME

MATTHEW RICHES 4745248 Tutors: Dick Van Gameren Gilbert Koskamp Harald Mooij Rohan Varma


A Place for Informality

2_


A Place for Informality

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to extend my thanks to all those who guided and challenged me throughout the last year. Firstly my tutors; Dick Van Gameren, Gilbert Koskamp and Harald Mooij. In addition the guidance of Nelson Mota as the course leader and Rohan Varma. Equally helpful and inspiring were my course mates; especially Pavlo Gorohovskyi, Gonzalo Zylberman, Natasha Luth, Gabriela Chuecos and Sara Hammond. Carola Hein for her stimulating discussions outside of the studio. Mo Sedighi for being both a tutor and friend throughout my two years at TU Delft. Finally to my family who have supported me through the most challenging two years.

_3


A Place for Informality

PROJECT INSPIRATION Viewing India as a ‘Brit’

Walking the streets of India, and in particular Mumbai, I found myself constantly reminded of home. This was enhanced by the fact I currently reside in the Netherlands. Some of the things I didn’t realise I missed from the UK I would constantly find around India: Cricket being played on the parks, ‘Cadburys’ chocolate in every corner shop, and red, doubledecker buses driving on the left side of the street! These hangovers from my country’s colonisations of the late 1800’s proved to be timely reminders for me to really think deeper about the situation in Mumbai. Rather than just taking what I see at face value, as the British artefacts proved a bar of chocolate in a shop has much more meaning than might first mean. I tried to ask the right questions about what is actually happening and the systems at play in this chaotic city. This conscious view of the city led to my investivation between the conflicts between the formal and informal sectors of the city, which were also something that challenged my british perspective of the world.

4_


A Place for Informality

_5


A Place for Informality

6_


A Place for Informality

CONTENTS.

01- Introduction

p.3

02 - Research History of Mumbai Nalasopara Patterns of Informality

p.9 p.46 p.54

03 - Research Question & Hypothesis

p.86

04 - Proposal Developer Inhabitant

p.96 p.130

05 - Conclusion

p.218

Bibliography

p.220

A Place For Informality. Matthew Riches Global Housing Studio: Mixing Mumbai 2019 Tutors: Dick Van Gameren, Gilbert Koskamp, Harald Mooij, Nelson Mota, Rohan Varma _7


A Place for Informality

INTRODUCTION

One of the most striking things bout the city of Mumbai, and more specifically Nalasopara, is the conflict visible between the formal and informal natures of the city. In a city where informal work and precarious lifestyles, are becoming ever more common, with currently 81% of India’s economy in the informal sector, the systems used to house this rapidly growing population is varied and complex but predominantly led by neo liberal and market driven economic tendencies. These systems demand a formal, top down and individual approach towards the production of housing. This project aims to investigate these conflicts in the context of Mumbai and propose an architecture that can cater for needs and ambitions of the informal and precarious population of Nalasopara, in a way that suits the private developer and find a balance between these two mismatched systems.

8_


A Place for Informality

_9


A Place for Informality

10_

Research


A Place for Informality

02 RESEARCH.

Research

_11


A Place for Informality

PROJECT LOCATION From India to Nalasopara

National Scale. Mumbai is Located in the

region of Maraharastra, in the middle of the west coast of India.

Regional Scale. Due to its location on the West coast, the city see’s a generally hot, humid climate, but with a rainy, monsoon seasons for three months between June and September.

12_

Research


A Place for Informality

City Scale. My Project is located in the northern peripheries of Mumbai in the Vasai Virar Region. Named after it’s location between the rivers Virar and Vasai, the area has become a hotbed for development of affordable housing.

Research

_13


A Place for Informality

MUMBAI

Regional Context

more to the North under a development plan which followed the railway. Following this schemes were developed by Charles Correa, Pravina Mehta, and Shirish Patel for Navi Mumbai (New Mumbai), to the east of Mumbai, Acting as a second city. This period saw must more housing produced by the Bombay Development Department, a state run organization.

Born from an archipelago, the city of Mumbai developed in to one of the worlds biggest cities, spurred dramatically by the industrial revolution and the British seeking a supplier of cotton during the American civil war. These rapid changes were the start of a long history of dramatically turbulent times for a city that became more and more globalized and further drawn in to the narratives of the free-market. During the period of industrialization there was a division of the city in to two fundamental parts. In the south was the aristocratic centre, which was filled with grand, municipal buildings for the British colonists and other wealthy inhabitants of the city. The as the city expanded to the north, the periphery was used more for worker-housing, consisting mainly of a northern Indian housing type named the ‘chawl’. Following the country’s independence in the 1920’s the urban form started to sprawl

14_

Since the 1980’s we have seen a more global shift towards market based economies. This privatisation and commodification of almost everything has a huge impact on the city. In general terms, the commodification of assets such as intellectual property rights, the gap between the rich and the poor in terms of income has widened and this trend repeats in the housing sector. From looking at Mumbai’s housing distribution in terms of how economic and spatial situations relate (the ‘economically weaker section’ (EWS) having an average area of 28m2 and the higher income having 121m2, almost 5 times the area) it is clear to see a huge mismatch and a gap is visible.

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_15


A Place for Informality

03. Mehrotra, R Poetics of Space

Throughout this journey one of the big shifts has been from a localised, site specific architecture to a more anonymous, rubber stamp architecture. This has been consistent throughout the world of architecture as globalisation has seen styles become common throughout the world. However the housing produced in Mumbai now uses the same typologies, urban forms, and expression for housing in central Mumbai and in the peripheries. As Rahul Mehrotra states in his short writing ‘The Poetics of FSI’ that there is a commodification of permitted density. In the form of TDR (Transfer development rights) and DRC’s (development right certificates). This means that permited densities can be taken from slums and moven to the north of the city where land is cheaper. We no longer see the types of architecture relating to the place, the space and the needs of the users, merely the market. The architecture becomes void of any locality. Plastered concrete towers are rising in similar style and fashion all over the city.

01.

01. High-rise single family house in the centre of Mumbai, overlooking the slums. 02. (Opposite) Historic image of the British-Gothic architecture of the mid 1800’s

16_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_17


A Place for Informality

URBAN GROWTH Historic Spatial Morphology

Archipelagoes. The city started life as a series of seven fishing villages in an archipelago. The proximity to the water, naturally played a crucial role. 18_

Research


A Place for Informality

Industrialization. Throughout the late 1800’s and early 1900’s the city went through one of its most rapid and defining transformations. Due to the arrival of the British colonization which aimed to capitalise on the cotton industry during the civil war.

A Global City. These days the city has sprawled to the east, due to a failed master-plan by Charles Correa. Designed as a ‘new’ or ‘Navi Mumbai’ the eastern part of the city was intended to be an autonomous city, but instead acts as a suburb to the existing city, with lots of slums now taking over this area. Research

_19


A Place for Informality

ARCHITECTURE

Major shifts in housing in Mumbai

The Wada. Traditionally architecture in Mumbai, and Maharastra in general, developed around the ‘Wada’ typology for housing. This would go on to influence chawl typologies in the future and even to the modern day. The term Wada translates roughly to courtyard. Which was the central element of these designs. It provided air, light, ventilation, security and privacy.

01.

The designs of the Wada’s also responded to the violent climate of these areas. Utilising sloping roofs, to deal with water run-off, overhangs, to provide shade, and baffle walls, to maximise ventilation. Other sources of inspiration from this period was the informal fishing villages. Kolliwada was one of these. The urban form provided a dense network of courtyards, squares and narrow streets.

02.

01. Photo of Koliwada 02. Urban plan of Koliwada

settlement.

03. (opposite) Times New India

building photo taken 1860.

20_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_21


A Place for Informality

The Chawl. During Mumbai’s industrial period there was the coining of the term ‘Chawl’, a type of worker-housing which companies were producing for their workers. Designed to be efficient, affordable and to minimise the commute of the worker. The chawls often utilised efficient courtyards and corridor housing, and were situated extremely close to the mills/work place of its inhabitants, sometimes even on the adjacent piece of land. This type of housing still has negative connotations today in India and even the idea of corridor housing seems undesirable to Indians.

Chawl. A type of housing specific to Mumbai which was based on the system of production, by employers, for workers.

Some of the most famous examples of the Chawl typology can be seen in Sameep Padora’s book ‘In the Name of Housing’. Early examples included the Mota Mandir and the Atmaram chawls which were small in scale and were based on corridor access. Mota Mandir. The Mota mandir chawl was in some senses a simple corridor slab housing complex. It did have complexity, however, in that its unit types only need a single access corridor for two levels. This allowed for more units with less circulation as well as more flexibility as units could easily be combined and split, although density often meant cramped conditions. 01.

01. Historic photo of Mota

Mandir Scheme

02. Mota Mandir Chawl communal

corridor.

22_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_23


A Place for Informality

Common public realm Public Corridor Open Space - 2118 sq.m

24_

Verandah

Research


A Place for Informality

Unit Type 3 (Original second floor unit)

Unit Type 3 (Modified second floor unit)

Unit Type 2 (Original first floor unit)

Unit Type 2 (Modified first floor unit)

Unit Type 1 (Typical ground floor unit)

Research

_25


A Place for Informality

Bhatia Chawl. The Bhatia Chawl shows the clear influence of the Wada typology; based around a courtyard, the Bhatia Chawl provides light and ventilation to all of its units in a dense urban fabric. The courtyard corridors were, and still remain one of the most spatially efficient access systems in Housing design1. Swadeshi Chawl. Developed in the 1860’s, the Swadeshi chawl is a more complex example of the Chawl. This building takes the typical Chawl and combines it with a market and office spaces. By utilising a system of overlapping grids running in different directions to allow for maximum ventilation. The project has simple typologies and has transformed in function over the years as the centre of Mumbai’s users have changed and the economy developed. Now it is mainly retail with lot of the dwellings upstairs transformed in to business spaces. BDD Chawls. In later years, as companies would grow in scale, so did the need for housing. The Bombay Development Department (BDD) was set-up in 1920 and was responsible for the production of a lot of worker housing during this time. Their schemes would use repetitive, affordable and easy to construct techniques.

02.

2

1

3

GSPublisherVersion 0.48.100.100

01. Padora, S. 2012. In the

name of housing.

02. Population Data during the

development of the chawl

03. The corridors of the

swadeshi chawls, authours own.

26_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_27


A Place for Informality

28_

Research


A Place for Informality

03. Diagrams explaining the

context, organisation and typologies of the BDD chawls

Research

_29


A Place for Informality

Suburbanization. After India’s independence, the congestion in the island city of Mumbai led to the shift of population and industries towards the suburbs. There was an urgent need for managed development beyond the island in 1948, and the development spread northwards along rail and road corridors. Mumbai city limits were extended during the period of 1950 and 1957, bringing the area of Greater Bombay to 430 km2. In March 1964, the Municipal Corporation of Greater Bombay submitted its development plan for Greater Bombay, entailing a restructuring of Greater Bombay on a large scale with the help of zoning, population dispersal to the suburbs, decentralization of industry and commerce through the building of six business districts and many industrial estates, a massive housing programme with sites for social services and public utilities. Though there were obvious weaknesses in the plan about land use control and finance, it was approved in 1967 (Shaw, 1999: 960). By that time, another plan had been developed by three of Bombay’s leading architects Charles Correa, Pravina Mehta, and Shirish Patel. They suggested that only a “twin city” of Greater Bombay would 01.

30_

Research


A Place for Informality

be able to solve the city’s congestion problems. Piecemeal restructuring of the old city could only provide a stop-gap measure. Thus, the idea of the creation of New Bombay was born, thrust upon the public and state government by the city’s business class (Shaw, 1999:960). 01. Correa, C. 1964. Plan of

‘Navi Mumbai’

02. Correa, C. Drawing of

Belapur Cluster.

02.

Research

_31


A Place for Informality

State Housing. CIDCO (The City and Industrial Development Corporation). The state run housing corporation is one of the wealthiest in India. Formed in the 1970’s the corporation started by developing schemes by renowned architects such as Charles Correa and Raj Rewhal. They designed radical and sensitive schemes in the new suburbs like Navi Mumbai. The Navi-Mumbai scheme by Raj Rewhal is a lowrise high density scheme but its shortcomings included its failure to respond to the harsh climate of Mumbai’s monsoons and high temperatures, with Rewhal opting to use vernacular techniques more typical of the dry, northern areas in India. In the current day CIDCO only produce repetitive mass housing, similar to their contemporaries; MHADA. Charkop - Sites and services (1980). In the early 1970s, the governmental focus turned to in-situ upgrading and the Sites and Services scheme. The sites, were chosen based on certain criteria: located within 5 km of commercial and industrial activities, connected to the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation water supply- electric supply- and transport electrical line. The sites, to be within 0,5 km of a bus route connected to the city’s transport network and within 55 km of a road capable of carrying service vehicle (Padora, 2016).

32_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_33


A Place for Informality

MHADA. The ‘Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority’ (MHADA), like its other state counterpart was also former, slightly later in the 1970’s. Since their formation, MHADA has housed over quarter of a million families in Mumbai. In recent years this number has dwindled as SRA schemes take over. On the urban scale these schemes were developed in vacant sites and are hyperefficient. Towers of aroun 22 storeys sit side-by-side, creating large open spaces in between. Drawing lots of inspiration from ideas such as the ‘Ville Radieus by Le Corbusier. Architecturally these schemes typically had basic ‘L’, ‘I’ and ‘H’, ‘T’ typologies for their EWS and MIG users respectively.

34_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_35


A Place for Informality

Neo-Liberal Models, 1991. With the liberalization of the markets, India experienced a wave of privatization taking over substantial market share of almost all industries save a few (like railways). Construction industry and slum rehabilitation in specific were not spared either. The policy changes saw the government take a back seat and enable the for-profit private players to enter the market of Slum Rehabilitation. Slum clearances with inadequate rehousing schemes still continued in the last decade of the century after almost 30 years of policy improvements. In the Sanjay Gandhi National Park, out of the 80,000 settlements, a survey conducted under the supervision of the Deputy Conservator Forests found that 33,000 slum huts were eligible for relocation. Starting October 1997 these apartments were raised, uprooting about a hundred thousand people in “the most inhuman way� (CPDR, 1999, 2000). However, it was only in the 1990s that the State of Maharashtra developed its unique cross-subsidizing model of in-situ redevelopment schemes.

36_

Research


A Place for Informality

SRD - Slum Redevelopment Department, 1991. During the congress government, this built upon the PMGT to extend beyond only Dhavari. The scheme relaxed regulations and ettempted to maximise the utility of the free-market. Trade-offs in density between plots became an added incentive for developers to create affordable housing in order to produce more high-end apartments. FSI’s were increased to 2.5, almost twice the usual 1.33. For these schemes 75% of dwellers had to approve in order for th redevelopment to happen.

Research

_37


A Place for Informality

UDAAN LOW COST HOUSING Sameep Padora

Sameep Padora’s proposal for Udaan, in Mumbai shows how inspiration can be taken from the traditional ‘Chawl’ typology. It attempts to develop the strict, systematic nature in to a more humane spatial condition. The fundamental concept is to “match growing aspirations”. The project is based on a modular system with contemporary pre-fabricated systems. Built in to the sections are communal spaces ad opportunities for appropriation. One of the weaker points of this project in the end is its density which is 1.6 FSI. Whilst this is a relatively high density for a suburban area, to achieve developer satisfaction it is too low to be convincing.

01. Padora, S. 2012. Affordable

housing in Mumbai

38_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_39


A Place for Informality

BELAPUR Charles Correa

Bases on a system of clustering system of adaptable housing typologies, Charles Correa’s plan for housing in Belapur in Navi Mumbai was interesting in terms of how it addressed social equity. Designed with the intention of being adapted, encroached upon and even completely rebuilt by its future inhabitants, the scheme of Belapur is ultimatley no longer truly visible on the architectural level whereas on the hierachy of public spaces remain extremely strong and controlled to this day.

40_

As you walk from the river and the main road, through the scheme you can feel a sense of entering form a public, to semipublic, to private space. The negative points here are that they do not transfer to developer systems of production as they are too low-density. Also the urban structure can result sometimes in low porosity.

Research

01. R Varma, D V. Gameren,

Living Ideals.


A Place for Informality

Research

_41


A Place for Informality

SANGHARSH NAGAR P.K DAS & Associates

SRA - Slum Rehabilitation Authority. Sangharsh Nagar - PK Das & Associates Based in the suburb of Chandi-Vali, the SRS scheme of Sangharsh Nagar proposes to take a new approach to the development of SRS Projects. The scheme focuses on creating a series of spaces upon entering the dwelling; from the Maiden which runs through the centre of the project, to the s Baithak which acts as a social entrance space to the dwelling. In terms of the dwelling, the units are also each giver cross ventilation for their toilets and the ability to gain cross ventilation in the living spaces.1, 2 The Main conflict in this scheme is one I find very interesting. How to make competitive densities healthy and liveable. Das claims that the this scheme is the limit of, as he calls it, ‘healthy density. This is 3.0 FSI and I think it is one of the strong points of the project.

03.

01. DASH, 2015. 02. Rohit H. Jagdale, 2014. 03. Plans of typical block of

Sangharsh Nagar, DASH 2015.

04. Images of existing

condition of scheme, authors own.

42_

04.

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_43


A Place for Informality

LAURIE BAKER Master Brick-work

Other than simply observing housing projects, I am also draw on more typical architecture. In the end one of the biggest figures and more appropriate references was the British-born/Indian architect Laurie Baker. His sustainable (economical and ecological), climate responsive and beautiful brick architecture shows how affordable and accessible materials can be used in grand and ornamental manners. His work shows the value of craftsmanship, design and creativity in using affordable means of construction. His spaces, surfaces and openings are dynamic and play to the landscape and surroundings in a humble manner.

01.

Despite most of his buildings being small scale, rural architectures, I believe the philosophy and tectonics he uses have the potential to be scaled up to suit the urban tissue.

01. Example of Baker’s brick

façades

02. Example of Bakers brick

façades

03. Interior utilising concrete

fillers.

02.

04. Jalis form the facade

allowing for decoration and ventilation

44_

Research


A Place for Informality

03.

04.

Research

_45


A Place for Informality

A GLOBAL CONDITION Finding the route of the problem

For decades we have observed a shift to a more market-driven economy. Driven by the narratives of neo-liberalism that have been acted out across the globe, we see a more privatised world, where everything is becoming commodified. With intellectual property rights being one of these it has ensured that a small majority of people gain the profit. This has resulted in a widening gap between the rich and poor. These effects, as the economic theorist Guy Standing puts it, create a new economic class; ‘the precariat’. A fusion of Marx’s definition proletariat and the english word precariat. Educational inflation means that people are over educated (Ken Robbinson), making it harder to break in to a formalised market. He defines three main ‘types’ of precariat. The first is what he defines as the ‘Atavvists’, these people are looking backwards. These people tend to listen, and relate, to the fascists and neo-populistst. The second is the ‘Progressives’, who generally go on to college or university, but finish university with no future and only debt. The final type according to standing is the ‘Migrant’ or the ‘Roamer’. These are nostalgics, with no sense of home.

46_

Research

Prolerariat noun working-class people regarded collectively (often used with reference to Marxism). “the growth of the industrial proletariat”


A Place for Informality

Further than the 3 definitions of ‘Precariat’ , Standing goes on to define 3 fundamental types of migrant. The first is the ‘Nomads’ whose path meanders; from one place to another with no direction. One of the most common is the ‘Circulant’ who have the intention of returning to their point of origin. They have a more determined route and an economic reason for their migration. Finally the ‘Settler’ is the type of migrant who is moving with the ambition of staying there. Seeking stability they often flee from more dramatic circumstances, but not always. The issues of this growing, precarious percentage of the population is, in my opinion, a problem not solvable by architecture alone as it deals with issues of politics, policy and philosophy on many levels. I chose to focus my research on t

Research

_47


A Place for Informality

PRECARIOUS

new dynamics to a historic condition

?

Historically in the ‘global south’ precarious work has made up a large proportion of the labour market. Since industrialization and colonisation in Mumbai, informal work has been common practise (Scully. B, 2016). This has more recently become a growing problem around the world as the gap between the rich and the poor widens and labour markets are shifting. In his book ‘The Precariat - A New Dangerous class’, the economic theorist Guy Standing (2011) discusses the issues of an ‘new economic class’ which he describes as an unsettled group who are the result of neo-liberal narratives being acted out on a global scale. Whilst in countries such as India, neoliberalism might not be the origins of precarious/informal work, it would seem that it is contributing to it and dramatizing its nature. This distinction between the narrative of the ‘precariat’ in the global south and the global west/north is of importance when approaching the design.

48_

Research

?


A Place for Informality

Research

_49


A Place for Informality

Another key point about defining this term is diversity. It is currently being discussed in ways which try to homogenise an otherwise heterogeneous group of people by the fact that the live precariously, it is, in my opinion, one of Standing’s main issues. Things like basic income and political things can certainly be applied to all, not everything can. This theme becomes a large part of defining an architecture for this group of inhabitants. For this research I focus on a kind of precarious more specific to Nalasopara; the precarious urban migrant. Typical urban migrants are defined by standing in three predominant types: the settler, defined by their desire to stay on one place, the nomad, who opportunistically wanders from place to place, and the circulant, who moves from home with the intention of moving back. This immediately highlights the vastly different nature of these people and therefore the difficulty/ inappropriateness of trying to coalesce them in to one ‘class’ or group of people.

Settler noun The settler requires stability.

Nomad noun The settler requires stability. Generally

If we can create a city which caters for these predominant types of people we can create a good city for all. As Richard Sennet said in his book ‘Building and Dwelling’; “Migrant knowledge is what all urbanites need”. Precariousness is often thought about in economic terms; “where will my money come from? What will be my next job? How can I have a stable job?” Whilst precarious

50_

Circulants noun This type of migrant are the type who need the design of the city to perform well, as they want to feel included during a shorter visit.

Research


A Place for Informality

is often seen through political and economic lenses, it also has an effect on the built environment in how people spatially deal with issues and situations of flux. For the Urban migrant these uncertainties also have inherent social and spatial consequences; “Where will I live? Who will I live with? What type of culture am I moving too? Will people accept me? Will O have an identity there?� These topics are common in architectural, urbanistic and philosophical discourse, and have been for decades. Themes on; arrival cities, foreigners and openness are very common in these disciplines. Literature by the likes of Doug Sangers (Arrival Cities, 2013), Jacques Derrida (Of Hospitality, 1997) and Richard Sennett (Building and Dwelling (2018) all make apparent, in their observation and theory,the link between precarity and built form around the globe. As well as looking at the concerns and problems of the precarious people, it is also worth considering their ambitions. What do they want? How do they view the problems? I think it is a difficult question to answer due to the previously mentioned diversity. The main, and perhaps most obvious is simple; stability. They main thing people in these positions desire is security

Research

Ambitions noun Not only the needs but also the desires and passions of the inhabitants.

_51


A Place for Informality

and consistency in terms of economic and social lifestyle. It seems common for the precarious lifestyle to be romanticised as being flexible, and free. In actual fact the reality of this is not romantic at all for a lot of people. Whilst Standing defines the precariat as a ‘dangerous class’, I think in India, despite some of the recent issues in Ahmedabad following the closing of the textile mills, this is less-so as precarious lifestyles are, generally, more accepted. Whilst there are examples of resistance to formalised work in India it is still a common desire for Indians to move from ‘kutcha’ (temporary) to ‘pucca’(permanent) housing, with lots of people in Mumbai having ambitions of one day living in one of the high-rise developments. Other needs/desires could include access to communal facilities and democratic, public space. Infrastructures and the stabilities they offer. Other, more speculative questions could also include ideas surrounding identity and community through spatial qualities. This is all very linked to both housing and dwelling space; the way we interact with cities is, as Walter Benjamin describes it in his book ‘One Way Street’, reciprocal. We make our buildings and they impact back on us. I think that creating a city with this ideology in mind is important when dealing with precarity.

52_

Research

Kutcha adjective being in a crude or raw state : makeshift, unfinished. Often involves the use of mud-bricks or metal sheet roofing.

Pucca adjective Pucca housing (or pukka or pacca) refers to dwellings that are designed to be solid and permanent. This term is applied to housing in South Asia built of substantial material such as stone, brick, cement, concrete, or timber.


A Place for Informality

“As porous as this stone is the architecture. Building and action interpenetrate in the courtyards, arcades and stairways. In everything they preserve the scope to become a theatre of new, unforseen constellations. The stamp of the definitive is avoided. No situation appears intended forever.� - Walter Benjamin, 1926

Research

_53


A Place for Informality

NALASOPARA precarity in Mumbai

The issue of migration, the nature of landvalue and miss-management of FSI in Mumbai has led to the creation of satellite towns, or as Doug Sanders labels them; ‘Arrival Cities’, in the peripherys of the city. One of the most rapidly developing of these is Nalasopara. Located in the northern periphery of Mumbai between Vasai and Virar Nalasopara has relatively low land value. This made it ripe for low-cost/affordable housing development and its connection to the rail infrastructure has made it desirable for low-income workers from central Mumbai. These attributes have also seen Nalasopara’s population rise by 500% since 2011, from 200,000 to 1,200,000. This new population consists mainly of rural and national migrants but also people being displaced from central Mumbai due to shifts in land value or infrastructural projects forcing them out.

01.

This swift increase in population has led to dramatic and problematic built urban forms.

01. George, J 2017. 02. (opposite) Image showing

the situation in Nalasopara, authors own.

54_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_55


A Place for Informality

DENSITY

rural & international migration

Even relative to the already high density of India, Mumbai and , more specifically, Nalasopara have extremely high densities. Nalasopara has an overall density of around 10,700 people per kilometre. Nearly 30 times the national average and over twice the average of Mumbai. The migration of people to Nalasopara come from both inside the city and from the rural hinterland. People seeking affordable land after being relocated of moving for income generation.

01.

56_

Research

01. Density comparison through

different scales.

02. Patterns of national

migration in India

03. Patterns of Inter-national

migration around India’s borders.


A Place for Informality

02.

03.

Research

_57


A Place for Informality

FORMAL VS INFORMAL

Legal. On the peripheries is more formal architecture, developing on the vacant surroundings.

58_

Research


A Place for Informality

Ilegal. In the heart of nalasopara is the problematic, illegal and informal chawl developments.

Research

_59


A Place for Informality

BAITHI CHAWL

problematic informal developments

The first is the Bhati Chawl and it’s redeveloped counterpart. Bhati chawls were developed by local co-operatives of settlers in Nalasopara. They typically comprise of single level units in a backto-back terrace typology. They are problematic in many hygienic respects; the back-sides of these buildings are typically blind and become a place for waste and sewage. This, naturally breeds disease and The Baithi Chawls to have some good aspects; good light, ventilation and all units have a connection with the street, creating at least an impression of community. Women gather in the shade of the houses to work together on making textiles/ jewellery or preparing food. Observing children as they play in the streets. There are intimate situations in these houses which seems to characterise the nature of Nalasopara.

Kutcha adjective being in a crude or raw state : makeshift, unfinished. Often involves the use of mud-bricks or metal sheet roofing.

60_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_61


A Place for Informality

Without trying to romanticise this informality there are still vast problems in these areas in terms of infrastructure and sanitary conditions. Even socially; the situation of women staying at home highlights the inherent gender inequality that is a part of Nalasopara and even India’s culture. The Bhaiti chawl is one of the original housing types in Nalasopara, but in recent years, with the vast increase in density of the area, developers have taken the plots of land and illegally redeveloped them in an even more unhealthy fashion in order to reach high densities. By taking the existing floor plan of the Bhaiti chawl and extruding it to 4/5 floors developers are able to make 4/5 times money from their land. Naturally this development leads to extremely unhealthy living conditions; no light, ventilation and poor infrastructure. This is currently breeding diseases like tuberculoses as well as, you can imagine, causing a lot of mental health issues (Guardian). People are given no connection to light, let alone any form of communities or social life.

62_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_63


A Place for Informality

Urban Space. Within the dense neighbourhoods of Nalasopara east there are a multiplicity of public spaces. This is best explained through the hierarchy of spaces; from public to private. Defined by space and activity. Running from north too south are the main, primary routes leading from the train station. These are characterised by a wider street and generally taller buildings. These buildings, relative to the area, and probably most corners of the planet, has a high number of commercial activities. Shops, pharmacies, bakery’s, food stalls all spill out in to the hustle and bustle of the street. Rapid exchanges happen here. Picking up the news paper from a Hawker Leading off of these streets are secondary streets. As expected, a little narrower, a little less busy, but still a vast amount of work goes on here. The work also changes and diversifies in nature, still here are the shops and pharmacies of the main street but also other things; textile workers, shoe-makers. The next threshold is the tertiary streets. These act almost as small courtyards, with galleries facing each other as the buildings follow the back-to-back patterns of the Bhaiti Chawls.

64_

Research

Public-Private Relations In Nalasopara the communal also plays a role but the fabric of Nalasopara has no proper place for this activity so encroachment occurs.


A Place for Informality

Research

_65


A Place for Informality

66_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_67


A Place for Informality

In Nalasopara the urban form in terms of public space epitomises the precarious nature of the area. One of the biggest examples of this is the ‘Hawkers’ who fill the streets with activity and colour. They use moveable stalls which roll on wheels, or pack up in to small boxes. This allows for the dynamics of Nalasopara. By day they line the sides of the streets; selling food, papers and seasonal goods. In the evening the congregate on individual streets to form markets. In other instances people place out mats, selling their products. These people inhabit the leftover spaces; in front of closed down shops, underneath street signs. These are the spaces nobody else thought about.

68_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_69


A Place for Informality

70_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_71


A Place for Informality

ARTEFACTS OF PRECARITY the tools of the informal

Hawker Stand Moving around the streets to optimise their maximum their publicity and to respond to changes in the market.

Bowl The bowl, like the bucket is a versatile tool of the informal, for transporting, storing and selling.

Rickshaw The rickshaws dominate the streets providing a source of income and an affordable way to get around.

72_

Research


A Place for Informality

Stool Stools are an extremely common and crucial part of life in Nalasopara; a place to sit, to store, to sell things from. The stool can be found all over the houses and streets here.

Curtains An affordable, ventilating way to create spaces that are flexible and adaptable. Used both internally and externally

Pappat Pappat and food making in geeral makes up a large part of the income generation in Nalasopara.

Bucket Very versatile; carry things, store things, use as a table to work at, as a place to put your good and many other uses. Jewlery makers often use these for their work.

Research

_73


A Place for Informality

INCOME GENERATION the practice of the informal

In Nalasopara there are two economies; the formal and informal, as with the build environment. This set of observations show the relation between the physical and economic conditions.

Groceries at the night Market Over the day the nature of the area’s sales strategy changes, the temporary and scattered stalls homogenise to form a night market which becomes more of a community event. Large number of women will appear around the time before dinner to shop for their groceries.

Intimate production and consumption A lot of workplaces would have their source of production very close to their place of selling, be it baking, textile work or shoemaking. This immediacy allows for a very responsive type of business and a localized system.

74_

Research


A Place for Informality

The Informal Corner In the empty static spaces on the streets people will appropriate with their small informal stalls. They sell toys, vegetables, spices and more. Their means to sell these things are different to ‘Hawkers’ they often just use a blanket on the floor or put a table.

Licensed Location Throughout the day the licensed Hawkers will open and close but in the same permanent location. Their ownership is first obtained by a lottery and passed down through generations as it will be inherited by the children of the current owners.

Seasonal Extensions In certain times of the year larger scale extensions are made into the street for selling the goods. Lantern and firework stores were erected for Diwali during our visit but the same will happen for other festivals and events. These temporary structures emphasize the dynamic and ever-changing nature of Nalasopara.

Research

_75


A Place for Informality

Every Meter used for Income In Nalasopara space is one of the most valuable commodities. This results in various sub-renting out their space to people to make money. People live above shops and in some extreme cases people move out of their homes and rent the space to others as they have no other means of income.

Females work from Home While the male works in the city, it is common for his wife to work in the house. After finishing the housework, they engage in producing petty commodities such as jewellery assembly and embroideries on clothes. These create social networks of friends and/or family who work together in each other’s house.

Education as Investment “Education is very important for Nalasopara, there are children chewing tobacco on the streets just because they don’t know it’s bad for them”. After school classes are common in Nalasopara as the children spend time on learning English and math skills. Parents value education for children's future aspirations and opportunities for family's improvement.

76_

Research


A Place for Informality

Drive-thru Hawking The speed of interactions on the street front is extremely rapid, and people always take the fastest route to receive or deliver what they need. People often don’t even need to exit their vehicles to purchase their goods. The way people position themselves in the streetscape means that people can purchase quickly.

Commercial Extensions The spatial condition of the shop front is seen as critical for the shop owners. Everything possible is pushed to the front of the shop to maximise visibility. The ‘Ottlas’ (step) at the front of the store is used as a display shelf and canopies are utilised to offer shade and opportunity to hang products.

Intimate Working and Living “Generally the owners will live in the chawls above whilst the workers live in the Bhati chawls nearby”. People typically live close to their place of work. Some in the building above and some in the adjacent building, depending on what they can afford and their position in the building.

Research

_77


A Place for Informality

SOCIAL SPACES the practice of the informal

Gully Cricket we always come to play here because it‘s free ... we learnt to play at the cricket school but that is only for members.

Gully Football argentina! messi! messi!

Socialising on the go

here to the left 78_

Research


A Place for Informality

Window Chat

i came to my nephew‘s shop to eat paan. we have a chat while he prepares the paan for me.

Lunch in the Shade

look ... they are all rick shaw drivers. they must be taking a break.

Alley of Intimacy

women like to stay in their comfort zone and men stay in the bigger streets..

Research

_79


A Place for Informality

Explosive Stoop Diwali is coming up ... we will have crackers!

Multipurpose Altar

During ganesh chaturthi we prepare the stage for the idol. we decorate with flowers and offer sweets to the lord. a lot of our friends and relatives come to celebrate with us.

Productive Intersection

All the neighbours dry their papad in the street today 80_

Research


A Place for Informality

Social Corridor My husband and I moved here from Bombay because it‘s cheaper ... we pay rs 2000 a month.

Waiting Plinth We are waiting for the school bus ... class will start again at 12.30 pm.

Gossip Corner

We prefer to sit here and gossip. Research

_81


A Place for Informality

BUILDING TECHNIQUES the practice of the informal

Plinth Construction After the ‘plinth beams’ are cast, rubble is placed inbetween them filling the gaps. Concrete is then poured on top of the rubble and the plinth beams’ creating a flat surface for the plinth. The labour is done manually with an additional concrete mixer. Men do most of the work, however women are often the ones carrying stone aggregates to the mixer in baskets on their heads.

82_

Research


A Place for Informality

Brick In-fill The concrete framework is filled in with two layers of brick. The holes for windows and doors are supported by concrete frames. The outer layer is later cladded with cement or plaster to protect the facade from rain.

Tiled Pavements Nala Sopara suffers from the lack of urban planning and thereby a very poor infrastructure. Many of the streets and pavements are unpaved, while others are paved by using different tiles and paver blocks together. The pavements therefore represent the practice of using what is cheap and available as well as the pure function, rather than the aesthetic value of the tiles and blocks.

Wooden Casting for Columns After making the concrete plinth the concrete columns, beams and floors are constructed. The mould used for the columns are made from wooden plates screwed to wooden slats. On every side of the steel reinforcement rods that stick out of the plinth, one of these wooden plate is placed. The plates are anchored to each other by steel bars or wooden slats. To keep the moulds up right, they are joint together by wooden sticks.

Research

_83


A Place for Informality

PRIVATE HOUSING anonymous towers

In a completely opposite means of housing production, the highly-regulated housing schemes in Nalasopara. These developments usually consist of schemes similar to the SRA schemes. But generally higher-quality. The schemes here are designed to be as economically efficient as possible. Simple typologies are repeated up to heights of 20 floors. Constructed from concrete and finished in plaster, the buildings lack a lot of the qualities that the users of Nalasopara gave themselves. The space between the buildings become undefined in any real sense. Whilst gardens and street furniture fill the renderings the real use of these spaces are generally not so glamorous. Whilst these approaches are common for private developers they are also common practise for the state; MHADA also utilises these standard, repetitive tower blocks, in even more dramatic forms.

84_

Research


A Place for Informality

Research

_85


A Place for Informality

86_

Research Question


A Place for Informality

03 RESEARCH QUESTION.

Research Question

_87


A Place for Informality

FRAMING A QUESTION identifying problems

Stimulus.

“Migration causes population shifts, this results in extreme densities and often poor living conditions, due largely to the unsuitable or simply lack of policy.�

Problem.

The problem, as this porject frames it, lies significantly at a political

88_

Research Question

Symptom.

Through the lens of this project the architecture is a result of other events


A Place for Informality

Research Question

_89


A Place for Informality

PROBLEM STATEMENT identifying problems

A conflict between private developers and the free market’s demands, with the needs and aspirations of the informal sector and people who live in precarious circumstances. This has resulted in two problematic forms of redevelopment in Nalasopara; the illegal and the legal.

In these projects either the sanitary conditions or the social and safety conditions are not considered.

Illegal synonym: Load-Bearing From Bhati Chawls to developed ‘Handshake’ chawls; these developments tend to have poor light, ventilation, and sanitary conditions in addition to a lack of services.

The other option; the slum, doesn’t align with the ambitions of the people of Mumbai inhabitants. This results in a imbalance in meeting the needs of a precarious population and the needs of the people developing housing.

Legal Led by the contemporary neo-liberal model, the legal housing market capitalises on land-value and TDR to maximise profits. These developments, which are designed to re-house slum dwellers, don’t cater to their basic social needs and often their economic needs in terms of income generation.

90_

Research Question


A Place for Informality

Research Question

_91


A Place for Informality

RESEARCH QUESTION

How can we re-develop the existing chawl developments of Nalasopara, utilising the current systems of private development, in a way that caters for the precarious and informal nature of its inhabitants in a way which meets their social, sanitary, economic needs and ambitions ?

92_

Research Question


A Place for Informality

Research Question

_93


A Place for Informality

DESIGN HYPOTHESIS

My project aims to break up or intervene in the currently problematic urban forms of nalasoara in a way which creates a better environment for the precarious migrant community, whilst still being attractive for private developers. By introducing new housing, stability in terms of shelter can be provided for the people of Nalasopara but the new urban form should also allow for flux and newcomers. It should, in my view, encourage porosity, interiority as well as the provision of public, communal facilities and democratic public spaces. These spaces will pick-up, in a sense, where the existing context leaves us. Whilst I propose vast improvements to the area in terms of physical urban form, I think there are patterns of land-use and inhabitation which should, in some sense, be maintained. This includes, but is not limited to, methods of income generation, social activities, as well as the production of the materials; using local materials and labour to produce the buildings. In my opinion it is unrealistic to stray from the private production of housing at this current moment in india, and the power of NGO’s and philanthropic developments, are unable to deal with the scale of Nalasopara’s issues.

94_

Research Question


A Place for Informality

Research Question

_95


A Place for Informality

96_

Research Question


A Place for Informality

04 PROPOSAL.

Proposal

_97


A Place for Informality

THE DEVELOPER

considering the development from the developer’s perspective

98_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_99


A Place for Informality

URBAN/CITY CONDITION

minimising urban sprawl and leveling densities

Existing Sprawl. Due to the existing patterns of city expansion, peripheral satellite towns form.

100_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Cut the Sprawl. My proposal is to cut this sprawl by concentrating on the conditions within the current urban mass.

Dense City Edge. By intensifying the cityes existing urban edge you can focus the extension of the city back in on itself

Proposal

_101


A Place for Informality

URBAN/CITY CONDITION dealing with displacement

Initial developments. In order to create housing for displaced inhabitants, new developments hapen first.

102_

Current Houses. Now, new sites in the core of the city can be developed.

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Moving people within 900m. People from within the existing urban fabric can be moved in to the new housing

Move back. If people so wish, then can now move back in to their old streets which have now been de-developed.

Proposal

_103


A Place for Informality

URBAN PROPOSAL

The urban plan aims to be efficient and accepting that top-down approaches are necessary for affordable and efficient they need to be developed on a larger scale. Starting with the existing road and power infrastructures, my scheme aims to increase porosity in the area; enhancing the northwest infrastructures and adding from east to west, respecting the existing conditions and topography respecting the existing conditions you develop an affordable and organic situation which also benefits the inhabitants as well as the developer.

104_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_105


A Place for Informality

DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY

The Project is based around re-thinking the existing conditions on every level; architectural, urban and in terms of materialization. At the urban scale this means creating a new clustering system of short slab typologies.

106_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Existing.

Demolition.

Insertion.

Rotation.

Courtyard.

Circulation.

Reciprocal.

Flexibility.

Proposal

_107


A Place for Informality

SITE MASSING

By controlling the massing rules, healthy densities of around 3 FSI can be achieved in a manner which introduces a consisting and legible hierarchy of spaces.

108_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_109


A Place for Informality

Existing.

110_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposed.

Proposal

_111


A Place for Informality

Existing Conditions. FSI: 4.2 112_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposed Conditions. FSI: 2.6 Proposal

_113


A Place for Informality

Ground Floor. 114_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

First Floor. Proposal

_115


A Place for Informality

116_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_117


A Place for Informality

EFFICIENT CLUSTERING simple building blocks for a complex city

118_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_119


A Place for Informality

New Additions adjective in red you can see the how the new and old elements blend together.

120_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_121


A Place for Informality

VARIATION & REPETITION finding the balance between efficiency and quality

layered variants section The section follows a patter of single height and maisonette typologies allowing for variability and different heights of buildings.

122_

Proposal

corners and centres plan In the plan of the proposal the ends/ corners are slightly larger in size, offering LIG/MIG apartments whilst maintaining the repetitive grid.


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_123


A Place for Informality

communal corridors section the thresholds to the houses an the gallery acces push in and out creating adaptable and flexible outdoor communal spaces for a wide variety of activities to happen on.

124_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

rooftop terraces section

communal courtyads section

Proposal

_125


A Place for Informality

126_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_127


a.

b.

1.

c. 1.

2.

A Place for Informality

Roof Structure (top-left). 1:20 1. 200x 400mm Insitu Concrete Frame.

2. Frame: a. 75x50mm I-Section Beam. b. 65x50mm U-Section Columns. c. Folded U-section metal lenghts, cros bracing, bolted to Columns.

3. Corrugated Metal Roof Sheet on circula hollow metal rafters. 2.

1.

Door Detail Axo (top-right). 1:20

3.

1. Metal top and bottom frame for sliding elements. 2. Teflon sliding piece, for minimal complexity.

3. Wooden jamb details hide metal element

4. Metal plate with pivot-post to connect to teflon. 8.

Gallery Access Axo. 1:20 1. Fly Ash Brick Rat-Trap Bond

4.

2. Pine wood Timber frame Bi-Fold Door with teflon sliding element. 5.

7.

3. Wooden louvres

4. Recycled Mosaic Tile flooring taken from demolished buidings. 6.

5. 225mm Reinforced In-situ Filler Slab Concrete (using locally produced clay pot fillers) 6. 400mm x 213mm Reinforced concrete frame 7. 200mm Reinforced, Cantilevered Insitu Reinfo Conctete floor Slab 8. Mild Steel Balustrade produced insitu using local craftsmen.

Construction. 1:20

Gallery Detail: 1. Fly Ash Brick Rat-Trap Bond 2. Pine wood Timber frame Bi-Fold Door With Teflon sliding element. 3. Wooden louvres 4. Recycled Mosaic Tile flooring taken from Demolished buildings. 5. 225mm Reinforced In-situ Filler Slab Concrete (using locally produced clay pot Fillers) 6. 400mm x 213mm Reinforced concrete Frame 7. 200mm Reinforced, Cantilevered Insitu Concrete floor Slab 8. Mild Steel Balustrade produced insitu Using local craftsmen 128_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

3.

a.

b.

1.

c. 1.

2.

Roof AXO (top-right): 1. 200x 400mm In-situ Concrete Frame. 2. Frame: a. 75x50mm I-Section Beam. b. 65x50mm U-Section Columns. c. Folded U-section metal lengths, cross Bracing, bolted to Columns. 3. Corrugated Metal Roof Sheet on circular 2. Hollow metal rafters. 3.

Proposal

1.

_129


A Place for Informality

THE INHABITANT

130_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_131


A Place for Informality

URBANITY FOR ALL

Acupunctural Implementation Due to the flexible design of the clustering, developers can work in difficult and awkward situations allowing a more accupunctural urban renewal.

Public/Landmark Buildings Throughout the neighbourhood, landmark buildings, such as religious, education, banks, ensuring everyone has access to essential facilities. 132_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Main Squares On every other urban block sits a large public space, these could be used for markets, football fields, cricket pitches, spaces for demonstration, for yoga and so on.

Main Square Activity The envisioned activities of the main square are not assumed; they come from a research of the current happenings of the neighbourhoods of Nalasopara east. Proposal

_133


A Place for Informality

Intimate Squares In addition to the large, neighbourhood squares,there are also more intimate squares with places to sit, eat, chat and drink chai.

Intimate Square Activities Again, the activities are inspired by the way in which people use their current spaces which, but the new organisation makes them more accessible, safe and adaptable. 134_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Amenities On every urban block there should be any amenities; kindergartens, shops, schools, doctors.

Site Selection For the purposes of this exercise I am showing a part of the city that is developed adjacent to main and secondary streets and small squares. Proposal

_135


A Place for Informality

Hawkers on the street corners

Education in the community

Drying the papad

Cricket in the courtyards

Markets in the Evening

Shops and living combined

136_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_137


A Place for Informality

SPATIAL SEQUENCES the journey from public to private

Rooftop terraces for communal living and water collection

Raised communal space

Split levels allow different functions

Corners that can be utilised

138_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_139


A Place for Informality

SPATIAL SEQUENCES the journey from public to private

01. Main Road On the main road the building appears more anonymous. The facade still allows overlooking and the ground floor is filled with commercial/communal spaces creating a vibrant street scene. 02. Side Street Quieter in activity than the main street but just as public. The Side street offers opportunities for more local exchanges and meetings. 03. Public Spare In the public squares, which are predominantly enclosed, you can find a democratic spaces; by day a space for gatherings and eating/drinking, in the evening a space fro a market. 04. Entrance to Urban Cluster Going up the stairs and under the connecting bridge signifies a changes in intimacy as you enter the communal courtyard.

140_

05. Communal Courtyard The communal courtyards provide light, ventilation to the dwellings and space for activities such as drying papat or playing cricket or football. 06. Communal Terrace Structurally bracing walls can be designed in to create a variety of spaces and atmospheres for different communal activities. 07. Gallery Access The entrance to the dwelling can be appropriated and encroached upon allowing control of the relation between public and private. 08. Dwelling Unit The unit is allowed to spill out in to the communal space and the space folds back on itself providing a mix of public and private.

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_141


A Place for Informality

142_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Main Road Along the main road the impact of the building is quite simple and modest; a plain textured brick faรงade with vertical articulation breaking up the form and with odd bits of appropriation on the faรงade. On the main street the ground floor is used for shops and the road cuts back, providing a space for people to park their vehicle and run to grab something. This anonymous space could also be used for hawkers to set out and also provide a quick interaction of sales for these people.

Proposal

_143


A Place for Informality

144_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_145


A Place for Informality

146_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Side Street Now we move deeper in to the scheme; to the side streets. Here we see the combination of housing and commerce combine on the ground floor. And the more intimate nature of these spaces really brings out more of the individuality of the dwelling. Small railings offer a place for people to store things or present themselves as an individual in the mass of housing. Here, due to the facade design there are still eyes on the street, maintaining a sense of safety within the density.

Proposal

_147


A Place for Informality

148_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_149


A Place for Informality

150_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Public Square In the smaller, enclosed, public squares, a democratic and open set of activities can take place, offering a space for ambiguity and nonprescriptive design allows for the nature of the space to change over time. Here we can see a scene where the market is closing up, making the space become more open and able to host other activities..

Proposal

_151


A Place for Informality

152_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_153


A Place for Informality

154_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_155


A Place for Informality

156_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Entrance to the Block Now we enter the block. Here we see the intimate relationship between the old and the new. The columns acting as a light touch, allowing a lowtech connection. The intimate space formed by the slight raise in the floor and the enclosure of the circulation tower creates a more private atmosphere to the couryards, giving a sense of community.

Proposal

_157


A Place for Informality

158_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_159


A Place for Informality

st Floor Plan 1:100 160_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_161


A Place for Informality

162_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Communal Courtyard The communal courtyard sits between the old and the new. Creating an enclosed space from the public space. Here people can appropriate space, use the court as a space for cooking, sports, and local communal facilities such as kindergartens can use the space at different times of the day. In the centre a raised platform and open plinth maximise ventilation and create no possibilities of use, connection the upper levels to the courtyard space.

Proposal

_163


A Place for Informality

164_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_165


A Place for Informality

166_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_167


A Place for Informality

168_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Communal Gallery The entrance to the units all have a set-back, creating an intermediate space between the communal and private space, allowing for the option for the internal activity to flow out in to the communal courtyard. Minimal Differences in height, and set backs of facades allow for negotiations between the different spaces.

Proposal

_169


A Place for Informality

170_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_171


A Place for Informality

172_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_173


A Place for Informality

15.07.2019 Building aesthetic after construction

174_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

15.07.2020 Conditions after weathering and appropriation

Proposal

_175


A Place for Informality

176_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Rooftop Terrace The top of the building becomes a critical point as it is the end of the buildings. Rather than wasting this space it makes more sense to open this up as a more private communal space. Hee informal appropriations can determine new constellations of possible programmes for the rooftop.

Proposal

_177


A Place for Informality

178_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_179


A Place for Informality

180_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_181


A Place for Informality

182_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Dwellings From inside the dwelling the connection to the communal space is visible. and the ability to expand the house in to this space can be seen. The upstairs or the use of a curtain provides a sense of recluse and provides nooks in the house to allow for a more private existence.

Proposal

_183


A Place for Informality

184_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_185


A Place for Informality

HOUSING TYPOLOGIES the fundamental building blocks

Curtain furniture Designed to blend the living and sleeping and living, maximising the liveable area.

Wet-Zone zoning By clustering the wet-zones to oneside of the unit to allow the other to be more adaptable and free.

186_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Living/Working zoning The curtain again helps distinguish the boundary between the shop and the house.

Terrace in the Courtyard threshold Folding doors allow the interior to flow in the courtyard and maximum ventilation.

Proposal

_187


A Place for Informality

Plinth threshold The slight raised entrance to the shop acts as the perfect area to advertise to the street what you have to offer.

Preperation zone zoning The connection to the communal courtyard also adds an opportunity for people to prep food here, giving the space more activity during the day.

188_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Smaller units zoning For the smaller independent businesses and vendors tat need little equipment.

Simple units threshold The simpleness of the corner units balances out their expense.

Proposal

_189


A Place for Informality

Logias Zoning In larger dwellings more generous bedrooms get the luxury of a logia which also add more cross ventilation.

Generous Living zoning The flexible and adaptable threshold to the space makes for a generous living space.

190_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Flexible Living space zoning The use of the curtain makes a space which can be used in many ways.

Dining in the Community threshold Folding doors allow the interior to flow in the courtyard and maximum ventilation.

Proposal

_191


A Place for Informality

Logias Threshold Small logias provide a sense ofoverlooking on the street and a space for expression to the public.

Adaptable stairs zoning By placing the stairs against the gallery, there is opportunity for the unit to be spplit in to two.

192_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Balcony threshold An option with a larger outdoor space and better cross-ventilation.

Terrace zoning A dining space, a building space, drying the food, cleaning the cutlery or a flexible space in the shade.

Proposal

_193


A Place for Informality

Logias Zoning In larger dwellings more generous bedrooms get the luxury of a logia which also add more cross ventilation.

Generous Living zoning The flexible and adaptable threshold to the space makes for a generous living space.

194_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_195


A Place for Informality

ADAPTABILITY how can fundamental spaces work for different needs

Ground Floor Work/Live 40m2

Ground Floor Family 40m2

196_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Upper Maisonette 54m2

Upper Spit-Maisonette 2 X 32m2

Proposal

_197


A Place for Informality

HOUSING TYPOLOGIES the fundamental building blocks

198_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Family Dinner The Family have dinner with some privacy,

Proposal

_199


A Place for Informality

Lounging in the courtyard The couple take a break after drinking chair in the sun for too long

200_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Preparing the food Drying pappat on the plinth behind the store, overlooking the game of cricket in the courtyard.

Proposal

_201


A Place for Informality

Drying the Pappat Preparing the food for the bakery.

202_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Pharmacy The local pharmacy utilises a large store at the back of the property.

Proposal

_203


A Place for Informality

Business Meeting Work and living collide where the curtain opens, creating an immediate relation between the house and the work.

204_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Terrace Dining The plinth is used as a dinning space the front porch is appropriated using plants and belongs, creating a sense of identity.

Proposal

_205


A Place for Informality

Kindergarten Units are combined to create a kindergarten with doors opening on to the courtyard for activities.

206_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Chai breaks Taking a chai break on the gallery, looking over the courtyard.

Proposal

_207


A Place for Informality

Cooking time The parents can watch over the children from the kitchen.

208_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Friends come to visit The bedroom becomes closed off during the evening when guests come around,

Proposal

_209


A Place for Informality

Dinner Time Diner time sprawls out on to the gallery

210_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Fundamentals The fundamental elements of the apartment.

Proposal

_211


A Place for Informality

212_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_213


A Place for Informality

Complex Networks Synchronicity of activities; from the dwelling to the street.

214_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_215


A Place for Informality

216_

Proposal


A Place for Informality

Proposal

_217


A Place for Informality

CONCLUSIONS what is the role of the architect?

Architecturally, I don’t think the issues of precocity and informality will be solved by architecture alone, I think new governmental acts and new systems need to be implemented for these changes. I don’t think architecture and design can have a causal effect on the city, I think it can aid and lessen the impact in a reciprocal way which also involves the interaction and use f the of the space to make a place which caters for a mix of people and creates a sense of identity, community and possibilities for the informal activities to accommodated. I think it is important to have this discussion to make sure that these parts of the community are considered during redevelopment projects. Whilst I don’t think the issues of precocity and informality will be solved by architecture alone (I think new governmental acts and new systems need to be implemented for these changes), and I don’t think architecture and design can have a causal effect on the city, I think it can aid and lessen the impact of these issues and rather than make them worse.

218_

Conclusion


A Place for Informality

Affordable Housing

THE DEVELOPER

Provide affordable proposals

Regulations on distribution of housing & FSI on privincial level.

THE ARCHITECT

Providing architecture which meets needs and ambitions.

THE INHABITANTS

THE STATE

Transition to stability - Pucca Housing.

Conclusion

_219


A Place for Informality

BIBLIOGRAPHY the fundamental building blocks

220_

Conclusion


A Place for Informality

Alexander, C. A Pattern Language. Benjamin, W. One Way street - and other writings. Benjamin, W. Arcades Project. Correa, C. New Landscapes. Das, PK. Chasing the Affordable Dream. DASH. Global Housing Edition. 20 Jacobs, J. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. Jacobs, J. The Economy of Cities Jain, A K. Building Systems for Low-Cost Housing. systems. Mukhija, V. Squatters as Developers? Mooij, H & Leeupen B. Housing Design: A Manual. Sennett, R. Building and Dwelling. Sennett, R. The Craftsman. Sengupta. U. Affordable Housing in India. 2016. Singh, DP. Migration in Mumbai. Sitte, C. Urban planning according to artistic Principles. Turner, J. Housing by people - Towards Autonomous in Building Environments. Varma, R & van Gameren, D. Living Ideals. 2018. How The other Half Builds

Conclusion

_221


A Place for Informality

222_

Conclusion


A Place for Informality

Conclusion

_223



Millions discover their favorite reads on issuu every month.

Give your content the digital home it deserves. Get it to any device in seconds.