FIELDWORK REPORT Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia 2011
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia Fieldwork Report 2011
Edited by Jens Auer and Holger Schweitzer
University of Southern Denmark Maritime Archaeology Programme
Esbjerg Maritime Archaeology Reports 4
Edited by: Jens Auer and Holger Schweitzer Contributors: Jens Auer Anders Callesen Amandine Colson Padraig Cronin David Heiðarsson Björn Meinhardt Xenius Nielsen Caroline Persson Felix Rösch Holger Schweitzer André Skyaasen
Published by: Maritime Archaeology Programme University of Southern Denmark www.maritimearchaeology.dk and Archäologisches Landesamt
Schleswig-Holstein http://www.schleswig-holstein.de/ALSH © Copyright
Maritime Archaeology Programme, University of Southern Denmark & Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein ISBN: 978-87-992214-8-6 Subject headings: maritime archaeology, shipwreck, Hedvig Sophia, Kiel, field-school, excavation Layout and DTP Jens Auer
Cover artwork André Skyaasen Printed in Germany 2012
Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig Holstein (ALSH), and especially Dr Martin Segschneider for facilitating and supporting the field-school on the wreck of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. We are indebted to Jan Fischer and Günther Stich from the ALSH, without whose constant support and efforts, no matter at what time of day or night, this project would not have been possible. We would also like to express our gratitude to the Segelzentrum der Universität Kiel and the Olympiazentrum Schilksee for housing us and putting us up in the dry Vaasahalle , when our camping ground finally flooded after days of constant rain. We are very grateful to the Direction de l’archéologie préventive (CAD-DAP), Communauté d’agglomération du Douaisis for making available Amandine Colson as a conservator for the project - and obviously to Amandine Colson for participating in the field-school!
Further thanks go to the “captains”, Jörn, Karl and Thomas, and crew of our support vessels Bussard and Nordwind. It was a pleasure to work on board! Many thanks also go to Rolf and Gerald Lorenz for providing their boat (and knowledge) to relocate, record and mark the guns and for providing photographs and information for the report. We would also like to express our gratitude to Arne Åkerhagen for the time, effort, interest, and expertise he provided during the analysis of the clay pipe collection and associated finds.
Last, but certainly not least, we would like to thank all field-school participants and guests, Dr Sunhild Kleingärtner and her team from the Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, and the dive team from the Maritime Archaeology Programme at the University of Southern Denmark for the hard work and long hours of diving, recording and report-writing.
The field school team in front of the emergency accommodation in Schilksee. Persson 2011.
Preface The report of the Hedvig Sophia Diving field-school on the 2011 campaign is finished!
Being the second after the 2010 campaign report, again it is a marvellous book full of detailed analysis, excellent images and surprising results, which help so much to understand the underwater monument and the story behind it! With this report, a certain aspect of the more or less forgotten Swedish part of the history of Schleswig-Holstein is brought to light again. But also the practical needs on protecting and safeguarding the precious wreck and its surroundings are now covered: for the first time, the essential baseline information is available to take the appropriate next steps. Therefore, the underwater investigations have finished and the site is now covered up again. I wish to thank all who have contributed so much to the successful excavation and this report, especially Prof. Frederik Paulsen by the Ferring GmbH, Kiel, for his generous and helpful support of the project!
Dr Martin Segschneider
Arch채ologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein, Schleswig
Contents 1. Introduction....................................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Project background.....................................................................................................................................1 1.2 Aims and Objectives....................................................................................................................................2 1.3 Co-ordinate System and Positioning............................................................................................................2 2. Archive Study..................................................................................................................................................... 3 2.1 Ship’s logbooks............................................................................................................................................3 2.2 Letters and reports......................................................................................................................................5 2.3 Ship plans....................................................................................................................................................5 2.4 The salvage of the Swedish warships off Bülk, a reconstruction based on historical sources........................6 3. Fieldwork 2011................................................................................................................................................... 9 3.1 Organisation................................................................................................................................................9 3.2 Methodology............................................................................................................................................. 11 3.3 Finds Handling........................................................................................................................................... 14 4. Results of in situ recording................................................................................................................................ 15 4.1 Trench Excavation...................................................................................................................................... 15 4.2 Ship Construction...................................................................................................................................... 15 4.3 Ammunition Trails..................................................................................................................................... 20 4.4 The Gun Trail............................................................................................................................................. 22 5. Results of the artefact study............................................................................................................................. 24 5.1 Ship’s rigging............................................................................................................................................. 24 5.2 Arms and ammunition............................................................................................................................... 28 5.3 Wooden casks........................................................................................................................................... 30 5.4 Ceramics and glassware............................................................................................................................. 35 5.5 Personal possessions................................................................................................................................. 37 5.6 Clay Pipes.................................................................................................................................................. 42 5.7 Shoes........................................................................................................................................................ 48 5.8 Bones........................................................................................................................................................ 52 6. Conclusion and outlook.................................................................................................................................... 56 6.1 Construction.............................................................................................................................................. 56 6.2 Surrounding area....................................................................................................................................... 56 6.3 Artefact study............................................................................................................................................ 57 6.4 Outlook .................................................................................................................................................... 57 7. References........................................................................................................................................................ 58
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia Appendix I............................................................................................................................................................. 63 Appendix II............................................................................................................................................................ 65 Appendix III........................................................................................................................................................... 97 Appendix IV......................................................................................................................................................... 101
1. Introduction By Jens Auer
1.1 Project background
The Maritime Archaeology Masters Programme (MAP) is a two year international postgraduate course in Maritime Archaeology. It is part of the Institute for History and Civilization and based at the Esbjerg Campus of the University of Southern Denmark.
Each day, a different student acts as “site director of the day” with full responsibility for planning, briefing and supervision of the work on site. The data gathered during the fieldwork is analysed and processed in the course of the third semester, and the resulting publication or report is jointly prepared by all field-school participants.
Seen in the context of the curriculum, the fieldschool builds on the knowledge and skills the students acquire in the first and second semester and requires them to apply those in a practical setting. The field-school is planned and prepared by the course lecturer and the participating students. During the project responsibilities are shared, and students are actively involved in the daily planning and decision-making process.
The 2011 field season represented a continuation of the systematic investigation of the wreck site of the Swedish man of war Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia in the Bay of Kiel, which was started with the field-school in 2010 (Auer 2011). 590000
In 2011, two separate field-school courses were organised. The present report relates to the second course, which was carried out jointly with the Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte, ChristianAlbrechts-Universität zu Kiel (CAU) and facilitated by the state authority for archaeology in the German state of Schleswig-Holstein , the Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein (ALSH).
One of the components of the Masters programme is a three week field-school course. This course takes place in the period between the 2nd and 3rd semester.
Hedvig Sophia wreck site
Figure 1: Overview site plan showing the location of the wreck site and the area containing artefact scatters relating to the event. Auer 2010, plan produced with Quantum GIS, based on open sea map data and a map prepared by NordNordWest, Wikimedia Commons.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia 1.2 Aims and Objectives
As the field-school course forms an important part of the curriculum at MAP, its main aim is educational. Students learn the preparation, organisation and day to day running of field projects and get an insight into the analysis of gathered data and the production of fieldwork reports. However, the course is also geared towards generating research results, which contribute to the field of maritime archaeology. Another aim of the 2011 field-school was therefore to continue the archaeological recording of the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. The naval battle that ultimately led to the shipwreck of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, as well as the wrecking and subsequent salvage attempts are documented in a variety of primary sources preserved in the archives of the two main adversaries during the Great Northern War, Denmark and Sweden (see section 2).
The subject is also dealt with extensively in secondary sources, sometimes with a romanticised or a nationalistic view, sometimes more objectively. The archaeological investigation of this historically well-documented wreck offers another level of primary information that can be used to critically appraise the existing source material and accurately reconstruct past events. The 2011 field-school therefore concentrated on two main areas of investigation: The hull remains of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia and the surrounding scatters of guns and ammunition on the seabed.
While excavation and recording of the hull remains offers information on Swedish naval ship construction in the late 17th century and through the artefactual remains - on aspects of life on board a sailing man of war in this period, the investigation of the surrounding area can help to understand the wrecking event and salvage. In 2010, a datum system was established around the wreck and previously uncovered timber structure at bow and stern was recorded in order to produce a full plan of the hull remains. In addition, a catalogue of all previously lifted artefacts was produced and existing information on the area surrounding the wreck site was collated and presented. The report on the 2010 field-school also highlighted a number of specific objectives that could be addressed during a continuation of the project in 2011 (Auer 2011). These were:
»» Removal of ballast stones and detailed in situ recording of a section of well preserved hull structure in the midship area;
»» recording and positioning of the ammunition trail immediately east of the wreck site and »» accurate positioning and recording of all known findspots of guns in the survey area.
The present report should be seen as a continuation of the 2010 fieldwork report. It does not attempt to summarize the fieldwork carried out in both years. Instead it concentrates on presenting the data acquired during the 2011 field season. Rather than repeating information, new aspects are introduced and earlier results are referred to. The catalogue of artefacts only contains artefacts lifted during the 2011 season.
A full publication, which deals with both historical and archaeological sources in their entirety, is planned for the future.
1.3 Co-ordinate System and Positioning
All positional data referred to in this report was acquired using differential GPS receivers. Positions are stated in Easting and Northing based on the Universal Transversal Mercator co-ordinate system (UTM), using the World Geodetic System 1984 (WGS 84) ellipsoid. The site falls into zone 32 North. Positions were converted using the MSP GEOTRANS 3.0 software, made available by the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (Akers et al. 2010).
2. Archive Study By Jens Auer
One of the advantages of working in the field of historical archaeology is the availability of primary written historical source material. A decisive naval action, such as the Battle of Femern in this case, would almost certainly have left traces in the historical record of the participating opponents.
(Röding 1793). It could then be included in the ship’s journal, which was written by the captain. The journal can best be described as the diary of a ship, as, in addition to the nautical information, it also records any noticeable event on board2.
In preparation of the 2010 field season and as part of filming a documentary on the loss of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, a one-week archive study was undertaken in the Danish National Archives (Auer 2011). While the main aim of this study was to locate information for the documentary, it was also attempted to generate an overview over the variety of sources relating to the Battle of Femern and subsequent events and to assess their potential.
For the ships, which participated in the Battle of Femern on the Danish side, a selection of both, journals and protocols, is preserved. The most noteworthy of these is the journal of the Danish flagship Prinds Christian, which provides a detailed, but quite matter-of-factly account of both, the naval battle and the salvage of the Swedish ships (RA 141-1 1715).
The potential of such source material is considerable, as it can be used to supplement, verify and in some cases also explain archaeological information, and thus help to generate a more complete picture of the event in question. However, all historical sources should be carefully read and evaluated, as the opposite might be the case as well: archaeological facts can certainly also change an established historical interpretation.
This overview is by no means complete and neither are the sources presented here new or unpublished (Tuxen et al. 1922). In addition, it is restricted to Danish sources1. The aim of this chapter is to provide examples of the different types of sources available in the Danish National Archives and to comment on their usefulness and limitations for the interpretation of the archaeological remains off Bülk.
2.1 Ship’s logbooks
Ship’s logbooks are an obvious source for first hand information on an event involving naval vessels. The term logbook relates to the log, a nautical instrument used to measure a ship’s speed. Originally the logbook only contained information regarding weather, time, wind direction, course and speed a ship. This information was recorded on a log board and later entered into the logbook 1 Due to a lack of funding, Swedish archival sources could not be consulted in the scope of the present report However, a report on the events written by the Swedish Schoutbynacht Wachtmeister is known to exist (Tuxen et al. 1922)
In the Danish National Archives 5126 journals from naval vessels are preserved for the period between 1650 and 1993 (Statens Arkiver 2012). These include a considerable number written during the Great Northern War. However, although registered as journals3, many of these are indeed so called protocols. Protocols were part of the vessel administration and were kept by the ship’s clerk. They contain muster rolls, lists over supplies, orders, copies of letters, legal information and other administrative details.
The arrival of the Danish fleet at Bülk and the Swedish surrender on the 25th April 1715 was recorded by the commanding officer, Captain Hoppe as follows (Figure 2):
“...Formidagsvagt vinden OSO stif Refet merseils kulte klar luft, I det 1te gl vaie dend Svendske Schoutbÿnacht, hvidt flag fra Campaignen, hvorpaa vi fornam, at hand med sin helle Esquadren var landsadt paa bölch, hvor paa vj I de 2det gl lod vaie blaadt flag fra Storre toppen, for at anchre, Ditto gl gich vi til anchers uden for de Svendske skibe, paa 10f vand sand grund, omtrent ¼ mil fra dem, hafde Chrestian Priis Casstel SW t S fra os 1 1/4 mil; I det 8de gl kom Capitain Wessel her ombord til os med dend Svendske Schoutbÿnacht Gref Wagtmeister saa vel som sin Capitain som förde Skibet med Nafn Falck, for uden Kaarde, Som gafve sig til fange, med deris heele Esquadre, og folck og berettet at hand hafde 6 fod vand I Skibet, saa som hand hafde bekomit 17 Grund Skud, 6 der af blef af os I det förste loug Skudt, og hand hafde kappet sin store 2 the modern definition of a logbook would probably be more applicable to the 18th century journals 3 skibsjournaler
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia mast efter at hand var landsatt Schoutbÿnacht Gabell ad spurde vor Grefwens Kaarde var, Svarde hand der paa, een fangen mand maatte ingen een koorde bere, hvor paa Schoutbÿnacht Gabel tog kaarden fra sin Side som var af Sölf, og gaf ham, Som hand og Agsepterede,…” ...Morning watch, wind ESE, 5-6 Bft, clear sky. During the first glass (8:00am), the Swedish schoutbynacht (rear admiral) set a white ensign, whereupon we saw that he was stranded near Bülk with his whole squadron. Second glass (8:30am), set a blue flag on the head of the main mast to anchor. Same glass anchored near the Swedish ships in a depth of 10 fathom (ca. 19m) on sandy seabed around ¼ mile (ca. 1.8km) from them, had Christianpris kastel (Friedrichsort) SSW, 11/4 mile (9.3km) from us, 8th glass (11:30) Captain Wessel came on board together with the Swedish Schout-
bynacht Count Wachtmeister as well as his Captain who commanded a ship with the name Falck (Falcon), without sword, they surrendered with their whole squadron and crew and he reported that he fad six foot (ca. 1.9m) water in the ship which had suffered 17 shots below the waterline, six of which were fired by us (Prinds Christian) in the first broadside, and he had cut his main mast after he stranded Schoutbynacht Gabel asked where the count’s sword was, to which he answered that a captured man wasn’t to carry a sword, whereupon Schoutbynacht Gabel took his sword which was from silver, from the side and gave it to him, which he also accepted… Another surviving journal is that of the large cruiser Höyenhald. However, the commanding officer Güntelberg was far more concerned with weather and nautical observations and devoted
Figure 2: Example page from the journal of Prinds Christian reporting on the Swedish surrender on April 25th (RA 1411 1715).
Archive Study only little space to daily events (RA 170-1 1715).
The protocol of Prinds Christian for the same period also survives (RA 141-2 1715). Although it does not contain accounts of the event as such, interesting background information can be found. A report dated to the 24th April outlines the damage sustained by the Danish flagship during the Battle of Femern and thus gives a good impression of the ferocity of the action:
“…I Vandgangen Om Styrbord Een foed under vandet 6 skud, Om Styrbord 52 skud I skroget, om Bagbord et skud I skroget, Baabenblinde steng I stöcker skudt, saa og focke Masten ofven for Racken igiennem skudt og et stort stöcke af sprungen, store Stengen omtrent lidt over mitten Igiennem skud, med Een 12 Punder,…” ...At the waterline at starboard one foot below the waterline six shot, on starboard 52 shot into the hull, on portside a single shot into the hull, topmast of the bowsprit top sail shot into pieces, shot through the foremast just above the parrel, a large piece missing, main top mast shot through by 12pd shot,… A record of all ammunition and powder used on board Prinds Christian during the battle also illustrates the fierceness of the battle (RA 141-2 1715). All calibres on board fired a total of 2251 shot using approximately 4676kg of gunpowder. Most shot were fired by the 12 pounder guns (926), followed by the heavier 24 pounder guns (705). Of the 12 pounder shot fired, 745 were iron round shot, 120 bar shot and 61 grape shot.
2.2 Letters and reports
Written communication between the ships and the admiralty or individual persons forms another large source complex. The admiralty copybook4 is an excellent entry to the written communication in the enormous naval archives preserved in the Danish National Archives. Some of the sources presented here were found in the archive complex relating to royal dispatches5, where drafts, attachments and sometimes also received communication relating to royal letters can be found. The subject of written letters and reports varies greatly, from orders and reports to economical matters and administrative notes.
Of particular interest for this project was a series of communications between the Danish Rear Admiral Gabel on board Prinds Christian and the King, which shows the progress of the Danish salvage and supplements the information found in Prinds Christian’s journal (RA 509, 79 1715). These letters were used for the reconstruction of the salvage process in section 2.4.
Another noteworthy document in the same archive complex is the distribution of prize money after the battle (RA 509, 81 1716). Besides allowing to gauge the value assigned to the captured ships and their content, this document also illustrates the social structure on board and the administrative procedure related to prize money. It explains as well why various secondary sources mention that the Swedish flagship was burnt after capture. For the purpose of calculation of prize money, Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia was assigned the same value as a burnt vessel.
2.3 Ship plans
Ship plans are visual representations of planned or existing vessels. In Denmark it became obligatory for the shipbuilders to submit plans or models for naval warships to the King for approval around 1670 (Auer 2008). While early ship plans are scarce and their use is sometimes unclear, the period from 1690 onwards is well represented in the collection of the Danish National Archives.
Original ship plans are an extremely useful source for maritime archaeologists. Besides providing the three-dimensional shape of a vessel, they can also contain a wealth of information regarding design methods, constructional details and decoration.
Researching the warships, which participated on the Danish and Swedish side in the Battle of Femern, in the Danish ship plan collection, provided interesting results. With the exception of the small cruiser Løvendals Galley, plans for all participating Danish ships could be found. The captured Swedish vessels are also well represented in the Danish archives. With the exception of the flagship Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, Göteborg and the small cruiser, Falken, the lines of all ships were taken off.
4 Admiralitetets Kopibog
5 Kongelige Ekspeditioner Søetaten vedkommende
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia The plan of the fast and modern Swedish frigate Vita Örn can be taken as an example. The lines of the clearly desirable design were recorded and presented with a great amount of detail (RA A762 n.d.) (Figure 3). Another interesting example is Nordstjärnan. For this ship both, a Swedish plan (Asker 2005) and a Danish lines drawing exist (RA A1160c 1746). The Danish plan records changes made to the hull design during a major rebuild in 1746. Although the ship plans provide a visual dimension to the events around the capture and salvage of the Swedish warships, they are not directly related to the shipwreck in situ and are therefore not discussed any further.
2.4 The salvage of the Swedish warships off Bülk, a reconstruction based on historical sources
In this section, an attempt is undertaken to illustrate the progress of the salvage in the aftermath of the Battle of Femern using the available historical sources, mainly the journal kept on Prinds Christian (RA 141-1 1715) and the written communication between Rear Admiral Gabel and the King (RA 509, 79 1715). After discovering the stranded Swedish warships off Bülk, the Danish squadron made its way into the Bay of Kiel and anchored off Friedrichsort on April 26th. However one ship was always assigned to guard the Swedish prizes off Bülk. The first entry in the log of Prinds Christian relating to the salvage is also on April 26th. A lieuten-
ant of every Danish ship was ordered to take all intact boats and yawls and sail out to the Swedish ships to collect the officers and salvage “all they could”. As the Swedish crew is not mentioned specifically, it can be assumed that they were taken in as well, unless they decided to join the Danish navy.
On April 27th, four larger ships were ordered in from Kiel in order to take guns and “all one could” from the stranded warships. On the same day four Swedish bronze six pounders were taken on board Prinds Christian. They were installed on the quarterdeck, where they replaced four iron guns. On April 28th, a galliot with beer barrels and general goods from the Swedish ships reached Prinds Christian, later in the day a Lübeck galliot came with cordage and a boat with cordage and shot. The next day, cables and backstays were sent out to the Swedish prizes in order to help to get them off. Around 19:30, the first prize, the fast Swedish frigate Vita Örnen, was succesfully brought off. Vita Örnen had stranded last, just before the surrender of the Swedish fleet and must have been in a fairly good condition.
More salvage equipment in the form of winding tackle and capstan bars was sent out to the stranded ships on April 30th. In addition, further personnel were dispatched to help with the work. The sailors on board were supplied with provisions and water from Prinds Christian. In a letter to the King dated to this day, Gabel reports on the progress of the salvage and states that he offered the command of the Swedish prizes to the officers in charge of the salvage of the individual ships as an extra motivation. He also remarks that it is
Figure 3: Lines plan of the Swedish Vita Örn, taken off after capture. Vita Örn, or Hvide Ørn in Danish service was a very modern and fast frigate, and thus interesting to study for the Danes (RA A762 n.d.).
Archive Study “…utrolig huorledis die Suensche haar ruineridt deris skibe, mens undrer jeg mig at die dennem ey haver opbrendt…” ...it is incredible how the Swedish have destroyed their ships, but I wonder why they did not burn them... The next Swedish prize, Södermanland, was salvaged on the first of May and joined the Danish squadron at Friedrichsort under the command of Captain Rosenpalm.
The hitherto successful salvage operation was interrupted by a storm on May 2nd. The wind blew up to a force 9 from the NNW and then increased to a storm. As the stranded Swedish ships were fully exposed off Bülk, the weather made any salvage efforts impossible that day. On May 3rd, the wind decreased again and 10 men from every ship were sent with three pumps each to Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia in order to attempt to pump the ship empty and thus get it off. This operation was supervised by Rear Admiral Gabel and a “Mester Nickolai” from Copenhagen. The identity of master Nickolai is unclear, but it can be assumed that he was either a shipbuilder or a salvage specialist from the Danish naval dockyard Holmen in Copenhagen, who was sent out to assist with the recovery of the Swedish prizes. However, the pumping was fruitless and Gabel reports in a letter to the King that he would already have brought off the Swedish flagship,
“…were wan nicht dieser sturm vere eingefallen, so den SuedischennSchoutbynacht Shif inzwei geshlagen das es nicht zu retten ist…” ...if the storm had not destroyed it beyond rescue..., He concludes that Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia will have to be considered a loss, but that he will salvage all guns, cordage and anchors. He also inquires what to do with the guns from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, which he could either take on board or leave in the fortification at Friedrichsort.
Gabel specifically mentions two beautiful bronze 24 pounders and two bronze 12 pounders. Expressing his hope that General Scholten will manage to organise more sailors, which he urgently needs, Gabel is sure that he will only need another eight days to get all other Swedish ships off. His letter ends with a remark on the Swedish officers, which were taken to Rendsburg
and watched “with great pain”, how the Danes salvaged one of their ships after the other.
In the evening of the 3rd may, 20 sailors were sent to Kiel in order to organise two large galliots to salvage the guns from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia and Nordstjärnan.
Swedish prisoner on board Prinds Christian were taken to Friedrichsort on May 4th. The same day further sailors were sent over to the Swedish cruiser Falken and Nordstjärnan. On the 5th, Prinds Christian sent provisions for the sailors on the Swedish prizes. News arrived that Nordstjärnan was recovered and the small cruiser Svenske Sophie was sent out to assist with crew.
The morning of the 6th saw a thanksgiving service and celebrations with “good beer” for all ships in the Danish squadron. In the last watch sailors and soldiers were sent out to assist with the recovery of guns from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. In the early morning hours of the 7th, Falken was recovered and joined the fleet. On the 9th, Wessel was sent to Copenhagen with his new command Vita Örn and Løvendals Galley.
Even though the Swedish flagship had ben considered a loss on the 3rd of May, another attempt to pump the water out of the hull was made on the 10th of May. Again three pumps and 10 men were sent from every Danish ship. In the afternoon, Göteborg came off and 10 sailors and 10 soldiers were detached to guard Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. The next entry in Prinds Christian’s journal relating to the salvage dates to the 13th of May. All commanding officers sailed out to Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia in order to witness the next attempt to float the ship off. However, also this attempt proves unsuccessful.
On the 18th of May, the Danish King came to Kiel to visit the Danish fleet and observe the Swedish prizes. After dining on board Prinds Christian, he is taken out to see the Swedish warships. Directly after the royal visit, the Danish fleet sailed in to Kiel, where all commanding officers received a gold medal in honour of the victory. In the following days, men were sent out to Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia to salvage further guns and everything that could be gotten at in the hold.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia At this point it must have been certain that it would not be possible to save the Swedish flagship. On the 23rd may, Gabel received an answer to a memorial he sent to the King on the 20th. The King resolved that “…naar Canonern, anckeren, samt Tackel og Tövg ad beml. Skib var bleven conserverit, Resten af Tömmeret og derved befintlige Inre, af Viceadmiralen enten heelt eller Stöckvis maate selges og pengene effter articlerne, immelem hannem og övrige Söeofficierer samt gemeene deelis…” ...after guns, anchors and cordage had been salvaged, the remaining timbers and interior of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia were to be sold, either as a whole or in parts, and the benefit should be divided between Gabel, the other officers and the lower ranks... The very last entry relating to the salvage dates to the 25th may, when the Danish fleet set sail and left the Bay of Kiel and a last boat with salvaged material reached Prinds Christian.
The archaeological record provides clear proof, that the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia remained in situ, but it is unclear what happened to the wreck after the departure of the Danish fleet. No documents pertaining to the sale of the wreck could be found in the Danish National Archives. It can only be assumed that everything protruding above the water was salvaged and sold locally and that the remainder of the hull slowly degraded over the years and was finally forgotten.
3. Fieldwork 2011
3.1 Organisation By Jens Auer
Time frame The 2011 field-school was scheduled for a period of three weeks, between July 24th and August 12th. Based on the experience from the 2010 field season (Auer 2011), a number of weather downdays were expected, and a possible extension of up to one week was considered.
With travel from Esbjerg taking place on July 24th, diving started on Monday July 25th. The last dives to cover the wreck were conducted on August 14th. On the same day all equipment was cleaned and packed up and the team returned to Esbjerg. Post-processing and post excavation analysis was then carried out in the format of a University course during the autumn semester in Esbjerg. Personnel The field-school team consisted of nine master students and two lecturers from the University of Southern Denmark and up to five different bachelor and master students and one lecturer from the Christian-Albrechts Universität in Kiel. Additional support was provided by a conservator from the Communauté d’Agglomération du Douaisis - Direction de l’Archéologie Préventive, who was in charge of organising the storage and treatment of recovered objects. A staff member from ALSH helped with logistics and skippered a RIB that was used for the transfer of personnel and equipment and to protect divers from passing vessels. The two diving support vessels Nordwind and Bussard had a crew of two and one respectively.
The recording of the trail of guns on the seabed was carried by two local divers who participated in the project for a number of days with their own boat. Throughout the project, guests, including visiting scholars and divers and local and national media, joined the core team.
All members of the field-school team were either qualified commercial SCUBA divers, scientific divers, or in possession of equivalent diving certification.
Living arrangements At the beginning of the field-school, participants stayed in tents on a camping ground near the Olympiazentrum Schilksee. The administration of the Olympiazentrum provided a large group tent for cooking and eating, and a number of smaller tents for sleeping were pitched on the camping ground. The changing and showering facilities of a nearby gym, the Vaasahalle, could be used for personal hygiene requirements and storage and drying of diving equipment. In addition, the sail training centre of Kiel University, Segelzentrum der Universität Kiel, Schilksee, was so kind as to provide a large office space that was used for data processing and the treatment and storage of artefacts.
All facilities were only a short walk from the marina in Strande, where the project boats were moored. Schedule Working days started at 6:30 with a communal breakfast and morning briefing. It was aimed at being on board the diving vessels by 8:00 and having the first diver in the water by 9:00. Diving was then continued until 17:00, when the diving vessels were left and returned to their respective ports. Back in the camp, equipment was prepared for the next day and the acquired data was processed.
Each day a different student was nominated as “site director of the day” and was put in charge of managing the project for that day. This included planning daily tasks, organising briefing and debriefing, monitoring work progress and writing the daily site diary and a shorter entry for the excavation blog (www.maritimearchaeology.dk). Personnel was distributed between the two diving vessels and the site office on land, where a minimum of two people were in charge of recording and processing artefacts and data under the guidance of the project conservator. With an increasing amount of objects lifted every day, the
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia site office staff was increased to four during the second half of the project.
While generally an effort was made to keep people on their respective boat or at their station for a whole working day, some divers were transferred back to shore after their dives to provide additional workforce for artefact processing during the later stage of the project. Equipment As in 2010, diving was conducted from two different platforms, the Nordwind, a former fishing vessel, that had been converted for sea angling and the Bussard, a former police patrol boat operated by a volunteer.
Serving as the main diving vessel, the Nordwind was moored above the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia using three 5ton sinkers. The sinkers were marked with yellow buoys and had been placed around the wreck site by the authority responsible for the marking of navigation channels (Wasser-und Schiffahrtsamt) before the project commenced. Additionally the dive site was marked with a cardinal buoy to warn passing traffic. Nordwind made her way to site from her homeport Laboe every morning, and left after the diving operation finished.
The smaller Bussard was mainly employed to record the ammunition trail to the northeast of the main wreck site and to carry out other recording tasks in the surroundings. Bussard was anchored on a single point mooring and travelled to site from Strande every morning.
In addition to the larger vessels, two smaller workboats were employed: The Mapper, a 5.5m long Pioner Multi, was used to transport personnel and equipment from Strande to the site and served as a platform for the dredging pump. A smaller ALSH RIB was used for general transfer duties and to warn passing ships.
Rolf and Gerald Lorenz, the local divers who were involved in the discovery of the site and conducted extensive searches in the surroundings, joined the project for a number of days and used their workboat to relocate the gun trail on the seabed and mark, record and tag all guns together with a MAP student. All diving on the wreck site was conducted using Interspiro Divator MKII full-face masks, regulators and cylinder sets fastened to Scubapro Mas-
ter Jackets. Divers on the main wreck site were tethered and used a wired OTS surface communication system and a live video feed to surface. Diver communication and video could be recorded digitally and was saved for future reference. Divers recording the ammunition trails had to cover longer distances underwater and were using orange surface marker buoys instead of tethers.
Besides standard archaeological recording tools, a water dredge powered by a fire pump was used for excavation. Ballast stones were removed with the help of a large mortar container fastened to a 200kg lifting bag. Cylinders were recharged directly after diving using a Bauer Mariner 250 breathing air compressor positioned on board the Nordwind.
Diving Although in German waters, diving on the main wreck site was conducted in accordance with Danish commercial diving legislation. On the one hand, this allowed for very safe diving operations, and on the other hand all MAP students were familiar with Danish diving legislation and used to rules and procedures. Diving procedures on the ammunition trail were organised in accordance with the rules for German scientific divers. Under these rules, untethered diving is permitted and the equipment requirements are less strict. All diving operations were overseen by qualified diving supervisors. The diving supervisors carried out safety checks, filled in diving logs and monitored communication during the dives.
A fully dressed standby diver was positioned on board Nordwind, while diving on Bussard was conducted using the buddy system with two divers monitoring each other during the dive. Bussard generally carried five people, one supervisor and four divers, two of which were in the water, while the other two acted as tenders on board.
On Nordwind team size varied between six and eight. With two divers in the water, two tenders, a standby diver and a supervisor were required. Additional personnel was used to operate the compressor, stow and label lifted artefacts or assist during diver preparation.
Fieldwork 2011 Time planning and efficiency In 2010, five diving days were lost due to adverse weather (Auer 2011). In 2011, the number of weather down-days increased to seven with diving taking place on 14 out of 21 scheduled diving days. Despite of this, a total of 19 divers conducted 203 dives with a total of 12571 minutes of bottom time on site.
Each day between 10 and 20 dives were carried out and the bottom time varied from 15 minutes for the shortest dive to 152 minutes for the longest dive. Figure 4 shows the distribution of work tasks based on an evaluation of the diver observation forms. The single most time consuming task was the excavation/ dredging in the trench area, partially due to the nature of the sediment in the hull, a mix of compact organic layers with metal concretions and smaller ballast stones, and partially due to the amount of well-preserved artefacts in those layers. 20% of the total dives were spent recording the ammunition trail, while the remaining number of dives were relatively evenly split between ballast stone removal, site preparation, survey (in this case positioning the trench in relation to the existing datum system) and detailed
excavation and recovery of objects. Relatively few dives were conducted for the purpose of gun recording, photography, drawing and reburial of bow, stern and trench.
3.2â&#x20AC;&#x201A;Methodology By Jens Auer
The three specific aims of the 2011 field-school all required different methodological approaches, which will be discussed separately.
Excavation of a trench through the ballast mound Based on the site plan drawn in 2010, an area with a relatively small amount of covering ballast stones was chosen for excavation. It was decided to excavate only one side of the wreck to a level just past the keelson. This was thought to yield sufficient information on the construction and state of the wreck without exposing more than could be recorded in a single field season. The trench was planned to be 2m wide at the bottom in order to provide enough space for two divers to work and move. The length was dictated by the surviving structure. The chosen area, located just aft of amidships was marked with string. To identify the centre line of
Figure 4: Distribution of work tasks during the 2011 field-school campaign. Santos 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia the vessel, and thus the upper edge of the trench, a line between the centre of stem and stern was set up longitudinally over the ballast mound.
The sides of the trench were marked with two parallel strings fastened to larger ballast stones on the wreck and metal rods just outside.
Check measurements on the datum points set up in 2010 showed that these were still in situ and could be used to position the trench. This approach had the advantage that all data could be entered directly into a copy of the 2010 Site Recorder SE project file and thus immediately processed. The trench was then positioned by linking the four corner points to the existing datum point network through trilateration. A tape measure baseline was set up at the western edge of the trench to provide a location reference for any finds made during the removal of ballast stones or excavation.
After setting out the trench, the loose overlying ballast stones were removed, working carefully from top to bottom and from the inside towards the outside. All stones were lifted manually and then transported to an area south of the wreck using a plastic mortar container fastened to a 200kg lifting bag (Figure 5). Care was taken to avoid steep gradients and prevent the sides of the trench from collapsing. With the top layer of ballast stones removed, excavation of the underlying layers by water dredge could start. The water dredge was positioned on the eastern side outside the trench with the exhaust facing south to a clear area away from the wreck site. The flexible intake hose was of suf-
Figure 5: Diver removing ballast stones with the lifting bag. MAP 2011.
ficient length to cover the whole excavation area. Using the dredge, the inside of the trench was carefully excavated (Figure 7). Generally divers worked in pairs with one diver dredging and the other diver removing loose stones and taking care of finds handling. All finds were positioned with offset measurements from the western tape baseline. Find position and description was relayed to the surface via diver communication and entered on a finds recording sheet by the diving supervisor. Artefacts were then removed, and deposited in zip-loc bags within closed crates. The crates were retrieved at the end of each dive and all finds were labelled and correlated to the recording sheets on the surface.
Fragile material was recovered immediately using suitable support material and containers. Leather finds were secured on rigid plastic boards using gauze bandage, while rope remains were recovered using containers made from plastic drainpipe. The dredger exhaust was checked for possible finds at the end of each dive.
Once the wooden ship structure had been exposed over the whole length of the trench, all visible and discernible timbers were given individual numbers starting with 101 to continue the sequence of timber numbering from the 2010 field season. The timbers were tagged with corresponding labels (cow ear tags) and fastened with stainless steel nails. Subsequently an additional level offset baseline was set-up in a north-south orientation in the trench. This baseline was again related to the existing reference network by trilateration. For the process of drawing, a tape measure was
Figure 6: Recording and marking of the guns in the surrounding area. Lorenz 2011.
Fieldwork 2011 suspended beside the baseline. A plan view and a section of the exposed structure was drawn on millimetric permatrace sheets at a scale of 1:10.
In post-processing the drawing was digitised using Adobe Illustrator CS5 and matched to the 2010 site plan with the help of the trilateration data (see Appendix IV) In addition, each individual timber was measured and described by a diver with direct video link to the surface (see Appendix I). The descriptive and drawn record was further supplemented by photographic and video documentation of the structural remains in the trench. With the recording process completed, the trench was first secured with sandbags and then recovered with ballast stones in order to protect the ship structure and to visually recreate the appearance of the ballast mound.
Recording of the ammunition trail The objectives of recording the trails of ammunition located approximately 50m northeast of the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia were twofold. On the one hand the trails were to be positioned accurately in relation to the wreck and on the other hand, the composition of the trails regarding amount and type of ammunition was to be recorded.
After locating the start of the ammunition scatter, a 50m and a 35m tape measure were set up running longitudinally through the centre of the northern and southern trail.
The endpoints of both trails were marked with surface buoys and measured in with a differential GPS from a RIB. Working in pairs, divers then recorded the ammunition on either side of the tape measures using offset measurements. Position, state of preservation and where recognisable, type of ammunition were recorded.
At the end of each diving day, the data was transferred into a Microsoft Excel spreadsheet and subsequently plotted in Rhinoceros 3D (see Appendix IV). Recording of surrounding guns The information on guns in the area surrounding the wreck site of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia presented in the 2010 report (Auer 2011), was based on data provided by Rolf and Gerald Lorenz. However, there was some uncertainty regarding the amount of guns on the seabed and the accuracy of positioning was low (Auer 2011).
In 2011, all gun positions were to be checked and dived systematically and guns were to be
Figure 7: The trench under excavation. All ballast stone have been removed and the divers are using dredging equipment to remove the underlying sediment. Lorenz 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia marked. A MAP student tasked with the recording of the guns joined Rolf and Gerald Lorenz on their boat for the recording. Starting in the west, all recorded gun positions were approached and dived. Guns were positioned accurately with a differential GPS and recorded in as much detail as possible.
For each gun the position, orientation, state of preservation, length measured from base ring to muzzle, diameter of the bore and diameter at the base ring were recorded (see section 4.4). In addition the guns were described and photographed. After recording, each gun was marked with a sign showing the protected monument status and stating the number of the gun (Figure 6).
3.3â&#x20AC;&#x201A;Finds Handling By Amandine Colson
After recovery, all finds were stored in water buckets and euro-boxes covered with lids in the centre of the boat. The artefacts were checked, labelled with plastic waterproof tags and crossreferenced with the artefact location sheets kept by the diving supervisor. Find labels included a
unique identifier (numbers from 600 consecutively for the 2011 field season), date and object type. At the end of every day, all artefacts were transferred to shore on the transfer boats and taken to the office facility for further processing. A conservator based in the office facility supervised artefact handling, documentation and storage. The office space was organised logically and in line with the workflow to facilitate efficient processing.
Most finds needed basic cleaning and in one case a leather bag underwent micro-excavation to allow recording and storage.
After initial cleaning, the finds were recorded on prepared artefact recording forms and photographed together with their labels in order to allow identification at a later point in time. With artefacts possibly unavailable for detailed documentation due to conservation, it was attempted to record as much detail as possible on the recording sheets. Artefacts were described and sketched or drawn and the find location was noted from the location sheets (Figure 8). Based on the methodology applied in 2011 (Auer 2011), all artefacts were entered into a Microsoft Access database and cross referenced to photographs and scanned recording sheets. This database forms the basis of the artefact catalogue in the present report.
In order to protect organic material from light and avoid the development of microorganisms all finds were stored and packed in stackable euroboxes and tagged inside and outside the packaging. As treatment and storage methods for different materials vary, storage was organized by material. Rope and leather artefacts were fixed on plastic boards with transparent cling film. Wooden artefacts were packed with cling film. Other small objects such as clay pipes were packed in tupperware containers and stored in larger euro boxes. At the end of the project, all finds were taken to the conservation facilities at the archaeological state museum in Schleswig, where they are currently undergoing conservation. Figure 8: Example of an artefact recording sheet. MAP 2011.
Results of in situ recording
4. Results of in situ recording
4.1 Trench Excavation By Holger Schweitzer
As described in section 1.2, the aim of the 2011 excavation was to obtain sufficient information on construction and condition of the wreck while at the same time keeping the exposed area to a minimum. The 2m wide trench was thus placed in an area with relatively little ballast stone coverage as close to amidships as possible. Following the marking out of the trench and positioning of the trench to the existing datum point network excavation commenced by removing the ballast stones to a dedicated area just south of the wreck site.
In order to reduce potential damage to artefacts and structural elements underneath, the removal of ballast stones began at the northern end of the trench working to the outside of the wreck (see section 3.2) The stones varied significantly in size from fist-sized up to c. 0.6m in width but the average dimensions were about 0.3m by 0.3m. They appeared to have been a type of granite and the assemblage was of rather uniform nature. However, no stones were lifted for closer analysis of geological identification or provenance.
No stratigraphic layering of the stones was apparent, which may have indicated separate phases of ballast positioning. The presence of intact as well as broken red bricks among the ballast stones was striking and was later to be found in accordance with the collapsed galley remains underneath. After the top layer of ballast stones was cleared, the underlying material was excavated using the water dredge. Starting from the southern end of the trench, the excavation followed the visible structural elements towards the centre line of the wreck (see section 3.2). The first visible structural remains were stringer 104 and frame 101.
Excavation began just below the stringer exposing ceiling planking and remains of external planking was discovered associated with frame 104. In order to identify orientation and condition of the external planking as well further frames, excavation was further pursued along the outside edge of the wreck. The sediment comprised mainly soft sand but this soon gave way to
large amounts of organic matter, predominantly wood chips. Considering that the excavated area was formerly between outer and ceiling planking, the wood chips were most likely debris from the construction of the ship. Excavation of the space between outer and ceiling planking was not further pursued as it was felt that it would not yield significant information regarding constructional details of the ship. Consequently excavation of the trench continued from stringer 104 northwards. Again, initially a cover of soft sand was encountered, which had accumulated on top of the underlying layers. Similar to the space between ceiling and outer planking the underlying layer was comprised of decomposed organic matter, which covered the full extent of the trench down to the ceiling planking. Hence no stratigraphic sequence of layers was present, except for this single heavily organic layer. A concentration of decomposed rope and cordage was found to the south of the concreted galley remains (see section 5.1). Overall the delicate and mixed nature of the layer with large quantities of finds, many of organic nature, made progress quite slow. Further, no distinct pattern or distribution of different organic material was apparent that would have allowed further interpretation. In addition to the large numbers of artefacts, the remains of the collapsed and concreted galley were found scattered across the excavation trench. Particularly intact or broken bricks, some scorched from heat were found embedded in the organic layer.
4.2 Ship Construction By André Skyaasen
In 2010, both bow and stern of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia could be investigated (Auer 2011). The visible structure in these areas consisted mostly of rising wood, half timbers and outer planking. Due to the level of excavation, it was not possible to record the keel or determine the function of individual elements of the central longitudinal assembly. Although the framing could not be analysed in detail either, an English influence on the construction was postulated, based on the
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia was 5m in latitudinal direction from the keelson assembly. Constructional elements revealed included the keelson assembly, ceiling and outer planking, a footwale, a stringer, three framing timbers, a rider and two unknown timbers. Additionally a large concretion filled with red bricks, most likely the remains of the shipâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s galley, was uncovered (Plan 4, Appendix IV). Figure 9: Keelson assembly seen from the galley concretion. The stepped arrangement of the individual elements is clearly visible. Howe 2011.
Figure 10: Close-up of the keelson. The end of the scarf joint is visible on the right. Howe 2011.
observed details in bow and stern and the fact that the shipbuilder, John Francis Sheldon, was English. It was hoped that the excavation of a trench through the ballast mound in the midship area in 2011 would shed light on the construction of keelson assembly and other internal structure. Altogether, the trench exposed a 2m wide section of the shipâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s port side. The length of the trench
Keelson assembly The construction of the keelson assembly is not obvious upon initial visual inspection. It consists of two larger central timbers (122 and 113/114) with a combined width of 70cm. Timber 114 is scarfed to timber 113 and the two will be discussed as one combined unit (Figure 10). The observation of a lowered timber on the starboard side of timber 122, timber 123, indicated that the excavation had reached the centre of the ship. Only a small part of timber 123 was exposed, just enough to confirm its existence. On the port side there are a number of planks stepping down to the general level of the ceiling planking. The first of these is plank 112, 6cm below the level of 113/114. Plank 120 to the port of plank 112 is again 4cm below the level of plank 112. Another step leads from plank 120 down to the level of the remaining ceiling planking. This layout is illustrated in Figure 9 and Plan 4, Appendix IV. A closer inspection of the structure suggests that the ship had a keelson assembly with flat rectangular shape, consisting of more than one part (Figure 11). The combined width of the keelson assembly in the trench is 70cm. While the joint between timber 122 and 113 was initially thought to be a crack, this is ruled out by the presence of a scarf joint between timbers 113 and 144. Tim-
Figure 11: Reconstructed cross section in the trench area, based on the recording results. Solid lines indicate recorded elements. Schweitzer 2012.
Results of in situ recording bers 112 and 123 could then be considered as the ship’s limber strakes. Central longitudinal timbers were found in several layers in both bow and stern of the ship in the excavation of the previous year, including the keel. All of these timbers have a sided dimension of roughly 50cm, which is more than noticeably smaller than the keelson’s width of 70cm. However, that excavation did not reach a point where the floor timbers cross the keel, and it can be assumed that the keelson was not yet visible (Auer 2011). Based on the information in contemporary English sources on ship construction, a rather substantial keelson with an almost square section was expected (Goodwin 1987; Endsor 2009; Lavery 1981; Lavery 1984).
But the keelson of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia is more similar to the one found on the Vasa of 1628, which Steffy describes as: “…shallow and rather small” (Steffy 1994). A similarly shallow keelson is depicted in an encyclopedia published by the Swedish nobleman Åke Rålamb in 1691 (Rålamb 1943) (Figure 12). Åke Rålamb was apparently taught about ship construction and design by Francis Sheldon, the father of the shipbuilder of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, in the 1660’s and -70’s (Glete 2009).
Another good example of a shallow keelson can be seen in the drawing of a Dutch three-decker from the last quarter of the 17th century. The cross section shown here bears close resemblance to the archaeological evidence from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia (see Figure 11 and Figure 13).
Figure 12: Cross section and side view of a ship in Åke Rålamb’s Adelig öfning: Skeps byggerij, Del 10, Tafel H. After Rålamb 1943.
Figure 13: Cross section of a small Dutch three-decker from the 17th century. Vereniging Nederlands Historisch Scheepvart Museum, De Bussy, Inv.nr.104. After Dik 1994.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia Framing timbers and outer planking Three framing timbers could be exposed (101, 102, 103). Timber 101 is located at one extreme of the trench, below the rider. The exposed part of timber 102 had significant amount of concretion on its head. Timber 103 is only partially exposed 120cm aft of timber 102, at the other extreme of the trench, under ballast stones and concretion. Figure 14: View of the space between frame 101 and 102 with the remaining outer plank in the foreground. The underside of stringer 104 is notched to fit over a framing component, which is now missing. Howe 2011.
Ceiling planking and footwaleing Regular ceiling planking commences from plank 119, although both, plank 119 and 118 are mostly covered by the galley concretion. Enough is exposed however, to see that they are part of regular ceiling planking and at the same level. Plank 111 is slightly elevated above its neighbouring planks. It probably serves as thick stuff, or footwaleing. The footwales, or thick stuff, are “…thick longitudinal strakes of ceiling located at or near the floor head line or turn of the bilge…” (Steffy 1994). The length of the plank with the largest exposed surface, plank 106, is 1.78m, the width being 30cm. The widest ceiling plank has a width of 39cm, which is plank 109. The longest exposed length is 107, which is 1.80m. The thickness of ceiling planks could not be measured (see Plan 4, Appendix IV). Stringer The preserved ceiling planking ends with timber 104, which is a more substantial longitudinal component of the construction. Depending on the terminology, such a timber could be called thick stuff or footwaleing, but for the purpose of this report, the more general term stringer will be used.
Its visible length is 2.57m, and it is 35cm wide. Although largely eroded and heavily affected by marine borers, the stringer has preserved surfaces that give an indication of its size and shape. It lies directly on top of the frame timbers, 101, 102 and 103, with no other ceiling planking under it. The stringer is notched on the underside to fit over rising components of the framing. Although these components are missing, two notches, one to the stern of frame 101 and one to the stern of frame 102 can clearly be seen (Figure 14).
The sided dimension of the exposed frames varies between 36cm and 43.5cm. The moulded dimension of timber 101 is 33cm. The distance between frame 102 and 103 was 1.2m, but much smaller between frame 101 and 102. Studying the fasteners on the ceiling planking, and seeing the irregularity in the spacing of the frame timbers, it is quite safe to assume that another frame timber exists at a regular interval space between timbers 102 and 103. The current state of excavation does not allow determining whether the exposed frames are floor timbers or futtocks. However, the notches on the underside of the stringer (104) indicate the presence of further framing components, which are now missing. Originally a side view upon the wreck at this level would have exposed a line of framing timbers with no, or very little space between them (Figure 14).
Below the frames, one strake of outer planking (117) was exposed. The thickness of the plank was 11cm, with an exposed length of 1.24m, and maximum exposed width of 16.5cm. The visible end of the plank is cut square. Rider Timber 105 is a rider. The rider begins 70cm from the keelson (timber 113/114). With a moulded dimension of 53cm, a sided dimension of 48cm and a length of 2.71cm it is by far the largest item in the exposed trench. The foot is cut square, while the end furthest from the keelson is heavily eroded. The rider is notched to fit over the thicker ceiling plank 111. It would originally have continued upwards in the ship’s side, as seen in Figure 12 and 13. Timbers with unknown function Two timbers with unknown function were found in the trench - timbers 115 and 116. Timber 115 is situated going in latitudinal direction from the keelson. It was lying isolated on the edge of the galley concretion at one end of the trench. Measuring 1.15m long, 12cm thick and 13cm wide, the function of the timber remains undefined. However, considering the association with the galley,
Results of in situ recording this timber could well have been part of a possible substructure. Timber 116 is 60cm long and has a maximum width of 18cm. It was lying at the very edge of the trench, more or less parallel to the keelson.
Fastenings Three types of fastenings were found in the trench, round wooden trenails, square headed iron nails and round iron bolts. Interestingly, the dimensions of the fastenings found in the ship’s side change some assumptions about trenail usage in the bow. The trenails were used to fasten ceiling, frames and outer planking together. They have an average diameter of 4cm. In a single instance a trenail was wedged. The observations made in the ship’s side illuminate the fact that the eroded trenail holes in the bow, which were up to 4.5cm but with no trenails observed, were most likely not for trenails of 3.2cm diameter as presumed in the previous report (Auer 2011), but instead for trenails with a diameter of 4cm. Seven square-headed iron nails were observed in the trench. They fasten ceiling planks to underlying framing. The average head dimension is 2.5cm x 2.5cm, shank cross section and diameter could not be measured. The round iron bolts have a diameter of 3cm and are all found in the stringer and the rider, where they probably serve the same purpose as the trenails.
Figure 15: Brick from the galley area (600), recovered for recording. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 16: Firewood samples from the galley area. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
The ship’s galley Covering roughly 40% of the exposed trench is a layer of concretion that was found underneath and between the stone ballast. In the concretion, and among the part of the ballast mound covering it, a large amount of red bricks, some with traces of burning, were found. In addition to the bricks, a considerable amount of cut firewood was recovered in the same area. Bricks and concretion are most likely remnants of the ship’s galley. The presence of readily cut firewood in direct vicinity supports this theory (Figure 16). Individual
Figure 17: Drummer’s draught of First rate 1680, The Science Museum. The ship’s galley is depicted aft of the foremast underneath the forecastle. After Lavery 1984.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia bricks have an average length of 25cm, a width of 13cm and a height of 7cm (Figure 15).
With the trench being located in the midship area, the presence of galley remains seems puzzling. In the seventeenth century shipbuilders were experimenting with where the ideal place for the galley aboard the ship was. The Vasa of 1628 had its galley just above the ballast in the centre of the hold (Cederlund 2006).
According to Witsen in 1671, this is also where Dutch warships would have their galley (Hoving 1994). A similar layout was also observed in the model of a Dutch two-decker, probably dating to the last quarter of the 17th century. The large and very detailed historical model was recorded in Berlin before its destruction in the Second World War (Winter 1985).
However, according to contemporary English sources, the galley was placed either under the forecastle, or on the upper deck, directly aft of the forecastle (Goodwin 1987; Lavery 1987; Lavery 1984) (Figure 17). This is also where the galley would have been expected, again based on the fact that the shipbuilder was English. Since the galley is one of the heaviest individual parts of the ship it would not have travelled far during the salvage or collapse of the ship. Salvagers would have removed planking and timbers from all levels of the ship that were above the waterline. This means that the galley could either have collapsed from its original position after the weakening of the area around it, or could have been dismantled and disposed of into the hold.
However, it is also well possible that the galley was originally situated in the hold and collapsed in situ. This theory is supported by the concentrated distribution of galley bricks, the presence of a timber, which might have been associated with a wooden substructure and the associated firewood. Although the current level of excavation does not provide conclusive evidence, a galley location in the hold seems likely. Ballast Unless parts of the original ballast were removed during the salvage attempts, it is likely that Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia was ballasted exclusively with stones. The ballast was stowed into compartments and layers in the hold, often in between the riders in the ship construction. Barrels, ropes and other items would be stored on top of the ballast in the hold. Remains of barrels and rope were found in the excavation among the ballast stones and sediment. Figure 18 shows a completely fitted out French 80 gun ship in 1670 (Colbert 1988). This image nicely illustrates how a ship with only stone ballast had its ballast organized. The riders have been drawn in to illustrate how the ballast was first fit into compartments. Barrels, cables and rope are lying on top of the ballast stones.
by Holger Schweitzer & Jens Auer
The recording and positioning of the two ammunition trails east of the wreck site was one of the objectives set out following the 2010 fieldwork
Figure 18: Longitudinal section through a French 70 gun ship from the 1670â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s showing ballast distribution and storage of supplies. From Album de Colbert (Colbert 1988).
Results of in situ recording season as part of the 2011 field school (Auer 2011).
Prior to the investigation, little was known about the trails. They were positioned approximately 50m to the east of the wreck site and thought to run parallel spaced around 10-12m apart for a length of at least 100m. The reported ammunition types included round shot and musket balls. Proximity and orientation of the trails led to the possible interpretation that they were the result of attempts to lighten the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia before running aground nearby (Auer 2011). Once the ammunition trails were located, their respective start and end points were marked with buoys and GPS positions were taken. In order to produce a detailed plan of extent and nature of the trails, tape measure baselines were then set up through each trail connecting the marked end points. This initial measure showed the northern trail to be about 50m in length while the southern trail was slightly shorter measuring 35m. The trails were approximately 12m apart and aligned parallel to each other in an ESE-WNW orientation. (Plan 2, Appendix IV). All ammunition was positioned by taking positions offset measurements. This was supplemented by written descriptions and measurements of the individual ammunition or shot elements in the trails. Photography and underwater video footage was further used to produce a comprehensive overall record of the trails. The positions were then mapped using Rhinoceros 3D with a view to produce a detailed plan of the ammunition trails showing potential distribution patterns of different types of ammunition.
Figure 19: 24pd solid iron round shot in the ammunition trails. MAP 2011.
During recording it soon became apparent that detailed information regarding types of ammunition on the seabed was difficult to obtain. The ferrous nature of the artefacts meant that they were mostly encased by concretions, thus often not allowing identification of calibre or other diagnostic features. As the investigation was to be carried out non-intrusively, potential distribution patterns or detailed information on types and quantity of ammunition could not be extracted on a meaningful level. However, certain types of ammunition could be identified where the encasing concretions had fallen off, or due to the diagnostic shapes and dimensions. Types of ammunition in the trail include solid iron round shot of up to 24pd calibre (Figure 19), grapeshot of up to 24pd calibre (Figure 20) and bar shot. A single grapeshot of 12pd calibre was lifted (604), see section 5.2. Orientation, length and distance of both ammunition trails to each other provide clues as to their context with the wreck of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. With lengths of 35m and 50m and a distance of c.12m to each other, their extent approximately reflects a shipâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s length, giving strength to the theory that a ship lightened ballast to reduce draught after striking initially. The trails are, however, not in line with the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. With the wind blowing from the east south east on the day of the wrecking (see section 2), this does not contradict above theory if one assumes that the ship started turning after striking at first and then came to rest some 50m further to the shore. But the orientation of the trails could also indicate the association with another vessel in the
Figure 20: 24pd grape shot in the ammunition trails. MAP 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia Swedish squadron and mark that vessel’s resting place until the successful salvage.
furthest offshore to about 6m for the inshore guns (Plan 3, Appendix IV).
Although the vicinity to the wreck site makes an association with Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia quite likely, it cannot be excluded either, that the trail marks the temporary resting place of Nordstjärnan.
The guns on the seabed appear to be similar in size and bore. Overall lengths of the concreted guns were measured to be between 2.4m and 2.45m, and where the bore could be measured it was between 9cm and 10cm. Due to the heavy concretion, it is not possible to comment on the shape or measure any more details. It is therefore likely, that the guns in the trail are also six pounders.
The only types of ammunition that could be identified with certainty were a 12pd grapeshot and 24pd round shot. Only two ships in the Swedish squadron carried these types of guns: The flagship Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia and the similarly sized Nordstjärnan.
4.4 The Gun Trail By Jens Auer & David Heiđarsson
As noted in the report on the 2010 field school, the guns known to be located in the area surrounding the wreck site of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia were not surveyed at that time (Auer 2011). A systematic survey with the aim to position and to record the guns on the seabed was therefore planned for the 2011 field season. According to the 2010 field school report, a maximum of 20 guns was thought to have been present in the survey area originally. However, considering general positioning accuracy and some uncertain positions, the actual number was thought to be closer to 15. Of these five were lifted over the years, which would have left approximately 10 guns in situ (Auer 2011). In 2011, eight guns could be located on the seabed. One gun position (HS03), although confirmed, could not be found, probably due to it being buried in sediment.
The guns were positioned with a differential GPS, labelled, described and photographed. In addition the length, measured from base ring to muzzle face was recorded and diameters at base ring and muzzle face were noted. Where possible, the bore was measured (Table 1).
The guns form a straight line running towards the shore in near east west orientation at an angle of approximately 83° 200m to the north of the wreck site of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. The total length of the gun trail is 1500m, and the depth varies between 10.7m for the guns found
One of the guns lifted in 2002 has been analysed and is said to be a Swedish cast iron muzzle loader with flat breech. With a bore of 10cm and a total length of 2.36m it is likely to be a long six pounder (Belasus 2002), based on information published by Frantzen (Frantzen 1999).
As a smaller calibre, six pounders were either used as upper deck armament or on quarterdeck or forecastle of larger man of war, or formed the main armament of small warships. In 2010, the gun trail was presumed to be an outcome of ordnance being thrown over board in an attempt to lighten a ship before grounding it (Auer 2011). This would certainly be easier to achieve with upper deck or castle armament. In 2010, it was also concluded that the trail of guns was most likely not related to Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, as it passed the wreck site in a distance of 200m. The accurate positioning of the guns in 2011 does not change this interpretation. It can thus be concluded, that the gun trail must be related to a vessel in the Swedish squadron which carried at least 15 six pounders and ran aground to the north and shorewards of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia.
Without the presence of detailed lists of the fleet, it is an inherently difficult task to reconstruct the armament of individual warships for a given point in time. While a ship might have been built with a certain armament in mind, number and calibre of guns could vary greatly, especially in times of war.
An excellent resource regarding navy lists from the 17th and 18th century can be found on the internet. On his web page, Teemu Koivumäki has compiled lists of warships of all major European navies, which are well researched and referenced. (Koivumäki 2003). According to Koivumäki, the complement of the Swedish warships was most likely the following:
Results of in situ recording »» Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia: 26-24pd,24-18pd,2212pd,4-6pd,4-3pd »» Nordstjärnan: 26-24pd, 28-12pd, 18-6pd, 4-3pd »» Södermanland: 22-18pd, 22-6pd, 10-4pd, 2-3pd (1700/13) »» Göteborg: 20-12, 20-6, 14-3 (1700) »» Vita Örn: 22-12pd, 8-4pd (1715) »» Falken: 20-8pd, 10-4pd (1704)
If this information is correct, this would mean, that the gun trail could be related either to the two 50/ 56 gun ships Södermanland or Göteborg, or to the larger Nordstjärnan. All three ships carried a sufficient complement of six pounders either on the upper gundeck or on quarterdeck and castles.
Orientation Depth Length b-m/t
Diameter Diameter basering muzzle
N-S, muzzle 6m facing S
2.25m/ 0.5m 2.45m
Lying on the side on a hard sea floor, partly covered. One of the trunnions is either missing or buried. The concretion has been hammered away at one point but is slowly starting to reappear.
N-S, muzzle 7m facing S
Half covered in sand. The concretion has been hammered away at one point but is slowly starting to reappear.
SE-NW, muzzle facing NW
Trunnion on the left side seen from the bottom broken.
SW-NE, muzzle facing SW
Trunnions positioned closer to the centre than HS01,0 2 and 04 where they are closer to the base. The gun is around 70% exposed.
10.5m 2.20m/ 0.25m 2.45m
Concreted, lying almost fully exposed. Left trunnion broken.
Half covered in sand. Right trunnion covered in the sand.
10.7m 2.25m/ 0.2m 2.45m
New find. The concretion has been hammered away in the back, very damaged on both sides. The bore is very clear and measures 10cm.
Lying exposed in the sand. The bore is visible and measures at least 9cm, possibly more (concretion).
2.20m/ 0.25m 2.45m
2.20m/ 0.2m 2.45m
Table 1: Overview over guns that were labelled and recorded in 2011. The length from basering to muzzle face and total length were measured. As the guns are concreted, all measurements represent approximate values. Heiđarsson 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
5. Results of the artefact study
The fieldwork report on the 2010 field season introduced an artefact study, which discussed selected, exemplary artefact groups in more detail. Six artefact groups were defined and each group was assigned to a student or a group of students for further discussion (Auer 2011).
In 2011, more than 150 artefacts were recovered and recorded. A full list over all artefacts can be found in the illustrated catalogue in Appendix II. However, just as in the previous report, a number of artefacts have been selected for an in-depth study, the result of which can be found in this section. Following the convention set up in 2010, artefacts were grouped by function in the discussion. While it was attempted to use the same groups as in 2011, the volume of material and the state of preservation made some more subdivision necessary: »» Ship’s rigging: cordage and other items related to the ship’s rigging;
»» armament and ammunition: arms, ammunition and related accessories; »» containers: this group was subdivided into ceramics and glassware and wooden barrels,
»» personal possessions: all personal items, such as clothing, accessories and other belongings. The following two groups were singled out from above group due to the volume of material; »» shoes;
»» clay pipes;
»» Non artefactual remains: ecofacts and bones.
Although the catalogue was organised by artefact groups in 2010, it was decided to list all artefacts in numerical order by their find number this year to make it easier to look up individual artefacts.
5.1 Ship’s rigging
by Holger Schweitzer
Among the many finds recovered during the campaign of 2011, artefacts related to rigging and ship equipment pose a seemingly small percentage. In total 11 artefacts terms belonging to this category were found comprising 9 rope fragments and 2 cleats. While the cleats were in relatively good condition, the rope remains were extremely fragile and often in poor condition.
Figure 21: Distribution of artefacts related to the ship’s rigging. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
Results of the artefact study Cordage The potential for preservation of rope and cordage on the wreck became apparent during the 2010 excavation where two pieces of rope were discovered, one of which was recovered and conserved (Auer 2011).
All cordage remains discovered during the 2011 excavation campaign were found mixed with other artefacts roughly in the central section to the trench but appeared to be more concentrated towards the south of the collapsed galley concretion (Figure 21).
The compressed and complex nature of the surrounding sediment and material meant that no safe interpretation regarding the original resting position of the cordage could be made. No clear evidence for coiling or other storage arrangements were evident. Parts of collapsed wooden casks found in the immediate vicinity of the rope remains could indicate, however, that the cordage was kept in wooden casks for storage. Although the level of preservation can generally be described as good, the delicate nature of the rope assemblage meant that most of it could not be recovered in intact sections. Most cordage was very brittle and often almost fully disintegrated and thus could largely not be recovered intact. Similarly the densely compacted nature of the surrounding sediments and material did not allow for meaningful recording of the in-situ remains. Nonetheless it was possible to safely recover a small number of rope fragments, some of which were in extremely poor condition and yield little information in relation manufacture and strength.
Find Length Number
NumDiameter Twist ber of of strands strands
Table 2: Overview over recovered cordage fragments. Schweitzer 2012.
No scientific analysis of the cordage remains was carried out and identification of the rope fibres is thus based on visual interpretation. None of the rope was dissected and the following descriptions are based on the visible, unaltered state of the artefacts.
All identified cordage was so-called twisted or laid rope, named after the way the rope was manufactured (Figure 22). First fibres were spun into yarns. Next strands were made by twisting several yarns in the opposite direction to the individual yarns. The final rope was then formed by twisting a number of strands again opposite to the individual strands. Ropes made in this fashion and comprising three strands are known as hawsers. Cables are made by twisting three or more multi-strand ropes together. The final twist can take two directions known “S” and “Z” twists depending on the direction of the slant in the twist. The direction of the twist for hand-spun was dictated by the rope makers, e.g. right handed rope makers would have made yarns with Z-twists (Sanders 2010).
Figure 22: Cordage manufacturing and terminology after Sanders. Sanders 2010.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia Two pieces of rope (666, 674) stand out due to their much better level of preservation compared with the remainder of the material. Unfortunately the surfaces of both pieces were quite compressed making it difficult to analyse the structure of the individual strands.
Fragment 666 was preserved over a length of 12.5cm and had a thickness of 2.0cm. It was laid with a Z-twist, comprising three strands with a thickness of c.1.0cm each. The second rope piece (674) had a preserved length of 12.0cm and a thickness of 3.0cm. It was a Z-twisted rope made of three strands. Another rope fragment (710, Figure 23) was of thicker diameter (3.5 to 4cm) and preserved over a length of 36cm with both ends frayed. The three Z-twisted strands, each 2cm thick, had come slightly apart. Only partially preserved was a rope fragment of 11.7cm length (691). It had a preserved thickness of 2.3cm but only two of the former three strands were preserved. Due to the poor level of preservation manufacture details were obscured but it appeared to have had an S-twist. Similarly limited information could be obtained from a severely damaged rope fragment (708), which had flattened due to overlying sediments and the strands had opened up and had disintegrated significantly. Both ends were frayed and the preserved length was 14cm with a thickness of 1.5cm. Although obscured by its poor condition and level of preservation it appears that it was comprised of five strands laid to an S-twist, each with a thickness of 0.4cm. The remains of a line, which had disintegrated into several short pieces (711) were also recovered. The surviving elements indicate that it was a three stranded, Z-twisted rope of ca. 1cm thick-
ness. Two of the rope pieces had bulkier, wider sections, one of which appears to be a partially preserved knot. Unfortunately the soft condition of the material and poor level of preservation did not allow for a closer interpretation. The second widened section is in extremely poor condition and may also be the result of the rope being folded over itself.
Remains of three more poorly preserved rope fragments were recovered (651, 652 and 660) but the extremely poor level of preservation with most strands having disintegrated and parted from the original rope did not allow for closer analysis or interpretation. With the exception of rope piece (708), it seems that all other identifiable cordage was made of three strands (Table 2) with diameters ranging from 1cm to ca. 4cm. With two exceptions (691 and 708) the majority of identifiable rope pieces were laid to a Z-twist. Three stranded Z-twist ropes, also known as hawser ropes and were very common but seemingly could not be made larger than 0.73cm in diameter prior to the 19th century. The only way to make ropes of a larger diameter was by closing at least three strands of hawsers to cable ropes. Since the Z-twist of the hawsers had to be closed, they usually show an S-twist (Sanders 2010). Nature and variety of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia material compares quite well with the rope assemblage from the roughly contemporary frigate Lossen (Molaug et al. 1983) as well as with the cordage remains from the 16th century M24 wreck where hawser laid rope had diameters between 0.72cm to 5.2cm (Grenier et. al. 2007).
Figure 23: Rope fragment 710, three z-twisted strands, length 36cm, diameter 3.5cm-4cm. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Results of the artefact study Overall rope was used for a variety of purposes on board of ships and defining the use of the cordage is extremely difficult but mostly not possible at all. Solely the potential context of the rope with the casks could indicate that they were kept in storage or served as dunnage in the lower hold (see section 5.3).
carry rope, e.g. in boxes, crates or similar (Molaug et al. 1983). The large amount of rope found in the vicinity of the cleat may speak for such an explanation. Similar examples found at la Natière are believed to have been cleats fixed to the ship’s sides (L’Hour et al. 2004).
One of the cleats (643, Figure 24) was crescent shaped with slightly eroded edges measuring 16.5cm in length, 4.5cm in height and was 2.2cm thick. A roughly sub-rectangular notch was cut centrally into the flat edge, measuring ca. 4cm by 4cm. Two holes were drilled into the top, curving section, one located to each side of the notch with a diameter of 0.7cm each. These holes indicate that the cleat was formerly nailed to a surface or object. Cleats of similar size and make were also found on the frigate Lossen.
Cleats of similar design were also found with the Lossen material. The main difference to these appears to be that instead of a bevelled notch the bevels are entirely missing leaving only protruding noses.
Cleats Two wooden objects, which are interpreted to be associated with the ship’s rigging were also found. Similar objects were also found on the frigate Lossen where they were interpreted as cleats associated with the ship’s rigging (Molaug et al. 1983). Both cleats were found in the central section of the trench. They were in relatively good condition with some surface damage and appear to have been made of oak.
The main difference to the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia cleats lies in the arrangement of nail holes. While the Lossen examples all have nail holes along the flat sides, the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia cleat shows the nail holes on the curving edge. The absence of wear marks around the notch is also similar to the observations made on the Lossen cleats.
The second cleat (694, Figure 25) was in poorer condition with significant damage along its edges and surfaces. It was preserved to a length of 18.5cm and a width of 6cm. The surviving shape of the cleat is largely defined by a flat surface on one side into which a sharp bevelled notch is cut on one corner. The surviving segment of the bevel measures 7.3cm by 4.2cm. A circular hole with significant erosion damage is located on the on the flat surface next to the bevel and has diameter of 1.7cm.
Their function was not clear but due to their similarity to cleats on modern small sailing boats, they were interpreted to have served a similar purpose. It remains unclear whether the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia cleat was a spare part for the rigging of a support vessel or if it was kept to be used on the main ship itself.
Their function could not be fully determined but one of the possible interpretations was that they might have been parts of handles to store and
Figure 24: Cleat 643, top view and side view. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 25: Damaged possible cleat 694. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia It is very likely, that the chape is part of the scabbard from a so-called “scarf” or “pillow” sword6. These types of sword were like short rapiers without a guard. They were typically prestige items, often extremely rich, popular among the aristocracy and mainly in use between 1645 and 1680. The name scarf sword probably comes from officers who clipped them onto a scarf that hung from the shoulder (Norman 1980). Figure 26: Scabbard chape (700). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
5.2 Arms and ammunition by Felix Rösch & David Heiđarsson
Among the few, but relatively spectacular finds in this category are two sword hilts, which were described in the report on the 2010 field season (Auer 2011). In 2011, another sword related find was made in the trench, the chape of a scabbard (700). The chape is about six centimetres long, pointed at the lower end and made from copper alloy. At the upper, 1.5cm broad end, relicts of the wooden scabbard are visible (Figure 26).
Comparable finds on shipwrecks are rare. Only few other chapes of scarf swords have been found, two of them on the orlop of the Kronan (Draeseke 2009). In contrast to the chape from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, these are quite ornamented. One of the chapes on the Kronan has been found together with the hilt and clip of the former scarf sword.
In the 17th century swords were usually worn in a sash or shape over the coat and later, around 1700, under it, with only the hilt and the upper part of the scabbard visible (Seitz 1968). Generally only officers and commanders were well trained in sword fighting, while the men only knew basic moves. The higher ranks needed to be tolerable swordsmen also due to the frequent occurrence of duels until the 18th century. After that, the pistol gained more and more importance in such fights for honour (Seitz 1968).
Figure 27: Distribution of artefacts related to arms and ammunition. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
6 pers. comm. Trevor Draeseke, Maritime Museum Stockholm
Results of the artefact study On a naval ship in the 17th century, swords were a symbol of personal rank rather than an effective weapon in combat. The sword played a role in reinforcing hierarchy symbolically and sometimes also physically. For boarding actions, firearms, boarding axes and pikes were preferred on Swedish warships7. Only later would the cutlass, an adequate weapon for hand-to-hand combat in the cramped environment of a naval vessel, become the main boarding weapon (May et al. 1970). Ammunition for guns In addition to the grapeshot and round shot lifted earlier (Auer 2011), a single exposed grapeshot (604) was lifted from the ammunition trail in 2011. The shot was lying upside down, with baseplate and sides exposed. While baseplate and iron shot could be lifted, it proved impossible to recover the concreted remains of the cloth and string.
The wooden base is well preserved, with tool marks clearly visible (Figure 28). base plate is 11,4 cm in diameter and 6,2 cm thick. The shaft is 19.2 cm long and 3.5 cm in diameter. The bottom plate seems to have been made on a lathe, though that is hard to judge because of concretion on the
Figure 28: Grapeshot base and shaft (604). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 29: Variety of lead shot from the surroundings of the wreck site (720). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011. 7窶パers. comm. Trevor Draeseke, Maritime Museum Stockholm
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia sides of the plate. According to Röding, grapeshot was produced in the following way (Röding 1793): First the baseplate was turned on a lathe. A groove was cut around the sides of the plate to allow fastening the covering cloth later. The shaft, attached in the centre of the baseplate, was supposed to be roughly around 1½ times the calibre in length. Nothing is said about the thickness of the pole. This information coincides with the measurements of the grapeshot from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia: The baseplate is just over half a calibre thick, and the diameter is very close to that of a Swedish 12 pound gun (Johannessen 2011; Frantzen 1999). The shaft is approximately 1½ times the calibre, although slightly longer.
The shaft was then dipped in tar and the shot were placed around it. The whole assemblage was then covered with tar again and covered by a linen cloth, which was fastened to the upper part of the shaft and around the baseplate. Finally the cloth was tied with string to produce a grape-like shape (Röding 1793). A total of 16 round iron shot was recovered with the grapeshot (604-1-17). Three of these were concreted together. The average diameter is 3.9cm to 4cm. Ammunition for small arms A variety of lead shot were found during the excavation. Of these, 44 were found in the trench, while an additional 400 shot were recovered by Rolf Lorenz in various areas around the wreck site and the ammunition trail. Some of the shot still have casting knots attached. As discussed in the 2010 report, this might be a result of casting on board (Auer 2011). Of the 400 shot with unclear position, over 50% show signs of the casting process. Shot diameters range from 10mm to 34mm, with the majority in the range between 10mm and 20mm. Two larger shot of 29mm and 34mm diameter are likely to have been part of a grapeshot (677, 653) (Figure 29).
Similar to the handgun ammunition found on the site earlier the remaining shot can be grouped into three different sizes: »» Large (18-20mm);
»» Medium (12-14mm) and
»» Small (10mm).
Only three small leadshot were found (610, 620, 639). The rest of the shots (676, 678, 697 and 706) are all between 12mm and 20mm in diameter and fall into the categories of medium and large shot. While the small and medium shot were most likely ammunition for flintlock pistols, larger shot with diameters of up to 20mm were used for flintlock muskets (Auer 2011). An interesting find is the remains of a leather ammunition bag or case (672, see section 5.5), which contained 38 shot, 23 with a diameter of 18-20mm and 15 with a diameter of 12-14mm (678).
5.3 Wooden casks by Padraig Cronin
The excavation of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia produced a number of casks pieces. Although they were in a collapsed state and not exactly their original location they are of significant archaeological value. Casks were a perfect form of packaging for a variety of goods and equipment needed for the running and maintenance of a ship. The construction and usage of casks were essential on any seafaring vessel for the proper storage of a large number of goods. The recovered cask remains were scattered across the excavation trench (see Figure 30) and their location under and in between the ballast stones had led to their relatively fragmented preservation state. Despite the fragmentary nature of the material most components characteristic of casks were recovered during excavation, including a number of staves, head pieces and hoop fragments. The poor condition of most surfaces of the artefacts made their interpretation difficult, such identification of possible coopers or owners’ marks. However, other artefact groups found in close context with the casks, such as animal bones and cordage in combination with analysis and interpretation of the features present on the recovered cask components shed some light on the original contents, function and stowage conditions of this artefact group. Construction of casks Although casks are widely known in principle, their construction process and terminology of their individual components are more complex than meets the eye. In order to provide a better
Results of the artefact study understanding of casks, their individual components and characteristic features, the following short introduction aims to explain the manufacturing process of wooden casks.
For a long period of time the only forms of packaging were the basket, the wooden crate and the cask. Of these container types the cask proved to be the most robust and, depending on construction, watertight construction.
The process and utilised tools for making casks has not changed rapidly over the centuries. Large scale cask production as it existed during the 17th and 18th century required a significant number of skilled workers who either carried out the production from beginning to end or had specific jobs as part of the overall construction sequence (Loewen 1992).
The manufacturing process of a cask can be identified and followed by tool marks on the individual components. The first step in cask manufacturing comprises converting the staves and head pieces from the parent logs or branches to the roughly desired shapes and dimensions. This was often done by radially splitting the wood rather than sawing as radially split planks and boards retained the run of the grain, thus being superior in strength and flexibility. The staves are then shaped and trimmed on both sides by using adzes or coopers axes. Further trimming defines the required length and thickness with the mid-
dle or the bilge having the greatest thickness and strength as this is the part of the stave, which is exposed to most pressure during bending. Final assembly and bending into shape of the staves is done according to the eye and skill of the cooper. For this the staves are placed into a circle and kept in place with temporary hoops positioned on each end of the cask giving it a cone like shape (Kilby 1990). The cask is then set over a fire where the staves are heated and kept wet using a cooper’s windlass. The heat increases the wood’s flexibility and allows the cooper to slowly bring the cask to its desired shape by moving temporary hoops of various diameters along the cask body (Loewen 2007). The staves are then fully seasoned and can be subjected to final dressing and trimming. When all staves have uniform dimensions their edges can then “listed” giving them a tapered or bevelled shape in profile. The temporary hoops are replaced by more durable permanent hoops on either end. Next the cooper carves smooth, slightly concave surfaces inside each cask end. These so-called chivs are cut using either an adze or cooper’s tool called a chiv (Loewen 2007). The cooper now cuts a linear groove into the chiv along the full inner circumference of the cask. This groove known as croze also the same name as the tool
Figure 30: Distribution of cask components. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia used to carve it. The croze is an important feature as its location determines the capacity of the cask and its position is measured using diagonals, a set of large compasses (Kilby 1990). Finally chimes were chamfered into both ends of the cask to ensure it maintains its structural integrity and to increase its lifespan by minimising the amount of wood in contact with potential wet surfaces when the cask is stored upright. Since casks can be kept on wet surfaces or even partially submerged conditions over extended periods of time, chimes help to prevent rot by reducing the contact surface with the underlying floor or ground (Kilby 1990). By taking pressure off of the croze the chime further assists in preventing the crozes from breaking (Fawsitt 2010).
The heads are then constructed, which also consist of an assembly of head pieces, e.g. cants, middle pieces, centre pieces and barres. Together they form a circular lid that fits into the crozes of the cask staves. Cants, the smallest head pieces, form the outer pieces of the lid assemblage and are semi-circular in shape and a varying number of middle pieces, depending on the capacity of the cask, are place in between the cants. The edges of head pieces were chamfered on inner and outer sides making the removal and fitting of lids easier and also to ensure a good fit into the croze groove.
A reinforcement piece, also known as barre can be placed perpendicular across the head pieces to provide additional strength. Sometimes reused staves or head pieces were used for this purpose to reduce the amount of wasted wood. Barres are slightly shorter than central head pieces and are held in place by sets of wooden pegs pasted through the thickest part of the chime of the abutting staves (Loewen 2007).
Hoops Only two hoop elements (629 and 617-4) were recovered during the excavation, both showing a D-shaped cross-section and were made from tangentially split Willow or Hazel branches. No withies, organic binding material to tie two hoops section together, were found at or with the hoops. Hoop piece 629 was relatively short but showed a slight curve indicating the original curvature of the cask it belonged to. The second hoop element 617-4 was found in context as part of more cask elements grouped as 617. Staves In total 12 staves were found during the excavation all of which were fragmented with only one almost complete stave present in the archaeological record (650) (Figure 31).
All the staves were made from radially split oak and sapwood was visible on some of the staves, most notably 751, but identification of heartwood/ sapwood borders was again problematic due to the eroded surfaces. This also complicated the growth rings count. However, approximately 50 to 60 rings were counted for stave 668 and 86 c. 1mm wide growth rings for stave 631. All staves shared the same pattern of construction and associated features, such as chivs, chimes and crozes. The preserved crozes cut into the staves were U-shaped and were mostly ca. 1mm deep and 2mm width. These dimensions are smaller compared with the casks from the Red Bay M24 wreck, which had a regular depth of 3mm depth (Loewen 2007). This difference may be the result of a number of factors, such as their function on board. Deeper and wider chivs and crozes, like the ones observed at M24, mean that the heads can be more easily removed and replaced, indicating that these casks were designed for regular use.
The shallow U-shaped crozes of the Prinsessan
Figure 31: The only almost complete stave (650). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Results of the artefact study Hedvig Sophia staves in return indicate that the casks were either relatively new with little wear and tear on the crozes and chivs or designed for long term storage. Usage over time and pressure from the sharpened bevelled edges on the head pieces would give crozes a more V-shaped cross section. If the content of casks was not needed on a daily, weekly or even monthly basis for the running of the ship then the casks could have been used for spare goods or long term storage of items, such as spare rope or personal belongings. No evidence for waterproofing, such as painting of chimes, was evident. Slight hoop impressions are visible on one of the staves (632-2). On the outside surface of some of the staves tool marks were visible. The surfaces of the staves were quite eroded making identifying any construction, cooper or contents marks difficult. The only stave with potential content or maker marks on its outside surface was 650 where two marks were cut horizontally across the width of the stave.
On a number of staves the longitudinal outside edges were slightly chamfered. One example was stave 751 where one edge was bevelled and staves 648-2 and 648-3 also appear to have shared the same feature, although their edges were heavily eroded and in poor condition. As described above the bevelling of the longitudinal edges is known as â&#x20AC;&#x153;listingâ&#x20AC;? and was done by the cooper to ensure that the staves could be fitted more easily into a round shape (Grenier et. al 2007). Head pieces Six head pieces were found during the excavation, comprised of four cants, two centre pieces and one possibly barre, all of which were made of oak and appear to have been radially split.
Two head pieces were found in the assemblage 617, however, their context is unclear and it cannot be said for certain if they are from the same head. While 617-2 was clearly a cant piece, fragment 617-1 was more difficult to determine. One longitudinal outside edge was slightly chamfered but the piece was overall in poor condition preventing further interpretation. With its straight, parallel edges and presence of a wooden peg it may have been a reinforcement piece or barre for a cask head.
Pieces 632-1 and 632-2 were found together and appear to have formed three quarters of one lid. Stave 632-3 was also found in the same assembly but judging by its dimensions it does not appear to have been from the same cask. Both centre pieces 750 and 632-1 have pegs (5mm in diameter) protruding from their sides. 632-1 has two pegs on one side while only one of the former two pegs of 750 is preserved (Figure 32).
In both cases the edges were bevelled to fit into the croze. Tool marks are visible on the outside faces of both centre pieces. The edges of the recovered cants were also bevelled but were in poorer condition compared to the centre piece due to wear and tear from usage. Two pegs were present in 632-2 and a single damaged peg in 647. Tool marks on the outside surfaces of the cants and piece 670 appear to be adze marks belonging to the construction process. Cask pieces from the 2010 excavation season Five casks pieces were found during the 2010 excavation. These were in very poor condition and of little analytical value for a comparative study with the 2011 finds. The 2010 assemblage included two possible casks staves (502, 510),
Figure 32: Head centre piece 750, a single peg is visible on the right. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011..
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia occupied space on board to a minimum was hugely important. Although casks could be stored and stacked in different ways, the most common and efficient way appeared to have been the bilge and cantline method.
Figure 33: Results of the cask reconstruction in Rhinoceros3D. Cronin 2011.
a bucket stave (504), a possible bung (512) as well as parts of a cask lid (516), all of which were found in the bow area (Auer 2011).
Both casks staves were only partially preserved and due to the poor state of preservation little can be said about the original size of the staves or potential contents or cooperage marks. The staves as well as the bucket stave show chimes, chivs and crozes on the preserved ends. The possible cask bung (512) was the only bung found during the excavation work on the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia to date and indicates the presence of casks designed to contain liquid goods. Find 516 was broken into three pieces and appeared to have been the centre part of a barrel lid. There was no evidence of marks or inscriptions. It showed at least one definite peg hole and together with an associated smaller piece the fragment may be part of a barre or handle of the lid. Despite the quite eroded condition of the piece, the bevelled and chamfered edges are characteristic of centre piece of cask lids.
Casks on a Man of War Since their shape and size made them relatively easy to move and store casks where used to transport all types of commodities and goods. They were particularly suitable for stored goods aboard sailing ships as weight could be distributed easily thus not hampering with a vessel’s manoeuvrability. This in return also required regulation of size and capacity according to the intended contents (Staniforth 1987). With space being a valuable commodity on most ships, the ability to safely store materials and goods whilst keeping the
This method involved first laying and securing the bottom layer of casks, also known as ground tier. The next layer, or second tier, was placed in such a manner that the cask bilges as their widest parts rested in between the gaps and on top of the cantlines of the casks on the ground tier. This meant that the ground tier had four casks with two casks of the second tier sitting on top with their cants aligned horizontally to each other (Staniforth 1987). Other historically known storage methods are bilge to bilge, vertical and a-burton or across the vessel (Thomas 1952). With any of the mentioned storage methods it is likely that casks were kept in the holds, e.g. the bottom of the ship, where vessels were at their widest. This combined the advantages of available space and proximity to the centre of gravity. To prevent the casks from moving in turbulent seas, a wedges and “dunnage” were used to keep them in place and prevent damage to them and their contents (Glete 2009). “Dunnage” was further used to stop casks from rubbing against each other and mostly consisted of tree branches, surplus rope and hoop or cask material (Staniforth 1987).
Attempted cask reconstruction Through the use Rhinoceros 3D software it was attempted to calculate an approximate volume of a cask from the excavated material. Due to the fragmented nature of the recovered finds and the lack of a complete cask or associated finds, the reconstruction had to be based on cask components that may not originally have belonged to the same cask. The only pieces providing the required dimensions to calculate the volume of a cask were stave (650) and head centre piece (750). It has to be pointed out, however, that they were not found in association and may well have belonged to different casks. In order to calculate the volume of a cask the croze to croze length of the staves, the diameter of the croze along with the diameter of the bilge, are required basic measurements. Stave 650 was the only example where both crozes where intact and equally the head diameter could only be deduced through head centre piece 750. Once the average ratio between the croze length and the bilge width was calculated it was applied to the head
Results of the artefact study diameter to obtain the overall bilge diameter.
These dimensions were then transferred to Rhinoceros 3D by drawing three circles matching the head piece and bilge diameters. These were then placed at a distance equal to the croze to croze distance of 69cm. The third circle defining the bilge diameter was placed halfway in between giving a rough outline of the cask. With these basic dimensions in place surfaces were allocated and a digital solid created. This allowed calculating the volume and surface area of the digital cask model. The calculated total volume is 112.44 litres with a surface area of 12661.83cm3. Unfortunately these measurements cannot be taken as fully accurate. Even if the utilised stave and head piece would have been securely from the same cask, a number of factors would still have contributed to somewhat inaccurate results. The depths of the croze and croze-to-croze distances, for example could vary slightly and change the overall capacity of the cask (Loewen 2007). For a more accurate and reliable result all fully preserved staves should be available as the volume calculation should be based on average dimensions. It has to be pointed out again that this exercise, due the archaeological data available and used for this exercise, by no means aims to suggest that the calculated cask dimension and size reflects an actual cask type used on the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. It does show, however, the potential of even such fragmented artefact groups for interpretation and research. Discussion and conclusion Analysis and research of the cask assemblage gave insights into a variety of aspects, such as potential original content, stowage and spatial distribution of casks on board.
The find location of the cask pieces, roughly amidships and in the hold is in line with historically known cask storage arrangements on Men of war. Casks are known to have been stowed on top of the ballast stones in the hold (Figure 18). As such it is not surprising to broken and damaged cask pieces that had fallen in between the ballast mound after the sinking, salvaging and degradation of the vessel over the centuries. The distinct u-shaped profile and shallow nature of the recorded crozes suggests that the staves belonged either to newly constructed casks or that the casks were only opened rarely indicating
that they served for long term storage of items and goods not frequently required.
The presence of large numbers of animal bones in the excavation trench could be evidence that the casks were used for the storage of food supplies for the ship. Similarly the substantial amount of rope uncovered in the immediate surroundings of the cask remains could indicate that spare rope was contained in the casks. This would also match with the observation that the casks were relatively new or rarely opened, as spare rope would only have been needed under certain circumstances. Overall the somewhat limited and fragmented nature of the cask components from the excavation allowed surprising insights into the role and nature of casks on board of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. At the same time the gathered information brought up more questions regarding stowage of casks, their content and distribution within a Swedish Man of war of the early 18th century.
5.4â&#x20AC;&#x201A;Ceramics and glassware by BjĂśrn Meinhardt
In the course of the 2011 excavation a total of 39 ceramic sherds and 8 glassware sherds were recovered. The majority of these were located in the trench underneath the ballast stones, although some were surface finds.
The following chapter provides a first overview over ceramics and glassware recovered from the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia in 2011. A more detailed analysis will follow in the form of a bachelor thesis at CAU in summer 2012.
Ceramics The assemblage recovered in 2011, consists of pottery of foreign and local (Swedish) production. However, only three out of 39 ceramic sherds fall into the first category. Among the imported ceramics are a single stoneware sherd and two pieces of fine earthenware. Furthermore 19 sherds were identified as coarse and fine earthenware of local production. Only 14 of the earthenware sherds were from diagnostic parts of vessels and for six more finds the function was identified during the processing. The diagnostic parts are 11 rim fragments, two base fragments and one handle. All but one sherd were either glazed or painted. The only piece
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia and pale green slip, covered with a clear leadglaze. The glaze has cracked and turned black in some parts, presumably due to corrosion. The sherd has a certain similarity with the so called Werra ware (HĂśck 1974; Naumann 1974).
Figure 34: Rim fragment of a plate, possibly Werra ware. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 35: Neck fragment of wine bottle (722) and remains of drinking glass (641). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
without decoration is a handle of a pipkin or jug (633). Stoneware The only stoneware sherd is a piece of salt glazed Westerwald ware, similar in appearance to some finds that were discussed in last yearâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Report (Auer 2011, Tracking numbers 02 and 11). The sherd is a body fragment and thus hard to interpret. The smooth surface without any signs of decoration and the rather thin, only 10mm strong material, makes a container more likely than e.g. a Westerwald mug. Coarseware With a total number of 35 pieces of red earthenware and two pieces of brown earthenware, coarseware forms the largest group of ceramics recovered in 2011.
The diagnostic sherds derive from parts of plates and maybe one bowl, pipkins and jugs. Among the finds, identified as plates are two outstanding pieces. The first one is a rim fragment of a plate or maybe a bowl from reddish brown clay (618). The interior is decorated with patterns of white
The second find is a plate, consisting of three different pieces of red-earthenware that fit together (679, 682 and 683). The upper side is decorated with a layer of white slip which is covered with a clear lead-glaze. There are no signs of any other form of painted decoration on these finds. Three finds were identified as parts of pipkins, one rim fragment (728) and two legs, which are still connected with the body of the former vessel (623 and 665). All fragments are of red earthenware with a green coloured lead-glaze on the inner surface. Another find (730), a red earthenware base fragment with a larger part of the body of the vessel still attached, has turning grooves on the outside, but apart from that no other form of surface treatment is visible. The interior of the vessel is lead glazed and varies from olive-green to brown in colour. The form indicates that it was part of a jug.
For three diagnostic parts it was not possible to identify the function with any degree of certainty. Among them is one rim fragment (696) of a bowl or maybe a pipkin with orange brown inside glaze, a rim fragment (639) from either a pipkin or a jug and a small rim fragment (693) with brown glaze.
Faience A single sherd of Faience was found (734). The rim fragment has a yellowish-white body of fine clay and is only 4mm thick. It is in fairly poor condition since most of the white glaze has worn off. The form of the rim and thin material of the object speak for a function as a plate or bowl, most likely of middle or southern European provenance, since the first production site of Faience ware in Sweden was founded in 1726 (TegnĂŠr 2003), and other important production sites in the Baltic region started even later. Glassware Only few glass fragments were recovered in 2011. These can be divided into the categories of flat glass and container or bottle glass. Of the eight glass fragments only two were of flat glass (657 and 725). These could either be associated with windows or mirrors.
Results of the artefact study The remaining sherds fall into the category of bottle and container glass. One of these finds can be identified as the neck fragment of a wine or beer bottle with the cork still attached (722). It is made of natural green glass, but appears iridescent due to corrosion. Another diagnostic shard is a base fragment of a vessel, which has a pointed kick and is made of light green glass (628). The relatively thin material and shape indicate that it was part of a flask. The third and last find of diagnostic value is the fragment of a base and partial body of a drinking glass (641). It is made of clear, white glass and shows signs of a polished pontil mark.
5.5 Personal possessions
by Jens Auer, based on analysis by V. Laplante & D. Tomasi
The following section of this report discusses artefacts that were either considered to be part of the crew’s personal possessions, or that were otherwise associated with life on board. As this category covers a variety of different artefacts, it was subdivided into the following groups: »» Leisure on board;
»» Clothing and accessories;
»» Personal hygiene;
»» Eating and drinking and »» Tools
Leisure on board The only item related to leisure on board found during the excavation is a wooden gaming piece with a diameter of 19mm and a height of 7mm (658). The upper surface is incised with a cross. Board games were as popular at sea as they were on land during the 17th century and sailors played a variety of different games, including chess, draughts and nine men’s morris.
Similar objects are known from the wreck of Lossen, where 12 round wooden gaming pieces with cross markings were found in association. These were interpreted as part of a draughts or mills (nine men’s morris) game (Molaug et al. 1983). Other contemporary wrecks on which gaming pieces have been found include the Kronan (Johansson 1985) and the la Natière wrecks (L’Hour et al. 2004). Clothing and accessories No actual fabric from clothing was found during the excavation, but a variety of fasteners give an indication of sailor’s clothing aboard Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. Buttons and fasteners are a lot more resistant to the elements than wool, linen and other fabrics. Small and easily lost, they can
Figure 36: Distribution of clothing and accessories. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
Figure 37: Hook closure (685) and pewter button (661). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 38: Pewter button (611) and horn button (626). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
make their way into the hold of the ship, where they are preserved amongst the ballast.
ing two parts of a garment together. They were primarily associated with clothing, but could also be used on hats, shoes, bags and pouches.
Hook and eye fastenings Two copper alloy eyes (655, 662) and a single hook (685) were recovered. Hook 685 and eye 655 were found in association and could well belong to the same garment (Figure 37).
Hook and eye closures were a simple type of fastening used to hold two separate pieces of fabric together. They were made by hand from wire and were commonly used to cock hats (Cole 1892). Buttons Buttons on board Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia had the same function as they do today, that of fasten-
The material from the wreck of the Danish warship Lossen impressively illustrates how common and popular buttons were amongst sailors. On a ship with a crew of 106 men, 925 different buttons were found. And as the author points out, these buttons were those not in daily use, as the sailors were dressed when their ship sank (Molaug et al. 1983). A total of eight buttons was recovered during the excavation.
Six of these are made from pewter or copper alloy. Two round pewter buttons of 12mm diameter were found in association. They are heavily
Figure 39: Distribution of artefacts related to personal possessions and life on board. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
Results of the artefact study eroded with no recognizable surface decoration (611) (Figure 38).
Three further pewter or copper alloy buttons with cast shanks were also found in close association (656, 661). They have a lengths of 10mm to 16mm and a diameter of 11mm. Two of the buttons still have leather remains attached, indicating that they originally fastened a leather garment (Figure 37).
Another flat, round pewter button with a diameter of 15mm was not cast in one piece, but the shank was attached later in the production process (667). This button was found in association with the remains of a leather bag (672) and belt or baldric (671) and might well have been part of the leather bag.
A hollow brass sphere with a diameter of 12mm was initially interpreted as a gaming piece (646). The surface is not fully rounded but shaped like a jewel. However, the object is probably a brass button with broken shank. Similar buttons are also known from the wreck of the Lossen (1185) (Molaug et al. 1983). The only button, which is not made of metal, is a large, slightly dome shaped horn button with a diameter of 25mm (626) (Figure 38).
It is interesting to note that a number of clothing fasteners, namely pewter buttons and a hook and eye closure were found in close association (655, 656, 658, 661, 685). Considering that two of these buttons were still attached to leather fabric, it is highly likely that all fasteners stem from the same leather garment (Figure 39).
Figure 40: Possible ammunition pouch (672). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Accessories Two artefacts fall into the category of clothing accessories. These are the remains of what might have been a leather bag or pouch (672), and a leather belt or baldric (671). Both items were found together with a pewter button (667) and 38 lead shot, of which 23 were large and 15 were small. As the leather remains were very fragile, they were lifted as a block and then carefully excavated and stabilized on land. The largest recognizable piece of leather is rectangular with rounded edges and has a length of 20.5cm and a height of 12.5cm. Traces of stitching are visible on three sides. The associated finds make a use as ammunition pouch likely (Figure 40). The belt or baldric is well preserved. It has a width of 25mm and is 74cm long. Although all metal has disappeared, impressions and the preparation of the leather indicate that the belt was originally fastened with a frame style buckle with prong. Seeing that the belt or baldric was found in direct association with the leather pouch, it could originally have held the pouch (Figure 41).
Figure 41: Leather belt or baldric (671). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011..
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia Eating and drinking A wooden spoon (624), a knife handle (741) and a stopple (702) are related to eating and drinking on board.
The wooden spoon has a relatively short handle and a wide oval bowl, typical for the late 17th century. The overall length is 15cm. Bowl and handle are of similar length and the bowl has a diameter of 6.5cm. The end of the handle is crudely carved into a rectangular shape, perhaps to make it more recognizable (Figure 42).
Generally, each sailor possessed his own spoon to use when liquid or semi liquid meals were served. Spoons found on other wrecks vary greatly in shape and decoration and are sometimes marked with initials. On Lossen, 24 unfinished spoons were amongst the recovered finds, indicating that somebody on board fabricated spoons, maybe in order to sell them (Molaug et al. 1983).
Figure 42: Wooden spoon (624). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Personal Hygiene The fragment of a rectangular double-sided comb is the only artefact in this category (609). The comb is made of bone or horn and has a width of 6.5cm. The teeth are of different gauges on both sides, so that the comb could presumably be used for the removal of head lice as well as for grooming.
Similar double sided combs have been recovered from many contemporary wreck sites, including the Lossen (Molaug et al. 1983) and the la NatiĂ¨re wrecks (Lâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Hour et al. 2002).
Knifes were very common objects on board a ship and each sailor carried a knife which was used for eating, but also as a general tool. Handle 741 has a six-sided section and is made from either bone or horn. It is 7.3cm long and tapers in width from 1.4cm to 1.8cm. A round hole 4mm in diameter, is visible on both sides of the handle. Judging by the relatively delicate nature and the round hole for the tang, the handle might have been used for a table knife. Similar finds from Lossen were interpreted as cutlery handles (Molaug et al. 1983).
A wooden stopple or plug (702) with a length of 4.4cm and a diameter of 2.5cm was probably used to plug a flask or small bottle. The upper end is tapered for better grip and the bottom part is slightly chamfered for an easier fit in the mouth of the bottle or container. Similar stoppers were
Figure 43: Measuring stick or tumstock, marked in Swedish tum. Hermannsen, ALSH 2011..
Results of the artefact study found in association with leather costrels on board the Mary Rose (Gardiner 2005).
Tools This category was defined rather loosely and includes objects related to work and work related activities on board. Four, possibly five artefacts fall into this section, including a wooden measuring stick, a handle, a possible part of a handle, a whetstone and a lead sinker. The rectangular wooden measuring stick was recovered in three pieces (663, 727). The pieces are 7.5cm, 13,9cm and 7.7cm long respectively. As all ends are broken and two pieces are heavily concreted, it is not possible to determine the original length of the measuring stick. The width is 1.4cm and the height measures 1.1cm.
Figure 44: Possible handle decoration or cross bar shot cover (605). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
The measuring stick has been marked with mostly regular, 1mm wide, grooves at an interval of 24mm – 25mm. One of the marks is formed like a star and might have indicated the centre of the stick. The distance between marks corresponds well to the Swedish tum of 24.742mm in use during the period in question. Measuring sticks8 like this would have been used by a variety of different craftsmen on board, including the carpenter (Figure 43). Another object used by craftsmen to sharpen blades and tools is a whetstone (718). It is rectangular and measures 21.2cm x 2.3cm x 2cm. It was recovered in three separate pieces.
The simple, 7.7cm long, slightly tapered wooden handle 654 could have been used for a variety of different tools or a knife. Similar handles on the Lossen were interpreted as dagger handles (Molaug et al. 1983). An artefact, which could not yet be identified is an egg shaped object made from woven strands of rope (605). In the centre of the underside of the 5.5cm long object is a square opening which measures 10mm x 10mm. It is filled with metal remains, and would originally have held an iron tang or shaft. At first sight, the object reminds of sailor’s ropework. It could be a protective cover, or maybe the bottom of a tool handle. Another possibility is that it is a protective or incendiary cover for the pointed ends of cross bar shot9 (Figure 44).
Figure 45: Possible fishing net sinker (634). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
A lead sinker (634), possibly for a fishing net, was included in this section, because similar sinkers have been found on the Lossen (Molaug et al. 1983). They were first interpreted as net sinkers, lost by fisherman over the wreck site, but as a wooden model for a casting form was found, they were later thought to be associated with use on board.
The sinker from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia has exactly the same boat-like shape as the one’s from Lossen, but is slightly smaller. It is 5.5cm long and 2.2cm wide. A flat ledge on one end of the sinker has two small holes, possibly for an attachment to the net. As the sinker was found deeply buried in the ballast, an association with the wreck is likely (Figure 45).
8 Swedish: tumstock
9 pers. comm. Niklas Eriksson, Södertörns Högskola
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia 5.6 Clay Pipes By Xenius Nielsen
The 2011 excavation season of the Swedish man of war Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia uncovered a collection of kaolin clay tobacco pipe finds and a wooden pipe case. In this report these clay tobacco pipe finds will be placed in their historical context, interpreted, and compared to related material culture.
Basic clay pipe terminology used in this report will consist of a pipe “bowl” where the tobacco is placed to be smoked, pipe “stem” where the smoke is drawn from after combustion, and pipe “heel” that refers to a small extension found on the underside of some pipes at the junction where the stem and bowl meet. Historical background The Spanish funded Genoan sailor and explorer Christopher Columbus documented on his premier voyage in 1492 to the New World on the Islands now known as San Salvador and Cuba a unique cultural practice unknown to Europeans prior that would eventually become their own.
What he witnessed was Amerindians smoking the substance now known as tobacco. Fragmented accounts documented by later explorers to the New World continued to report on Amerindian tobacco use, described as not wide spread
and in some cases chewed instead of smoked (Fraikin 1981). A smokeless trend for consuming tobacco can be seen as the tobacco plant’s first `foot hold´ in European popular culture, having reportedly caught on in the mid to late16th century in France, Portugal, Spain, and Italy were fine ground tobacco called snuff was sniffed into the nose (Oswald 1975). Post-discovery of the New World and the colonisation of the Americas, archaeological research in Central America brought forward material evidence for the earliest use of pipes coming from the Mayan culture. Fifth century Mayan bas-reliefs in the Temple of Palenque, located in modern-day Mexico, depict what appear to be priests smoking from straight tubes, in essence, a pipe stem that lacked a pipe bowl (Fraikin 1981).
It is speculated that pipe use originated with the Mayans in Central America and diffused out across the Americas through trade and contact between Amerindian tribes, however, this cannot be confirmed (Fraikin 1981). Later archival evidence that would have had a greater influence on the development of pipe smoking in Europe, comes from several first-hand European accounts that observed Amerindians’ smoking from pipelike instruments, these include French explorer Jacques Cartier (1535), English captain Richard Greville (ca. 1545), and the English sailor John Dawkins (1565) (Oswald 1975; Fraikin 1981).
Figure 46: Distribution of clay pipes and related finds. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
Results of the artefact study Smoking tobacco in a pipe is acknowledged to have first caught on and practiced in England in 1570 due to its perceived medicinal properties (Fraikin 1981). It is, however, without a doubt that tobacco’s addictive properties, well known today, also had a hand to play in its spread and increasing use into the 17th century, when smoking tobacco with pipes become a more common sight in English social life and throughout Europe (Oswald 1975; Fraikin 1981). Clay tobacco pipe manufacturing began in England and spread across the Channel to find new markets in Holland ca. 1607. The impetus for the cottage industry to relocate is attributed to a similar division and tension that still persists today between smokers and non-smokers (Duco 1981; Fraikin 1981).
The most prominent anti-smoking advocate at the time was King James I who came into power in 1603. The emerging anti-smoking climate was coupled with growing economic hardship in England that prompted some English pipe makers to close-up their cottage industries to seek employment in Holland, mainly as soldiers in its war against Spain (Fraikin 1981). When work as a soldier waned and tensions settled with Spain, these same English soldiers/pipe makers settled in Holland and resumed with their pipe making enterprises (Duco 1981; Fraikin 1981).
The earliest written records indicate that a young pipe making industry emerging in Amsterdam in 1607, and coupled with archaeological evidence we see Amsterdam becoming Holland’s first major clay pipe manufacturing center between 1611 and 1615 (Duco 1981; Fraikin 1981). In 1715 when Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia assumed her position on the sea floor, 15 clay pipe manufacturing centres were operational in Holland. The city of Gouda was one of these and home to the pipe makers of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia’s clay pipe finds. Throughout the history of clay
pipe production in Holland, 52 clay pipe manufacturing centres have existed in total since the early 17th century and into the early 21st century when the last clay pipe maker retired (Oostveen 2007). The number of clay pipe manufacturing centres operating at any one time fluctuated throughout the industry’s history. One city’s industry wanes and ceases to exist, while another comes into existence. For example, Amsterdam’s clay pipe industry came to a close in the early part of the 18th century. Comparatively, Gouda had firmly established itself as a centre for clay pipe manufacturing in 1660 and its prominence in the industry was to be maintained for over three centuries, making it the longest running operational centre until its last pipe maker retired in this century (Oostveen 2007).
In sum, the history of clay pipes shows that sailors and soldiers, who constituted the crew on board the Swedish man of war Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, were instrumental in the discovery, spread, and manufacturing of clay tobacco pipes (Figure 47). The fact that the clay pipes finds were all identified to be of Gouda type is another point of interest, specifically with regards to their maker marks, that can be used to trace the development of the industry and its products that were shipped around the world.
The clay pipe industry quickly grew in Gouda and Dutch born pipe makers attempted to secure the industry for themselves by formally trying to exclude the English soldiers. This isolationism was built into the regulations they tried but failed to pass in the form of a guild in 1641 (Duco 1981). The proposal was turned down by city council, but it set the first precedence for clay pipe maker mark use and function. A pipe maker chose a mark that would identify them as the manufacturer, which they could place on a clay pipe that they produced and it was unlawful to use another pipe maker’s mark (Duco 1981). English pipe maker marks simi-
Figure 47: Illustration of Danish sailors during the Great Northern War in the diary of the Danish sailor Niels Trosner. It is interesting to note that sailors are always displayed smoking a tobacco pipe. (RA (N) 4A 077 32 1710).
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia manufactures in Gouda must become members of the guild or close up their businesses (Duco 1981). The developments that led to the formation of the pipe maker’s guild in Gouda and in other cities throughout Europe, coupled with their desire to intensely regulate and formalize the clay pipe industry is a fortunate turn of events for presentday archaeologists and historians alike.
Figure 48: Pipe bowl 673 (r), marked with a crowned R (Reijnier van Leeuwen 1696-1730) and pipe bowl 735 (l), marked with a snake (Aris Simonsz Vermeal 1709-1716). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 49: Pipe bowls marked on heel: Pipe 704 with a crowned WL (l) (Willem Luijnenburg 1708-1727) and pipe 690 with a landman (r) (Pieter Engelen van der Put (1705-1736). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
larly were associated with an individual, but this was not the standard at the time. One example includes the maker marks from the Bavarian clay pipe industry that represented a group of people, defined as a consortium of monopoly holders in clay pipe manufacturing, distribution and sale (Mehler 2009).
The city of Gouda eventually approves the formation of a pipe makers Guild in 1660, and its articles did not echo the earlier protectionist sentiments of the Dutch born pipe makers. Although, it did expand on the need for maker marks to be distinct and legible when placed on both pipes and the barrels used for their storage and transport (Duco 1981). Moreover, the guild dictated the prerequisites that one needed to meet to become a master pipe maker, set wages, quality standards, and even funeral proceedings for members. The guild also mandated that all maker marks must be registered with them and all pipe
The clay pipe as an individual artefact holds a unique and diverse amount of information on past human behaviour, since it was used across all social classes. Moreover, the existence of maker mark catalogues that can be used to directly link a pipe to its manufacturer is a valuable tool for relative dating. These attributes considered and coupled with a clay pipe’s two commonly echoed attributes, fragile and disposable, resulted in an extraordinary amount discarded and thus deposited into the archaeological record since the 17th century (Oswald 1975; Gojak et al. 1999). It should be noted that some well-known maker marks outlived their original designer, since family members could inherited the business and the maker mark or they could be exploited for their notoriety and resold, which would extend the existence of a specific maker mark in the archaeological record (Oswald 1975; Duco 1981).
Methodology The post-excavation analysis focused on identifying the maker marks that had worn and fainted from use over time. Digital photography and computer photo editing software were the two main tools used to assist in their interpretation. Next Duco’s , Meulen’s and Ostveen’s published catalogues on Gouda’s maker marks were used to cross reference the identified maker marks from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia does not really represent a closed context, for after sinking it was exposed to salvage attempts and some later site interference, but its documented sinking helped to narrow down the potential pipe maker and thus its manufacturing date with greater certainty. In addition, Arne Åkerhagen’s expertise were sought out to assist in the analysis. Åkerhagen is the resident clay pipe maker and clay pipe historian at the Tobacco & Matchstick museum in Stockholm, Sweden. He has published Clay Pipes from the man-of-war Kronan (Åkerhagen 1998), and has produced an article yet to be published on well used clay pipes (2008). Both works hold
Results of the artefact study relevance for the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia finds (Fraikin 1981). Archaeological evidence
Pipe stems The majority of the clay tobacco pipe finds consist of non-descript pieces of fragmented pipe stems. Out of the 15 total pipe stem pieces found, just two were decorated (625, 736). The decoration was produced by a wheel stamp, that was rolled around the pipes’ stem to leave a geometric design in relief. The decoration on 625 is the only complete example found. Pipe stems varied in length throughout history and were influenced by style and price, but at the start of the 18th century they were approaching 33cm - 36cm (Higgins 1997; Carnes-McNaughton 2007).
Pipe bowls Six used clay pipes were found in total, all with some degree of damage. Four of the six pipe bowls had maker marks. All four maker marks differed in design and were produce by a Gouda guild members’ stamp, which produced an image or lettering in relief. The 2010 field school, discovered a clay pipe with a maker’s mark of a snake (1041) that is identical to a 2011 field school find (735).
In the 2011 collection, two maker’s marks were located on the back of the bowl (673, 735) described as the side `facing the smoker´, and two were stamped on the pipe’s heel (690, 704).
A design feature termed milling is visible on the rim of all the bowls minus 690, which is missing its rim. 690 is likely, however, to have had milling since the practice remained a common design feature on Dutch pipes compared to English manufactured pipes where the technique waned at the start of the 18th century (Oswald 1975). Pipe bowls also varied in size over time, which was influenced by the price of tobacco. Early pipes had smaller bowls when tobacco was imported from the New World that drove up its cost. When tobacco started to be grown in Europe, its price dropped and pipe bowls increased in size.
Interpretation: maker marks All four pipe bowls with maker’s marks were identified as Dutch and produced in Gouda between 1700 and 1715. The probable manufactures were identified as, Reijnier van Leeuwen (1696-1730) maker’s mark a crowned “R”; Pieter Engelen van der Put (1705-1736) maker’s mark a “landman”; Willem Luijnenburg (1708-1727) maker’s mark a crowned “WL”; and Aris Simonsz Vermeal (1709-1716) maker’s mark a “snake” (Appendix III) (Figure 48 and 49). It should be noted that some speculation was required to identify the two crowned maker’s marks, since the thin raised lines that constitute their letters were worn. Clay pipe typologies and the dated sinking of the ship served to lessen the degree of speculation. The two fragmented pipe bowls that lacked maker’s marks are 692 and 698. Åkerhagen deter-
Figure 50: Modified clay pipe (621). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia mined they were also Gouda type and used clay pipe typologies to determine their manufacturing date to the early 18th century. 692 was an especially small bowl fragment, which makes dating with clay pipe typologies very difficult for a novice and is probably best reserved for a clay pipe expert. Modified clay pipe The most unique find of the 2011 field season is a modified clay pipe with a sewn leather tube that served as a pipe stem extension (621) (Figure 50). It consists of three parts: a clay pipe bowl with a shortened stem, a sewn leather tube component adapted to the diameter of the shortened pipe stem, and a short pipe stem piece that inserted into the other end of the leather tube component. These three parts were found in situ as a single unit as described above.
The pipe bowl did not contain a maker’s mark therefore dating was dependant on pipe bowl typology. The pipe bowl was determined by Åkerhagen to be Dutch and manufactured between 1690 and 1710. The leather tube component consisted of rigid, thick leather folded together and sewn lengthways along its adjoining edges. Its stitching had deteriorated overtime and come undone, but its original shape is still preserved. No marks or identifiable designs exist on the leather tube component. The existence of bite marks on the pipe stem is evidence that the short clay pipe was in use after it broke, and before the leather tube extension was added. “As teeth grip the stem near the mouthpiece they may chip off small pressure flakes of glaze or ceramic on [its] upper and lower surfaces” (Gojak et al. 1999). During use a pipe with a shortened stem would have been uncomfortably hot in a sailor’s hand, and clenching it between the teeth would have solved this problem and allowed for its continued use. The pipe stem mouth-piece also has visible bite wear marks near both ends and its tips are rounded off and smooth, not consistent with a recent break10 . It suggests that both ends of the pipe stem functioned at some point in time, as a mouth-piece to draw smoke from the pipe. The dark colouration of both clay parts of the pipe indicate prolonged use resulting from smoking tobacco that stained the once white coloured kaolin clay over time. The colouration is even darker when compared to the other pipe bowl 10 pers. comm. Arne Åkerhagen 2011
finds, even though they are manufactured from the same material, deposited in the same context, and exposed to the same environmental conditions. These factors considered suggest that the darker colouration comes from its extended use, a likely result of a pipe modification with a potentially earlier manufacture date.
The only evidence, at first glance, that might indicate that this was a leather case with a broken pipe found inside, is the existence of tiny pipe stem fragments still visible inside the now open leather tube component. These pipe fragments were left in place to be removed by conservators, at a later date, with better facilities then those existing in the field. However, this counter evidence is not supported by sharp or rough edges found on either of the pipe’s larger clay pipe pieces that would be associated with a break. It is more likely that these pipe stem fragments represent an attempt to give and maintain the shape of the leather tube as it dried and shrank from heat exposure during use.
The leather tube component of the modified pipe is a unique feature, but an example for comparison does present itself in material from Northern Sweden (Huggert 2007). Huggert presents two Gouda clay pipes dated between c.1750 and 1775 that were repaired and reused by the indigenous Sami of the remote Swedish Lappmark region into the 19th century. One of these pipes is repaired with a piece of leather to permanently extend the life of the pipe. The pipe stem broke off almost flush with the bowl, but the pipe stem was remounted and secured back in position using a thin band of animal skin. The animal skin is still in position today. The fact that the animal skin still exists in position and was in direct contact with the hottest part of the pipe, supports the fact that the leather tube modification could have functioned as a stem for the pipe, despite the heat it was exposed to during use. The unique pipe modification suggests that its owner had low socioeconomic status and a degree of ingenuity. The course of events that could have brought this pipe modification into existence are these, unable to purchase a new pipe and resolved to smoke the ever shortening and hot pipe, eventually resulted in the idea to adapt the leather tube component to extend the life of the already aging pipe and improve on its smoking experience11. 11 pers. comm. Arne Åkerhagen 2011
Results of the artefact study The modified pipe is also an example to caution researchers from quickly defining clay tobacco pipes as “disposable” items that were easily discarded and replaced, because they were fragile and mass produced. Moreover, the term “disposable” is a generalization that presupposes a sufficient degree of economic wealth, and ease of access to pipe merchants, not always a likely scenario for a sailor on board a vessel at sea (Huggert 2007).
Wooden pipe case The wooden pipe case 681 is utilitarian in design and constitutes approximately a third of its original length, with the portion that held the pipe bowl preserved. The author found the wooden pipe case as one unit albeit incomplete, but due to its fragile state regrettably it broke during transport. The wooden pipe case is made of one piece of wood and has visible tool marks inside from the manufacturing process. Its exterior is sanded smooth and has simple nondescript decorations, which vaguely remind of a butt plate on a pistol. On its bottom there are five equally sized circles placed in a `cross´ or `X´ pattern, produced by the same sharp `punch´ tool. On its sides there is two pairs of `V´ shaped designs hand carved with a knife. The pipe case was manufactured to fit a pipe bowl of the same type as those found in the 2011 field season (Figure 51). Comparable pipe cases are among others known from the Danish frigate Mynden (Auer 2004). Here a wooden pipe case was found with a Dutch type clay pipe still inside. It lacks a maker’s mark. Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia’s wooden pipe case is in a slightly better state of preservation but both have the same bowl portion preserved and have some elements of exterior decoration. Little can be said about these basic design features that they both share besides stating the obvious, considering the time and care committed to the task of making a wooden pipe case gives insight into the crews on board activities outside of their general duties, which were both directly and indirectly associated with smoking tobacco.
Another wooden pipe case has been recovered from the French royal frigate La Dauphine, which sank in 1704 at La Natiére of the coast of France in the English Channel. La Dauphine’s find Nat1158_3 is of unparalleled quality and craftsmanship that goes beyond the pipes case’s utilitarian function and crosses the line into the realm of art. It was carved to resemble a pistol (L’Hour et al. 2002).
Figure 51: Decorated wooden pipe case (681). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Conclusion Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia and the comparative material, presented above, provide strong evidence that clay pipes were personal possessions common to sailors during the turn of the 18th century that carried socioeconomic significance at the time, which is still visible today in the material culture.
Some literary sources further alludes to the popularity of pipe smoking by describing its incorporation into on board policies, whereby, only specific smoking areas were designated on the ship, likely due to the inherent risks associated wooden ships and fire (Higgins 1997). A shipwreck’s often closed context and typical wet environment provide a unique opportunity to explore the full range of personal items associated with the popular pastime of smoking clay pipes, described as the tobacco consumption package or smoking paraphernalia (Cessford 2001; Huggert 2007). One shipwreck that deserves closer attention in this regard is the Danish frigate Lossen (Molaug et al. 1983) built it 1684 and sunk in 1717 during the Great Northern War, excavations uncovered eleven wooden pipe cases, two wooden pipes, two snuff boxes, and one tobacco box. Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia’s modified clay pipe and wooden pipe case also serve as examples of the potential that shipwrecks hold for research down this vein of enquiry: the complete tobacco smoking assemblage. Even despite its small sample group, these two finds collectively do offer some, however limited, insight into past human behaviour, thought, and organization. The modified pipe and simple pipe case allude to human ingenuity and the hierarchical social structure on board a military vessel, which placed officers and the captain at the apex. Moreover, the pipe case
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia infers the fragility that a clay pipe is known for, while the modified pipe contests their degree of disposability when viewed through the eyes of an individual crew member on board a ship at sea.
By Caroline Persson
The finds of shoes on wreck sites are relatively common, due to the favourable preservation of leather underwater. However it is more common to find fragments of shoes rather than intact footwear due to the fact that the threads used to sew the shoes together do not survive equally well. Nevertheless, there were several near-intact shoe finds during the 2011 excavation. The shoes consist of several different parts, the most important ones being explained in the following short introduction to terminology. The sole consists of an insole (the interior layer of the sole, in contact with the foot), an outsole (the exterior layer of the sole, in contact with the ground) and midsole (the layer or layers in-between). The upper part of a shoe, that holds the shoe to the foot, is called a vamp. The parts that go around the heel, meeting up with the vamp, are called quarters, usually stitched together at the middle back (Goubitz et al. 2007). In the 2010 excavation 18 leather fragments and
one heel with wooden plugs were found. Another finds group connected with footwear in the 17th and 18th centuries are buckles. In 2010 two buckles were found, although one is interpreted as a belt buckle (Auer 2011). In the excavation of 2011, the number of shoe finds rose considerably, although no new buckles were found. The shoes were spread across more or less the full excavation area with no apparent concentration or distribution pattern (Figure 52). Overall five more or less complete shoes as well as four assemblies of leather pieces discernible as shoe fragments (601, 606, 613 and 642) were found. Further six leather assemblies were nondiagnostic. They may have been parts of shoes but may also have been part of other leather objects on board. The relatively high number of shoes found during the excavation may indicate proximity to a storage room. However, as they were found rather scattered it appears a more plausible explanation that the shoes were lost and fell in between the ballast stones.
The odd numbers of shoes found, evidence for reinforcements and repair as well as the variety in shoe types add further strength to this theory. There is also the possibility that some shoes may have been lost during salvage operations. While the near complete shoes share certain fea-
Figure 52: Distribution of shoes and related material. Auer & Schweitzer 2012.
Results of the artefact study tures, they are also quite different between themselves. The total lengths vary between 26.5cm and 29cm with the most common length around 27.5cm. A modern European size 39 measures 26.5cm giving an indication that the shoes found belonged to grown men. The shoes are all built up from layers and have double lines of stitching holes going parallel to the edges. One shoe (649) has some organic material from the thread left in the stitching holes and shows that the stitches were more vertical than diagonal. This stitching technique explains the double rows of stitching holes around vamp and sole. The distance between the stitches around the sole varies between 0.6 and 1.2cm.
The vamps of the five near complete shoes finds were still attached, but their appearances differ. One find (686) had a very small vamp, while the shoes 649, 713 and 615 had vamps that appeared to go all the way to the ankle. The vamp of the folded shoe (614) has no original edge (Figure 53). On shoe 649, the vamp edge shows a line of stitching marks whereas the very well preserved shoe 615 only shows two small circular holes on the middle of the vampâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;sedge. The vamp edge on 713 is not discernible due to the attached concreted material. Shoes 713 and 615 may be of a similar type as both have straps visible from the quarters, although the strap-holes in 713 are more stretched than the very symmetrical and quite small hole in the preserved strap of 615 (Figures 54 and 56). Most of the preserved heels show ca. 0.5cm wide square wooden plugs or plug holes penetrating through the layers. The better preserved shoes had distinct high-heels in the fashion of the time and are on average 3-4cm high. The width of the heels upper parts are between 7 and 7.5cm. Traditionally the heels of Scandinavian shoes were of birch bark, which was the case with the heel found in 2010 (Auer 2011). The shoe finds of
Figure 53: Complete leather shoe (614). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
2011 have three complete heels preserved. Two heels (615 and 686) were probably made of birch bark layers. These heels were also sub-rectangular in shape. Shoe 649 differs, as the heel is conical and built up from leather layers (Figure 56). Two more examples could not be identified as 614 was folded and 713 fully encased by a concreted mass.
There are more differences between shoe 649 and the other shoes apart from the stitching marks of the vamp and the conical heel. When the shoe was found it had the quarters still attached, which unfortunately were too delicate and could not be lifted intact. The shoe has plugs in the toe part of the outsole where one plugged layer goes up above the other layers, indicating that it may be a repair. Another special feature of 649 is that a layer of straw was visible through a hole in the vamp. This may be the case for other shoes as well, only that it was not visible. The straw might have been placed in the shoe for insulation or to retain the shape of the shoe when not worn (Figure 56).
Reinforcements were observed around the toe part of shoe 686 where three leather layers appear to have been applied in separate steps
Figure 54: Complete leather shoe (615). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia (Figure 57). There is also a possible reinforcement on the fragmented shoe 642.
Along with the well preserved shoe 615 was a piece of thicker leather shaped in the form of two triangles with a straight base. The base shows stitches going through the middle of the leather’s thickness in a butted seam with flesh/edge stitching technique. The shape of the piece resembles a tongue (Goubitz et al 2001). However, none of the shoes seem to have had a separate tongue, and the vamps on all shoes are made of considerably thinner leather than this piece. The original use of this piece is therefore uncertain. Boots, shoes or mules? The fashion of the late 17th and early 18th century provided different types of footwear. A separation can be made through the height and the degree of foot-covering offered by the vamp. Boots, for example, are usually without an opening/closing feature and extend above the ankle over the calf. Shoes can be high or low, but a common ground is that they are lower than boots. They usually have some kind of fastening and opening feature and cover the back of the foot with quarters. Mules cover less of the foot compared to shoes, being just like slippers with a vamp in various widths but missing the quarters. The high heel was a
common feature for most types of footwear (Goubitz et al 2001).
The strap fastening of shoe 615 correlates directly to a drawing of a fastening example in “Stepping through time” (Goubitz et al 2001), suggesting that it was a low so-called latchet shoe (Figure 54). The strap holes on shoe 713 could belong to a buckle fastening but without the edge of the vamp it is difficult to tell (Figure 56). The row of stitching marks on the vamp edge of 649 could be an indication that it was part of a boot (Figure 55). However, the boot constructions of the time seem to have had an upward thong at the middle of the vamp, connecting to the leg-part of the boot, which does not seem to be the case of the 649 construction.
A roughly contemporary pair of boots in the Swedish Army Museum shows a construction with a rather square toe, which was not the case with 649 (Figure 55). Of course there may have been differences in appearances, as the shoes from the 18th century in the Army Museum collection show both the square toe and a rounded toe. 686 could be a mule. The short vamp of this shoe
Figure 55: Complete leather shoe (649). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Figure 56: Shoe 649: Conical heel built up from leather and straw remains . Persson 2011.
Results of the artefact study seems to have an original edge, although the inner sole close to the vamp edge is rather fragile. There are some small circular impressions along the edge of the vamp but the distances are too long for it to be a stitching row. These impressions may be weak traces of decoration, a feature not uncommon for mules (Goubitz et al 2001). It is also possible that they represent evidence for remodelling of a shoe that was too worn.
The latchet shoe seems to be the most common in the material from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. This might be due to the fact that boots were almost three times more expensive to make than shoes.
Figure 56: Complete leather shoe (713). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Shoes on contemporary wrecks The shoe finds of La Natière are in the dozens. Most of them were made of leather and fitted with pegged heels (L’Hour et al. 2010). A difference from the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia finds is in the fastenings.
The online database of the Vasa finds lists 68 entries in the category “shoes and boots”. This includes five buttons and one shoelace. The complete shoes are latchet shoes but the heels are not as high as the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia examples. This together with the different shape of the mule soles from the Vasa might reflect a change in fashion. The mule soles from the Vasa have an hourglass shape with a very narrow waist between heel and toe (Vasamuseet 2012). This feature is not represented in the material from the late 17th and early 18th century onwards.
The high heels on the men’s shoe were to become lower as the 18th century progressed with the tendency to lower heels starting around 1730 (Jäfvert 1938). It is thus not surprising that the preserved heels from the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia are around 4cm high.
The shoes from La Dauphine were fastened with a small side buckle, whereas the shoes from Aimable Grenot were generally fastened with a large front buckle. Lace fastenings are only mentioned as repairs when the buckles had fallen off and the shoe had been in service for a long time. Similarly it is believed that the La Natière shoes were turned into mules or were tied with laces after the buckles gave way (L’Hour et al. 2010). The possible mule 686 could have been such a remade shoe. No buckles were found during the 2011 excavation of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. The absence of buckles may reflect differences in
social status or fashion but could also be due to the limited information available from the excavated areas.
Eight complete shoes and 82 pieces of shoes are known from the frigate Lossen (Molaug et al 1983). There are also finds of wooden lasts and 57 buckles. No boots were found on Lossen and most of the shoes were of the same type, similar to the most complete shoes found on Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. Some of the heels from Lossen were made of wood, birch or beech, whereas others were made of layers of leather fastened with wooden plugs. The wooden heels seem to have been covered with leather on the underside, and
Figure 57: Complete leather shoe (686). Hermannsen, ALSH 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia the upper parts of the heels have had incisions in squares or thick lines (Molaug et al 1983).
The shoes had double layers of leather in the toe part of the vamp, in some cases extending over the whole length of the vamp, which was interpreted as a measure to keep the shape of the shoe and provide insulation (Molaug et al 1983). There is no mention of straw being used, however, the straw layer of 649 may well have served the same purpose. This could also point to a different interpretation of the possible mule 686 where the short vamp could have been an insulation layer and the actual vamp having disappeared. Whether this happened as a modification of the shoe by the wearer or if it happened during the 300 years under water could not be resolved.
The lengths of the Lossen shoes match the lengths of the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia examples. Two smaller shoes from Lossen were probably shoes from ship’s boys (Molaug et al 1983). One of the shoes from Lossen had the straight cut and square toe that can be seen on some of the shoes and boots of the Swedish Army Museum. This shoe is interpreted to having belonged to one of the officers, especially as it stands out due to its higher craftsmanship compared to the other shoes (Molaug et al 1983). The presence of only one of these shoes on Lossen and none on Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia could be a sign that it was a new fashion and not yet widely spread. It has to be kept in mind, however, that the investigations on Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia only allow for a small glimpse into the overall material on board.
Conclusion The shoes from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia share some features with contemporary early 18th century shoe design, such as the high heels. Yet certain details vary. The heels were mostly made of wood, with the exception of one heel made of layers of leather. The latchet shoe, the common footwear in the Swedish military during the 17th and early 18th century could be identified in two cases (615 and 713). The other complete shoes were more difficult to classify. Find 649 may have been a boot indicated by the upper part of the vamp having only one row of stitching holes. As boots were expensive and not used in the Swedish army during the 17th and early 18th century except for the cavalry, this could point to it having belonged to an officer. In comparison to shoe finds from other wrecks there are both similarities and differences. The
Vasa has some hourglass shaped soles, which seem to have gone out of fashion in the early 18th century, as there are no finds correlating to that shape on later wrecks. At La Natière there seems to have been more buckled than laced latchet shoes. The absence of shoe buckles from the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia is in contrast to both La Natière and Lossen. However, the shoe finds of Lossen share many features with the shoes from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia otherwise, such as the heel construction of wood or layers of leather, the predominance of latchet shoes and absence of boots.
The shoes in the army were not different to the fashion of the wider society and there appears to have been a variety in shoe designs, manufacture. Further the archaeological evidence gives insights into repair and insulation methods. Shoes were made for daily use and give information about daily life, such as production and maintenance as well as fashions, traditions and status. They also give indications to the range of shoe sizes of the crew and thus an indication on age and gender distribution on board. The currently known shoes of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia point to a grown male crew, which is not surprising considering that it was a ship of the line comprising largely sailors and soldiers.
By Anders Callesen
A total of 175 animal bones were found during the excavation giving a small glimpse into food supplies of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. The animal bone assemblage was analysed with a view to identify species and gain information on food processing and storage on board the ship. Ulrika Söderlind’s study of Swedish naval food consumption (Söderlind 2006) provided the basis to place the findings from the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia in context with knowledge on the diet on board of Swedish naval ships of the time. All 175 animal bone remains collected during the excavation were counted and species analysis carried out using Chaix/ Meniel and O’Connor (Chaix et al. 2001; O’Connor 2008). The preservation condition of the animal bone collection can be described as good for most of the material. However, some erosion damage and degradation was apparent. As a result 43 pieces that were heavily fragmented or did not yield any diagnostic features could not be identified. A more
Results of the artefact study comprehensive breakdown of the individual species groups can be seen in Figure 58. One of the negative results of the animal bone pieces having been exposed to wave action and erosion over the centuries is that most of the surfaces have suffered and cutting or butcher’s marks are often obscured or not visible. Thus no meaningful analysis regarding food processing or preparation on board was possible.
Food supply on ships In the 1700’s the provisions of Swedish ships varied depending on whether it was wartime or not, and whether the ship was a man-of-war or merchantman. The 1600’s saw a big shift in the rations provided on board the vessels in the navy. The daily consumption of meat in 1638 was 193g of which on average 138g was salted beef and 55g was pork for the crew and 333g of which 278g was salted beef and 55 was pork for the officers. The very lowest allowance of meat for the crew is registered in 1662, where a measly 55g of pork was the average. The same year officers were given 332g, 277g of salted beef and 55g of pork. But this positive shift towards the officers was not always the case. In the years 1678-1684 the crew had a ration of 161g, 140g dried beef and 21g pork. In the same years provisions for officers is given as 84g, 14g salted beef and 70g of pork.
This was already remedied in the late 1600’s and by 1692 the provisions were up to 272g for the crew and 350g for officers (Söderlind 2006). However, it has to be taken into account that officers would often bring their own supply of dried meat and other foods aboard. This might have been even more the case in the years where the officers’ supply was kept much lower than the crews’, although this is not evident in the historical sources. The year 1700 is the last recorded year in which dried meat shows up as a part of the diet, then salted meat took over as the only “processed” meat available. Furthermore it became normal practise to include fresh meat into the diet whenever possible. This was considered to be the most nutritious at the time. In 1716 the average meat ration per day for the crew was 299g, 208g was salted beef and 91g pork (Söderlind 2006). Fish was another staple food on board Swedish naval vessels. Although no fish bones were found during the excavation, it is clear that fish must have been a part of the crew’s diet. Some of the fish supply on naval vessels during the 16001700’s comprised dried fish but most of the fish was salted. It is reported that in the 1600’s the officers had six different types of salted fish available, whereas the crew only had three. Most of
Figure 58: Composition of bone material recovered from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia. Callesen 2011.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia the rations consisted of herring. The highest consumption recorded for officers in the 1600’s was in 1643 where the average daily ration was 777g of fish, consisting of six different types, including herring, salmon and eel. The lowest was recorded for the years 1684 and 1692, with 252g in 1684 consisting of three types - and in 1692 of two types of fish (Söderlind 2006).
For the crew the highest known ration of fish was in 1642 with 541g made up from four different types. The lowest known amount was 42g in 1692 consisting solely of herring. It was common practise for the sailors to be given their ration of butter along with the fish, as the way to eat them was to smear the butter on the salty fish. By 1700 the records for fish becomes drastically reduced, as does the amount of fish in the daily rations. In 1700, the year with the lowest rations, the daily average for a crew member was 35g of herring. In 1758, the year with the highest rations, they consisted of 110g, 70g herring and 40g stockfish (Söderlind 2006). This drastic cut in the fish rations might explain why no fish remains were found during the excavation. The presence of poultry on the shipwreck is remarkable. Poultry was usually reserved for special occasions on board a ship. Records from other ships of the time show that poultry was only served alongside the best available beer and with other specialties, such as sausages and eggs. Most of these entries coincide with the ship being visited, presumably by higher ranking officers or dignitaries (Söderlind 2006).
The discovery of poultry on Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia could indicate that, at least on the flagship of the Swedish navy at the time, poultry could be served if the occasion arose. A second possibility, however, also has to be taken into account, by which the poultry remains could have found their way into the archaeological record after the ship’s demise and could belong to the subsequent salvage and dismantling operations.
In order to store meat for longer periods of time, the navy would have had to have at least some understanding of the processes that make meat spoil. They might not have realised that microscopic bacteria were the cause of this process, but it was known how to stop bacterial growth. Modern science has shown that with a salt pickle of 10-20% nearly all bacterial growth is stopped. During the 1600-1700’s two main ways of salting meat existed. The first involved carving the meat into sizable chunks, which were then lay-
ered with an alternating pattern of salt and meat. The salt drew all water from the meat replacing it with salt. This process is called hard salting as the content of salt in the meat tends to be higher than that of the second process. The second process is closely related to the first one, the main difference being that instead of dry salt a previously prepared pickle was poured over the meat in the cask. A lid secured with weights, was then put on top and left for eight to ten days until the meat had settled as compact as possible. The cask was then topped up with meat and pickle (Söderlind 2006). According to historical records the meat was often so salty that it was necessary to macerate it prior to cooking. Even after doing so the meat would often show a crust of salt after cooking. The macerating could be done by soaking the meat in a tub of seawater for 24 hours prior to cooking. Another method involved placing the meat in a specially designed vessel allowing water to flow around the individual pieces. This vessel was then dragged behind the ship for a day.
From 1700 onward the meat was stored not only with salt but also rubbed with a mixture of salt, pepper and juniper berries. Until the late 1700’s the common way of preparing the meat was to gather all ingredients in a large pot over an open fire in the galley and then making porridge from it. The rations of cereals, peas and flour would also be served in this porridge, rather than as separate items. With the later installation of a coal-fired stove a lot of new ways to prepare the meat became available, such as frying, broiling and baking.
Discussion A clear distinction can be seen in the identified 132 animal bones from the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia (Figure 58). The bovine material makes up by far the largest portion of the total collection amounting to 59% of the total material. This comes as no surprise as cattle appears to have made up most of the animal diet on board of contemporary ships (Söderlind 2006). The composition of cattle bones further supports another claim laid forth by Söderlind. All cattle bones from the Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia belong to parts of the animal that contain the most meat, whereas no bones were found from the parts that had little meat compared to their relative size. This would include for example bones from the foot. After beef, pork makes up the second largest concentration of finds (19%). Again the preference
Results of the artefact study for parts of the animal carrying the most meat was evident. In this case various larger leg bones account for most of the material. Pork was ideal for heavy salting and therefore for long-term storage on board a vessel.
In much smaller numbers other groups of animals were also represented in the material. Small light bones from poultry show that birds must also have been present on board and potentially even kept as livestock. Bones of at least two horses were also found. This is indicated by the presence of three femurs, which means that at least two, possibly three horses are represented. Another curious group of smaller bones could not be safely identified to a single species but are most likely either sheep or dog. Both would be possible as sheep could have been a potential food supply and it also known that dogs were sometimes kept on board ships to help catching rats. As dogs can be trained more easily than cats, they were often trained specifically for this task.
might also speak for the interpretation that the food supplies were stored in this part of the vessel. Overall the animal bone remains provide an interesting glimpse into the food supply and provisions on a Swedish ship of the line in the early 18th century.
Conclusion The relatively high number of animal bones found in the excavation suggests that the material had not travelled far from its original location. This implies that it either formed part of the shipâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s food supplies stored in the lower hold of the vessel or else was thrown into the hold by the salvage crew, using the water-filled hold to get rid of food waste. This could explain some of the more unusual remains, such as poultry, since provisions would have come from land on a regular basis thus not needing the heavily salted provisions of a seagoing vessel. Considering the high status of capturing such a prestigious ship, the salvage crew may also have been given privileged food allowances. However, overall the species types and nature of preserved bones appears to be largely in line of what can be expected on a Swedish naval vessel of this period. In this context the presence of remains of wooden casks in the surrounding area could also be of significance. Casks of various sizes were often used to contain food supplies potentially indicating that the animal bones belonged to food supplies formerly contained in these casks.
Normally one type of food would have been kept in the same or similar size of cask. For example, a rule of thumb for the casks containing salted meat was that one layer of meat, should be one dayâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s supply (SĂśderlind 2006). The find location in the lower hold also in proximity to the galley
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
6. Conclusion and outlook
While the 2011 field school on the wreck of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia first and foremost served as a learning opportunity for students from the Maritime Archaeology Programme at the University of Southern Denmark, the archaeological objectives set for this excavation season could also be achieved. Based on the datum system established in 2010, a trench was excavated through the ballast mound and the exposed timbers were recorded. In addition, the ammunition trails in the direct surroundings of the wreck site could be recorded and the known trail of guns in the area could be examined more closely.
In line with the in-situ management strategy for the site, the excavation was limited to a relatively small area and all work was carried out with as little impact on the site as possible. The excavated trench was filled with sandbags and covered with ballast stones after recording. The guns located in the gun trail were recorded in their concreted state and then labelled. With the exception of an exposed grape shot, the ammunition trail was not interfered with. The present report presents the data gathered during the 2011 field season. Rather than aiming at summarising the project as a whole, it discusses selected topics and represents a sequel to the previous field school report (Auer 2011).
galley in the hold of the vessel are more indicative of Dutch shipbuilding, with comparative examples found exclusively in Dutch sources (see section 4.2). These observations raise some interesting questions:
»» How engrained were the Dutch shipbuilding traditions in Sweden after a long period of Dutch influence before the arrival of the first English shipwrights? How much influence did the English shipwrights have on the actual construction process? »» What was the division of work on Swedish naval shipyards? Was the shipwright solely responsible for naval architecture, the design of the vessel, or was he in charge of construction as well? Alternatively, one could ask, in as how far the preserved written sources reflect actual ship construction practice in England.
As archaeological sources for the period in question are scarce and the construction of preserved shipwrecks is often dealt with insufficiently, it is currently not possible to answer the questions raised above. Future fieldwork on contemporary wrecks or an in-depth analysis of the hull structure of known ship finds might help improve the understanding of naval ship design and construction in the late 17th century and early 18th century Sweden.
6.2 Surrounding area Although excavation was limited and only the upper surface of parts of the inner structure of the vessel were exposed and recorded, the analysis of the ship construction yielded interesting results.
Based on the fact that the shipwright in charge of constructing Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia, John Francis Sheldon, was from a family of English shipbuilders, it was assumed that the ship was built following English principles and English sources were consulted for the preliminary analysis carried out in 2010 (Auer 2011). However, the shallow keelson assembly described in the present report, as well as the likely location of the
With both ammunition trails and the gun trail on the seabed recorded to archaeological standards, it is becoming easier to understand and reconstruct the chain of events that lead to the stranding and subsequent capture and salvage of the Swedish fleet. However, a high resolution sidescan and magnetometer survey would help to locate the temporary resting places of the other Swedish warships and thus to fully reconstruct the events in 1715.
Conclusion and outlook 6.3â&#x20AC;&#x201A;Artefact study
Following on from last year, an effort has been made to carry out a detailed study of selected artefact groups and artefacts (see section 5). However, as pointed out in 2010 (Auer 2011), this is by no means a full comparative study of the material culture.
Ultimately the data gathered during two fieldwork seasons should be integrated, fully analysed and presented in a single volume.
While the present artefact study helps to illustrate life on board a Swedish warship in the first quarter of the 18th century, a lot of questions remain open and a number of objects could not be identified. A future publication should integrate the artefact catalogues in volume one and two of the report and include a full comparative study of the material culture on board.
All objectives set for the 2011 field season were achieved. Although a wreck site like that of Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia always presents potential for further work and study, cost and benefit of further intrusive fieldwork should be carefully weighed up. Another important factor to consider is the current in situ management strategy for the site. An extension of the existing trench and a removal of the ceiling planking would certainly produce more knowledge on the construction of the Swedish warship, but it would also represent a major impact on the preserved hull structure and would raise problems regarding the conservation of lifted timbers and the in situ protection of the remaining hull. Such a step should therefore be carefully considered. A detailed geophysical survey of the area around the shipwreck could be the first stage of further investigations. A geophysical survey would facilitate the planning of future diving fieldwork and would enhance our understanding of the site.
The archive study in section 2 is based entirely on Danish material. In order to provide a more complete picture and to contrast the perception of the events in Denmark and Sweden, the Swedish archives should be consulted as well.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
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Auer, J. 2004. Fregatten Mynden: a 17th -century Danish Frigate Found in Northern Germany. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 33(2): p.264–280. Auer, J. 2008. Fregat and snau : Small cruisers in the Danish navy 1650-1750. University of Southern Denmark. Auer, J. ed. 2011. Fieldwork report Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia 2010. Esbjerg: Maritime Archaeology Programme, University of Southern Denmark. Belasus, M. 2002. Ein Schiffsgeschütz aus der Kieler Förde. In O. Nakoinz (ed) Starigard Jahresbericht des Fördervereins für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der CAU Kiel, Kiel: Fördervereins für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der CAU Kiel
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Cessford, C. 2001. The Archaeology of the clay pipe and the study of smoking. Assemblage: The Sheffield Graduate Journal of Archaeology (6): online version. Chaix, L., & Méniel, P. 2001. Archéozoologie : Les animaux et l’archéologie. Errance.
Cole, G.S. 1892. A complete dictionary of dry goods and history of silk, cotton, linen, wool and other fibrous substances,: Including a full explanation of the modern ... together with various useful tables Revised. Chicago: W.B. Conkey Co.
Dik, G. 1994. De Zeven Provinciën : een poging tot reconstructie, mede aan de hand van de nog bestaande Van de Velde-tekeningen, van’s lands schip de Zeven Provinciën van 80-86 stukken, gebouwd voor de 2. dr. Franeker: Van Wijnen. Duco, D.H. 1981. The Clay Tobacco Pipe in Seventeenth Century Netherlands. In P. Davey (ed) The Archaeology of the Clay Tobacco Pipe.B.A.R International Series, 368–468. Oxford: B.A.R International Series Endsor, R. 2009. The Restoration Warship: The Design, Construction and Career of a Third Rate of Charles II’s Navy. London: Conway. Fawsitt, S. 2010. Casks & 16th Century Trade in Northern Europe: A Study of the Cargo from the Drogheda Boat. Esbjerg: Maritime Archaeology Programme, Universtity of Southern Denmark.
Fraikin, J. 1981. Pipe Makers in Wallonia. In Peter Davey (ed) The Archaeology of the Clay Tobacco Pipe.B.A.R. International Series, 82. Oxford, England: B.A.R. International Series
References Frantzen, O.L. 1999. Svenske Stöbejernskanoner i dansk tjenste 1660-1814. In Athena och Ares, 147– 160. Stockholm
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Gojak, D., & Stuart, I. 1999. The potential for the archaeological study of clay tobacco pipes from Australian sites. Australasian Historical Archaeology. Available at: http://ashadocs.org/aha/17/17_04_ Gojak.pdf [Accessed September 6, 2011].
Goodwin, P. 1987. The Construction and Fitting of the Sailing Man of War 1650-1850. London, England: Conway Maritime Press.
Goubitz, O., Driel-Murray, C.V., & Waateringe, W.G.-V. 2007. Stepping Through Time: Archaeological Footwear from Prehistoric Times Until 1800. Stichting Promotie Archeologie. Grenier, R., Stevens, W., & Bernier, M.A. eds. 2007. The Underwater Archaeology of Red Bay: Basque Shipbuilding and Whaling in the 16th Century. Ottawa: Parks Canada. Higgins, D.A. 1997. The identification, analysis and interpretation of tobacco pipes from wrecks. In M. Redknap (ed) Artifacts from Wrecks: Dated Assemblages from the Late Middle Ages to the Industrial Revolution, 129–136. Oxford: Oxbow Books
Höck, A. 1974. Wanfrid und seine Töpferei in der Zeit um 1600. In J. Naumann (ed) Meisterwerke hessischer Töpferkunst. Katalog der Staatlichen Kunstsammlung Kassel Nr. 5, 7–14. Kassel Hoving, A.J. 1994. Nicolaes Witsens Scheeps-Bouw-Konst Open Gestelt. Franeker.
Huggert, A. 2007. Hundraåriga kritpipor i bruk bland samer i 1890-talets Lappmark. Fornvännen (103)
Jäfvert, E. 1938. Skomod och skotillverkning från medeltiden till våra dagar. Stockholm: Kooperativa förbundets bokförlag. Johannessen, T. 2011. Kanonbenevnelser. Arkeliet. Available at: http://arkeliet.no/cms/index. php?page=kanonbenevnelser [Accessed April 12, 2012]. Johansson, B.A. 1985. Regalskeppet Kronan. Höganäs: Bra Böcker. Kilby, K. 1990. The Cooper and His Trade. Linden Publishing.
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Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
Appendix I List of timbers recorded on and around the wreck. Timbers are listed by their unique timber ID. See Plan 4, Appendix IV for information on their location.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia ID
Floor timber or futtock, only partially exposed, sided 43.5cm, moulded 33cm
Floor timber or futtock, only partially exposed and heavily concreted, sided ca. 36cm
Floor timber or futtock, barely protruding from ballast mound, could not be measured
Stringer or thick stuff near turn of bilge. Five trenails (diameter Mid Exposed length 2.57m, width 35cm, 4cm) and one iron bolt thickness 20cm (Diameter 3.5cm)
Rider, preserved length 2.71m, sided 48cm, moulded 53cm
Two iron bolts (diameter 3.5cm)
Visible length 1.78m, width 30cm
Two trenails (diameter Mid 4cm) and one square headed iron nail
Visible length 1.8m, width 23cm
Four trenails (diameter Mid 4-4.5cm)
Visible length 1.78m, width 37cm
Four trenails (diameter Mid 4-4.5cm), one square headed iron nail
Visible length 1.62m, width 39cm
Two trenails (diameter Mid 4cm) and two square headed iron nails
Visible length 12cm, visible width 18.5cm
Visible length 1.35m, width 40cm
One trenail (diameter 4cm) and one square headed iron nail
Elevated limber strake, visible length 99cm, width 29.5cm
Visible length 81.5cm, width 35.5cm, joined to 104
One trenail (diameter 4cm)
Visible length 32cm, width 30cm, joined One trenail (diameter to 103 3cm)
Visible length 1.15m, width 13cm, thickness 12cm, possibly part of galley substructure
Visible length 60cm, width 18cm, unknown function
Visible length 1.24m, preserved width 16.5cm, thickness 11cm,
Visible length 37cm, width 31cm
Visible length 47cm, width 39cm
One trenail (diameter 4.5cm)
Visible length 41cm, width 38cm
One square headed iron nail
Visible length 82cm, width 35.5cm, part None visible of keelson assembly adjoining 113/114
Elevated limber strake at the edge of trench, could not be measured
Appendix II Catalogue of finds made during the 2011 field season. Finds are presented in numerical order. Find locations can be found in section 5
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 600 Location: Trench area.
Red brick, possibly from galley construction. Length 26.5cm, width 12.5cm, thickness 7cm.
ID 601 Location: Trench area.
Fragments of a leather shoe sole. One fragment of heel with wooden studs still lodged in the preserved four layers of leather (7.5cm x 6cm). Second fragment of main part of sole, poorly preserved, but stitching visible (12cm x 8cm). ID 602 Location: Trench area.
Red brick, possibly from galley construction. Length 24cm, width 12.5cm, thickness 7cm.
ID 603 Location: Trench area.
Bone fragment, length 14.5cm.
ID 604 Location: Ammunition trail, 50m baseline, 22.1m, 2.05m left.
Intact grapeshot with wooden base and 16 iron shot of ca, 3.8cm diameter. Height of base 6.2cm, length of shaft 19.2cm, diameter of shaft 11.4cm, diameter of spindle 3.5cm. Shot were labelled 604-1 - 604-17.
ID 605 Location: Trench area.
Unknown object. Rope laid around a square shaft (1cm x 1cm) to form oval shape. Height 5.5cm, diameter 5.5cm. Reminds of sailorâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ropework, possibly handle decoration or cover for cross bar shot. ID 606 Location: Trench.
Piece of leather, with stitching visible on the side and a single wooden peg. Possibly part of a shoe sole. Length 9cm, width 4.3cm. ID 607 Location: Trench.
Leather fragment in two pieces with stitching visible on one side. Length 12cm, width 3cm.
ID 608 Location: Trench.
Two pieces of red earthenware with a brown glaze. The pieces fit together and form a rim fragment. Overall height 6.3cm, width 6cm. ID 609 Location: Trench.
Fragment of a side of a double sided bone comb, with different gauge teeth. Height 6.5cm, maximum width 2.5cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 610 Location: Trench.
Single musket shot, diameter 1cm.
ID 611 Location: Trench.
Two round pewter buttons with shank. Diameter without shank 1.2cm.
ID 612 Location: Trench.
Fragile leather fragments. Total length 8.4cm, width 6.9cm.
ID 613 Location: Trench.
Three leather fragments of shoe with stitching holes.
ID 614 Location: Trench..
Complete leather shoe, folded and in poor condition, but part of heel preserved. Length 27.7cm, width 13cm.
ID 615 Location: Trench.
Well preserved low shoe, possibly latchet shoe, with birch bark heel. Length 26.2cm, width 13.8cm, heel height 4.4cm.
ID 616 Location: Trench.
Two heavily degraded leather fragments, one with a wooden peg lodged in it. Possibly part of a shoe sole. ID 617 Location: Trench.
Assemblage of four parts of a barrel, including two parts of a lid, and fragments of a stave and hoop. The most well preserved part (pictured) is the middle part of a cask lid with evidence of chime on the outside edges and two pegs in the flat side. Length 29.5cm, width 9.8cm. ID 618 Location: Trench.
Rim fragment of a red earthenware plate. Painted underglaze decoration on the inside. Possibly Werra ware. Length 16.9cm, width 6.9cm. ID 619 Location: Trench.
Small fragment of red earthenware with painted underglaze decoration on the inside. Length 3cm, width 1.5cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 620 Location: Trench.
Lead shot, diameter 1cm.
ID 621 Location: Trench.
Well preserved modified clay pipe with bowl (diameter 1.7cm), modified stem (length 4.3cm, diameter 6mm) and sewn leather component (length 11.4cm). ID 622 Location: Trench.
Small fragment of clay pipe stem. Length 2cm, diameter 5mm.
ID 623 Location: Trench.
Tripod foot of red earthenware pipkin with clear inside glaze. Height 7cm.
ID 624 Location: Trench.
Well preserved wooden spoon with carved handle. Bowl slightly damaged. Length 15cm, maximum width of bowl 6.5cm.
ID 625 Location: Trench.
Two fragments of a clay pipe stem with decoration, which fit together. Overall length 7.3cm, diameter 7mm.
ID 626 Location: Trench.
Horn button with broken shank. Diameter 2.5cm, thickness (of button) 5mm.
ID 627 Location: Trench.
Unknown copper alloy object with oval shape and one folded flat side. Five fastening holes are visible. Length 3.6cm, width 2.2cm.
ID 628 Location: Trench.
Base fragment of green glass from drinking glass or small bottle. Diameter 6.8cm.
ID 629 Location: Trench.
Six fragmented and fragile pieces of barrel hoops.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 630 Location: Trench.
Rim fragment of a pipkin or jug. Red earthenware with clear inside glaze. Length 17cm, height 6.2cm.
ID 631 Location: Trench.
Two radially split oak barrel stave fragments with chiv, chime and croze visible. The fragments are from different containers. First fragment: Length 26.5cm, width 9.5cm. Second fragment: Length 34.5cm, width 12.8cm. ID 632 Location: Trench.
Cant and centre piece of a cask lid and barrel stave found together. The two lid pieces are from the same lid, pegs and peg holes are present. The stave fragment has chime, chiv and croze preserved on one side. Hoop impressions are visible. Length of cask pieces: 35.7cm and 40.5cm. ID 633 Location: Trench.
Handle of red earthenware, unglazed. Length 5.9cm, bottom width 5.3cm.
ID 634 Location: Trench.
Possible lead net sinker. Boat shaped with a flat ledge with two holes on one side. Length 5cm, width 2.2cm.
ID 635 Location: Trench.
Undecorated clay pipe stem fragment. Length 10.6cm, diameter 8mm, tapering to 6mm.
ID 636 Location: Trench.
Undecorated clay pipe stem fragment. Length 4.3cm, diameter 6mm, tapering to 2mm.
ID 637 Location: Trench.
Worked, trapezoidal piece of flint, possibly gunflint. Bottom width 2.8cm, height 2.4cm.
ID 638 Location: Trench.
Heavily corroded and fragmented thin metal sheet with a blue discolouration. Maximum length 7.9cm, maximum width 4.2cm. ID 639 Location: Trench.
Flattened lead object. Possibly shot or gaming piece. Diameter 7mm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 640 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware body fragment with dark grey/ black inside glaze maesuring 4.9cm x 3.7cm.
ID 641 Location: Trench.
Base fragment of white glass, possibly from a drinking glass. Base diameter 2.5cm, preserved height 4cm. ID 642 Location: Trench.
Assemblage of eight leather fragments with visible stitching, possibly from a shoe.
ID 643 Location: Trench.
Crescent shaped, wooden cleat with sub rectangular central notch. Two fastening holes with a diameter of 7mm on the top. Length 16.5cm, maximum height 4.5cm. ID 644 Location: Trench.
Clay pipe stem fragment. Length 4.6cm, diameter 5mm.
ID 645 Location: Trench.
Clay pipe stem fragment. Length 1.2cm, diameter 5mm.
ID 646 Location: Trench.
Jewel shaped hollow brass sphere with a diameter of 1.2cm. Possibly brass button with shank broken off. ID 647 Location: Trench..
Semicircular cant piece of a barrel lid from oak. Two pegs preserved in the flat side. Length 42.5cm, maximum width 14.7cm.
ID 648 Location: Trench.
Assemblage of four barrel stave fragments from oak. Found in the same context, but probably not from the same barrel. Fragment 1: length 47.5cm, width 11.4cm. Fragment 2: length 47.4cm, width 7.3cm. Fragment 3: Length 41.5cm, width 12cm. Fragment 4: Length 58.8cm, width 7.5cm. ID 649
Almost complete leather shoe, possibly a boot, with conical heel. The shoe is filled with straw. The heel is built up from leather. Length 28cm, width 10.5cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 650 Location: Trench.
Nearly complete cask stave, fragmented into five pieces. Both ends of the stave have chime, chiv and croze present Outside of the stave is chamfered along edges. Two cut like marks across the width of stave. Length 76.5cm, width 10.6cm. ID 651 Location: Trench.
Heavily fragmented and fragile rope remains.
ID 652 DISCARDED
ID 653 Location: Trench.
Single lead shot, diameter 2.9cm.
ID 654 Location: Trench.
Oval wooden handle for tool or knife. Length 7.7cm, diameter 2.6cm.
ID 655 Location: Trench.
Copper alloy eye, part of hook and eye fastener. Length 1.4cm.
ID 656 Location: Trench.
Two pewter or copper alloy buttons with cast shank. Remains of leather visible in the shank. First button: Total length 1.4cm, diameter 1.1cm. Second button: Total length 1.6cm, diameter 1.1cm. ID 657 Location: Trench.
Four pieces of presumably flat glass.
ID 658 Location: Trench.
Wooden gaming pieces, decorated with a carved cross on one side. Diameter 1.9cm.
ID 659 Location trench.
Piece of pipe stem. Length 3.7cm, diameter 7mm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 660 Location: Trench.
Very fragile sample of rope.
ID 661 Location: Trench.
Pewter or copper alloy button with cast shank, still attached to leather fabric. Total length 1.1cm, diameter 1cm. ID 662 Location: Trench.
Copper alloy eye of hook and eye fastener. Length 1.4cm.
ID 663 Location: Trench.
Rectangular wooden measuring stick, recovered in three pieces (663, 727). Length 7.5cm, 13,9cm and 7.7cm respectively. Width 1.4cm, height 1.1cm. Marked with 1mm wide grooves at an interval of 24mm â&#x20AC;&#x201C; 25mm. One mark starshaped. ID 664 Location: Trench.
Unknown lead object. Length 4.3cm, width 2.3cm.
ID 665 Location: Trench.
Tripod foot of a pipkin. Red earthenware with brown inside glaze. Length 4.6cm.
ID 666 Location: Trench.
Fragment of three stranded rope laid with Z-twist. Length 12.5cm.
ID 667 Location: Trench.
Flat pewter button with attached shank. Diameter 1.5cm, length of shank 1.2cm.
ID 668 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Barrel stave fragment of radially split oak. Chiv, chime and u-shaped croze preserved on one side. Length 26.4cm. ID 669 Location: Trench.
Small wooden chock, worked with an axe. Length 7.6cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 670 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Semicircular cant piece of cask lid with bevelled edges, made from oak. Length 45.5cm, width 18.16cm.
ID 671 Location: Trench.
Well preserved leather belt or baldric. Length 74cm, width 25mm. Impressions and leather preparation indicate that the belt was originally fastened with a frame style buckle with prong. ID 672 Location: Trench.
Three pieces of leather, presumably from a bag or pouch. Found together with 671, 667 and 38 lead shot (678). Best preserved piece is of thicker leather and measures 20.5cm x 12.5cm. ID 673 Location: Trench.
Pipe bowl marked with a crowned R (Reijnier van Leeuwen, Gouda (1696-1730). Height 4.4cm, diameter 2cm. ID 674 Location: Trench.
Piece of three stranded cordage, laid with a Z-twist. Length 12cm, diameter 3cm.
ID 675 Location: Trench.
Worked piece of flint, possibly gunflint. Length 3.6cm, width 3.5cm.
ID 676 Location: Trench.
Lead shot. Diameter 1.9cm.
ID 677 Location: Trench.
Iron shot, probably from grapeshot. Diameter 3.7cm.
ID 678 Location trench.
38 lead shot, recovered together with 672. 23 shot diameter 18mm-20mm and 15 shot diameter 12mm-14mm. Five shot were found during cleaning of 672. ID 679 Location: Trench.
Two pieces of red earthenware with white inside glaze, possibly of a plate. Piece 1 8cm x 8.3cm, piece 2 5.6cm x 4.2cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 680 Location: Trench.
Semicircular cant piece of a cask lid of radially split oak. The edge is bevelled and a single peghole with peg is preserved in the flat side. Length 35cm, width 10cm. ID 681 Location: Trench.
Carved wooden pipe case with decoration that vaguely reminds of a pistol butt plate. Height 5cm, preserved length 8.3cm. The part that takes the pipe bowl measures 3cm x 2.7cm. ID 682 Location: Trench.
Fragment of a red earthenware plate with white inside glaze. Length 5.3cm, width 2cm. Possibly part of the same plate as 683 and 679.
ID 683 Location: Trench.
Rim fragment of a red earthenware plate with white inside glaze, Four pieces that fit together. Possibly part of the same plate as 679 and 682. ID 684 Location: Trench.
Wooden fragment with a longitudinal groove cut into one side. Length 38cm, width 9.9cm, thickness 2.7cm. Possibly part of furniture.
ID 685 Location: Trench.
Copper alloy hook of hook and eye fastener. Length 1.3cm.
ID 686 Location: Trench.
Partially preserved shoe, possibly a mule, with a heel built up from layers of birch bark. Length 28cm, width 11cm. ID 687 Location: Trench.
Hemisphere made of wood. Height 5mm, diameter 1.7cm. Possibly a button or gaming piece.
ID 688 DISCARDED
ID 689 Location surface find near trench.
Piece of pipe stem. Length 5.7cm, diameter 5mm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 690 Location: Trench.
Pipe bowl with landman heel mark, Pieter Engelen van der Put, Gouda (1705-1736). Length 3.5cm, diameter 1.9cm.
ID 691 Location: Trench.
Rope fragment made up of two strands laid with an S-twist. Length 11.7cm, diameter 2.3cm.
ID 692 Location: Trench.
Fragment of unmarked clay pipe bowl. Length 2.6cm, diameter 2.1cm.
ID 693 Location: Trench.
Rim fragment of red earthenware beaker or jug with brown inside glaze. Length 3.5cm, height 1.8cm. ID 694 Location: Surface find trench area.
Wood fragment with bevelled notch and circular hole. Length 18.5cm, width 6cm. Possibly part of a cleat.
ID 695 Location trench.
Small piece of red earthenware with green inside glaze. 2.5cm x 2.6cm, thickness 8mm.
ID 696 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware rim fragment with clear inside glaze. Length 9.1cm, height 3.9cm.
ID 697 Location: Trench.
Lead shot, diameter 1.3cm.
ID 698 Location: Trench.
Fragmented, unmarked clay pipe bowl and stem, broken in three pieces.
ID 699 Location: Trench.
Body fragment of red earthenware with clear inside glaze and wavy pattern on the outside. Length 5cm, height 4cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 700 Location: Trench.
Copper alloy chape of a sheath with wooden lining. Length 7cm, width 1.4cm.
ID 701 Location: Trench.
Small lead object with flattened sides. Diameter 6mm.
ID 702 Location: Trench.
Wooden stopper for a flask. Chamfered on the lower part for easier insertion. Height 4.4cm, diameter 2.5cm.
ID 703 Location trench.
Piece of clay pipe stem. Length 4.3cm, diameter 8mm.
ID 704 Location: Trench.
Fragmented clay pipe bowl with decorated rim and makers mark on the heel. Crowned WL, Willem Luijnenburg, Gouda (1708-1727). Height 4.4cm, diameter 1.7cm.
ID 705 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware body fragment with clear inside glaze and wave pattern on outside (8cm x 8.5cm).
ID 706 Location: Surface find, trench area. Lead shot, diameter 2cm.
ID 707 Location: Trench.
Twisted lead object, length 3.8cm.
ID 708 Location: Trench.
Fragile cordage fragment made up of five? strands laid with an S-twist. Length 14cm, diameter 1.5cm. ID 709 Location: Trench.
Clay pipe stem fragment. Length 6cm, diameter 7mm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 710 Location: Trench.
Rope fragment, three strands laid with a Z-twist. Length 36cm, diameter 4cm.
ID 711 Location: Trench.
Cordage fragments with a knot. Three strands laid with a Z-twist. Length varies, diameter 1cm.
ID 712 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Red earthenware body fragment with white inside glaze. Length 10.1cm, width 4.5cm.
ID 713 Location: Trench.
Heavily concreted complete shoe, possibly a latchet shoe. Length 26cm.
ID 714 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware rim fragment with grey inside glaze. Length 7cm.
ID 715 Location: Trench.
Body fragment of glazed stoneware, possibly Westerwald, 3.4cm x 2.8cm.
ID 716 Location: Unknown.
174 lead shot of varying diameters, but mostly 17mm, found by Rolf Lorenz.
ID 717 Location: Trench.
Three leather fragments, possibly from a shoe. Varying dimensions.
ID 718 Location: Trench.
Rectangular whetstone broken into three pieces. Length 21.2cm, width 2.3cm, height 2cm.
ID 719 Location: GPS position, surroundings of wreck site.
Copper alloy or pewter semicircular object, possibly a disc, folded. Could be a coin or decoration on clothing. Surface decoration is worn off and not legible anymore. Former diameter 6cm. Found by Rolf Lorenz.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 720 Location: Unknown.
Lead shot of 10mm and 14mm diameter. 10mm: 101 shot finished, 107 shot with casting knot. 14mm: 3 shot finished, 19 shot with casting knot. Found by Rolf Lorenz. ID 721 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware body fragment with clear inside glaze. Length 9cm, width 7cm.
ID 722 Location: Trench.
Neck of a green glass bottle, cork still attached. Length 6cm, diameter at ... 2.8cm.
ID 723 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware body fragment with green inside glaze and wave pattern on outside. Length 5.5cm, width 3.7cm. ID 724 Location trench.
Piece of clay pipe stem. Length 2.9cm, diameter 6mm.
ID 725 Location: Trench.
Body fragment of flat green glass (2.8cm x 2cm).
ID 726 Location trench.
Piece of clay pipe stem. Length 2.6cm, diameter 6mm.
ID 727 Location: Trench.
Concreted part of measuring stick 663. Length 7.7cm.
ID 728 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware rim fragment of a pipkin? Brown inside glaze. eight 6cm, length 12.7cm.
ID 729 Location: Trench.
Fragile leather piece with stitching around edge. Length 14.8cm, width 7.9cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 730 Location: Trench.
Base and body fragment of a red earthenware jug. Ouside decorated with wave pattern, inside with olive glaze. Base diameter 15cm.
ID 731 Location: Trench.
Twisted piece of copper alloy wire, possibly for repairs, etc.
ID 732 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware body fragment. Outside decorated with wave/ ripple patter, inside glazed with olive glaze. Length 9.5cm.
ID 733 Location: surface find, trench area.
Broken piece of clay pipe stem. Combined length 3cm, diameter 5mm.
ID 734 Location: Trench.
Faience rim fragment, white glaze, 3.5cm x 3.5cm.
ID 735 Location: Trench.
Clay pipe bowl fragment with rim decoration and makerâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s mark on the bowl: Snake, Aris Simonsz Vermeal, Gouda (1709-1716). Height 4.6cm, bowl diameter 2cm. ID 736 Location: surface find, trench area.
Piece of clay pipe stem with decoration. Length 3.2cm, diameter 7mm.
ID 737 Location: Trench.
Three shards of green glass, possibly from a container. Dimensions vary.
ID 738 Location: Trench.
Red earthenware body fragment with olive inside glaze and wave/ ripple pattern on outside, 4,2cm x 4.5cm. ID 739 Location: Trench.
Irregularly shaped piece of lead.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 740 Location: Surface find, trench area. Lead shot, diameter 1.8cm.
ID 741 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Knife handle of horn or bone, possibly for cutlery. Six sided section, tapering in width from 1.4cm to 1.8cm. 0.4mm hole visible on both sides. Length 7.3cm. ID 742 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Piece of clay pipe stem. Length 4.4cm, diameter 7mm.
ID 743 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside. 6.7cm x 3.3cm.
ID 744 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside. 4.1cm x 2.2cm.
ID 745 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside. 3.2cm x 2.2cm.
ID 746 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside. 2.7cm x 2cm.
ID 747 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside. 5cm x 3.7cm.
ID 748 Location: Trench.
Piece of leather with stitching marks, folded in three when found. Length 24.2cm, width 11.9cm.
ID 749 Location: Trench.
Broken barrel stave with intact chime chiv and croze on one end. Length 12.7cm, width 8.7cm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
ID 750 Location: Trench.
Centre piece of a cask lid. Two peg holes in one side, with one peg remaining,. edges bevelled. Length 44.5cm, width 11.5cm.
ID 751 Location: Trench.
Barrel stave fragment of radially split oak. Chime, chiv and croze present on one side, on the other side only the chiv is preserved. Chamfered edges. Length 61cm, width 12.5cm. ID 752 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside. 3.2cm x 2cm.
ID 753 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Red earthenware body fragment, inside with clear glaze, outside with wave/ ripple pattern.
ID 754 Location: Surface find, trench area.
Fragment of red earthenware, glazed on the inside (white). 3.1cm x 2.2cm.
Appendix III Report on the clay pipes from Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia by Arne Ă&#x2026;kerhagen.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
Rapport över kritpipor funna på vraket efter Prinsessa Hedvig Sophia. Förlist vid Kiel i Östersjön 1715. Samtliga 4 piphuvuden är av en typ som tillverkades 1700-‐1715.
673. Holländsk pipa med klackmärke krönt ”R”. Trolig tillverkare Reijnier van Leeuwen, verksam i Gouda 1696-‐1730.
690. Holländsk pipa med klackmärke ”Lantman”. Trolig tillverkare Pieter Engelen van der Put, verksam i Gouda 1705-‐1736.
704. Holländsk pipa med klackmärke krönt ”WL”. Trolig tillverkare Willem Luijnenburg, verksam io Gouda 1708-‐1727.
735. Holländsk pipa med märke ”Orm” på huvudets framsida. Trolig tillverkare Aris Simonsz. Vermeal, verksam i Gouda 1709-‐1716. Vendelsö 6 oktober 2011. Arne Åkerhagen Tobaks-‐& Tämdsticksmuseum Stockholm.
Prinsessan Hedvig Sophia
Appendix IV Oversize (A3) plans and drawings referred to in the text.
Datum point 1
Datum point 10
Datum point 2
Datum point 9
Stern Datum point 8
Datum point 3
Datum point 7
Datum point 5 Cross section across ballast mound
Datum point 6 Datum point 4
Trilateration datum point
Plan 1: Site overview plan.
Princessan Hedvig Sophia 2011
Fieldschool 2010/2011 Fieldschool 2011 JA
Plan 2: Site plan including the ammunition trails.
Princessan Hedvig Sophia 2011
Fieldschool 2010/2011 Fieldschool 2011 JA
Hedvig Sophia Wreck Ammunitions Trail
Plan 3: Gun trail and ammunition trail seen in relation to the wreck site.
Princessan Hedvig Sophia 2011
Fieldschool 2010/2011 Fieldschool 2011 JA
102 123 106 119
Iron nails Trenails
Plan 4: Plan view and section through the excavated trench.
Princessan Hedvig Sophia 2011
Fieldschool 2011 AS, CP JA
Arch채ologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein