TheProblemofJournalism:apolitical economiccontributiontoanexplanationofthe crisisincontemporaryUSjournalism
ROBERTW.McCHESNEY UniversityofIllinoisatUrbana-Champaign,USAABSTRACT InthisarticleIpresentapoliticaleconomiccritiqueofcontemporaryUSjournalism,emphasizing theoriginsandlimitationsofprofessionaljournalism,thecommercialattackuponjournalism,andthe right-wingcritiqueoftheliberalmedia.Inmyview,theUSpolityisenmeshedinadeepcrisisand thecollapseofaviablejournalismisasignificantfactor—butbynomeanstheonlyone—inexplainingthe shriveledanddilapidatedstateofUSdemocracy.Apoliticaleconomicanalysisstressesthatthereasonsfor lousyjournalismstemnotfrommorallybankruptoruntalentedjournalists,butfromastructurethatmakes suchjournalismtherationalresultofitsoperations.Henceifweareseriousaboutproducingajournalism andpoliticalculturesuitabletoaself-governingsociety,itismandatorythattherebestructuralchangeinthe mediasystem.Thismeansexplicitandmajorchangesinthepublicpoliciesthathavecreatedandspawned themediastatusquo.
KEY WORDS: Journalism,Democracy,Ownership,Professionalism,StructuralCritique,LiberalMedia
Democratictheorygenerallypositsthatsociety needsajournalismthatisarigorouswatchdog ofthoseinpowerandwhowanttobein power,canferretouttruthfromlies,andcan presentawiderangeofinformedpositionson theimportantissuesoftheday.Eachmedium neednotdoallofthesethings,butthemedia systemasawholeshouldmakethiscaliberof journalismreadilyavailabletothecitizenry. Howasocietycanconstructamediasystem thatwillgeneratesomethingapproximating democraticjournalismisafundamentalproblemforafreesociety,aspowerfulintereststend towishtodominatetheflowofinformation.
InthisarticleIattempttoprovideapolitical economicframeworkforexplainingwhycontemporaryUSjournalismissuchafailureonall threeoftheabovecounts.Ifirstlookattherise ofprofessionaljournalismroughly100years ago,andsomeoftheproblemsfordemocracy inherenttothemannerinwhichitdevelopedin theUnitedStates.Ithenassessthetwo-pronged attackontheautonomyofprofessionaljournalismthathastakenplaceoverthepastgener-
DOI:10.1080/1461670032000099688
ation.InthesecondsectionIdiscussthecommercialattackonprofessionaljournalismand inthethirdsectionIassesstheconservative critiqueofthe“liberal”media.Incombination, I argue,thesethreefactorsexplainthepathetic stateofUSjournalismintheearly21stcentury. Theimplicationsofmyargumentarethata commitmenttoanythingremotelyresembling bonafide democracyrequiresavastlysuperior journalism,andwecanonlyrealisticallyexpect suchajournalismiftherearesweepingchanges inmediapoliciesandstructurestomakesucha journalismarationalexpectation.
Myarticlealsoaspirestodemonstratethe importanceofpoliticaleconomicanalysisto journalismstudies.Itiscommonlythoughtthat thepoliticaleconomiccritiqueofUSjournalism iscenteredonlookingathowlargemedia corporations,mediaconcentrationandadvertiserscorruptthepublicserviceofjournalism, undermineitsprofessionalism,andkeepit frombeingseriousandnonpartisan,ifnot objective.Somecriticsofthepoliticaleconomic approacharguethatthecritiqueisthereforeof
limitedvalue,becauseithasatendencyto overplayitshand,anddownplaytheimportanceofprofessionalvaluesinjournalism (Hallin,1994,pp.11–3;Schudson,1995,p.4). Thesechargesaremisguided.Ontheonehand, thenotionofprofessionaljournalismisarelativelyrecentphenomenon,andonewithan importanthistory.Itdidnotfallfromthesky andlandinthenewsroomof TheNewYork Times.On theotherhand,itisapoliticaleconomiccritiquethatbestexplainstheriseand natureofprofessionaljournalismasithascome intopracticeintheUnitedStates.Politicaleconomyisnotthe only analysisthatexplainsprofessionalism,butitisindispensabletoany analysis.1 Atanyrate,thebottomlineisclear: graspingtheoriginsandnatureofprofessional journalismisthenecessarystartingpointfor anycritiqueofcontemporaryjournalism,politicaleconomicorotherwise,thatisworthitssalt.
TheRiseofProfessionalJournalism
Thenotionthatjournalismshouldbepolitically neutral,nonpartisan,professional,even “objective,”didnotemergeuntilthe20thcentury.Duringthefirsttwoorthreegenerations oftherepublicsuchnotionsforthepresswould havebeennonsensical,evenunthinkable.The pointofjournalismwastopersuadeaswellas inform,andthepresstendedtobehighlypartisan.ThefreepressclauseintheFirstAmendmenttotheconstitutionwasseenasameansto protectdissidentpoliticalviewpoints,asmost newspaperswerecloselylinkedtopoliticalparties.Itwasunderstoodthatifthegovernment couldoutlaworcircumscribenewspapers,it couldeffectivelyeliminatetheabilityofoppositionpartiesormovementstomobilizepopularsupport.Itwouldkilldemocracy.Whatfew Americansknowisthatthegovernment activelysubsidizedthepressthroughprinting wellintothe19thcentury,andpostalsubsidies tothisday.Apartisanpresssystemhasmuch toofferademocraticsociety…aslongasthere arenumerouswell-subsidizedmediaproviding a broadrangeofopinion(Pasley,2001).
Duringthe19thcentury,thelogicofnewspaperpublishingchangedfrombeingprimarily political,tobeingprimarilycommercial.The
presssystemremainedexplicitlypartisan,butit increasinglybecameanengineofgreatprofits ascostsplummeted,populationincreased,and advertising—whichemergedasakeysourceof revenues—mushroomed.DuringtheCivilWar, PresidentLincolnfacedpresscriticism—from somenewspapersintheNorthernstates—that wouldmakethetreatmentofLyndonJohnson duringVietnam,RichardNixonduringWatergateorBillClintonduringhisimpeachment seemlikeadayatthebeach(Maihafer,2001).A majorcitylikeSt.Louis,forexample,hadat least10dailynewspapersformuchofthemiddletolate19thcentury.Eachnewspaperwould tendtorepresentthepoliticsoftheownerand ifsomeonewasdissatisfiedwiththeexisting choices,itwasnotimpossibletolaunchanew newspaper.Bycontemporarystandards,itwas a fairlycompetitivemarket.
Butitwasonlyamatteroftimebeforethere wouldbeaconflictbetweenthecommercial economicsofthepressanditsexplicitlypartisanpolitics.ItbecameagrowingproblemduringtheGildedAge.Followingthelogicof accumulation,thecommercialpresssystem becamelesscompetitiveandevermoreclearly thedomainofwealthyindividuals,whousuallyhadthepoliticalviewsassociatedwith theirclass.Commercialismalsofosteredcorruption,asnewspapersturnedtosensationalismandoutrightlyingtogeneratesales (Baldasty,1992,1999).Throughoutthisera, socialists,feminists,abolitionists,tradeunionists,andradicals writlarge tendedtoregardthe mainstreamcommercialpressasthemouthpieceoftheirenemies,andestablishedtheir ownmediatoadvancetheirinterests.Consider, forexample,theUnitedStatesintheearly 1900s.MembersandsupportersoftheSocialist PartyofEugeneV.Debspublishedsome325 Englishandforeignlanguagedaily,weeklyand monthlynewspapersandmagazines.Mostof thesewereprivatelyownedorwerethepublicationsofoneofthe5000SocialistPartylocals. Theyreachedatotalofmorethan2million subscribers(Streitmatter,2001). AppealtoReason, thesocialistnewspaperbasedinKansas, alonehadareadershipofnearlyamillion(Graham,1990).
FromtheGildedAgethroughtheProgress-
iveEra,aninstitutionalseachangetranspired inUSmedianotunliketheonetakingplacein thebroaderpoliticaleconomy.Ontheone hand,thedominantnewspaperindustry becameincreasinglyconcentratedintofewer chainsandthemajorityofcommunitiesonly hadoneortwodailies.Theeconomicsofadvertising-supportednewspaperserectedbarriersto entrythatmadeitvirtuallyimpossiblefor small,independentnewspaperstosucceed, despitetheprotectionoftheconstitutionfora “freepress.”Thedissidentpress,too,found mediamarketeconomicstreacherous,andlost muchofitscirculationandinfluencethroughoutthefirstthirdofthe20thcentury,farin excessofthedeclineininterestin“dissident” politics.(Howmuchthecollapseoftheindependentpresscontributedtothedemiseof popularpoliticsisamatterofnosmallimportanceinmediastudies.)
Atthebeginningofthe20thcenturythese developmentsledtoacrisisforUSjournalism. Itwasonethingtopositthatacommercial mediasystemworkedfordemocracywhen therewerenumerousnewspapersinacommunity,whenbarrierstoentrywererelatively low,andwhenimmigrantanddissidentmedia proliferatedwidely,aswasthecaseformuchof the19thcentury.Fornewspaperstobepartisan atthattimewasnobigproblembecausethere werealternativeviewpointspresent.Itwas quiteanotherthingtomakesuchaclaimbythe early20thcenturywhenmanycommunities onlyhadoneortwonewspapers,usually ownedbychainsorverywealthyandpowerful individuals.Everywhereconcentrationwason therise,almostnowherewerenewdailies beinglaunchedsuccessfullytoenterexisting markets.Forjournalismtoremainpartisanin thiscontext,forittoadvocatetheinterestsof theownersandtheadvertiserswhosubsidized it,wouldcastseveredoubtonthecredibilityof thejournalism.Likewise,sensationalismwas lessofaproblemwhentherewereseveralother newspapersinthecommunitytocounterit.
DuringtheProgressiveEracriticismofthe capitalistpressreachedfeverpitchinthe UnitedStates,andwasamajorthemeofmuckrakersandprogressivesocialcritics,toan extentneverequaledsubsequently(Goldstein,
1989,p.ix).Leadingreformers,likeRobertLa FolletteofWisconsin,arguedthatthecommercialpresswasdestroyingdemocracyinits rabidservicetothewealthy.AsHenryAdams putit,“Thepressisthehiredagentofamonied system,setupfornootherreasonthantotell lieswheretheinterestsareconcerned.”Criticismextendedacrossthepoliticalspectrum;in the1912presidentialraceallthreechallengers toPresidentTaft—Debs,Roosevelt,and Wilson—criticizedthecapitalistbiasofthe press.In1919UptonSinclairpublishedhis opus, TheBrassCheck, whichprovidedthefirst greatsystematiccritiqueofthelimitationsof capitalistjournalismforademocraticsociety. Sinclair’sbookwasfilledwithexampleafter exampleofexplicitlyinganddistortionofthe labormovementandsocialistpoliticsbythe mainstreampress.Itisworthnotingthathe challengedthosehecriticizedtofindanyerror inhisbook,andhehadnosuccessfultakers. TheAssociatedPressevenestablishedacommitteetoevaluatethebooksoitcould denounceSinclair’scharges;butthecommittee quietlyabandonedtheprojectwithoutcomment(Sinclair,2003).Inshort,itwaswidely thoughtthatjournalismwasexplicitclass propagandainawarwithonlyonesidearmed. Theparallelcritiqueofthepressarguedthat greedypublishersencouragedafraudulentsensationalisticjournalismthatplayedveryloose withthetruthtogeneratesales.Incombination, thewidespreadacceptanceofthesebeliefswas verydangerousforthebusinessofnewspaper publishing,asmanypotentialreaderswould findnewspapersincredible,propagandisticand unconvincing.
Itwasinthecauldronofcontroversy,during theProgressiveEra,thatthenotionofprofessionaljournalismcameofage.Savvypublishersunderstoodthattheyneededtohave theirjournalismappearneutralandunbiased, notionsentirelyforeigntothejournalismofthe republic’sfirstcentury,ortheirbusinesses wouldbefarlessprofitable.Theywould sacrificetheirexplicitpoliticalpowertolockin theireconomicposition.Publisherspushedfor theestablishmentofformal“schoolsofjournalism”totrainacadreofprofessionaleditorsand reporters.Noneoftheseschoolsexistedin1900;
by1920,allthemajorschoolssuchasColumbia,Northwestern,Missouri,andIndianawere infullswing.Therevolutionaryandunprecedentednotionofaseparationoftheeditorial operationsfromthecommercialaffairs— termedtheseparationofchurchandstate— becametheprofessedmodel.Theargument wentthattrainededitorsandreporterswere grantedautonomybytheownerstomakethe editorialdecisions,andthesedecisionswere basedontheirprofessionaljudgment,notthe politicsoftheownersandtheadvertisers,or theircommercialintereststomaximizeprofit. Astrainedprofessionals,journalistswould learntosublimatetheirownvaluesaswell. Readerscouldtrustwhattheyread,andnot worryaboutwhoownedthenewspaperorthat therewasamonopolyorduopolyintheircommunity.2 Indeed,ifeveryonefollowedprofessionalstandards,pressconcentrationwould becomeamootissue.Whoneededmorethan oneortwonewspapersifeverypaperbasically wouldenduprunningthesameprofessionally drivencontent?Ownerscouldselltheirneutral monopolynewspaperstoeveryoneinthecommunityandrakeintheprofits.
Ittookdecadesfortheprofessionalsystemto beadoptedbyallthemajorjournalisticmedia. Andduringthe1930sand1940sprominent journalistslikeGeorgeSeldesandHaywood Brounstruggledforavisionofprofessional journalismthatwasruthlesslyindependentof corporateandcommercialinfluence,avision thatcollapsedwiththesmashingofpopular politicsfollowingWorldWarII.Thefirsthalfof the20thcenturyisrepletewithownerslikethe ChicagoTribune’sColonelMcCormick,who usedtheirnewspaperstoadvocatetheirfiercely partisan(and,almostalways,far-right)views. WhentheNaziscametopower,forexample, the Tribune’sEuropeancorrespondentdefected totheGermanssohecoulddopro-NazishortwaveradiobroadcaststotheUnitedStates (BergmeierandLotz,1997,pp.70–3).Butby mid-centuryevenlaggardslikethe Tribune had beenbroughtintoline.InthefamedTribune BuildinginChicago,urbanlegendhasitthat editorialworkersandthebusinesssideofthe paperwereinstructedtouseseparateelevators, sotheeditorialintegrityofthenewspaper
wouldnotbesullied.Whatisimportantto rememberisthatprofessionaljournalism lookedawfullygoodcomparedtowhatit immediatelyreplaced.Theemphasisonnonpartisanshipandfactualaccuracy,thediscreditingofsensationalism,whocouldopposethat? Ithasbeenandisroundlyhailedasthesolution totheproblemofjournalism.
Overtimeithasbecomeclearthattherewas oneproblemwiththetheoryofprofessional journalism,aninsurmountableoneatthat.The claimthatitwaspossibletoprovideneutral andobjectivenewswassuspect,ifnotentirely bogus.Decision-makingisaninescapablepart ofthejournalismprocess,andsomevalues havetobepromotedwhendecidingwhyone storyratesfront-pagetreatmentwhileanother isignored.3 Thisdoesnotmeanthatsomejournalismcannotbemorenonpartisanormore accuratethanothers;itcertainlydoesnotmean thatnonpartisanandaccuratejournalism shouldnothaveaprominentroletoplayina democraticsociety.Itonlymeansthatjournalismcannotactuallybeneutralorobjective,and unlessoneacknowledgesthat,itisimpossible todetectthevaluesatplaythatdeterminewhat becomesnews,andwhatdoesnot.Theway journalismevolvedintheUnitedStateswasto incorporatecertainkeyvaluesintotheprofessionalcode;therewasnothingnaturally objectiveorprofessionalaboutthosevalues.In corerespectstheyrespondedtothecommercial andpoliticalneedsoftheowners,although theywereneverframedinsuchamanner.To theextentjournalistsbelievethatbyfollowing professionalcodestheyareneutralandfair— or,atleast,theyneednotentertainthequestion ofbias—theyareincapableofrecognizingand addressingthisinherentlimitationofthecraft. Scholarshaveidentifiedthreedeep-seated biasesthatarebuiltintotheprofessionalcode thatjournalistsfollow,andthathavedecidedly politicalandideologicalimplications.4 These biasesremaininplacetothisday;indeed,they arestrongerthanever.
First,toremovethecontroversyconnected withtheselectionofstories,professionaljournalismregardsanythingdonebyofficial sources,e.g.governmentofficialsandprominentpublicfigures,asthebasisforlegitimate
news.Inthepartisaneraofjournalism,newspaperswouldstandbehindstoryselectionas representingtheirvalues,whattheythought wasimportant.Suchanattitudewasanathema inprofessionaltimes.Relyingonsourcesasthe basisforlegitimatenewshelpedsolvethat problem.Then,ifchastisedbyreadersfor coveringaparticularstory,aneditorcouldsay, “hey,don’tblameus,theGovernor(orany otherofficialsource)saiditandwemerely reportedit.”Italsohastheimportantadded benefitofmakingthenewsfairlyeasyand inexpensivetocover;merelyputreporters whereofficialsourcescongregateandletthem reportwhattheysay.Thisisacrucialfactorin explainingwhycoverageoftheUSpresidency hasgrowndramaticallyduringthe20thcentury:therearereportersassignedtotheWhite Houseandtheyfilestoriesregularly,regardless ofwhatistakingplace.Inthelate19thcentury, coverageofthepresidentoccupiedmaybe2or 3 percentofthe“newshole”inUSnewspapers. Bythemiddletolate20thcentury,thepresidentdominated10–25percentofthenews, dependinguponthescopeofthesurvey.
Thelimitationsofthisrelianceuponofficial sourcesareself-evident.Itgivesthoseinpoliticaloffice(and,toalesserextent,business) considerablepowertosetthenewsagendaby whattheyspeakaboutand,justasimportant, whattheykeepquietabout.Whenajournalist darestoraiseanissuethatnoofficialsourceis talkingabout,heorsheisaccusedofbeing unprofessional,andattemptingtointroducehis orherownbiasesintothenews.Shrewdpoliticiansandpowerfulfigureslearnhowtouse journalisticconventionstotheiradvantage (Ponder,1998).Journalistsfindthemselves wheretheycannotantagonizetheirsourcestoo much,ortheymightgetcutoffandbecome ineffectual.Politicaljournalismhasoften degeneratedtosimplyreportingwhatsomeone inonepartysays,andthengettingareplyfrom someoneontheothersideoftheaisle,orwho takesadissentingpositionwithinthecommunityofofficialsources.Allinall,thereliance onofficialsourcesgivesthenewsaveryconventionalandmainstreamfeel,anddoesnot necessarilyleadtoarigorousexaminationof themajorissues.
Astheoldsayinggoes,themediadonot necessarilytellyourwhattothink,buttheytell youwhattothinkabout,andhowtothink aboutit.Ifonewantstoknowwhyastoryis gettingcovered,andwhyitisgettingcovered thewayitis,lookingatsourceswillturnupan awfullygoodanswerahighpercentageofthe time.Itisnotjustaboutwhetherastorywillbe coveredatall,but,rather,howmuchattention a storywillgetandthetoneofthecoverage.In viewofthefactthatlegitimatesourcestendto berestrictedtopoliticalandeconomicelites, thisbiassometimesmakesjournalistsappearto bestenographerstothoseinpower;i.e.exactly whatonewouldexpectinanauthoritarian societywithlittleornoformalpressfreedom.
Manyworkingjournalistswouldrecoilat thesestatements.Theirresponsewouldbethat professionalrelianceonofficialsourcesis justifiableas“democratic”becausetheofficial sourcesareelectedoraccountabletopeople whoareelectedbythecitizenry.Thisisnota dictatorship.Thereporter’sjobistoreport whatpeopleinpowersayandletthereader/ viewerdecidewhoistellingthetruth.The problemwiththisrationaleforstenographyis thatisitforgetsacriticalassumptionoffree presstheory:evenleadersdeterminedbyelectionneedarigorousmonitoring,therangeof whichcannotbedeterminedsolelybytheir electedopposition.Otherwisethecitizenryhas nowayoutofthe statusquo,no capacityto criticizethepoliticalcultureasawhole.Ifsuch a watchdogfunctiongrowslax,corruption invariablygrows,andtheelectoralsystem decays.
Inadditiontothisrelianceonofficialsources, expertsarealsocrucialtoexplaininganddebatingpolicy,especiallyincomplexstories.As withsources,expertsaredrawnalmostentirely fromtheestablishment.Studiesontheuseof newssourcesandexpertsinvariablypointto thestrongmainstreambiasbuiltintothenews. AnanalysisofnationalTVbroadcastnewsfor 2001,forexample,foundthatthesourcesand expertsusedwereoverwhelminglywhite, male,Republican,andwealthy.Theemphasis uponRepublicanscanbeexplainedmostlyby thefactofaRepublicanadministration.The newscoverspeopleinpower.Theyalsohave
seeminglyacceptedbusinessdominationofthe politicaleconomyaslegitimate.Therewere955 representativesofcorporationsonthenewscastsasopposedto31representativesoflabor (Howard,2002).
A secondflawinjournalismisthatittendsto avoidcontextualizationliketheplague.This wasthegreatstrengthofpartisanjournalism:it attemptedtotakeeveryimportantissueand placeitinalargerpoliticalideology,tomake senseofit.Butunderprofessionalstandards,to providemeaningfulcontextandbackground forstories,ifdoneproperly,willtendtocommitthejournalisttoadefinitepositionand enmeshthejournalist(andmedium)inthe controversyprofessionalismisdeterminedto avoid.Coveragetendstobeabarrageoffacts andofficialstatements.Whatlittlecontextualizationprofessionaljournalismdoesprovide tendstoconformtoofficialsourceconsensus premises.Thewaytoassurethatnewsselection notbeperceivedasideologicallydriven,isfor theretobeanewshookoranewspegtojustify a newsstory.Ifsomethinghappens,itisnews. Thismeantthatcrucialsocialissueslikeracism orenvironmentaldegradationfellthroughthe cracksofjournalismunlessthereissomeevent, likeademonstrationorthereleaseofanofficial report,tojustifycoverage,orunlessofficial sourceswantedtomakeitastorysotheytalk aboutitrepeatedly.Forthoseoutsidepowerto generateanewshookwasandisoftenextraordinarilydifficult.The1968reportoftheKerner CommissiononCivilDisorders,forexample, specificallycitedthepoorcoverageandlackof contextualizationbyjournalismofcivilrights issuesovertheyearsasstronglycontributingto climatethatledtotheriotsofthe1960s(CommissiononCivilDisorders,1989,pp.200–27).
Bothofthesefactorshelpedtostimulatethe birthandrapidriseofthepublicrelations(PR) industry,thepurposeofwhichwassurreptitiouslytotakeadvantageofthesetwoaspects ofprofessionaljournalism.Itisnotanaccident thatthePRindustryemergedontheheelsof professionaljournalism.Byprovidingslick pressreleases,paid-for“experts,”ostensibly neutral-soundingbutboguscitizensgroups, andcannednewsevents,craftyPRagentshave beenabletoshapethenewstosuittheinterests
oftheirmostlycorporateclientele.Powerful corporateintereststhathaveadistinctconcern aboutgovernmentregulationspendafortune toseethattheirversionofsciencegetsawide playinthenews…asobjectivetruth(Ewen, 1996;RamptonandStauber,2001;Mundy, 2001).MediaownerswelcomePR,asit provides,ineffect,asubsidyforthemby providingthemwithfilleratnocost.Surveys showthatPRaccountsforanywherefrom40 to70percentofwhatappearsasnews.Because PRisonlysuccessfulifitissurreptitious,the identityofthemajorplayersandknowledge oftheirmostsuccessfulcampaignsisunknown tothegeneralpublic.Duringthe1990sthe PRindustryunderwentamajorconsolidation, andtodaythethreelargestadvertisingagency companies,whichnowofferfullservicecorporatecommunicationtotheirclients,owneight ofthe10largestUSPRfirms(Vranica,2001, p.B7).
Thecombinedeffectofthesetwobiasesand theprominenceofspinistoproduceagrand yetdistressingparadox:journalism,which,in theory,shouldinspirepoliticalinvolvement, tendstostrippoliticsofmeaningandpromote a broaddepoliticization.Itisarguablybetterat generatingignoranceandapathythaninformed andpassionatelyengagedcitizens.5 Politics becomesantisepticanddrainedofpassion,of connectiontothelivespeoplelead.Atitsworst, itfeedsacynicismaboutthevalueandintegrity ofpubliclife(CappellaandHallJamieson, 1997).Soitisthatonsomeofthosestoriesthat receivethemostcoverage,liketheMiddleEast ortheClintonhealthcareproposalintheearly 1990s,Americanstendtobealmostasignorant asonthosesubjectsthatreceivefarlesscoverage(Fallows,1996).Thejournalismismore likelytoproduceconfusionthanunderstanding andinformedaction.Thiscreatesamajor dilemmaforjournalismovertime.Itiswell understoodthatdemocracyneedsjournalism; viableself-governmentinourtimesisunthinkablewithoutit.Whatislesswellperceivedis thatjournalismrequiresdemocracy.Unless thereisacitizenrythatdependsuponjournalism,thattakesitseriously,thatispolitically engaged,journalismcanloseitsbearingsand havefarlessincentivetodothehardworkthat
generatesthebestpossiblework.Thepoliticalsystembecomeslessresponsiveandcorruption grows.Thuswecanrestatetheparadoxof professionaljournalismasfollows:journalism inanymeaningfulsensecannotsurvivewithoutaviabledemocracy.Thisimpliesjournalism mustbecomeaggressivelyandexplicitlycritical oftheanti-democratic statusquo,it must embraceonceagaintheoldadageof“afflicting thecomfortableandcomfortingtheafflicted.” Inshort,thelogicsuggeststhattoremain democratic,tocontinuetoexist,journalism mustbecome…unprofessional.
Thethirdbiasofprofessionaljournalismis moresubtlebutarguablythemostimportant: farfrombeingpoliticallyneutral,withinthe constraintsofthefirsttwobiases,itsmugglesin valuesconducivetothecommercialaimsofthe ownersandadvertisersaswellasthepolitical aimsoftheowningclass.BenBagdikianrefers tothisasthe“dighere,notthere”phenomenon (Bagdikian,2000).Soitisthatcrimestoriesand storiesaboutroyalfamiliesandcelebrities becomelegitimatenews.(Theseareinexpensive tocoverandtheyneverantagonizepeoplein power.)Soitisthattheaffairsofgovernment aresubjectedtomuchcloserscrutinythanthe affairsofbigbusiness.Andofgovernment activities,thosethatservethepoor(e.g.,welfare)getmuchmorecriticalattentionthan thosethatserveprimarilytheinterestsofthe wealthy(e.g.,theCIAandotherinstitutionsof thenationalsecuritystate),whicharemoreor lessoff-limits.Thisfocusongovernment malfeasanceandneglectofcorporatemisdeeds playsdirectlyintothehandsofthosewho wishedtogivemorepowerandprivilegesto corporations,andunderminetheabilityof governmenttoregulateinthepublicinterest. AsEdBakerobserves,professionalpractices, alongwithlibellaws,“favorexposinggovernmentalratherthanprivate(corporate)wrongdoing”(Baker,2002,p.106).This,too,plays intothepromotionofcynicismaboutpublic life.Thecorporatescandalsof2002finally forcedcertaincorporateexcessesintothenews, butwhatwasimmediatelystrikingwashowall thecriminalactivityhadtakenplaceforyears withoutashredofnewsmediainterest.The geniusofprofessionalisminjournalismisthat
ittendstomakejournalistsoblivioustothe compromiseswithauthoritytheyroutinely make.
Establishingifthereactually is a pro-corporatebiasinthenewsisnotaneasytask,and hasbeenasourceofmorethanalittlecontroversyovertheyears.Althoughstudiesshow thetopicofcorporatepowerisvirtually unmentionedinUSpoliticaljournalism,itis highlycontroversialtoaccusejournalismofa pro-corporatebias(FarahandElga,2001, pp.14–7).Inthe1990s,forthefirsttime,what amountstoacontrolledexperimentshednew lightonthedebate.CharlesLewiswasan award-winningjournalistwholeftnetwork televisiontoformtheCenterforPublic Integrity(CPI)intheearly1990s.Receiving fundingfromfoundations,Lewisassembleda largeteamofinvestigativejournalists,andhad themdoseveraldetailedinvestigativereports eachyear.Thepurposewastoreleasethe reportstothenewsmediaandhopeforcoverageandfollow-upinvestigativework.Lewis notesthatwhenhisgroupreleasesexpose´sof governmentmalfeasance,theytendtoreceive extensivecoverageandfollow-up.TheCPI brokethestory,forexample,aboutPresident Clinton’s“leasing”theLincolnbedroominthe WhiteHousetomajorcampaigncontributors. WhentheCPIissuesareportoncorporate malfeasance,ontheotherhand,Lewissaysthe pressconferenceisvirtuallyemptyandthereis almostnocoverageorfollow-up.Whatmakes thisstrikingisthattheexactsamejournalistsdo thesereports.6 WereLewisunprincipled,he wouldlogicallydiscontinuedoingcorporate exposes.7
ImagineifthePresidentorthedirectorofthe FBIorderednewsmedianottoissueanycriticalexaminationsofcorporatepowerorclass inequalityintheUnitedStates.Itwouldbe consideredagrotesqueviolationofdemocratic freedomsandadirectchallengetotheviability oftherepublic.Itwouldconstituteamuch greaterthreattodemocracythanWatergate; onewouldprobablyhavetoreturntotheCivil Warandslaverytofindacomparablethreatto theunion.TheAmericanCivilLibertiesUnion (ACLU)wouldgoballistic.Yet,whentheprivatesectorcontrolofjournalism,throughprofessionalpractices,generatesvirtuallytheexact
sameoutcome,itgoesunmentionedandunrecognizedinthepoliticalculture.Itisanon-issue.
Althoughtheprofessionalcodeincorporates thesethreegeneralbiases,itisalsomalleable;it isnotfixedinstone.Overtheyearsithasbeen influencedbyfactorssuchastheriseofradio andtelevision,ornewcommunicationtechnologies.8 Itisalsotruethattheorganized activitiesofthemassofpeoplecanhavethe abilitytoinfluencetheshapeofjournalism.In momentsofresurgenceforsocialmovements, professionaljournalismcanimprovethequantityandqualityofcoverage.Certainlythere wasanotableshiftincoverageofissuessurroundingAfrican-Americansandwomenfrom the1950stothe1970s,reflectingtheemergence ofthecivilrightsandfeministmovements.It worksintheotherdirection,too.Inthe1940s, forexample,whentheUSlabormovementwas atitszenith,full-timelaboreditorsand reportersaboundedonUSdailynewspapers. Therewereseveralhundredofthem.Evenferociouslyanti-labornewspapers,likethe Chicago Tribune, coveredthelaborbeat.The1937Flint sit-downstrikethatlaunchedtheUnitedAuto Workersandthetradeunionmovementwasa majornewsstoryacrossthenation.Bythe 1980s,however,laborhadfallenoffthemap andtherewerenomorethanacoupleofdozen laborbeatreportersremainingonUSdailies. (Thenumberiswellbelow10andfast approachingzerotoday.)Thestorywassimply nolongercovered.Hencethe1989Pittstown sit-downstrike—thelargestsinceFlint—was virtuallyunreportedintheUSmedia,andits lessonsunknown.Asthelabormovement declined,coverageoflaborwasdropped.Peoplestillwork,povertyamongworkersisgrowing,workplaceconflictsareasimportantas ever,butthisisnolongerasnewsworthyasit waswhenorganizedlaborwasmorepowerful (Meyerson,2001).
Themostimportantsourceofalteringthe professionalcodecomesfromtheowners.Their constantdrumbeatforprofit,theirconcernwith minimizingcostsandenhancingrevenues, invariablyinfluencesthemannerinwhich newsiscollectedandreported.Weturntothis subjectbelow.
Professionaljournalismhititshighwater
markintheUnitedStatesfromthe1950sinto the1970s.Duringthisera,journalistshadrelativeautonomytopursuestoriesandconsiderableresourcestousetopursuetheircraft. Therewasastrongemphasisuponfactualaccuracy,whichisalltothegood.Thebestjournalismoftheprofessionaleracame(andstill comes)whenthereweredebatesamongofficial sourcesorwhenanissuewasirrelevanttoelite concerns.Inthesecases,professionaljournalismcouldbesparkling.Likewise,duringthis goldenageofprofessionaljournalism,thepoliticalculture,officialsources,especiallythough notexclusivelyintheDemocraticParty,were considerablymoreliberalthantheywould becomebythe1980s.Alongwiththeincreasein socialactivismoverall,thisopenedupopportunitiesforjournaliststotakerisksandcover storiesthatwouldbemuchmoredifficultasthe entirepoliticalclassbecameincreasingly enthralledwiththemarket.So,forexample, someonelikeRalphNaderroutinelyreceived extensiveandfairlysympatheticpresscoverage forhisconsumercampaignsduringthe1960s andearly1970s.Theconsumerandenvironmentallegislationheisresponsibleforpushing intolawduringthisperiodislittleshortof astoundingbycontemporarystandards.Bythe 1990shehadbasicallybeenscriptedoutofthe politicalculture,andjournalism,leadinghimto enterelectoralpoliticstoexpresshisfrustration withthe statusquo
Butoneshouldnotexaggeratethequalityof journalismortheamountofautonomyjournalistshadfromtheinterestsofowners,evenin this“goldenage.”Evenattheheightofthe “goldenage”therewasanundergroundpress predicatedupontheproblemsincontemporary journalism,andhard-edgedcriticismofthe flawsofexistingjournalismabounded.Inevery communitytherewasavirtualSicilianCodeof silenceforthelocalcommercialmedia,for example,regardingthetreatmentofthearea’s wealthiestandmostpowerfulindividualsand corporations.Mediaownerswantedtheir friendsandbusinesspalstogetnothingbutkid glovestreatmentintheirmediaandsoitwas, exceptforthemostegregiousandboneheaded maneuver.Likewise,newspapers,evenprestigiousoneslikethe LosAngelesTimes, usedtheir
powertoaidtheeconomicprojectsofthenewspaper’sowners(Fine,2001,p.S1).Andpressuretoshapeeditorialcoveragetoservethe needsofmajoradvertiserswasarecurring problem.
Ifthesystemofprofessionaljournalismhas haddeep-seatedbiasesbuiltintoitscodethat havedeadeneditasademocraticforce,that doesnotmeanthattherehavenotbeenmany good,andsomegreat,journalistswhoneverthelesshavedonebrilliantwork.Decadeafter decadenewsroomshaveproducedoutstanding journalistswhosecontributionstobuildinga democraticandjustsocietyhavebeen immeasurable.9 Inrecenttimes,onethinks,for example,oftheworkofthe Philadelphia Inquirer’sDonaldBartlettandJamesSteele.10 Someofthemostimpressiveworkoftenhas comeintheformofbooks,rangingfromthose ofRachelCarsonandRobertCarotoStuds TerkelandBettyFriedan.Thelistisreallyquite long.Tosomeextent,thisreflectstheabilityof bookstoconveydetailedreports,butitalso highlightshowmanygreatjournalistshadto leavetheroutineofstandardnewsroomjournalisminordertodothestoriestheydeemed important.Theirworkpointsoutswhatcanbe donebutgenerallyisnotbeingdone.Along theselines,itisworthnotingthanmanyofthe 20thcentury’sfinestjournalists—e.g.Ben Bagdikian,GeorgeSeldes,A.J.Liebling,I.F. Stone,DavidHalberstam,BillMoyers,and WilliamGreider—havebeenamongitsforemostpresscritics.Inshort,thegreatworkhas beendonenotbecauseofthesystemasmuch asinspiteofit.Aswediscussbelow,the degreeofdifficultyforcommittedjournalists hasonlyincreasedinthepasttwodecades.
TheCommercializationofJournalism
Professionaljournalismemergednottothe oppositionofmostmediaowners,buttothe contrary,withtheiractivesponsorship.There wasastrugglebetweenownersandprogressive journaliststodeterminethecontoursofprofessionaljournalisminitsfirstgenerationor two,butbymid-centuryithadsettledforthe mostpartintoitscurrentform.Itmadesense
formediaownerstograntsomeautonomyto journalistsbecauseitgavetheirproductmore credibilityandworkedtoenhancetheircommercialprospects.Theautonomyitgranted journalistswasalwaysrelativeand,aswediscussed,themannerinwhichtheprofessional codeevolvedputsignificantlimitationsonthe capacityofprofessionaljournalismtoserveasa democraticforce.Moreover,theprofessional journalism“deal”wasnevermadeinaformal contract,andnewsworkersunionsneverwere powerfulenoughtowrestlecontroloverjournalism(andbudgets)frommediaownersin theircontractnegotiations.Bythe1980sthe “deal”madelessandlesssenseformediaowners.Relaxationofmediaownershipregulations alongwithgeneralmarketpressuresledto waveafterwaveofmediadealmaking,withthe largestfirmsthatownednewsmediamuch largerrelativetothebalanceofthecorporate communitythantheirpredecessorshadbeen. Thesefirms,oftenmediaconglomerates,that paidvastsumstopurchasenewsmediawanted andneededtogeneratesignificantreturnsto paydowndebtandsatisfyinvestors;tothese firmstheideathattheyshouldprovidesome degreeofautonomytotheirnewsdivisions becameincreasinglynonsensical,exceptfor theirpublicrelationspronouncements.After all,theworkersintheotherpropertiesoftheir mediaempireswerenotgrantedsuchautonomy;theywereexpectedtodeliverdirectlyand immediatelytothefirm’sbottomlinesuccess.
Inthiscontext,journalism,too,increasingly becamesubjectedtoanexplicitcommercialregimentation;theprotectionfromcommercial pressureprovidedbyprofessionalismwas undermined.Whilethisistheprimaryfactor andtheoverarchingfactortoexplainrecent developmentsinjournalism,itisnotthesole factor.Theriseofnewcommercialnewsmedia enabledbynewtechnologies—inparticular round-the-clockTVnewschannelsandthe Internet—haveincreasedtheneedforon-going attention-gettingstories,withlessemphasison theirsignificanceofthestorybytraditional standards(KovachandRosenstiel,1999).Libel courtrulingsandgovernmentsecrecylawsand regulationshavemadeitmuchmoredifficult andcostprohibitivetodoinvestigativework
oncorporationsandgovernmentaffairs.Oneof theironiesofneoliberalism—asmanifestedin theBush–Cheneyvariant—isthatitscontempt forgovernment(andmuchprofessedloveof thewisdomofprivatecitizens)doesnotextend thereforetoencouragingthecitizenrytohave muchofaclueofwhatthegovernmentisdoing initsname.11 Likewise,asjournalismbecomes moreexplicitlydirectedbymarketconcerns, theoveralldepoliticizationofsocietywill hardlyencouragethedevelopmentofpolitical coverage.Andfinally,asIdiscussinthenext section,theconservativecampaignagainstthe “liberalmedia”hasproducedachillingeffect onjournalism’swillingnesstoasktoughquestionsofmanyofthoseinpower.Incombination,overthepasttwodecadesthishasledto a sustainedattackontheprofessionalideal,a seachangeinjournalism,andacrisisinthe fieldgreaterthananyotherperiodwiththe possibleexceptionofthelateGildedAgeand theProgressiveEra.
Thecommercialattackontheprofessional autonomyofjournalismhasbeenwidelychronicledandassumesmanyforms.12 I highlightthe maintrends,andsomeofthemorestriking implicationsfordemocracy.Forstarters,the trendhasbeentowardacutbackinthe resourcesallocatedtojournalism.Bythe1990s, ifnotearlier,commercialnewsmediawere “forcedtoembracethefinancialdiscipline requiredbyparentcompaniesthatnolonger lookedatnewsasagoldenchildandfreespendingspiritevenwhenitrefusedtobe boundbylife’spracticalities”(Greppi,2001, p.3).13 A 2002ProjectforExcellenceinJournalismsurveyofUSjournalistsfoundthem“a grumpylot,”duelargelytobudgetcuts,lower salaries,noraises,andjobinsecurity(Trigoboff, 2002c,p.12).Therewasavirtualnewsroom uprisingatthe WallStreetJournal inDecember 2002,forexample,whenparentcompanyDow Jonesannouncedsweepingcutsinthenumber ofseniorjournalists,whilethefirm’sexecutive rankswereuntouched(Tharp,2002).Themedia firmsarguethatsuchcutbacksarenecessaryto remaincompetitive,butmanyjournalistsclaim thatgiantfirmsusetheirmarketpowertostrip downresourcesfornewstomakeashort-term profitgrab.In2001thepublisherofthe SanJose
Mercury-News, JayHarris,resignedhisposition toprotestatwhatheregardedastheentirely unnecessaryeditorialcutbacksathispaper mandatedbyparentcompanyKnight-Ridder. AsHarrisputit,hisnewspaper,likemostothers,wasrakinginenormousprofits.Thecutbackswereunjustifiable(Barringer,2001, p.A10;Laventhol,2001,pp.18–22).
Lowballingeditorialbudgetshasproven extremelyprofitable,atleastintheshortterm. ThegreatcommercialsuccessstoryofUSjournalismhasbeentheFoxNewsChannel,which hascutcoststothebonebybasicallyreplacing moreexpensiveconventionaljournalismwith celebritypontificators(Walley,2002,pp.1,22).
Usingthisformula,FoxNewswasabletogenerateroughlyequivalentprofitstoCNNby 1999–2000,whilespendingfarlessthanCNNto doso.14 TheoperatingprofitatNewsCorporation’sUScablechannels,whichincludesthe FoxNewsNetwork,morethantripledfromthe thirdquarterof2001tothethirdquarterof 2002(TheEconomist, 2002c,p.60).Theriseof mediaconglomerateshasmadeitfareasierfor firmstospreadtheireditorialbudgetsacross severaldifferentmedia,sothatakeytrendhas beentohavethesamejournalistreportfora mediafirm’snewspaper,website,TVstation, andradiostation,orsomecombinationofthe above(GoldsmithandMcClintock,2001,pp.1, 58).TheInternetonlyacceleratesthisprocess. Thisprovidesmuchoftheincentiveforfirmsto becomelargeconglomerates,asitgivesthem tremendouscostsavingscomparedtothose firmsthatdonothaveasimilararsenalof mediaproperties(Campbell,M.,2002).Indeed, evenseparatefirmsarepartnering(especially whereregulationsprohibitthemfrommerging) tospreadtheeditorialbudgetsacrossseveral media(Hoag,2002).WhenABCNewsand CNNwerenegotiatingamergerin2002,one observerdeemedit“anunholyalliancethat couldonlymakesensetocost-cutters”(TrigoboffandMcClellan,2002,p.1).OneWallStreet analystthoughtthemergerwouldleadtocost savings(includinglaborcosts)of$100million to$200million(Lowry,T.,2002).AsAvWestin, thesix-timeEmmyaward-winningCBS journalistputitin2001:“Toexpectthatany corporatemanagerwillre-investsavingsinbet-
ternewsprogrammingis,Ifear,adelusion” (Westin,2001,p.35).
Theeffectsofthisbudget-cuttingmaniaon journalismarguablyhavebeenentirelynegative.Ithasmeantarelaxationoralteration, sometimessevere,ofprofessionalnewsstandards.Professionalstandardshavenotcollapsedentirely.Thereremainsaruthless requirementthatjournalistsnotinventsources orconsciouslylieintheirjournalism.Andjournalistsexposedforblatantlyviolatingthese normswillusuallybefiredandhavetomove ontonewprofessions(Barringer,2002b; New YorkTimes, 2002,p.A26).Butthenatureof whatgetscoveredandhowitgetscovered,the meatandpotatoesofjournalism,havechanged, allfortheworse.Factualaccuracyandhonesty areallwellandgood;butitisnotthebealland endallofjournalismifthestoryinquestion concernsacelebrity’strialoradonkeygetting a shampoo.Thebroaderquestionishowthe declineinresourcesandthepressuretogenerateprofitspushesfactuallyaccuratejournalism toconcentrateuponsomestoriesoverothers. ToparaphraseTrudyLieberman,youcan’t reportwhatyoudon’tpursue(Lieberman, 2000).
Anditisherethattheattackonprofessional standardsisstriking.Fewerreportersmeansit iseasierforpublicrelationsexecutivestoget theirclient’smessagesintothenewsunadulteratedbyjournalism.AstwoexecutivesforEdelmanPublicRelationsexultedin2000,asa resultofmediaconsolidationandconglomeration,therearefewerreportersandresources, and,therefore,“anincreasedlikelihoodthat pressreleaseswillbeusedword-for-word,in partifnotinwhole”(ReedsandColbourne, 2000,p.25).Internationalcoveragehasbeena victimofcorporatecostcuts.Likewise,investigativejournalism—i.e.originalresearchinto publicissues,notmerelyreportingonwhat peopleinpoweraretalkingabout,onceconsideredthehallmarkoffeisty“FourthEstate” journalisminafreesociety—isnowonthe endangeredspecieslist.Itcostsfarmoretodo hardinvestigationsthanitdoestodoofficial sourcestenography,andrequiresskilled experiencedjournalists.Itismuchmorelucrativetohavelessexperiencedjournalistsfillthe
newsholewiththeproclamationsanddebates ofthoseinpowerandstoriesthatareeasierto cover.Investigativejournalismisalsosuspect inthenewworldorderbecausethemediafirm haslittleincentivetoproduceajournalismthat mightenmeshitinconflictwithsomepowerful businessorgovernmentalinstitutions.AfiveyearstudyofinvestigativejournalismonTV newscompletedin2002determinedthatinvestigativejournalismhasallbutdisappearedon thenation’scommercialairwaves.Muchof whatwaspassedoffasoriginalinvestigative work—putat1percentofTVnewsprogramming—includedstoriessuchas“women illegallyinjectingsiliconeatparties”(Justetal., 2002,p.103).AsCharlesLewispointsout,a goodportionofwhatappearsasinvestigative workonnetworkTVnewsisactuallythe reportingofleaksorgovernmentreportswhere reportersarespoonfedbysources.15 Andeven then,asGregPalastobserves,thereporteroften justpresentsitassomeoneelsemakingthe charge,noactualjournalisticinquiryintothe truthofthemattertakesplace(Schaeffer,2002, p.8).
Thecombinationofincreasingneedtorely uponpublicrelationsandadecliningcommitmenttoinvestigativejournalismplaysdirectly intothehandsofpowerfulcommercialinterests,especiallyinenvironmentalandpublic healthstorieswherescientificexpertiseis necessarytoexplainpublicissues.(Thatis,of course,ifthestoriesareevencovered.)Itis here,asSheldonRamptonandJohnStauber demonstrate,thatcorporationshavebeenable togenerouslyprovidethemediawiththeir self-interestedversionofscienceandunderminepublicunderstandingoftheissues (RamptonandStauber,2001).
Indeed,inthecurrentenvironment,itis decreasinglythecasethatthereporterwill bothertoinvestigatetofindoutwhoistelling thetruthifthereisafactualdisputeamong officialsources.Theprofessionalrelianceupon officialsourcesasthebasisfornews—alwaysa problem—hasbeenreducedtotheabsurd.To investigatefactualdisputesamongofficial sourceswouldtaketimeandcastthepallof biasoverthejournalist,dependinguponwhom thefindingsfavored.When,forexample,in
2002DemocratscriticizedHalliburtonfornot payingtaxesunderDickCheney’sleadership, thepressranthechargesandaresponsefrom Halliburtondenyingthecharges.Nojournalist, intheprofessionalmainstreampressatleast, appearedtoattempttoinvestigatetodetermine whowastellingthetruth(Bumiller,2002, p.C5).Thisenvironmentbecomesascoundrel’s paradise,asonecanliewithvirtualimpunity;it becomesthefunctionofone’sopponents,not journalists,toestablishthetruth,andone’s opponentscanalwaysbedismissedaspartisan. Italsomeansthatjournalistsarefarmore comfortableputtingpoliticaldebateintermsof strategiesandspin,ratherthandiggingand locatingtheactualfactsinthematterandlettingthechipsfallwheretheymay.Soitwas thatmuchofthepresscoverageofthepolitical responsetothecorporatescandalsof2002—to whichIreturnbelow—dwelleduponhowthe partieshopedtospintheissuetotheiradvantage.16 (Needitbepointedout,thatthisobsessionwithhowpoliticiansspin—tothepoint thatjournalistssometimeschastisepoliticians whofailtospinthemeffectively—ratherthan withgettingatthetruth,breedsacertaincontemptforpubliclife.17)Av Westinchronicled thedeteriorationofprofessionaljournalism practicesindetailinhisFreedomForumhandbookforTVjournalists,andtheirimplications:
Asaresult,theaudiencehasbecomeaccustomed toshoddyreportingtothepointthattheaverage viewerdoesnotnecessarilyexpectqualityjournalismandprobablycouldnotdiscernthedifference betweenawellproducedstoryandabelow-averageone.Thesadtruthisthatbecausethemass audiencecannotperceivethedifference,managementisreluctanttospendmoremoneytoimprove theproduct.(Westin,2000,p.5)
Anotherareawhereprofessionalstandards haverelaxediswithregardtocommercialism. Journalistshavelongfacedpressuretoshape storiestosuitadvertisersandowners,and muchoftheprofessionalcodehasattemptedto preventthis,oratleasttominimizethis.But corporatemanagementincreasinglygrinds awayattheirnewsdivisionstoplayballwith thecommercialneedsoftheparentfirms.Over timeithasbeensuccessful,andthosewho
surviveinthenewworldorderofcorporate journalismtendtointernalizethenecessaryvalues.Onesurveyconductedbythetradepublication ElectronicMedia in2001foundthatthe vastmajorityofTVstationexecutivesfound theirnewsdepartments“cooperative”inshapingthenewstoassistin“nontraditionalrevenuedevelopment,”inwhichthenews departmentcooperateswithmajoradvertisers toco-promoteeventsandusesadvertisersas expertsinstories(Chunovic,2002,p.6).The PewResearchCentersurveyof300journalists releasedin2000foundthatnearlyone-halfof journalistsacknowledgedsometimesconsciouslyengaginginself-censorshiptoserve thecommercialinterestsoftheirfirmoradvertisers,andonlyone-quarterofthemstatedthis neverhappenedtotheirknowledge(Pew ResearchCenter,2000).
Thiscommercialpenetrationofprofessional journalismassumestwodirectforms.First, commercialinterestsdirectlypenetratethe news,corruptingitsintegrity.Thisprocesshas beenwellchronicled.18 Tosomeextentitentails savvycorporatemarketers,whoproduceslick videofeaturestobeplayedonTVnewscastsas newsstories,butalsoincludeaplugforthe firm’sproduct(White,2001,pp.B1,B6).Italso includeswhenthetraditional“newshole” increasinglypermitscommercialmessages, suchassellingobituaries,runningadvertisementsonthefrontpage,orputtingcommercial overlaysovereditorialcontent,beitinprintor broadcast(Barringer,2002a,p.C7;Orwall,2001, p.B8; WallStreetJournal, 2000,p.B4; www.accessatlanta.com,2001).Moreominously,thepracticeofpermittingadvertisersto influencethenewsandhowitiscoveredhas becomemorecommon.Thishasbeenespecially trueinareasofhealthcareandmedicine,where thecommercialcorruptionofreportinghas become,punintended,epidemic(Feder,2002; Raeburn,2000,pp.66,68;Wang,2000,pp.3,44; Zuckerman,2002).In2002aneditorofthe New YorkPost wentsofarastoinformpublicists thatagoodwaytogetcoverageinherpaper wasforsomeonetobuyanadvertisement (O’Dwyer’sPRDaily, 2002).
Alongtheselines,thetraditionalprofessional prohibitionagainstjournalistsacceptingbribes
towritestoriesinaparticularmannerisunder attack.Inanincreasinglycommercializedjournalism“market,”whereprofitmaximizationis thefirm’sexplicitdefiningobjective,journalists figuretheymightaswellgettheir’stoo.Soit hasdevelopedthatjournalistshavebecome “pitchmen”forproducts(Jurkowitz,2000, p.F6).PBSandCBScorrespondentCharlie Rose,forexample,wasmasterofceremonies forCoca-Cola’sannualshareholdersmeetingin 2002(Grove,2002,p.C3).Thisisstrongly encouragedbythetendencytomarketnewscastersas“celebrities”and“brands”asarelativelyinexpensivewayformediafirmsto increaseratings,sales,andprofitsfromtheir newsassets(Beatty,2002;Bernstein,2000b, p.60;Campbell,K.,2002a).In2002,forbutone smallexample,aNewYorkTVweatherman agreedtogooutonteleviseddates,which wouldbecritiquedonairbyhiscolleaguesthe nextday(Huff,2002a).Accordingly,theprohibitionagainstjournalistsacceptingdirect commercialbribesremains,butitisless impressivewithalltheindirectcommercial influencestakingplace.Andthedownsideof beingmoreexplicitlycommercialinjournalistic practicesisnotasominousasitoncewas. WhenanABCmedicaljournalistwassuspendedforaweekforendorsingTylenolina radiocommercialin2002,sheleftABCto acceptalucrativepositionatJohnsonandJohnson,Tylenol’sparentcompany(Huff,2002b).In anothercase,aBaltimorehealthreporterwho hadbeenfiredbyaBaltimoreTVstation becauseofher“blunderingeffortstomake moneyfromthemedicalinstitutionsshehad beencovering,”wasabletoparlayhertiesinto a weeklyTVhealthnewsprogramthatwas describedbyoneBaltimorejournalistas“an alarmingparadeofcommercialtie-ins” (Folkenflik,2002).Liketheprofessionalcommitmenttofactualaccuracy,theprofessional prohibitionagainstexplicitcommercialbribery remainsstanding,butappearsincreasinglyto bebesidethepoint.
Thesecondformthatcommercialpenetration ofjournalismassumesisalsoatraditionalproblemforcommercialjournalismthatprofessionalismwasmeanttoeliminate:journalistsusing theirprivilegestoreportfavorablyontheir
owner’scommercialventuresorinvestments. Inanerawherejournalismisincreasinglyproducedbylargemediaconglomerateswithvast non-journalisticholdings,andwherethebarrier betweeneditorialandcommercialiswithering, theproblemhasreturnedtotheforewitha vengeance.ThemajorTVnetworkshaveused theirnewsprogramstopromotetheirother mediafareinnewsstories,suchaswhenABC NewspromotedDisney’s2001film PearlHarbor orplayedupthefictitioustownofPush, Nevada,whichwasthenameofashort-lived primetimeseries.19 ABCNewsalsoseemingly killedstoriesthatcastnegativelightonparent companyDisney’sotherholdings,includinga reportonpaedophilesbeingemployedata Disneythemepark(Helmore,2000,p.7). NBC News featuredmorethantwicetheamountof newscoverageofthe2002WinterOlympics thandid ABCWorldNewsTonight, andnearly seventimesmorecoveragethan CBSEvening News.Isit anysurprisethatNBCpaidforthe rightstobroadcastingtheWinterOlympics? (Solomon,2003).CBSwasnottobeoutdone.In 2000itsnewsprogrammingdidfrequent “reports”onits“reality”program, Survivor, anditlentajournalisttodoaweeklyinterview programtodiscussdevelopmentsonanother “reality”show, BigBrother (Carter,2000,pp.C1, C11).In2001AOLTimeWarner’sCNNHeadlineNewschannelacknowledgedthatitwas pluggingotherAOLTimeWarnerproducts andchannelsinitsnewsheadlines;thepractice wasinfactalogicaloutcomeofthecorporate commitmentto“synergy”(Jensen,2001).“The drivetoachievesynergy,”journalistKen Aulettastatedin2002,“isoftenjournalism’s poison”(www.iwantmedia.com,2002).
Thecorporate/commercialpressureonnews oftentakesplaceindirectly,andisthereforeless likelytoberecognizedassuchbyjournalistsor thepublic.Theflipsideofthereluctanceto spendmoneyoninvestigativeorinternational coverage,andthereluctancetoantagonize powerfulsources,isanincreasedemphasison largelytrivialstories,thatgivetheappearance ofcontroversyandconflictbutrarelyhaveanythingtodowithanysignificantpublicissue. Studyafterstudyrevealsageneraldeclinein theamountof“hardnews”relativetofluff.20
Somearguedthatintheaftermathofthe9/11 terroristattack,USnewsmediahadseenthe lightandreturnedtotheir“historicmission,” butsuchfantasieswereshort-lived(Trigoboff, 2002b,p.18).Acentralpreoccupationofthe newshasbecometheactivitiesofcelebrities, especiallywithregardtotheirpersonallives (Shales,2002b,p.23).Soitwasthatduring2001 and2002thenewswasdominatedwithstories aboutWinonaRyder’sshopliftingtrial,Robert Blake’smurderarrest,andGaryCondit’saffairs (Moraes,2002a,p.C7).Apoliticianstandsafar greaterchancetobecometheobjectofnews mediascrutinyifsheorheisrumoredtohave notpaid10parkingticketsoriftheyfailedto payabarbillthaniftheyusedtheirpowerto quietlyfunnelbillionsofpublicdollarsto powerfulspecialinterests.Thejustificationfor thiscaliberofjournalismisthatthesestoriesare popularandthereforeprofitable,andcommercialnewsneedsto“givethepeoplewhatthey want,”buttoacertainextent,leavingasidethe questionofwhetherjournalismshouldbe determinedbymarketingpolls,thisiscircular logic(Greppi,2002,p.2).Themotorforce behindthisjournalismisasmuchsupplyas demand.Itischeaperandeasiertocoverthan “hard”news,andneverenmeshesthemedia firminacontroversywithanyoneinpower, whileprovidinganillusionofcontroversyto thepublic.Overtimewhatevertastethepublic hasforthistypeoffareisonlyencouraged throughextensiveexposure.Hadasimilar commitmenttothemoreexpensiveandrisky expose´s ofgovernmentandcorporatecorruptionbeenmade,onesuspectsapublictaste mighthavebeendevelopedforthosestoriesas well.Butthatisnotanoptionthepeopleare given.
Celebritiesandtrivialpersonalindiscretion arenotallthatcommercialjournalismfavors. Likewise,storiesthatemphasizeviolencemeet thecommercialcriteriaaswell.Thenews, especiallytelevisionnews,isawashinstories abouttrafficandairplaneaccidents,firesand murders(Wang,2001,p.16).TheWashington serialsniperstoryofOctober2002wasatextbookexampleofthisphenomenon.Itgenerated highratingsandtooknogreatskillorexpense tocover.Itreceivedround-the-clockcoverage,
yetthenewsmediahadlittletoreport,somuch ofthe“news”wasidlespeculation,blandrepetition,orhashingoverrumors.AsTedKoppel putit,themediawere“goingnuts”overwhat hetermeda“dreadfulbutrelativelyminor threat”inthebiggerschemeofthings(Lowry, B.,2002).Itwas,byandlarge,awasteoftime, butacommerciallylucrativewasteoftime.
Anothercrucialwayinwhichthecommercializationofjournalismcovertlyaltersthe newsisbyconstantlypushingjournalismtobe directedtothelucrativemarketsdesiredby mediaownersandbigticketadvertisers.Given theconstantpressureforprofit,thisconcern withgeneratingnewscontentthatwillattract themostlucrativetargetaudiencehasgrownto anobsession.21 Thedayswhenjournalismwas a publicservicedirectedattheentirepopulation—obviouslyneverentirelyaccurate—are longgone.Todaymuchofjournalismis increasinglydirectedatthemiddleclassand theupperclasswhiletheworkingclassandthe poorhavebeenwrittenoffaltogether(Callahan andHelliker,2001,p.A8).Coverageoflabor issueshasplummeted,forexample,inthepast generationandbarelyexistsanylongerinthe newsmedia.22 Partofanyexplanationforthe relativelynonexistentanddistortedtreatment ofAfrican-AmericansandLatinosinthenews owestotheirnotbeingespeciallyattractive economicallytoadvertisers(Johnson,2002b, p.3D).BenBagdikiancapturedthisclassbias wellina2001essay:
IftheDowJonesIndustrialAveragedropped steadilyfortwentyyearsitwouldbefrontpage andleadingbroadcastnewsdayafterdayuntilthe governmenttookaction.That32millionofour populationhavetheirhousing,food,andclothing “index”dropsteadilyformorethan30yearsis worthonlyanoccasionalfeaturestoryaboutan individualorstatisticalfragmentsintheback pagesofourmostinfluentialnewsorganizations. (Bagdikian,2001)
Alongtheselines,asurveyreleasedbythe CatholicCampaignforHumanDevelopmentin 2003showedthatmostAmericanshadnoidea thatnearly33millionoftheircompatriotslived infairlydirepoverty;mostofthemthoughtthe totalwasbetweenoneandfivemillion(U.S. Newswire,2003).
Theflipsidetothemarginalizationofthe poorandworkingclassfromthenews,has beentheelevationofbusinesstocenterstage.If laborreportingwentfrombeingastandard positiononnearlyallmajornewsmediatwoor threegenerationsagotobeingextinctby2003, businessreportingskyrocketed,tothepoint wherebusinessnewsandgeneralnewsseeminglyconverged.Althoughthemajorityof Americanshavelittledirectinterestinthestock market—anditisfarfromthemostpressing immediateeconomicissueintheirlives—the operatingassumptioninthenewsmedia becamethatallAmericansareactivestock traderswithapassionateconcernaboutequity andbondmarkets.Schoolsofjournalismhave respondedtothisdevelopment,andchairsin businessjournalismhavemushroomedacross collegecampuses.“Businessjournalismishot,” a ColumbiaUniversityJ-Schoolofficialnoted. “Journalistsseeitasacareertrack”(Oleck, 2001,p.16).
Regrettably,however,theturntobusiness journalismhasnotmeantthattheaffairsof corporationsandinvestorshavebeensubjected tohard,criticalscrutinyintermsofhowthey affectpubliclife.Ithasnotevenmeantnecessarilythattherehasbeenincreasedscrutinyof businessbehaviortoprotectinvestorsandconsumers(www.essentialaction.org,2000).Tothe contrary,businessjournalismis,asone observerputit,“teemingwithreverenceforthe accumulationofwealth”(Solomon,2001).To someextentthisisduetotherah-rahcapitalism ethosthatmarinatesthecorporatemediaas muchascorporateAmerica,butitisalsodueto thepressureshighlightedabove:relianceupon businesssourcesandmarginalizingcritical sources,useofcorporatePRasthebasisfor news,andfearofantagonizingcorporate advertisers(Fost,2002a,2002b).Thecorruption ofbusinessreportingwassuch,withpuff piecesextollingthevirtuesofthiscompanyor that,thatin2002theNewYorkStockExchange waspressingforregulationsthatwouldrequire journaliststodisclosethefinancialinterestsof thestockmarketanalyststheyusedintheir newsstories(Boland,2002,p.1).By2002mainstreammediacriticsconcurredthatbusiness journalism,ratherthanmonitoringtheexcesses
ofthebusinessexpansionofthe1990s,actually playedastrongpartinmagnifyingthemand “inflatingthebubble”(Kurtz,2002b,p.A1; Longman,2002).Asonejournalistputit,“the bubblewasfilledwithhotairfromhyperventilatingjournalists”(Solomon,2002).Yetfew journalistseverquestionedtheturnawayfrom laborandtowardbusiness.Itwasincorporated intotheprofessionalcodeandmostjournalists internalizeditasproperandbeyondreproach. Eventodayafterthemassivecorporatescandalsof2001–2,thecentralroleofbusinessnews andthevirtualabsenceofnewsconcerningthe workingclassandpooristakenforgrantedby professionaljournalists.Itisnotseenas“selfcensorship”toshapethenewsinsuchamanner.Thatisthegeniusofprofessionalismasa formofregulation.
Itiswithregardtothecorporatescandalsof 2001and2002thatallofthesecoreproblems forcontemporaryjournalismcometogether: lowballbudgets,deificationofofficialsources, lackofinvestigativework,enhancedattention totheeditorialconcernsofadvertisers,emphasisonthetrivial,theglorificationofbusiness andtheexileofthepoorandworkingclass. Theresultswereoneofthedarkestandmost depressingepisodesintherecenthistoryofUS journalism,anditsnearlythoroughabrogation ofitsroleasawatchdogoverpower,asafeisty FourthEstate.Thenewscoverageplayeda large,perhapsevendecisive,roleinthecollapseofanythingremotelyclosetoademocraticresolutiontothiscrisis.
ThecrisisemergedwhenEnronfiledfor bankruptcyin2001,followedbyWorldCom’s $107billionfreefallandbankruptcyin2002 (RomeroandAtlas,2002,pp.A1,A12).Arthur Andersen,GlobalCrossingandahostofother firmsfollowedinthewake(Greider,2002, pp.18–22).Whatwasstrikingaboutthesehistoricallyunprecedentedcorporatecollapses wasnotsimplythattheywerefraughtwith fraudandcorruption,withworkers,taxpayers andinvestorsbilkedoutofbillionsandbillions ofdollars.Afterall,thatmightbeconsidered capitalismasusual,ifyoucangetawaywithit, andmanydidanddo.Whatwasmoststriking aboutthesescandals,astwojournalistsputit, wasthat“thefraudoccurredinthemostheav-
ilyregulatedandmonitoredareaofcorporate activity”(WeissmanandMokhiber,2002).
EnronwasdescribedbyCharlesLewis,the journalistresponsibleformuchoftheinvestigationintoitsactivities,as“acompanyinordinatelydependentongovernmentfavors” (Herbert,2002).Muchofthefraudperpetrated byEnron,WorldCom,GlobalCrossingandthe otherswastheresultoftheirbeingabletohave politicianspushthroughhighlydubious “deregulation”schemeswhichopenedthedoor tobilliondollarripoffsthatwouldhavebeen impossibleotherwise(Chaffin,2002,p.20; Wheat,2002,pp.34–42).Alongtheselines, firmslikeEnronandArthurAndersenwere amongthelargestpoliticalcontributorstopoliticalcandidatesinthenation;althoughthe majorityofmoneywenttoRepublicans, Democratshadasolidplaceatthetrough (Bliven,2002;Lewis,C.,2002,p.A9; MultinationalMonitor, 2002a,p.44).GlobalCrossing “tossedmoremoneyaroundtownthanEnron,” observed BusinessWeek, and,ifanything,it spreaditslargessemoretowardDemocrats thanRepublicansasitsoughtgovernmentsupportforitsactivities(Borrus,2002,p.49).In short,thiswasnotabusinessscandal,thiswas a politicalscandalofthehighestmagnitude.It wentdirectlyattheissueofcorruptioningovernanceandthebroaderpoliticaleconomythat isbuiltintothesystemandthattakesplace acrossthegovernment,mostnotablyatitsvery highestlevels.
Inthiscontext,letusconsiderthenatureof thenewscoverageofthecorporatescandals. Moststriking,despitethevastresources devotedtobusinessjournalisminthe1990s,the mediamissedthedevelopingstory intoto.It failedinitsroleasanearlyalarmsystemfor socialproblems(Schell,2002).Itisworthnoting thatbythemid-1990sthealternativepresswas beginningtoreportonevidenceofEnron’s chicanery,andRalphNaderandhiscohort wereaggressivelypointingtothehighlydubiousnatureofEnron’sandWorldCom’sactivities,amongothers,butthiswasresolutely ignoredbythemainstream(CounterPunch, 2002,pp.1,2).Indeed,asthe NewYorkTimes laterconceded,whenWorldComchiefexecutiveofficer(CEO)BernardEbbersspoketothe
NationalPressClubin2000,asthePonzi SchemeWorldComhadbeenusingtogrow wasunraveling,theassembledjournalistsgave himaloudroundofapplauseandthemood was“celebratory.”23 Enronwasnamedby Fortune magazineas“America’sMostInnovative Company”everysingleyearfrom1995to2000 (Schiller,2002).Adatasearchofmainstream news(andbusinessnews)coverageforthe word“Enron”priorto2001finds“littlebut praiseforitsmarketinnovations”(Ledbetter, 2003,p.A29).Itsubsequentlybecameknown thatthesefirmshadcourtedthemediawiththe samevigilanceandskilltheycourtedpoliticians.Boththe NewYorkTimes andViacomhad majorbusinessventureswithEnron,forexample,andEnronpaidseveralprominentjournalistsamountsrangingfrom$50,000to$100,000 to“consult”forthem(Blow,2002;Kurtz,2002a, p.C1;Smith,2000,p.A3).Enronplayedallthe angles;itwasanoriginalunderwriterfora majorPBSsix-partseriesonglobalizationthat eventuallyairedin2002,withEnron’sname removedfromthelistoffunders(FAIRMedia Advisory,2002).
Thefinancialcollapseofthesefirmsby2001 and2002,alongwiththetransparentuseof fraudulentandillegaltechniquestobilkpeople outofbillionsfinallymadethisanewsstory,a verybignewsstory.Moreover,therewere groundstothinkthiswouldbeapoliticalscandalofthehighestmagnitude,arguablyonapar withorexceedingWatergate.Forstarters, PresidentGeorgeW.Bush,VicePresident Cheney,aswellastheiradministrationhad extremelycloserelationswithEnronandits executives.EnronCEOKennethLayandhis fellowEnronexecutiveshadalsobeenmajor contributorstoGeorgeW.Bush’spolitical career(Dunbaretal.,2002,pp.1,2,6;Herbert, 2002,p.A27).Ata1997partyforthenEnron CEORichKinder,atwhichEnronexecutives jokedaboutusingbogusaccountingtricksto make“akazilliondollars”andattendedby thenTexasGovernorGeorgeW.Bush,former presidentGeorgeH.W.BushtoldKinder:“You havebeenfantastictotheBushfamily.Idon’t thinkanybodydidmorethanyoudidtosupport[myson]George.”24 ThepayoffforEnron ofhavingGeorgeW.BushentertheWhite
Housewasimmediate:itsexecutivesplayeda prominentroleinhelpingVicePresident Cheneydevelopanenergypolicyin2001,and theBushadministrationhelpedreduceEnron’s culpability(andthatofmanyothercorporations)fortheCaliforniaenergyscandalinthe newlyderegulatedmarketin2001(Leopold, 2002).
OnewouldhaveimaginedtheDemocrats wouldhavehadafielddaywiththisissue. Afterall,thecomparativelytrivialWhitewater scandalgeneratedaspecialprosecutorwhohad morethanfiveyearsandalargestaffand budgettohaveopenseasononanyaspectof PresidentClinton’sconduct,thoughnocrimes concerningWhitewaterwereeverestablished. AndhadtheDemocratsgonetowaronhis issue,journalistswouldhavehadample “officialsource”inputtowarrantmassive coverageofthecorporatescandalsasapolitical crisisofthehighestmagnitude.ButDemocrats didnotpursuethisroute,foranynumberof reasons,butoneinparticularstandsout:The Democrats,too,wereculpable.They,too,had presidedoverthederegulationfiascosandthey toohadcorporatebloodmoneyfillingtheir campaigncoffers.25 Ifthisstorywaspursued, therewasnotellingwhereitwouldstop.Consequently,theDemocrats,ledbylong-timederegulationproponentSenatorJosephLiebermanof Connecticut,sharedtheRepublicans’desireto downplaythepoliticalaspectsofthecrisisand convertitintoabusinessscandal,whereafew rogueCEOssteppedoutoflineandneededthe longarmofthelawtocorralthemsoinvestors couldsleepinpeaceagain(Oppel,Jr.,2003, pp.C1,C10).Accordingly,withnoofficial sourcespushingthisasapoliticalscandal,journalistseasilyconverteditintoabusinessstory. Someofthereportinginthebusinessandtrade presswasfirstrate,butthecruciallinkbetween corporatecrimeandpoliticalcorruptionallbut disappeared.Accordingly,too,thestorythen becamedecidedlylessimportantandwasrelegatedtothebusinesspages,tobereplacedby whatevertheofficialsourceswishedtotalk about,liketheprospectivewaronIraq.This inabilitytoprovidecriticismofthesystemasa whole—evenwhenitiswelldeserved—isan inherentflawofprofessionaljournalism.
Butthepeteringoutofthepresscoverageof thecorporatescandalsof2001and2002went beyondthetraditionallimitationsofprofessionaljournalism.Italsoreflectedthecore problemofentrustingthenewstolarge,profitmotivatedandself-interestedbusinessorganizations.TheCEOoftheNewYorkTimes Companyputitwellin2002:
Historically,thepress’sabilitytoactasacheckon theactionsofgovernmenthasbeenhelpedbythe factthatthetwoinstitutionsareconstitutionally separated,organizationallyandfinancially.The pressdoesnotdependongovernmentofficials eitherforitsstandingoritsresources.
Butithasamuchmoreintricaterelationshipwith bigbusiness.Today’snewsmediaarethemselves frequentlyapartoflarge,oftenglobalcorporations dependentonadvertisingrevenuethat,increasingly,comesfromotherlargecorporations.As publiccompaniesthemselves,thenewsmediaare underthesamekindofpressuretocreate “shareholdervalue,”byreducingcostsand increasingearnings,asareotherpubliccompanies. Andtheyfacenumerousconflictsofinterestas theygrowlargerandmorediversified.(Lewis,R., 2002,p.A23)
Inshort,thecorporatenewsmediahavea vestedinterestinthecorporatesystem.The largestmediafirmsaremembersingoodstandinginthecorporatecommunityandclosely linkedthroughbusinessrelations,shared investors,interlockingdirectors,andshared politicalvalueswitheachother.Thispushesthe corporatenewsmedia,asTomShalesputsit,to “paintasrosyapictureoftheeconomyas possible”(Shales,2002a,p.33).Thisencouraged thepresscoverageofthecorporatepolitical scandalsof2001and2002toreverttoa“crisis managementmode,”wherethestructuraland institutionaldeterminantsofthecorruptionare unexaminedandunexposed(Reed,2002,p.31). Bygolly,thesystemworks.
Thereisyetonefurtherlayertothisstorythat isnecessaryforafullunderstandingofthenews coverageofthecorporatescandalsof2001and 2002,andthatconcernstheconductofthe mediacorporationsthemselves.Thesefirmsare hardlyinnocentbystandersperchedonthe moralhighgroundastheyreportuponthe EnronsandGlobalCrossingsoftheworld.Their CEOs,liketheexecutivesatEnron,haveseen
theirsalariesshootoffthechartswhileearnings stagnateandlayoffsabound(Goldsmith,2001, pp.1,48;Krugman,2002b,p.A17).TheirCEOs, too,madekillingssellingoffvastlyoverpriced stockwhentheyknewtheirfirmwasaclunker butthemediawerestillreportingonitasifit wasanupandcomer(Gimein,2002,pp.64–74; Larsenetal.,2002b,p.1;Mermigas,2002,p.20). Mediafirms,too,a`la WorldComandEnron, traditionallyemployedquestionableaccounting practicesthatinflatedprofitexpectationsand fleecedworkers(ByrnesandLowry,2002,p.56; Conniff,2002).Moreover,astunningnumberof majormediacorporationsandexecutiveswere underinvestigationforcriminalactivitiesby 2002,includingDisneyCEOMichaelEisner, RupertMurdoch’sNewsCorporation,Charter Communications,andVivendiUniversal(Economist, 2002a,pp.55–57;Hofmeister,2002;JohnsonandLarsen,2003,p.20;MalletandLarsen, 2002,p.1;Reutersdispatch,2002;Streitfeld, 2002; WallStreetJournalOnline, 2002).Inkeepingwiththenotionthatthecloseranindustry istobeingexplicitlyregulated,thehigherthe likelihoodofextremecorruption,mediafirms areanaturalhotspotforflimflam.In2002five formerexecutivesatthebankruptAdelphia Communications(aregulatedcableTVcompany)werearrestedandchargedwith “orchestratingoneofthelargestfraudstotake placeataUSpubliccompany”(Larsenetal., 2002a,p.1).Themediacompanyonthetopof thecorporatecrimeblotterwasnoneotherthan AOLTimeWarner,whichfacedaseriesof lawsuitsandcriminalinvestigationsfromthe SecuritiesandExchangeCommissionandthe DepartmentofJustice.Itwaschargedwith heavilydistortingitsbooks,includinginflating itsadvertisingrevenuesonetimebynearly $200million(AngwinandPeers,2002; Economist, 2002b,pp.57–8;Grimes,2002,p.1;Kirkpatrick,2002,pp.B1,B14;Kirkpatrickand Hansell,2002,pp.C1,C2;Larsen,2002,p.19; PeersandCohen,2002).SomeofAOLTime Warner’sdubiousdealsthatwereunderinvestigationbytheSECincludedcomplextransactionswiththediscreditedQwestCommunicationsandWorldCom(Kirkpatrickand Romero,2002,pp.C1,C4).Mediafirmshistoricallyhavebeenreluctanttocovertheirown
misdeedsintheirnewsmedia,andtheycould hardlybeenthusiasticaboutano-holds-barred journalismthatwouldgettothebottomofthe corporatecrimeissueandletthechipsfall wheretheymay(Maguire,2002).
Incombination,then,thepresscoverageof thecorporatecrimescandalof2001and2002 helpeditgofrombeingapotentialhurricaneto a mildeveningrainshower.“Lookingbackon 2002,”apublicinterestgroupobserved,“itis hardtoavoidtheconclusionthatthebigcorporationswon.Confrontedwithacrisisofepic proportions,theyemergedwithbloodiednoses andsulliedreputations,butlittlemore”(MultinationalMonitor, 2002b,p.5).Inthesummerof 2002,whenthecrisiswasatitspeak,bothBush andCheneygavespeechesrailingagainstcorporatemisconduct,whileatthesametime aggressivelyfundraisingcorporationsand wealthyindividualsforcampaigncontributions (NievesandBumiller,2002,p.A19).Buteven beforethen,inthespring,thebusinesspress acknowledgedthestormhadpassed,andcorporatereformwouldbe,atmost,modest(Dunhametal.,2002,pp.30–2;Kuttner,2002b,p.24). ItwaslefttosyndicatedcolumnistMollyIvins toputthematterinperspective.Inacolumn outliningthechummyconnectionbetweenthe relevantmembersofCongressresponsiblefor overseeingtheinvestigationofcorporatefraud withtheveryindustriesmostlikelytohave engagedincrime,Ivinsconcluded:“They’ve alreadycalledoffthereformeffort;it’sover. Corporatemuscleshowedupandshutit down…Bottomline:It’sallgoingtohappen again.Welearnedzipfromourentirefinancial collapse.Ourpoliticalsystemistoobought-off torespondintelligently”(Ivins,2002).The economistMarkWeisbrotcapturedtheironyof thesituation:“OurCongressandtheexecutive branchhavebecomesocorruptedbyoursystemoflegalizedbribery—politicalcampaign contributions—thattheycannotevenenact positivereformsthataredesiredbymostofthe businessclass”(Weisbrot,2003).
SofarIhavediscussedthedirectandindirect commercialpressuresuponjournalismand theiralmostentirelynegativeimpact.Thereis alsoabroaderpoliticaleconomicpressure,one thatismagnifiedbytheincreasinglyexplicit
commandmenttomarketnewstotargetaudiences.Inalargelydepoliticizedsociety,there maybelittleeffectivedemandforpoliticaljournalism.Depoliticizationisbuiltintothebroader politicalcultureoftheUnitedStates,andithas grownarguablyoverthedecades;themedia tendtoencouragetheprocessbuttheyarenot primarilyresponsibleforit.AsImentioned above,itisoftennotedthatdemocracyrequires journalism;whatislessfrequentlyemphasized isthatjournalismrequiresdemocracy.Unless thereisstrongpoliticalculturetherewillbe littledemandforexcellentjournalism.Andif, aswilltendtoaccompanyadepoliticized society,thepoliticalsystemiscorruptand removedfrompopularinfluence,journalists havelessincentivetoproducehard-hitting expose´s, becausetheyknownothingtangiblein theformofpoliticalreformwillresult.Sowhat hasemergedintheUnitedStatesisthata significantnumberofoutstandinginvestigative reportsaredone,butthereisfarlessfollow-up byotherjournaliststopushthestoryalong, especiallyifnooneinpowerisexcitedbythe story.Thestoriesfalllikestonestothebottom ontheocean;thereisnoechoeffect.
Thisdilemmaleadstoaforkintheroadfor thecorporationsthatdirecttheUSnewsmedia. Dotheyattempttobattlethetide,provide hard-hittingandpowerfulpoliticaljournalism evenifitcostsmoreandmaynothaveagreat dealofimmediatemarketdemand,inthehope ofgeneratingastrongmarketforthenews downtheroad?(Loven,2002).Thisismade evermoredifficultbecauseprofessionaljournalismhasatendencytoavoidcontroversyand passionsuchthatitisnotwellsuitedtorousing thecitizenry.Whatispassedoffasserious newsisoftenthedreadfullydullreportingof debatesorpronouncementsamongpeoplein power(Bernstein,2000a,pp.13,17; Economist, October7,2000,p.42).Ordotheyacknowledge depoliticization,especiallyamongthecommerciallycrucial18–34agegroup,andtailorthe newstomakeitmoreentertainingandengagingtothattargetaudience?Dothey,inother words,optforwhatSusanDouglascallsthe “narcissismbias,”meaningnewsthataccepts andthereforeencouragespoliticalwithdrawal byemphasizingtriviaand“lifestyle”reporting?
(Douglas,2003,p.9).Thenewsmediahave optedforthislatterrouteasitmakesfarmore commercialsenseintheshortterm,butitalso underminesthe raisond’e ˆ tre ofjournalism(Barringer,2002c,pp.C1,C5;Burkman,2002;Johnson,2002a).Ifpeoplewantlightentertainment andunchallengingtidbitsfortheirjournalism, itmakesfarmoresensetowatchacomedy programthanthenews,andmanyAmericans doexactlythat.One2000studyshowedthat morethanone-thirdofAmericansunder30 regardcomedyshowslikeJayLeno’s Tonight Show astheirprimarysourcefornews (WilliamsandDelliCarpini,2002).Accordingly,asignificanttrendthathasemergedin recentyearsisforlocalcommercialtelevision stationstodiscontinuetheirnewsprogramming(Schneider,2002,p.22;Trigoboff,2002a, p.29).Afterwateringdownanddumbing downTVnewstothepointitisastandingjoke, whilemakingakillingwithinexpensiveand inanefare,stationseventuallyfindtheyhavea shrinkingaudiencesotheyclosedownthe store.Theyhavestrippedthepublicairwaves forparts,sotospeak.
Onemeasureofthedeepandseverecrisis afflictingUSjournalismistoconsiderthe moraleandassessmentofworkingeditorsand journalists.Fordecadesjournalistswerehighly sensitivetooutsidecriticismoftheirprofession, andproudoftheirroleinsociety.Bookstores teemedwithvolumespennedbyjournalists tellingoftheirimpressiveaccomplishments.No more.Inwhatisalmostaseachangeintemperament,themoraleofjournalistshasgone intoatailspinasaresultofthecommercial assaultonthenews.Prominentjournalistsand mediafigureslikeJohnHockenberry,David Halberstam,PBSpresidentPatMitchelland WalterCronkitedecrythecurrentsituation, withCronkitegoingsofarastoquestion whetherdemocracycan“evensurvive”(Halberstam,2000,pp.23–6;Margolis,2002; McLeod,2002;Ramon,2002).Rankandfile reporterscompilevolumesonthedeclineof journalism,repletewithcasestudyaftercase study.26 EvenLeonardDownie,Jr.andRobert G.Kaiser,thecurrentnationaleditorand associateeditorofthe WashingtonPost,in their 2002 TheNewsAbouttheNews:Americanjournal-
isminperil makeadevastatingcritiqueofthe bankruptcyofUSjournalism,significantlydue tocommercialpressures,thatwouldhavebeen unthinkabletwodecadesearlier(Downie,Jr. andKaiser,2002).Studyafterstudy,scientific oranecdotal,confirmthistrendinchilling detail.Harvard’sHowardGardnerandtwo otherscholarspublishedalong-termstudyof journalistsin2001,findingthatjournalistsare “overwhelmed”bythecommercialpressures ontheircraft,andfindcontemporaryjournalisma“nightmare.”Theydespairbecausethey arenot“allowedtopursuethemissionthat inspiredthemtoenterthefield”(Gardneretal., 2001,Chap.7).The ColumbiaJournalismReview publishedtheresultsofasurveyofTVnews directorsthatconcludedthat,dueoverwhelminglytocommercialfactors,“pessimismrules inTVnewsrooms”(Potter,2002,p.90).Linda Foley,thepresidentofthejournalistsunion,the NewspaperGuild,reportsthatthenumberone concernofhermembers,farmorethanwages andjobsecurity,isthedeclineoftheircraftto commercialpressures.27
ContemporaryUSjournalismstillhasits defenders,ofcourse,thoughtheyarefewerin ranksandtheyappeartohavelessswagger (Opel,2002,p.E8;Parker,2000,p.20).The defenseultimatelyfallsbackupontheposition thatthisisthemediasystemwehave,itisthe bestpossiblesystemforoursociety,soanythingitgenerateshasgottobegood.And insofarasthenewsmediaraisetheseconcerns aboutthecommercializationofjournalism beforethepublic—somethingdonevery,very rarely—ittendstostartandfinishwiththe assumptionoftheinviolabilityofthe statusquo, hencehandcuffingcriticalanalysis.Increasingly,inacademiaandonthemargins,however,sobervoicesarebeginningtothink(and writeandspeak)whatwasonceunthinkable:is thecorporate,commercialregulationofjournalismcompatiblewithademocraticsociety?Jay Harris,formerpublisherofthe SanJoseMercury News, arguesthatthemediaare“soessentialto ournationaldemocracy”thattheyshouldnot “bemanagedprimarilyaccordingtothe demandsofthemarketorthedictatesofa handfuloflargeshareholders”(Harris,Jay, 2001,p.6).JamesCareyoftheColumbiaJour-
nalismSchool,arguablythemostinfluentialUS journalismscholarofthepastgeneration,concludeda2002essayonthestateofthenews withthesomberassessmentthat“thereformof journalismwillonlyoccurwhennewsorganizationsaredisengagedfromtheglobalentertainmentandinformationindustriesthat increasinglycontainthem.”AsCareyadded, “Alasthepressmayhavetorelyuponademocraticstatetocreatetheconditionsnecessary forademocraticpresstoflourishandforjournaliststoberestoredtotheirproperroleas orchestratorsoftheconversationofademocraticculture”(Carey,2002,p.89).Thepolitical economicanalysisofthemediamaywellbe enteringitsmomentinthesun.
ButWait,Don’ttheMediaHaveaLiberal Bias?
Absentsofarinthisdiscussionofjournalism hasbeenanassessmentofthepropositionthat theUSnewsmediahavealiberal,evenleftwing,politicalbias.ThereasonIhaveneglected thisargumentthusfaristhatthisparticular critiqueisnotaninstitutionalorpoliticaleconomiccritique;indeed,politicaleconomicanalysishighlightsthesevereshortcomingsofthis claim.Buttheclaimthatthenewsmediahave a liberalpoliticalbiasissowidespreadthatit hascometoplayacrucialideologicalrolein thefunctioningofthenewsmediasystem.In 2001and2002nolessthan three bookspurportingtodemonstrateandelaborateuponthe media’sliberalbiasrestedhighatopthebestsellerlist(Coulter,2002;Goldberg,2001;Hannity,2002).Ithasbecome,ineffect,theofficial oppositiontothemedia statusquo, andisso regardedbyalargenumberofAmericans. Evenmoreimportant,theright-wingcampaign againstthe“liberalmedia”hasinfluenced mediacontent,pushingjournaliststobeless criticalofright-wingpoliticsintheirnever-ending(andneversuccessful)questtoestablish theirlackofbiasagainstthepoliticalright.For thesereasonstheconservativecriticismofthe “liberalmedia”meritsourattention.
Theveryideaofa“liberal”biasinthenews mediaisaveryAmericanproposition;in BritainandCanada,forexample,thereisnoth-
ingremotelyclosetoitinmagnitude.Tosome extentthatisameasureofjusthow successfulthenotionofprofessionaljournalism wasingrainedduringthe20thcenturyonthe UnitedStates,withtheorganizingprinciple thatdemocraticjournalismshouldbe,couldbe, andmustbepoliticallyimpartial(Coulter,2002; Goldberg,2001;Hannity,2002).Oncethe notionofprofessionaljournalismbecamedominant,theimportanceoftheviewsandconduct ofworkingjournalistsassumedgreaterimportancerelativetothebroaderinstitutionaldeterminantsofjournalism.Mainstreammedia analysisismostlyconcernedwithcommercial andgovernmentencroachmentonjournalistic autonomy,andwithjournalistsreceiving properprofessionaltraining.Theconservative critiqueisavariantofthemainstreamanalysis andisconcernedwithhowjournalistswould abusetheirnewfoundpowertodistortthe newstoservetheirownpoliticalagendas.This, too,wasandisconsideredaviolationofthe professionalcode.Suchcriticismwouldhave beennonsensicalpriortotheprofessionalera, whenjournalismexplicitlyrepresentedthevaluesoftheowners,whotendedtohavethe politicsoftheowningclass,tobeconservative.
Theconservativecritiqueisbasedthenon fourpropositions:(1)thedecisivepowerover thenewslieswiththejournalists,ownersand advertisersareirrelevantorrelativelypowerless;(2)journalistsarepoliticalliberals;(3)journalistsusetheirpowertoadvanceliberal politics;and(4)objectivejournalismwould almostcertainlypresenttheworldexactlyas seenbycontemporaryUSconservatives.For thisargumenttohold,thefirstthreeconditions mustbemet.Forthisargumenttohold,andfor onetomaintainacommitmenttoprofessional journalismasitispresentlyunderstood,the fourthconditionmustalsobemet.
Thefirstpointisintellectuallyindefensible andisenoughtocalltheentireconservative critiqueoftheliberalnewsmediaintoquestion. Nocrediblescholarlyanalysisofjournalism positsthatjournalistshavethedecisivepower todeterminewhatisandisnotnewsandhow itshouldbecovered.Incommercialmedia,the ownershireandfireandtheydeterminethe budgetsandtheoverarchingaimsoftheenter-
prise.AsRobertParryputsit,“inreality,most journalistshaveaboutasmuchsayoverwhatis presentedbynewspapersandTVnewsprogramsasfactoryworkersandforemenhave overwhatafactoryproduces”(Parry,2003). Successfuljournalists,andcertainlythosewho risetothetopoftheprofession,tendtointernalizethevaluesofthosewhoownandcontrol theenterprise.Sophisticatedscholarlyanalysis examineshowthesecommercialpressures shapewhatbecometheprofessionalvaluesthat guidejournalists.28 Infact,conservativestacitly acknowledgethetransparentlyideologicalbasis oftheclaimthatjournalistshaveallthepower overthenews.Therealproblemisnotthat journalistshaveallthepoweroverthenews,or evenmostofthepower,itisthattheyhave any powertobeautonomousfromownersand advertisers,whomconservativesgenerally regardashavingtheproperpoliticalworldview,sotheirinfluenceisnotaproblem.(Some conservativemediacriticslikeBrentBozell attempttoarguethatmediacorporationshave a left-wingpoliticalbias,buttheevidenceused tosupporttheseclaimsissopreposterousmost conservativesavoidthetopicaltogether.29) NewtGingrich,withtypicalcandorandalack ofPRrhetoric,laidbarethelogicbehindthe conservativecritique:whatneedstobedoneis toeliminatejournalisticautonomy,andreturn thepoliticsofjournalismtothepoliticsof mediaowners(McChesney,1999,p.245).This alsohelpstoexplainwhyUSconservatives tendtobeobsessedwithpushingpublicbroadcastingtooperatebycommercialprinciples; theyknowthatthemarketwillveryeffectively pushthecontenttomorepoliticallyacceptable outcomes,withoutanyneedfordirectcensorship(Jarvik,1997).
Thesecondproposition—thatjournalistsare liberals—hasthemostevidencetosupportit. Surveysshowthatjournaliststendtovote Democraticatagreaterproportionthanthe generalpopulation.Inonefamoussurveyof howWashingtoncorrespondentsvotedinthe 1992presidentialelection,somethinglike90 percentvotedforBillClinton.Tosomeconservativecritics,thatsettlesthematter.Butthe firstpointunderminestheimportanceofhow journalistsvote,orwhattheirparticularpoliti-
calbeliefsmightbe.Whatifownersandmanagershavemostofthepower,bothdirectlyand throughtheinternalizationoftheirpoliticaland commercialvaluesintheprofessionalcode? Surveysshowthatmediaownersandeditorial executivesvoteoverwhelminglyRepublican. An Editor&Publisher surveyfoundthatin2000 newspaperpublishersfavoredGeorgeW.Bush overAlGorebya3to1 margin,whilenewspapereditorsandpublisherstogetherfavored Bushbya2to1 margin(Editor&Publisher, 2000).Inaddition,whyshouldavoteforAl GoreorBillClintonbeperceivedasareflection ofliberalpolitics?Onmanyormostpolicies thesearemoderatetoconservativeDemocrats, verycomfortablewiththe statusquo oftheUS politicaleconomy.
Whatthisbegs,then,isananalysisofwhat, exactly,aliberalis.30 Tolistentotheshock troopsofconservativemediacritics,supportfor GoreorClintonisvirtuallyindistinguishable frombeingananarcho-syndicalistoraMarxistLeninist.Oneright-wingpunditechoedthis sentimentwhenhecalledtheeditorsofthe PhiladelphiaInquirer “die-hardoldschoolsocialists”(Adkins,2002).Butthisisabsurd.The actualrecordoftheUSnewsmediaistopay verylittleattentiontowhatmightbecalledthe politicalleft,andbythiswemeannotonly socialistsandradicalsbutalsowhatwouldbe calledmildsocialdemocratsbyinternational standards.Whatattentiontheleftactuallygets tendstobeunsympathetic,ifnotexplicitly negative.Foreignjournalistswriteabouthow USleft-wingsocialcriticswhoareprominent andrespectedpublicfiguresabroadarevirtuallynon-personsintheUSnewsmedia(Stille, 2000;Zerbisias,2002).Totheextentthereisa basisfortheclaim,conservativesareableto rendersynonymousClintonDemocratsand radicalleftistsbecauseoftheirmaincriteriafor whatisaliberal.Itisbaseduponwhatare calledsocialissues,suchasacommitmentto gayrights,women’srights,abortionrights,civil liberties,andaffirmativeaction.Andindeed,on theseissuesanotablepercentageofjournalists tendtohavepositionssimilartomanyofthose totheirleft.
TheAchillesheelforthisconservativecritiqueofjournalistliberalism,andtherefore
entirelyabsentfromtheirpronouncements, however,isaconsiderationofjournalists’views onissuesoftheeconomyandregulation.Here, unlikewithsocialissues,surveysshowthat journalistsholdpositionsthattendtobemore pro-businessandconservativethanthebulkof thepopulation.Indeed,bylookingatquestions surroundingclassandeconomicmatters,the (suspect)argumentthatjournalists’personal biasesandpoliticalopinionsdeterminethe newswouldleadinaverydifferentdirection thanconservativemediacriticssuggest.Over thepasttwogenerations,journalism,especially atthelargerandmoreprominentnewsmedia, hasevolvedfrombeingablue-collarjobto becomingadesirableoccupationofthewelleducatedupper-middleclass.Urbanlegendhas itthatwhenthenewsofthestockmarketcrash cameoverthetickertothe BostonGlobe newsroomin1929,thejournalistsallarosetogive BlackMondayastandingovation.Therich werefinallygettingtheircomeuppance!When thenewsofthestockmarketcrashreachedthe Globe newsroomin1987,ontheotherhand, journalistswereallfranticallyonthetelephone totheirbrokers.Asrecentlyas1971justover one-halfofUSnewspaperjournalistshadcollegedegrees;by2002nearly90percentdid.The mediansalaryforajournalistatoneofthe40 largestcirculationnewspapersintheUnited Statesin2002wasnearlydoublethemedia incomeforallUSworkers(Shaw,2002).Journalistsatthedominantmediaareunlikelyto haveanyideawhatitmeanstogowithout healthinsurance,tobeunabletolocateaffordablehousing,tohavetheirchildreninunderfundedanddilapidatedschools,tohave relativesinprisonorthefrontlinesofthe military,tofacethethreatofseverepoverty. Theyliveinaverydifferentworldfrommost Americans.Theymaybe“liberal”oncertain issues,butonthecoreissuesofpoliticaleconomy,theyarehardlytotheleftoftheUS population,andtheytendtobequitecomfortablewiththecorporate statusquo.To theextent theirbackgroundandvaluesdeterminethe news,itisunlikelytoexpectjournaliststobe sympathetictotraditionalliberal,nottomentionleft-wing,policiesandregulations.
Asforthethirdproposition,thatjournalists
usetheirpowertoadvanceliberalpolitics,the evidenceisfarfromconvincing.Oneofthecore pointsoftheprofessionalcodeistoprevent journalistsfrompushingtheirownpoliticson tothenews,andmanyjournalistsareproudto notethatwhiletheyareliberal,theircoverage tendedtobendthesticktheotherway,to preventthechargethattheyhavealiberalbias andareunprofessional.Asonenewsproducer stated,“themainbiasofjournalistsisthebias nottolookliketheyfavorliberals.”31 “Oneof thebiggestcareerthreatsforjournalists,”a veteranWashingtonreporterwrotein2002,“is tobeaccusedof‘liberalbias’fordiggingup storiesthatputconservativesinabadlight” (Parry,2002).Moreover,researchshowsthat whilemanyjournalistsmayhaveliberalpolitics onsocialissues,fewofthemarepolitical junkies.Oftentheyarecynicalanddepoliticized,muchlikethegeneralpublic.Iftheyare obsessedwithadvancingapoliticalagenda, theytendtobecomecolumnistsorleavethe profession,astheprofessionalconstraintsare toogreat.Atitsbest,butonlyrarely,theconservativecritiquehasemphasizednotthe aggressiveliberalismofindividualreporters— forwhichthereislittleevidence—but,rather, howliberalpoliticalvaluesareinscribedinto theprofessionalcode(Leo,2001,p.A8).Thisis wheretheconservativecritiquehasapolitical economicbasis.Henceanyjournalistwho receivesprofessionaltraining,regardlessof theirpersonalpoliticalinclinations,istrainedto adoptliberalpoliticsandregardthemasneutralandnonpartisan.But,totheextentthis argumentholds,thisisaliberalismthatisfully comfortablewiththe statusquo;itis theleft wingofeliteopinion;itisnotradical.(Andas eliteopinionhasmovedrightward,theliberalismoftheprofessionalcodehasdiminished.) Totheextentprofessionalautonomycollapses, sotoodoestheimportanceoftheliberalbias builtintotheprofessionalcode.
Asforthefinalproposition,thattrulyobjectivejournalismwouldinvariablyseetheworld exactlythewayRushLimbaughseesit,this pointstotheideologicalnatureoftheexercise. Despitetheattentionpaidtothenews,there hasneverbeenaninstanceofconservatives criticizingjournalismforbeingtoosoftona
right-wingpoliticianorunfairtoliberalsorthe left.Itisaone-waystreet.Conservativeswould respondthatthisiswhatallmediacriticismis about—whiningthatyoursideisgetting treatedunfairly.In1992RichBond,thenthe chairoftheRepublicanParty,acknowledged thatthepointofbashingtheliberalmediawas to“worktherefs”likeabasketballcoachdoes, withthegoalthat“maybetherefwillcutyou a littleslackonthenextone.”32 Andsome journalistscometodismissexaminationsof journalisticbiasasexercisesinopportunism, thatsimplycomewiththeterritory.Theycan say,“Hey,wearebeingshotatfrombothsides, sowemustbedoingitright.”Theproblem withthatresponseisthatitabsolvesthemedia ofactuallyaddressingthespecificcharges; sincetheybalanceeachothertheycanbedismissedcategorically.Asonewaghaspointed out,eventheNazimediahadafewfanatical criticswhothoughtitwasinsufficientlyantiSemiticoranti-Communist,atleastinthe 1930s.Sinceitwasthereforegetting“shotat frombothsides,”doesthatmeantheNazi presswasdoingitright?Politicaleconomy,like allscholarship,attemptstoprovideacoherent andintellectuallyconsistentexplanationof journalismthatcanwithstandcriticalinterrogation.Theconservativecritiqueoftheliberal newsmediaisanintellectualfailure,riddled withcontradictionsandinaccuracy.
Sowhyistheconservativecritiqueofthe liberalnewsmediasuchasignificantforcein USpoliticalandmediaculture?Tosomeextent thisisbecausetheconservativecritiqueofthe liberalmediahastremendousemotionalpower, fittingintoabroaderstoryoftheconservative massesbattlingtheestablishmentliberalmedia elite.Inthisworld,spunbythelikesofAnn CoulterandSeanHannity,conservativesdo righteousbattleagainsttheallianceofClinton, Castro,binLaden,drugusers,gays,rappers, feminists,teachersunions,vegetariansand journalists,whoholdpowerovertheworld.As oneconservativeactivistputit,thebattleover mediaisa“DavidandGoliathstruggle.”33 At itsstrongest,andmostcredible,theconservativecritiquetapsintotheelitisminherentto professionalismandtoliberalism,thoughthis populismturnstomushoncetheissueofclass
isintroduced.Someconservativemediacriticismbacksawayfromfirebreathing,andattemptstopresentamoretemperedcritique, evencriticizingtherampantcommercialization ofjournalism.BernardGoldberg’s Bias, for example,wascriticizedforitsshoddyuseof evidence,butaspectsofthecritiquehaving littletodowiththe“DavidversusGoliath” mythologyrangtrue,andmadethebookcredible.34 AsSteveRendalloftheleft-liberalmedia watchgroupFairness&AccuracyinReporting putit,“bigchunksofthebookactuallypointto FAIR’spointofview”(Jurkowitz,2002).
Themainreasonfortheprominenceofthe conservativecritiqueoftheliberalnewsmedia, however,haslittleornothingtodowiththe intellectualqualityofthearguments.Itisthe resultofhardcorepoliticalorganizingtoproducethatresult.Theconservativemovement againstliberaljournalismwaslaunchedin earnestinthe1970s.Pro-businessfoundations wereaghastatwhattheysawastheantibusinesssentimentprevalentamongAmericans,especiallymiddle-classyouth,usuallya coreconstituencyforsupport.Mainstreamjournalism,whichinreportingtheactivitiesof officialsourceswasgivingpeoplelikeRalph Nadersympatheticexposure,wasseenasa primeculprit.Atthatpointthepro-business “neoliberal”politicalrightbegantodevote enormousresourcestocriticizingandchanging thenewsmedia(PeoplefortheAmericanWay, 1995).Aroundone-halfofalltheexpenditures ofthe12largestconservativefoundationshave beendevotedtothetaskofmovingthenews rightward.Thishasentailedfundingthetrainingofconservativeandbusinessjournalistsat universities,creatingconservativemediato provideatrainingground,establishingconservativethinktankstofloodjournalismwith pro-businessofficialsources,andincessantly jawboninganycoveragewhatsoeverthatis criticalofconservativeinterestsasbeing reflectiveof“liberal”bias(Dolny,2000,p.23; Campbell,K.,2002b;Conniff,K.,2001;Harden, 2001,p.A8;Husseini,2000,p.23).Theprobusinessrightunderstoodthatchangingmedia wasacrucialpartofbringingright-wingideas intoprominence,andpoliticiansintopower. “Yougethugeleverageforyourdollars,”a
conservativephilanthropistnotedwhenhediscussedtheturntoideologicalwork(Kuttner, 2002a).Thereisawell-organized,well-financed andactivehardcoreconservativecoterieworkingtopushthenewsmediatotheright.Asa WashingtonPost WhiteHousecorrespondent putit,“theliberalequivalentofthisconservativecoteriedoesnotexist”(Harris,J.F.,2001, p.B1).
Thesuccessoftheright-wingcampaignin popularizingtheviewthatthenewsmedia havealiberalbiashasbeenaccomplishedto someextentbyconstantrepetitionwithoutany significantcountervailingposition.Crucialto thepromotionoftheideathatthenewsmedia areliberalhavebeen,ironicallyenough,the so-calledliberalmedia.Onestudyofpress coveragebetween1992and2002findsthatreferencestotheliberalbiasofthenewsmedia outnumberthosetoaconservativebiasbya factorofmorethan17to1(Nunberg,2002a).It istrumpetedfarandwidebythemedia,such thattheconservativecritiqueiswellknowto millionsofAmericansasthe only dissidentcriticismofthemedia.Theconservativecritiqueis insomerespectsthe“officialopposition”of professionaljournalism,becauseinasense journalistshavetobeseenas“liberals”forthe systemtohavecredibility.Werejournalists seenascravenlybowingbeforewealthand privilege,itwouldunderminethecredibilityof theenterpriseasanautonomousdemocratic force.Afterall,thatisasignificantpartofwhat ledtotheriseofprofessionaljournalisminthe firstplace.Theconservativecriticismisalso ratherflatteringtojournalists;itsaystothem: youhaveallthepowerandtheproblemisyou usethatpowertoadvancetheinterestsofthe poorandminorities(orgovernmentbureaucratsandliberalelitists)ratherthantheinterestsofcorporationsandthemilitary(ormiddle America).Apoliticaleconomiccritique,which suggeststhatjournalistshavemuchlesspower andthattheyarelargelytheunwittingpawns offorcesthatmakethemtheagentsofthe status aquo,is muchlessflatteringandalmost nowheretobefound.
Ofevengreatersignificance,thisright-wing campaignhasbeensuccessfulinactuallymakingthenewsmediamoresympathetictoright-
wingpoliticiansandpro-corporatepolicies.The moveofjournalismtotherighthasbeenaided bythreeotherfactors.First,therightwingof theRepublicanparty,typifiedbyReaganand nowBush,hasgainedconsiderablepolitical powerwhiletheDemocraticpartyhasbecome significantlymorepro-businessinitsoutlook. Thismeansthateditorsandjournalistsfollowingtheprofessionalcodearesimplygoingto havemuchgreaterexposurethroughofficial sourcestoneoliberalandconservativepolitical positions.Thebodyofliberalofficialsources thatexistedinthe1960sand1970sisrelatively smallerandfarlessinfluential.Second,aswe discussedabove,thebasisfortheconservative critiqueoftheliberalmedia—theautonomyof journalistsfromowners,theseparationof churchandstate—hasdiminishedoverthepast 20years.Thereislessprotectiontokeepjournalistsindependent,implicitlyandexplicitly,of thepoliticsoftheowners.Yettheconservative critiqueliveson,asprominentasever.Tothe extentitdoesisanindicationofhowmuchthe critiqueisanideologicalexerciseinharassing themediatoprovidemorepro-neoliberal coverage,ratherthanagenuineattemptto makesenseofhowandwhyjournalismis producedthewayitis.Third,conservatives movecomfortablyinthecorridorsofthecorporatemedia.Thisispreciselywhatonewould expect.Journalistswhopraisecorporationsand commercialismwillbeheldinhigherregard (andgivenmoreslack)byownersandadvertisersthanjournalistswhoareroutinelycriticalof them.MuchismadeofRupertMurdoch’sFox NewsChannel,whichseeminglyoperatesasan adjunctoftheRepublicanParty,butthepoint holdsacrosstheboard.35 Severalprogressive radiohosts,forexample,havehadtheirprogramscancelledalthoughtheyhadsatisfactory ratingsandcommercialsuccess,becausethe contentoftheirshowsdidnotsitwellwiththe stationownersandmanagers(Pohlman,2000, p.22).
Insum,theconservativecampaignagainst theliberalmediahasmeshedcomfortablywith thecommercialandpoliticalaspirationsof mediacorporations.Theupshotisthatbythe earlyyearsofthe21stcenturytheconservatives havewon.The WashingtonPost’sE.J.Dionne
termedthisa“genuinetriumphforconservatives.”“Thedrumbeatofconservativepress criticismhasbeensosteady,theestablishment presshasinternalizedit”(Dionne,Jr.,2002, p.A4,A5).By2001CNN’schiefWalterIsaacsonwassolicitingconservativestoseehowhe couldmakethenetworkmorepalatableto them.Intheirquietermomentsconservatives acknowledgethevictory,thoughtheywill insistthatthevictoryisjustified(Kelly,2002, p.A7).Butthegeneralpatternisthatconservativepunditsdominateinthecommercialnews mediawiththeincessantrefrainthatthemedia aredominatedby…liberals.Thenewsmedia dietoftheaverageAmericanrunsisdrawn fromamenutiltedheavilytotheright.Talk radio,whichplaysaprominentroleincommunitiesacrossthenation,“tendstorunthe gamutfromconservativeto…veryconservative,”asonereporterputsit(Fahri,2002,p.C1). By2003,aGallupPollsurveyshowedthat22 percentofAmericansconsideredtalkradioto betheirprimarysourcefornews,doublethe figurefrom1998(Carney,2003).TVnewsruns frompro-businesscentristtorabidlypro-businessright,andmostnewspaperjournalismis nobetter.Alltold,theaverageAmericancannothelpbutbeexposedtoanoticeabledouble standardthathasemergedinthecoverageof mainstreampoliticiansandpolitics.
Lookingatthedifferentmannerinwhichthe presshasportrayedandpursuedthepolitical careersofBillClintonandGeorgeW.Bush revealsthescopeoftheconservativevictory.A Nexissearch,forexample,revealsthatthere were13,641storiesaboutClintonavoidingthe militarydraft,andamere49storiesaboutBush havinghispowerfulfatheruseinfluencetoget himputattheheadofthelinetogetintothe NationalGuard.36 BillClinton’ssmalltime Whitewateraffairjustifiedamassivesevenyear,$70millionopen-endedspecialinvestigationofhisbusinessandpersonallifethatnever establishedanycriminalbusinessactivity,but eventuallydidproducetheLewinskyallegations.RickKaplan,formerheadofCNN, acknowledgedthatheinstructedCNNtoprovidetheLewinskystorymassiveattention, despitehisbeliefthatitwasoverblown, becauseheknewhewouldfacewitheringcriti-
cismforaliberalbiasifhedidnotdoso.37 GeorgeW.Bush,ontheotherhand,hada remarkablydubiousbusinesscareerinwhich hemadeafortunefloutingsecuritylaws,tappingpublicfunds,andusinghisfather’sconnectionstoprotecthisbackside,butthenews mediabarelysniffedatthestoryanditreceived nospecialprosecutor(Evans,2002;Krugman, 2002a;Teather,2002).Onedoubtstheheadof CNNgoestosleepatnightinfearofbeing accusedofbeingtoosoftonBush’sbusiness dealing.Orimagine,foronesecond,whatthe responseofRushLimbaugh,theFoxNews Channel,talkradio,andsoonthereafterthe entiretyofpoliticaljournalism,wouldhave beenifmorethanayearafterthe9/11attack, a presidentAlGorehadnotyetcaptured OsamabinLaden!Thelistgoesonandon.As RobertKuttnerobservedin2003,“Whatifthere wereafailedadministrationandnobody noticed?”(Kuttner,2003).Itmayhelpto explainwhypollshaveshownthroughouthis presidencythatBushreceivesfairlyhigh approvalratingsfromvoters,butwhenqueried onspecificissuestheytendtodisagreewith him.
Theconservativecampaignagainsttheliberal mediaishardlythedominantfactorinunderstandingnewsmediabehavior.Itworksin combinationwiththebroaderlimitationsof
Notes
professionaljournalismaswellasthecommercialattackuponjournalism.Conservativeideologyandcommercialized,depoliticizedjournalismhavemeshedverywell,anditisthiscombinationthatdefinesthepresentmoment.
Conclusion
InthisarticleIhavepresentedapoliticaleconomiccritiqueofcontemporaryUSjournalism, emphasizingtheoriginsandlimitationsofprofessionaljournalism,thecommercialattack uponjournalism,andtheright-wingcritiqueof the“liberalmedia.”Inmyview,theUSpolity isenmeshedinadeepcrisisandthecollapseof a viablejournalismisasignificantfactor—but bynomeanstheonlyone—inexplainingthe shriveledanddilapidatedstateofUSdemocracy.Apoliticaleconomicanalysisstressesthat thereasonsforlousyjournalismstemnotfrom morallybankruptoruntalentedjournalists,but fromastructurethatmakessuchjournalismthe rationalresultofitsoperations.Henceifweare seriousaboutproducingajournalismandpoliticalculturesuitabletoaself-governing society,itismandatorythattherebestructural changeinthemediasystem.Thismeans explicitandmajorchangesinthepublicpolicies thathavecreatedandspawnedthemedia status quo.
1 Forsomewhatdifferentaccountsthatdrawinvaluablematerial,seeKaplan,R.(2002)andMindich(1998).
2 Fortheclassicstatementonprofessionaljournalism,seePulitzer(1989,pp.190–9).
3 Theclassictreatmentsofthistopicinclude:Tuchman(1978);Gans(1979);Fishman(1980).Foramorerecentcritique,from a Canadianperspective,seeHackettandZhao(1998).
4 Iam indebtedtoBenBagdikianformuchofwhatfollows.SeeBagdikian(2000).
5 Forabrilliantdiscussionofthisanditsimplicationsfordemocracy,seeLasch(1995,Chap.9).
6 InterviewwithCharlesLewis,in OrwellRollsOverinhisGrave, documentarybyRobertPappas(2002).
7 ForexamplesoftheCPI’swork,gotowww.publicintegrity.org.
8 See,forexample,Epstein(1973);KovachandRosenstiel(1999);Bennett(2001);Scheuer(1999).
9 See,forexample,SerrinandSerrin(2002);WoodhullandSnyder(1998).
10 Foracollectionoftheirreportscollectedintoabook,seeBartlettandSteele(1992).
11 See,forexample,PringandCanan(1983,1996).
12 MuchofthishasbeenwrittenbyprominentjournalistslikeBagdikian.Seealso,Squires(1993);Underwood(1993); McManus(1994).
13 ThedefinitiveworkonthisissueisKimball(1994).
14 RobertW.McChesneyinterviewofRickKaplan,formerpresidentofCNN,March2001.
15 SeeNote6.
16 See,forexample,StevensonandBumiller(2002,pp.A1,A14);Mitchell(2002,p.A9).
17 See,forexample,MoyandPfau(2000).
18 See,forexample,JacksonandHart(2001,pp.15–22).
19 SeeLasica(2001);Moraes(2002a,p.C7);foralongerdiscussionofthecorporateinfluenceoverABCNews,seeMeyer(2000, pp.30–6).
29 SeeBozellIIIandBaker(1990).ToestablishthatevenmediacorporationslikeGeneralElectrichavea“liberal”bias,the authorspointtohowGE’sphilanthropicarmgivesafewhundredthousanddollarsannuallytonumerousmainstream groups(e.g.theNAACP,theCouncilonForeignRelations,theAudubonSociety).GE’senormouscontributionsto politiciansandmulti-milliondollarlobbyingarmadadonotrateanymentionwhatsoever.
30 Anotherquestiontobeasked,iswhat,exactly,isaconservative?The“business-can-do-no-wrong”neoliberaloftheearly 21stcenturyisaverydifferentanimalfromtheclassicalconservativeofearliertimes.
31 TelephoneinterviewwithJeffCohen,producer,Donahueshow,MSNBC,December2002.
32 Quotedin TheWashingtonPost, August20,1992.
33 CommentofJosephFarah,inO’Keefe(2002).
34 GeoffreyNunbergdemolishedBiasinaseriesofarticlesin2002.See,forexample,Nunberg(2002b).
35 See,forexample,Parry(2003);CarterandRutenberg(2002,p.A24);Rendall(2001,p.13).
36 StatisticprovidedbyBegala(2001).
37 RobertW.McChesneyinterviewwithRickKaplan,Urbana,Illinois,March2002.
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