CR: The New Centennial Review, Volume 15, Number 1, Spring 2015, pp. 215-248 (Article)
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GeorgeWashingtonUniversity,Washington,D.C.
DedicatedtothebravewomanattheD.C.Metrostation
I.
PerversejuxtapositionsstructureourrelationtothePolitical.Thisbecomes evenmoreapparentandproblematicwhenweconsiderthepositionofblacks withinthisstructuring.1 Ontheonehand,ourDeclarationofIndependence proclaims,“Allmenarecreatedequal,”andyetblackcaptiveswerefractioned inthispoliticalarithmeticasthree-fifthsofthis“man.”Theremainder,the two-fifths,getslostwithinthearithmeticshuffleofcommerceandmercenary prerogatives.We,ofcourse, hoped thattheReconstructionAmendments wouldcorrectthisarithmeticalerrorandfinallyprovideanontologicalequation,oranexistentialvariable,thatwouldrestorefracturedandfractioned
CR:TheNewCentennialReview,Vol.15,No.1,2015,pp.215–248.ISSN1532-687X. ©2015MichiganStateUniversity.Allrightsreserved.
blackbeing.Thisdidnothappen.Blackhumanitybecamesomewhatofan “imaginarynumber”inthisequation,purelyspeculativeandniceintheory butdifficulttoactualizeortranslateintosomethingtangible.Polltaxes, grandfatherclauses,literacytests,andextra-legalandlegalviolencemadea mockeryofthe14thAmendment,andtheconvictleasingsystemturnedthe 13thAmendmentinsideoutforblacks.Yet,weapproachthispoliticalperversitywithacertainapodicticcertaintyandincontrovertiblehopethatthings will(anddo)getbetter.ThePolitical,wearetold,providesthematerialor substanceofourhope;itiswithinthePoliticalthatwearetofind,ifwesearch withvigilanceandworktirelessly,the“answer”totheontologicalequation— hardwork,suffering,anddiligencewillrestorethefractionedthree-fifthswith itsalienatedtwo-fifthsand,finally,createOnethatwecanincludeinour declarationthat“Allmenarecreatedequal.”Wearestillawaitingthis“event.”
Dr.MartinLutherKingJr.placedgreatemphasisontherestorationof blackbeingthroughsufferinganddiligenceinhissermon“TheAmerican Dream”(1965):
AndIwouldliketosaytoyouthismorningwhatI’vetriedtosayalloverthis nation,whatIbelievefirmly:thatinseekingtomakethedreamarealitywe mustuseandadoptapropermethod.I’mmoreconvincedthaneverbefore thatviolenceisimpracticalandimmoral...we neednothate;weneednotuse violence.Wecanstandupagainstourmostviolentopponentandsay:wewill matchyourcapacitytoinflictsufferingbyourcapacitytoenduresuffering.We willmeetyourphysicalforcewithsoulforce.Dotouswhatyouwillandwewill stillloveyou...we willgotointhosejailsandtransformthemfromdungeons ofshametohavensoffreedomandhumandignity.Sendyourhoodedperpetratorsofviolenceintoourcommunitiesafternightanddragusoutonsome waysideroadandbeatusandleaveushalfdead,andasdifficultasitis,wewill stillloveyou.... [T]hreatenourchildrenandbombourchurches,andas difficultasitis,wewillstillloveyou.
Butbeassuredthatwewillrideyoudownbyourcapacitytosuffer.One daywewillwinourfreedom,butwewillnotonlywinitforourselves,wewillso appealtoyourheartsandconsciencethatwewillwinyouintheprocess.And ourvictorywillbedouble.
TheAmericandream,then,isrealizedthroughblacksuffering.Itisthehumiliated,incarcerated,mutilated,andterrorizedblackbodythatservesasthe vestibulefortheDemocracythatistocome.Infact,italmostbecomesimpossibletothinkthePoliticalwithoutblacksuffering.Accordingtothislogic, corporealfractureengendersontologicalcoherence,inapoliticalarithmetic saturatedwithviolence.Thus,nonviolenceisamisnomer,orsomewhatofa ruse.Black-sacrificeisnecessarytoachievetheAmericandreamandits promiseofcoherence,progress,andequality.
Wefindsimilarlogicinthecontemporarymoment.RenishaMcBride, JordonDavis,KodyIngham,AmadouDiallo,AiyanaStanley-Jones,Frederick JermainCarter,ChavisCarter,TimothyStansbury,HadiyaPendleton,Oscar Grant,SeanBell,KendrecMcDade,TrayvonMartin,andMikeBrown,among others,constituteafatalruptureofthePolitical;thesesignifiers,stainedin blood,refusetheclosurethatthePoliticalpromises.Theyhauntpolitical discoursesofprogress,betterment,equality,citizenship,andjustice—the metaphysicalorganizationofsocialexistence.Wearewitnessingashocking accumulationofinjuredandmutilatedblackbodies,particularlyyoungblack bodies,whichplacewhatseemstobeanunanswerablequestionmarkinthe politicalfield:ifwearetrulyprogressingtowardthis“society-that-is-to-come (maybe),”whyisblacksufferingincreasingatsuchalarmingrates?Inresponsetothisinquiry,wearetoldtokeepstruggling,keep“hope”alive,and keepthefaith.AfterGeorgeZimmermanwasacquittedformurderingTrayvonMartin,PresidentObamaaddressedthenationandimportunedusto keepfightingforchangebecause“eachsuccessivegenerationseemstobe makingprogressinchangingattitudestowardrace”and,ifweworkhard enough,wewillmovecloserto“becomingamoreperfectunion.”Despite Martin’scorpselingeringinthemindsofyoungpeopleandZimmerman’s smileofreliefaftertheverdict,wearetoldthatthingsareactuallygetting better.Supposedly,thegenerationthatmurderedTrayvonMartinandRenishaMcBrideismuchbetterthanthegenerationthatmurderedEmmettTill. Blacksuffering,here,isinstrumentalizedtoaccomplishpedagogical,cathartic,andredemptiveobjectivesand,somehow,thegrowingnumberofdead blackbodiesinthetwenty-firstcenturyisanindicationofourprogresstoward“perfection.”Isperfectionpredicatedonblackdeath?Howmanymore
BlackNihilismandthePoliticsofHope
blackbodiesmustbelynched,mutilated,burned,castrated,raped,dismembered,shot,anddisabledbeforeweachievethis“moreperfectunion”?In manyways,blacksufferinganddeathbecomethepremierevehiclesofpoliticalperfectionandsocialmaturation.
ThisessayarguesthatthelogicofthePolitical—lineartemporality,biopoliticalfuturity,perfection,betterment,andredress—sustainsblacksuffering.Progressandperfectionareworkedthroughthepainedblackbodyand anyrecoursetothePoliticalanditsdiscourseofhopewillultimatelyreproducetheverymetaphysicalstructuresofviolencethatpulverizeblackbeing. Thispieceattemptstorescueblacknihilismfromdiscursiveandintellectual obliteration;ratherthanthinkingaboutblacknihilismasasetofpathologies inneedoftreatment,thisessayconsidersblacknihilismanecessaryphilosophicalposturecapableofunravelingthePoliticalanditsdevastatinglogic ofpoliticalhope.Blacknihilismresistsemancipatoryrhetoricthatassumesit ispossibletopurgethePoliticalofanti-blackviolenceandadvances political apostasy astheonly“ethical”responsetoblacksuffering.
Tospeakofthe“PoliticsofHope”istodenaturalizeordemystifyacertain usage ofhope.HereIwanttomakeadistinctionbetween“hope”(thespiritual concept)and“thepoliticsofhope”(politicalhope).Therelationshipbetween thespiritualconceptofhopeanditsuseasapoliticalinstrumentisthefocus oftheblacknihilistcritique.2
FollowingKantandotherpostmetaphysicalphilosophers,thecritical fieldquestions(andinsomecirclescompletelydenounces)acertainspiritual predispositiontotheworld—that“unknowable” noumenon thatlimitsReasonbutprovidestheconditionofpossibilityforitsorganizationoftheworld ofperception, phenomenon.Theproblemwiththecriticalquestioningofthe spiritualisthatitoftenappropriatesspiritualconceptsandthen,insidiously, translatesthemintothe“scientific”ortheknowable,asawaytobothcapitalizeonthemysticpowerofthespiritualandtopreservethespiritualunderthe guiseof“enlightenedunderstanding.”Wefindthisdeceptivetranslationand capitalizationofspiritualsubstancewithinthesphereofthePolitical—that
CalvinL.Warren 219organizationofsocialexistencethroughpoliticalinstitutions,mandates,logics,andgrammars—asawaytogovernanddisciplinebeings.Ifwethinkof hopeasaspiritualconcept—aconceptthatalwaysescapesconfinement withinscientificdiscourse—thenwecansuggestthathopeconstitutesa “spiritualcurrency”thatwearegivenasaninheritancetoinvestinvarious aspectsofexistence.Theissue,however,isthatthereisoftena compulsory investment ofthisspiritualsubstanceinthePolitical.Thisistheforceddestinationofhope—itmustendupinthePoliticalandcannotexistoutsideofit (oranyexistenceofhope“outside”thepoliticalsubverts,compromises,and destroyshopeitself.Likeplacingafishoutofwater.Itisasifhopeonlyhas intelligibilityandefficacywithinandthroughthePolitical).Putdifferently, thepoliticsofhopepositsthatone must haveapoliticstohavehope;politics isthenaturalhabitatofhopeitself.Torejecthopeinanihilisticway,then,is reallytorejectthepoliticsofhope,orcertaincircumscribedandcompulsory formsofexpressing,practicing,andconceivingofhope.
Intheessay“AFidelitytoPolitics:ShameandtheAfricanAmericanVote inthe2004Election,”GrantFarred(2006)exposesakernelofirrationalityat thecenterofAfricanAmericanpoliticalparticipation.Traditionally,political participationismotivatedbyself-interestedexpectancy;thispoliticalcalculusassumesthatpoliticalparticipation,particularlyvoting,isaninvestment withanassuranceofareturnorpoliticaldividend.Thestructureofthe Political—thecircularmovementbetweenself-interest,action,andreward— issustainedthroughwhatFarredcallsthe“electoralunconscious.”It“historicizesthesubjectinrelationtothepoliticalinthatitdeterminesthehorizon ofwhatispossibleitmaps,throughitsdelimitationorits(relative)lackof limits,whattheconstituencyanditsmembersimaginetheycan,or,wouldlike toexpectfromthepolitical”(217).Inthisway,theelectoralunconscious,as therealmofpoliticalfantasy,mirrorstheLacaniannotionoffantasy;itmaps thecoordinatesofthepoliticalsubjectandteachesithowexactlytodesirethe Political.ForFarred,thereisapeculiarlogic(“anotherscene”)operatingas themotivationforAfricanAmericanparticipationinthePolitical.Unlikethe traditionalpoliticalcalculus,whereactionandrewarddeterminecivicengagement,AfricanAmericanparticipationdoesnotfollowthisrationalcalculus—becauseifitdid,therewouldactuallybenorationalreasonforAfrican
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Americanstovote,giventhehistoricityofvotingasanineffectivepracticein gainingtangible“objects”forachievingredress,equality,andpoliticalsubjectivity.AfricanAmericans,accordingtoFarred,havean“irrationalfidelity”toa practicethat,historically,hasyieldednoconcretetransformationsofantiblackness.Thisgroupisgovernednotbythe“electoralunconscious”butby the“historicalconscious,”whichisthe“intense[andincessant]understandingofhowthefranchisehasbeenachieved,ofitsprecariousprecisenessas wellastheir(growing)contemporaryliminality,theirstatusasmarginalized politicalsubjects”(217).AfricanAmericansareafaithfulvotingblocknot becauseofvoting’spoliticalefficaciousnessbutasawaytocontendwitha painful(andshame-full)historyofexclusionanddisenfranchisement.Politicalparticipationbecomesanactofhistoricalcommemorationandobligation;onevotesbecausesomeonebledanddiedfortheopportunitytoparticipate,and“duty”and“indebtedness”motivatethispartialpoliticalsubject. Withinthispiece,wegetasensethatblackfidelitytothePoliticalistantamounttotheLacaniannotionof drive—oneperpetuatesasystemdesignedto annihilate—participation,then,followsanotherlogic.Theactofvoting,accordingtoFarred,islegitimateinandofitself;itisa meansasanend (orameans withoutanend,ifwefollowAgamben’slogic[2000]).The means,thepraxisof voting,isallthereiswithoutanendinsight.AfricanAmericanpolitical participationisaninterminablecycleofreproduction,acontinuouspractice ofreproducingthemeansofreproductionitself.Thisirrationalfidelitytoa meanswithoutanendgivesriseto“thepoliticsofdespair”—representation foritsownsakeandtheapotheosisofsingularfigures—andapoliticswithouthope:
AfricanAmericanfidelity,however,takesitsdistancefromPauline“hope”— likefaith,hopeispredicateduponacomplexadmixtureofexpectationsand difference.Inthisrespect,theAfricanAmericanvoteisnot,asinthecolloquial sense,hopeful:ithasnotexpectationsofashiningcityappearinguponanever distant,everretreating,hillintheunnamed-ablefuture.Fidelityrepresents theanti-Paulinepoliticsinthatitstruth,itsonlytruth,residesinpraxis.(223)
Thisbrilliantanalysiscompelsustorethinkpoliticalrationalityandthevalue in“means”—asastructuringagentbyitself.WhatIwouldliketothink
through,however,isthedistinctionbetween“hope”and“despair”and“expectations”and“object.”WhereasFarredunderstandspoliticalparticipationas anactwithoutapoliticalobject,orrecognizableoutcome—withoutan“end,” ifwethinkof“end”and“object”assynonyms—Iwouldsuggestthatthe PoliticsofHopereconfiguresdespairandexpectationsothatblackpolitical action pursuesanimpossibleobject.Wecandescribethiscontradictoryobject asthelureofmetaphysicalpoliticalactivity:everyactbringsoneclosertoa “not-yet-socialorder.”Whatoneachieves,then,andexpectsis“closer.”The politicalobjectthatblackparticipationencirclesendlessly,liketheLacanian driveanditsobject,isthe idea oflinearproximity—wecancallthis“progress,” “betterment,”or“moreperfect.”Thisideaofachievingtheimpossibleallows onetodisregardthehistoricityofanti-blacknessanditscontinuedlegacyand conceiveofpoliticalengagementasbringingoneincrementallyclosertothat whichdoesnotexist—one’simpossibleobject.Inthisway,thePoliticsofhope recastsdespairaspossibility,struggleastriumph,andlackaspropinquity. Thisimpossibleobjectisnottetheredtorealhistory,soitisunassailableand irrefutablebecauseitistheobjectofpoliticalfantasy.
Thepoliticsofhope,then,constituteswhatLaurenBerlantwouldcall “crueloptimism”forblacks(Berlant2011).Itbundlescertainpromisesabout redress,equality,freedom,justice,andprogressintoapoliticalobjectthat alwaysliesbeyondreach.TheobjectiveofthePoliticalistokeepblacksina relationtothispoliticalobject—inanunendingpursuitofit.Thispursuit, however,isdetrimentalbecauseitstrengthenstheveryanti-blacksystemthat wouldpulverizeblackbeing.Thepursuitoftheobjectcertainlyhasan“irrational”aspecttoit,asFarreddetails,butitisnotmeremeanswithoutexpectation;instead,itisameansthatunderminestheattainmentoftheimpossible objectdesired.Inotherwords,thepursuitmarksacruelattachmenttothe meansofsubjugationandthecontinuedwideningofthegapbetweenhistoricalrealityandfantasticalideal.
Blacknihilismisa“demythifying”practice,intheNietzscheanvein,that uncoversthesubjugatingstrategiesofpoliticalhopeandde-idealizesitsfantasticalobject.Oncewedenudepoliticalhopeofitsaxiologicalandethical veneer,weseethatitoperatesthroughcertainstrategies:1)positingitselfas theonlyalternativetotheproblemofanti-blackness,2)shieldingthisalter-
nativefromrigoroushistorical/philosophicalcritiquebyplacingitinanunknownfuture,3)delimitingthefieldofactiontoincludeonlyactivityrecognizedandlegitimatedbythePolitical,and4)demonizingcritiquesor differentphilosophicalperspectives.
Thepoliticsofhopemasksaparticularcrueltyundertheauspicesof “happiness”and“life.”Itterrifieswiththedreadof“noalternative.”“Life”itself needsthesecurityofthealternative,and,throughthislogic,lifebecomes untenablewithoutit.Politicalhopepromisestoprovidethisalternative—a discursiveandpoliticalorganizationbeyondextantstructuresofviolenceand destruction.Theconstructionofthebinary“alternative/no-alternative”ensuresthehegemonyanddominanceofpoliticalhopewithintheontoexistentialhorizon.Theterrorofthe“noalternative”—theultimatespaceof decay,suffering,anddeath—dependsontwoadditionalbinaries:“problem/ solution”and“action/inaction.”Accordingtothispolitics,allproblemshave solutions,andhopeprovidestheaccessibilityandrealizationofthesesolutions.Thesolutionestablishesitselfastheeliminationof“theproblem”;the solution,infact,transcendstheproblemandrealizesHegel’s aufheben inits constantattempttosublatethedirtinessofthe“problem”withthepristine beingofthesolution.Noproblemisoutsidethereachofhope’ssolution— everyproblemisconnectedtothekernelofitsowneradication.Thepoliticsof hopemustactivelyrefusethepossibilitythatthe“solution”is,infact,another problemindisguisedform;theideaofa“solution”isnothingmorethanthe repetitionanddisavowaloftheproblemitself.
Thesolutionreliesonwhatwemightcallthe“trickoftime”tofortifyitself fromthedeconstructionofitsbinary.Becausethetemporalityofhopeisa time“not-yet-realized,”afuturetenseunmooredfrompresent-tensejustificationsandpragmatistevidence,thepoliticsofhopecleverlyshieldsits“solutions”fromcritiquesofimpossibilityorrepetition.Eachinsistencethat thesesolutionsstandupagainstthelessonsofhistoryortherigorsofanalysis ismetwiththerationalethatthesesolutionsarenotsubjecttohistoryor analysisbecausetheydonotresidewithinthehorizonofthe“past”or“present.”Putdifferently,wecanneverascertaintheefficacyoftheproposed solutionsbecausetheyescapethetemporalityofthemoment,alwaysretreatingtoa“not-yet”and“could-be”temporality.This“trick”oftimeoffersa
promiseofpossibilitythatcanonlyberealizedinanindefinitefuture,andthis promiseisabondofuncertaintythatcanneverberedeemed,onlyimagined. Inthissense,thepoliticsofhopeisaninstanceofthepsychoanalyticnotionof desire:itssolepurposeistoreproduceitsveryconditionofpossibility,never tosatiateorbringfulfillment.Thispoliticssecuresitshegemonythroughtime byclaimingthefutureasitsunassailablepropertyandexcluding(anddevaluing)anyotherconceptionoftimethatchallengesthistemporalordering. Thepoliticsofhope,then,dependsontheincessant(re)productionand proliferationofproblemstojustifyitsexistence.Solutionscannotreallyexist withinthepoliticsofhope,justtheillusionofadifferentorderinafuture tense.
The“trick”oftimeandpoliticalsolutionconvergeonthesiteof“action.” Incritiquingthepoliticsofhope,oneencounterstherejoinderofthedangers ofinaction.“Butwecan’tjustdonothing!Wehavetodosomething.”Thefield ofpermissibleactionisdelimitedandanunrelentingbinarybetweenaction/ inactionsilencescriticalengagementwithpoliticalhope.Theseexclusionary operationsrigorouslyreinforcethebinarybetweenactionandinactionand discreditcertainformsofengagement,critique,andprotest.Legitimateactiontakesplaceinthepolitical—thepoliticalnotonlyclaimsfuturitybutalso actionasitsproperty.To“dosomething”meansthatthisdoingmusttranslate intorecognizablepoliticalactivity;“something”isastand-infortheword “politics”—onemust“dopolitics”toaddressanyproblem.Arefusalto“do politics”isequivalentto“doingnothing”—thisnothingnessisconstructedas theantithesisoflife,possibility,time,ethics,andmorality(a“zero-state”as JuliaKristeva[1982]mightcallit).Blacknihilismrejectsthis“trickoftime” andthelureofemancipatorysolutions.Torefuseto“dopolitics”andtoreject thefantasticalobjectofpoliticsistheonly“hope”forblacknessinanantiblackworld.
Withincriticaldiscourses,blacknihilismissaturatedwithnegativesemantics.Theoristsconsideritthebaneofblackexistenceandappropriatelanguageandmetaphorsofthepathologicaltosituateblacknihilismoutsideof CalvinL.Warren
Ethicsandmorallaw.Manydescribeitasa“diseaseofthesoul”thatproduces callousness,meaninglessness,andmasochism.Thus,therhetoricalmaneuversperformedinthisworkattempttoforecloseacriticalengagementwith thetermitself—todeprivethetermofintellectualnourishmentandprecipitateitsdemise.Iwanttorescuethetermfromthisdiscursiveannihilationand offeritupasthemostsignificantphilosophicalperspectiveinthetwenty-first century.Thisiscertainlyanaudaciousclaim,butanycriticalanalysisofblack existenceinthetwenty-firstcenturywillhavetocontendwithblacknihilism—eitherreluctantlyorotherwise.Itistheinescapableinterlocutorin everyutteranceaboutblackness;itdemandsanaddress.Onecannotsimply disregardtheblacknihilisticpositionasinsane,naive,orirrationalanymore—althoughtheserhetoricalmaneuversweresuccessfulinpreviousgenerations.Thesurdofanti-blacknessrequiresapositionoutsidetheliberal grammarofbio-politics,futurity,and“hope”tolimnthedepthofblacksuffering.Blacknihilismexpressesdiscursivelywhatblackbodiesendureexistentiallyinananti-blackworld(the“bio-politicalgrotesque”).Theprojectof rescuing(orresuscitating)thisterm,whichistheobjectiveofthisessay,is absolutelyessentialtounderstandingthe“livedexperienceoftheblack,”as Fanonwouldhaveit.
FrederickNietzscheiscreditedwiththeterm“Nihilism”anddescribesit asaparticularcrisisofmodernity.Theuniversalnarrativesandgroundsof legitimationthatoncesecuredmeaningforthemodernworldhadlostintegrity.Inthe absenceofametaphysicalgroundingofsocialexistence,we wereleftwithavoid—avoidthatdispenseswithmetaphysicalsubstance, evenasthissubstanceunsuccessfullyattemptstorefillthisvoid.Nihilism, then,presentsitselfasthephilosophicalreflectionofsocialdecay;itoffers politico-philosophicaldeath(thedeathofground)astheonly“hope”for theworld.Theoristsoftenstripblacknihilismofthisphilosophicalsignificanceandthis,inmyview,isafatalerror.Whendenudedofphilosophical functionality,blacknihilismbecomesnothingmorethanacatalogof “dysfunctional”behaviors.Behaviorandphilosophyareunmooredinthis understandingofblacknihilism,asifoneisnotthearticulationofthe other—they,indeed,“inter-articulate”eachother.Wemightevensuggest thatthepurported,dysfunctionalbehavioroftheblacknihilistisdis-
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coursebyothermeans,whentraditionalavenuesofarticulationandredressareinadequateandinaccessible.
CornelWestintroducesblacknihilismasatermtodescribeacrisisin blackcommunitiesin RaceMatters (1994).Forhim, nihilismistobeunderstoodherenotasaphilosophicdoctrinethatthereareno rationalgroundsforlegitimatestandardsorauthority;itis,farmore,thelived experienceofcopingwithalifeofhorrifyingmeaningless,hopelessness,and(most important)lovelessness. Thefrighteningresultisanumbingdetachmentfrom othersandaself-destructivedispositiontowardtheworld.Lifewithoutmeaning,hope,andlovebreedsacoldhearted,mean-spiritedoutlookthatdestroys boththeindividualandothers.(23)
Itisanexistentialangstthatresembles“akindofcollectiveclinicaldepression”andadiseasethatresemblesalcoholismanddrugaddiction(29).It“can neverbecompletelycured,andthereisalwaysthepossibilityofrelapse”(29).
AccordingtoWest,lovelessness,hopelessness,andmeaninglessnessareresultsofmarketforcesandmarketmoralitiesattenuatingblackinstitutions, weakeningthearmorthatonceprovidedprotectionagainstthepulverizing forceofanti-blackness.Blacknihilismindexesadevastatingexposureto institutional,spiritual,andpsychicviolenceagainstblacks.
Withinthisdescriptionofnihilism,however,thereisacertaintension betweengroundingandungrounding.Blackinstitutionsassertthemselvesas necessarygroundbutareunabletosecurethisposition,whichleavesavoid thatcapitalisticmarketforcesarefilling.Thisshiftingofgroundisasymptom ofthemetaphysicalorganizationoflife.Theproblem,then,isgroundingitself. Howdoblackinstitutionsestablishthemselvesasgroundandbywhatprocessdoesthisgroundshift?Itispreciselytheestablishmentandshiftingof groundthatisthe“meaninglessness”ofwhichblacknihilismrejects—ithas nolegitimacyotherthanits“ownwilltopower.”Ifexistentialwholenessis predicatedonthesecurityofthisground,thenblackexistenceitselfisalways fracturedandfragile.Theshiftofgroundfromblackinstitutionstomarket forcesindicatesthatsocialexistencewillalsoshiftandbendwiththevarious transitions.WehaveattheheartofWest’sanalysisan“ontologyofcoherence”
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thatunderminesitself;itassumesacoherentselfthatneverexistedbutis, instead,thefantasyconstructionofpoliticalhopeanditsgroundinglogic.In otherwords,Westcanonlyrestorehopeandmeaningifhere-establishesa groundingforblackexistence,butasthiscrisisindicates,anysuchgrounding issubjecttoshift,transform,ordecay.3
Meaningitselfisanaspectofanti-blackness,suchthatmeaningislostfor theblack;blacksliveinaworldofabsurdity,andthisexistentialabsurdity is meaningfortheworld.Meaninglessnessisreallyallthereis(orwecouldsay that“real”meaningfortheworldisuttermeaninglessness).Inaninterview withMarkSinker,GregTateprovidedareconceptualizationofmeaningwhen hestated,“thebarbetweenthesignifierandthesignifiedcouldbeunderstood asstandingfortheMiddlepassagethatseparatedsignificationfromsign” (Sinker1991).Theverystructureofmeaninginthemodernworld—signifier, signified,signification,andsign—dependsonanti-blackviolenceforitsconstitution.NotonlydoesthetraumaoftheMiddlepassagerupturethesignifyingprocess,butitalsoinstantiatesa“meaningless”signasthefoundationof language,meaning,andsocialexistenceitself.FollowingtheworkofNicolas AbrahamandMariaTorok(1986),wecouldsuggestthatthemeaninglessness ofanti-blackviolenceisthe“crypt-signifier”thatorganizesthemodernworld anditsinstitutions.Any“meaning”thatisarticulatedpossessesakernelof absurditythatblacksembodyas“fleshysigns.”The“meaninglessness”that CornelWestbemoansisnothingmorethanthekernelofnonsensethatan anti-blackworldattemptstoconcealwithitsdiscoursesofhopeandfuturity. Whattheblacknihilistdoesisbringthismeaninglessnesstotheforeand discloseitinallofitsterroristichistoricity.
ForWest,thiscrisisofmeaningandhopecanberectifiedthroughthe “politicsofconversion”(wecanreadinthisKierkegaard’sideaofa“conversionexperience”).Thisisdeliverancefromthebondageofmarketmoralism, whichresultsinthe“politicizationoflove”—conceptualizingloveasanorganizingpoliticalprinciple(anotherspiritualprincipleappropriatedbythe Political).WestidentifiesToniMorrison’smasterpiece Beloved asanexample ofthisethicoflovethatconvertstheself-destructivenihilist. Beloved teaches ushowto“generateasenseofagencyamongadowntroddenpeople”(29).But Westneglectsthetraumathatorganizesthistextandthenihilisticresponse
CalvinL.Warren
tothistraumaastheonlyformof“agency”inanabsurdanti-blackworld. RacialterrorcompelsSethetoleavetheplantationwithherchildren,andthe threatherchildrencouldberecapturedandsubjectedtothehorrorsofthe plantationmotivateshertomakeaveryheavydecision:thechoicebetween prolongedsocialdeathorphysicaldeath.Thesearereallytheonlychoices thatshehas,andherethicofloveistochoosethelatter—itisanactofmercy. WecouldsaythatSethebecomesanihilistinthatmomentofdecision,and infanticideisnotanirrational,pathological,orlovelessact,buttheultimate testamentofagencyandlove.ThisiswhatPaulDcouldnotunderstand becauseitcontravenedthenarrativesofpoliticalhopeandfuturity;heract wasreadascruelbythosewhoattemptedtotranslatetheabsurd“false choice”thatstructuredherexistenceintoabio-politicalgrammarofmeaning. Itiscertainly“inappropriate”todisregardthisweightydecisionas“loveless” or“hopeless,”forindoingso,wefailtounderstandthephilosophicalstatementheractionisarticulating.Thisisaphilosophicalstatementthatunderstandstheinadequacyofpoliticalhopeinconditionsofanti-blackviolence. Itiseasytodisparagebehaviorthatrunscontrarytothedictatesofa bio-politicalorder.Blacknihilisminvitesustoconsiderthisbehaviorasa formofphilosophicaldiscoursethatmustbeaddressed.Inseparatingthe behaviorfromitsphilosophicalstatement,wenotonlyruntheriskofpathologizingformsofblacknessbutalsoofforeclosingaparticularcritiqueofpoliticalhopethatisabsolutelynecessarytounderstandblackexistentialangstin thetwenty-firstcentury.In“CornelWestandAfro-Nihilism:AReconsideration,”FloydW.Hayes(2001)offersanalternativereadingofblacknihilism thatconsidersita“reactiontothedominantculture’snihilism”andacritique ofanti-blackness.InHayes’smasterfulcritiqueofWest,heinterpretsthis behaviorasaformofressentiment.FollowingNietzscheandScheler,Hayes arguesthatblackressentimentisacritiqueofmetaphysicalthinking,antiblackabsurdity,andinequitabledistributionofresources.Itisa“historical andcontemporaryphenomenon”(251)thatemergesduringthetrans-Atlantic slavetradeandcalcifiesovertime.Thesesentimentsofanger,revenge,and rageengenderrebellion,andwhatisoftenmisinterpretedasblackpathology. Ressentiment,then,isthemeetinggroundforanarrayofresponsestoantiblackness,anditchallengestheerroneousseparationofbehaviorandphilos-
227ophy.Blacknihilism,inmyanalysis,acknowledgesthepersistenceofressentiment,but,unlikeHayes,positsnoescapefromit.Theinabilitytoameliorate ressentimentistheessenceofblacksuffering.Ressentimentconstitutestormentwithoutrelief,andthedesperationforreliefresultsinformsofselfinjury,inwhichthebodymust speak theexistentialcrisisthatgetsmuted withinhumanistgrammars.
In HopeontheBrink:UnderstandingtheEmergenceofNihilisminBlack America, theologianLewisBrogdon(2013)woulddescribethistheoryofunresolvabletormentasthe“deathofhope.”ForBrogdon,thisdeathisevenmore severethanWest’snihilism.ThisdeathissomethingthatBrogdonmourns throughoutthetextwiththeassurancethatitcanberesurrected.Thehope thathepinesforisreallypoliticalhope,forthehopethatislostisahopeinthe efficacyofthePoliticaltoredresstheinjuriesofanti-blackviolence.Brogdon believesthatthewithdrawalofpoliticalhopeleadstodespair.Reflectingon thislosthope,Brogdonsuggests:
Andtoday,theblackcommunityisincreasinglypopulatedbypeoplewhose hopeinajustandequitablesocietyeitherdiedalongtimeagoorcontinuesto dieastheyfacestiflingsocialinequitiesanddisappointingeconomicdisparities.
Iheardasimilarcommentwhileteachingastudyonwhythechurch struggleswiththeissueofracism.OneoldercongregantfromtheCivilRights generationsaid,“Wealreadyheardthatandtriedthat.Nothinghaschanged.” Insteadofworkingforchange,someblacks,likethiscongregant,chooseto respondtothepermanenceofracialinequalitybyretreatingfromthestruggle altogether,acceptingtheinequitablenatureofsocietyaspermanent,after havingone’shopedieaslow,painfuldeath.(42)
Thechallengethatthe“oldercongregant”puttoBrogdonwasaseriousone.If Brogdonadmonisheshertokeeppoliticalhopealive,thenhemustanswerthe question“why?”Forthiscongregant,wehaveexhaustedthediscoursesof humanismandthestrategiesofequality—nothinghasworked.Brogdonsidestepsthischallengebypresenting“workingforchange”asaviableoption, whichisreallyanonanswer.Whattypeof“work”willbringabouttheprom-
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isesofthePolitical?Isthereatypeofworkthatwill,onceandforall,alleviate blacksuffering?Whywouldsomeonecontinuetodothesamethingrepeatedlywithoutanysubstantialchange(somewouldsaythisisthedefinitionof insanity)?Brodgonleavesthesenihilisticquestionsunanswered,precisely becausetheyareunanswerable,and,instead,continuestoexhortblacksto struggleforthefantasyobject.Thisstruggleispresentedasaspiritualvirtue, andthespiritualconceptofhopeiscontaminatedwiththeprerogativesofa politicalorder.Thisproblematicconflationisneveradequatelyexplained. Whyiscontinuedhopeinananti-blackpoliticalorderasignofspiritual maturity?Andifthisorderisredeemable,thenitistheobligationofthe advocatetoexplainhowthisredemptionwilloccur.Thismergingofthe spiritualandthepoliticalcreatesaflawedtheologythateitherendangers peopleornecessitateslivinginwhatLewisGordonwouldcall“badfaith”in BadFaithandAnti-blackRacism (1995).Perhapsitistheretreatfromthe Politicalthatistheultimatesignofspiritualmaturity.
ForWestandBrogdon,nihilismisaspiritual-psychicdisorderthatrequiresa spiritualantidote.Inthisconfigurationofthespiritual,thenihilistisinneedof deliverance—deliverancefromthebondageof“hope-death.”Wemight,however,thinkofthenihilistsnotasthefleshlyembodimentof“hope-death”but asspiritualistsinvestedinthedeliveranceofthespiritualfromtheclutchesof thePolitical.Theblacknihilist,inthisregard,isprofoundlyspiritualand addressesthecontaminationofthespiritualbyitspoliticalsequelae.Unlike thepolitical-theologian,thenihilistdoesnotpromiseredresswithinthe structureofthepolitical,forthisisimpossible,butoffers,instead, rejection of thepoliticalasaspiritualpracticeitself.4
Inaverythought-provokingdiscussionpublishedin ReligiousDispatches aboutthemurderofTrayvonMartinandGeorgeZimmerman’sacquittal,J. KameronCarter,AntheaButler,andWillieJamesJenningsconceptualize anti-blacknessasaformofspiritualidolatry(Carter2013).Evokingtheseminaltext IsGodaWhiteRacist? (1973),writtenbyDr.WilliamR.Jones,these scholarssuggestthatanti-blackpoliticalorganizationisoftenanchoredina
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racisttheology—onethatconsidersanti-blacknessGod’swill.Jonesputthe theodicyquestiontoBlackLiberationtheologiansandquestionedthisundyingfealtytoaliberationgroundedinpoliticalreconfigurationandemancipatoryrhetoric. IsGodaWhiteRacist? notonlyarticulatesthedisjuncture betweenemancipatory“hope”andthedevastatingrealityofblacksuffering butalsoquestionstheplaceofthePoliticalwithinthisliberationtheology. Thistheology,indeed,presupposescertainmetaphysicalassumptionsabout thePolitical—progress,lineartime,andagency—andJonesrevealsacertain paradoxwithinliberationtheology:itisgroundedinthePoliticalbutlacksa strongpoliticalphilosophytojustifythisgrounding(i.e.,aphilosophythat connectsthetheologicaltothePolitical).Thisbecomesevenmoreproblematicbecausethesemetaphysicalpresumptionsarethemselvesinstrumentsof anti-blackness.Anti-blackness,ironically,becomestheveryfoundationfor thepurportedliberationfromanti-blacknessinthistheology.Thisisprecisely thecontradictionthatJonesintimatesthroughoutthetext,anditisthis entanglementthatrenderspoliticalliberationsomewhatofaruse.
Inthearticle“ChristianAtheism:TheOnlyResponseWorthItsSalttothe ZimmermanVerdict”(2013),J.KameronCarterperspicuouslyforegrounds theproblemoftheZimmermanverdictasaperversedeificationofantiblackness.IftheshootingofTrayvonMartinwas“god’swill,”asZimmerman expressedtoSeanHannityinaninterview,thenthisgodconsideredblack deathamoralimperative,oranactofrighteousness,andZimmerman,in shootingTrayvonMartin,assumedtheroleoftheobedientdisciple.For Carter,thisgodisnothingmorethananidol,aspiritualimposturecreatedby modernityanditsinstitutions:
Thewhite,westerngod-manisanidolthatseekstodeterminewhatisnormal. Itisanormbywhichsocietygovernsthebodypoliticorregulates,measures, evaluates,andindeedjudgeswhatisproperorimproper,whatisacceptable citizenship.Itisthisidol,theidolof“theAmericangod,”thatisthesymbolic figureZimmermanidentifiedhimselfwithandinrelationshiptowhichhe judgesTrayvonMartinas,ineffect,religiouslywanting—wantinginproper citizenship,andultimatelywantinginhumanity.(3)
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The“white,western-god-man”(orthe“Americangod”)thatCarterdescribes bearsresemblancetowhatSylviaWynterwouldcall“Man”(2003, 322)—bothare philosophical-theologicalapparatusesofanti-blackness,andtheyfunctionto colonizeessentialspheresofexistence(“Man”colonizeshumanandthe “white,western-god-man”colonizesGod).The“white,western-god-man”and “Man”indexaprocessofextremeepistemologicalandmetaphysicalviolence, andthisviolenceservesasthefoundationofWesternsocietyanditspolitics. Theonlyresponsetothisepistemologicalandmetaphysicalviolence,accordingtoCarter,isatheism.Itisherethatwehearanuncannyresonancewith ErnestBloch’s AtheisminChristianity (1971),inwhich“agoodChristianmust necessarilybeagoodatheist.”TrueChristianitynecessitatesacertainatheism—infactitdependsonit—tofortifytheboundariesbetweenthejust/ unjustandtherighteous/unrighteous.Inotherwords,whenaChristianencounterstheidolofanti-blackness,shemustassumeanatheisticposture towardthisidoltoremainfaithful(orasCarterwoulddescribeittobe“worth yoursalt”).
TheatheismthatCarterproffers,however,isentangledinthemetaphysical bindthatsustainstheveryviolencehisatheismisdesignedtodismantle.Forhim, thisatheismentails“social,political,andintellectualstruggle... struggleinsolidaritywithothers,thestruggletobeforandwithothers,thestruggleofthe multitude,thestrugglethatisblackness[as]thenewecclesiology”(2013,4).The term “struggle”herepresentspoliticalmetaphysicsasasolutiontotheproblemof anti-blackness—throughlabor,travail,andcommitmentoneembracesprogressandlinearityassocialgoods.Withthismetaphysics,accordingtoCarter, wecan“struggletogetridofthese‘StandYourGround’Lawsthatareinplace inmanystatesbesidesFlorida,struggleagainststatelegislatures(suchas NorthCarolina’s)thatareenactingdraconianlawsofvarioussorts,strugglein thenameoftheprotectionofwomen’sagencyabouttheirownbodies—in short,struggletoimagineanewpoliticsofbelonging”(4). Thisstruggle containsthepromiseofovercominganti-blacknesstousherina“not-yetsocial-order.”Again,thetrickoftimeisdeployedtoprotect“struggle” fromtherigoroushistoricalanalysisthatwoulddemandevidenceofits efficacy.The“not-yet-social-order,”situatedinanirreproachablefuture(a politicalprolepsis),canonlypromisethisovercomingagainstahistory
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andhistoricityofbrutalanti-blacksocialorganization.Carterislooking forapoliticaltheology—althoughwe’vealwayshadoneundertheguiseof democraticliberalism—thatwillprovideconditionsoflifebymobilizing thediscoursesofhopeandfuturetemporality.Theproblemthatthistheologyencircles,and evades,isthefailureof“socialjustice”and“liberationtheology”to dismantlethestructureofanti-blackviolence;thisbringsusfullcircletothe problemthatDr.WilliamR.Jonesbrilliantlyarticulated.Arewehopingfora newstrategy,somethingcompletelynovelandunique,thatwillresolveallthe problemsofthePoliticalonceandforall?IfthePoliticalitselfisthe“temple” oftheidolatrousgod—thespherewithinwhichitisworshippedandpreserved—canwediscardtheidolandpurifythetemple?Doesthistheology offerapoliticalphilosophyofpurificationthatwillsustainthe“progress”that struggleispurportedtoachieve?In short,howdoesonetranslatethespiritual principleofhopeintoapoliticalprogram—apoliticaltheology?Theproblemoftranslationhauntsthistheologyandthelooking-forwardstanceofthepoliticaltheologian cannotavoidtherupturebetweenthespiritualandthePolitical.
Canwerejectthisracistgodand,atthesametime,supportthepolitical structurethataffirmsthisidol?Canwebe“partial”atheists?Thisbecomesa problemforCarterwhenhesuggeststhatweabandonthisidolbutfailsto critiquethestructureofpoliticalexistence,whichsustainsthepowerofthis idol.Atheismasimaginedherewouldentailrejectingtheracist-white-god,or aracistpoliticaltheology,andreplacingitwithajustGod,oranequitable politicaltheology.WillreplacingtheidolwithamorejustGodtransformthe Politicalintoalife-affirmingstructureforblackness?Unlessweadvocatefora theocracy,whichisnotwhatIbelieveCarterwouldpropose,weneedan answertothisquestionoftranslation.Theanswertothisquestionisglaringly absentinthetext,butIreadthisabsenceasanattempttoavoidthenihilistic conclusionthathisargumentwouldnaturallyreach.Wemightevensuggest thatone must assumeanihilisticdispositiontowardthePoliticalifjustice, redress,andrighteousnessaretheaims.Theproblemwithatheism,then,is thatitreliesonthePoliticalasthesphereofredemptionandhope,whenthe Politicalispartoftheidolatrousstructurethatitseekstodismantle.Inthis sense,Dr.WilliamR.JonesbecomesanaporiaforDr.KameronCarter’stext,if wereadJonesassuggestingthatblacktheologyoffersnocogentpolitical
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philosophy,orpoliticalprogram,thatwouldsuccessfullyridthePoliticalofits anti-blackfoundation.ThePoliticalandanti-blacknessareinseparableand mutuallyconstitutive.Theutopianvisionofa“not-yet-socialorder”that purgesanti-blacknessfromitscoreprovidesapromisewithoutrelief—its onlyanswertotheimmediacyofblacksufferingistokeepstruggling.Thelogic ofstruggle,then,perpetuatesblacksufferingbyplacingreliefinanunattainablefuture,afuturethatoffersnothingmorethananexploitativereproductionofitsownmeansofexistence.Struggle,action,work,andlaborarecaught inapoliticalmetaphysicsthatdependsonblack-death.
TheblacknihilistrecognizesthatrelyingonthePoliticalanditsgrammar offersnothingmorethanaruseoftransformationandanexploitedhope. Insteadofatheism,theblacknihilistwouldembrace politicalapostasy:itisthe actofabandoningorrenouncingasituationofunethicalityandimmorality— inthissense,thePoliticalitself.Theapostateisafigurethat“selfexcommunicates”him-/herselffromabodythatiscontrarytoitsfundamentalbeliefsystem.Aspoliticalapostate,theblacknihilistrenouncestheidolof anti-blacknessbutrefusestoparticipateintheruseofreplacingoneidolwith another.ThePoliticalandGod—thejustandtrueGodinCarter’sanalysis— areincommensurateandinimical.Thisisnottosuggestthatwecanexclude God,butthatanyrecoursetothePoliticalresultsinanimmoralitynotin alignmentwithGodlyprinciples(aperformativecontradiction).Theproject toalignGodwiththePolitical(politicaltheology)willinevitablyfail.Ifantiblacknessiscontrarytoourbeliefs,self-excommunication,inotherwords “blacknihilism,”istheonlypositionthatseemsconsistent.Wecanthinkof politicalapostasy,then,asan activenihilism whenan“alternative”political arrangementisimpossible.Whenfacedwiththeimpossibilityofrealizingthe “not-yet-socialorder,”politicalapostasybecomesanempoweredhermeneuticalpractice;itinterpretstheanti-blackPoliticalsymbolicasinherently wickedandrejectsitbothascritiqueandspiritualpractice.
TheItaliannihilistGianniVattimohasrevivedanddevelopedthephilosophicaltraditionofnihilismingravidwaysthatspeaktocontemporarythreatsof
annihilationanddestruction.Hisprojectisimportantbecauseitpermutes thethoughtofNietzscheandHeidegger,andindoingso,henotonlyoffersan importantcritiqueofmodernitybutalsoputsthiscritiqueintheserviceofa politico-philosophicalimagination—animaginationthatconceivesofthe weakeningofmetaphysical-Being(Nihilism)asthesolutiontotherationalizationandfracturingofhumanity(thesourceofmodernsufferingorpain).In short,thisprojectattemptstorestoredignity,individuality,andfreedomto societybyrememberingBeing(proper-Being,notmetaphysical-Being)and allowingforthenecessarycontextualizationandhistoricizationofBeingas event.
In TheEndofModernity (1988)and NihilismandEmancipation (2004), VattimoreadsHeidegger’sdestructionofontologyasaphilosophicalcomplementtoNietzsche’sdeclarationofthe“deathofGod.”BothNietzscheand Heideggeroffertrenchantcritiquesofmetaphysics,andbyreadingthem together,hefillsincertaingaps,inparticular,therelationshipbetweenmetaphysicsandsocialrationalization,foundationsandOntology,andsociologicalphilosophyandthinkingitself.WecanunderstandbothVattimo’sand Heidegger’sprojectastheattempttocapturetherelationshipbetweenwhat wemightcallmetaphysical-Being(fraudulentBeingasobject)andBeing(in itspropercontextualizedsense).Thisrelationship,indeed,hasbeenparticularlyviolentandproducedvariousformsofsuffering—thissufferingisthe essenceofmetaphysics,orwhatVattimowouldcall“pain,”anditissustained throughthe“willtopower,”violence(e.g.,physical,psychic,spiritual,and philosophical),andthedestructionofliberty.Themetaphysicaltraditionhas reducedBeing(aneventthatstructureshistoricalrealityandpossibilityitself) toanobject,andthisobjectificationofBeingisaccomplishedthroughthe instrumentsofscienceandschematization.Theresultofthisprocessisthat Beingisforgotten;thegrandaperturethathasprovidedtheconditionfor relationalityformanyepochsisnowreifiedasastaticpresence,apresenceto bepossessedandanalyzed.Inthissense,welosethegrandeurofBeingand confuseitfortheparticularityofacertainepoch,being.Thenihilist,then, mustovercometheoblivionofBeingthroughtheweakeningofmetaphysicalBeing.VattimorecoversHeidegger’sterm Verwindung (distortingacceptance, resignation,ortwisting)asastrategytoweakenmetaphysicalBeing,sincethe
nihilistcannevertrulydestroymetaphysicsorcompletelyovercomeit(Uberwinden).Thisstrategyoftwistinganddistortingmetaphysicshelpsusto re-memberandre-collect(An-denken)thegrandeurofBeing(Ge-Shick asthe ultimategatheringofthevariousepochalpresentationsofbeing)andtoplace metaphysical-Beingbackinitsproperplace,asa particularmanifestation of thisgreathistoricalprocess.Onlybyinsertingourpresentsignificationof BeingintothegrandgatheringofBeing(Ge-Shick)canweproperlycontextualizeourownepoch—theepochofsocialrationalization,technocracy,metaphysicaldomination(Vattimo1988,1–13).
VattimoextendstheHeideggeriancritiqueofmetaphysicstoPoliticsand understanditasaparticularmetaphysicalorganizationofexistence.The logicofmodernity“oflineartime,acontinuousandunitaryprocessthat movestowardbetterment”(Vattimo2004,49–50),continuestodominatethe Politicalfieldandservesasitsfoundation.Itaimsatacontinuousperfection ofmetaphysicalconcepts.Wecandescribethismovementasbothaconstant rediscovery/reengagementofmetaphysicalconceptsandtheupwardmovementtoperfecttheseconcepts.ForVattimo,however,oncewehaveaccomplishedthenihilisticprojectofremembering(true)Beingandweakening metaphysicalfoundations,weareleftwithanempoweredhermeneutics.This hermeneutics,orwhatisalsoconsidered“ontologicalhermeneutics,”attemptstofacilitatethe“self-consumption”ofmetaphysicalBeing,sothat thereisnothinglefttoit.This“self-consumption”ofmetaphysicsresultsin thedissolutionoffoundations,offirstphilosophies,anditpresentsincommensurability,conflict,andcontingencyasthe“weakfoundation.”Inshort, VattimothinksofmetaphysicalBeingasaparticularinterpretationofBeing; itestablishesitselfasirrefutablegroundandsilences,orextinguishes,competinginterpretationsofexistence.Thenihilisticprojectdissolvesthehermeneuticalfoundationofmetaphysicsandenablesconflictinginterpretationsto emerge.Thisinterpretationofviolencedepartsfromthemetaphysicalusage ofit,asaviolationofinnaterightsorequality,and,instead,indicates“the preemptoryassertionofanultimacythat,liketheultimatemetaphysical foundation,breaksoffdialogueandsilencestheinterlocutorbyrefusingeven toacknowledgethequestion‘why?’”(Vattimo2004,98).Putdifferently,Vattimo’sfoundationisthedissolutionofallfoundations—eventhisinterpreta-
tion—andany“foundingviolence”thatsilencescompetinginterpretationsof existence.Indoingso,heweakensmetaphysicalbeingandopensupthe possibilityof“projectionality”—theabilitytoengageinyouruniqueproject unencumberedbymetaphysicalstrictures.Oncethisunencumberedprojectionalityisactualized,weunderstand“emancipation”asthefreedomfrom metaphysicalenclosuresandtheabilitytointerpretexistenceaccordingto one’sownlife-project.
Fortheblacknihilist,however,thequestionisthis:Willthedissolution ofmetaphysicalBeingthatVattimoadvanceseliminateanti-blackviolenceandredressblacksuffering?Whatwould“emancipation”entailfor black-objects(asdistinctfromthe“human”thatgroundsVattimo’sproject)?Anti-blacknessbecomessomewhatofanunacknowledgedinterlocutorforVattimo:
Philosophyfollowspathsthatarenotinsulatedorcutofffromthesocialand politicaltransformationsoftheWest(sincetheendofmetaphysicsisunthinkablewithouttheendofcolonialismandEurocentrism)and“discovers”thatthe meaningofthehistoryofmodernityisnotprogresstowardafinalperfection characterizedbyfullness,totaltransparency,andthepresenceof,andthe presencefinallyrealizedoftheessenceofmanandtheworld.(Vattimo2004, 35,emphasismine)
Vattimoadumbratesarelationshipbetweenmetaphysicsandcolonialism/ Eurocentrismthatrendersthemcoterminous.If,asVattimoargues,“theend ofmetaphysicsisunthinkablewithouttheendofcolonialismandEurocentrism”—whichIwillsuggestarevarietiesofanti-blackviolence—thenhermeneuticalnihilismmustadvanceanescapefromanti-blacknesstoaccomplish itsagenda.Furthermore,ifphilosophyfollowspathscreatedbysociopolitical realities,thenwemusttalkaboutanti-blacknessnotjustasaviolentpolitical formationbutalsoasaphilosophicalorientation.Thenihilistwouldinsist thatitshermeneuticswouldtransformpoliticalrealityand,concomitantly, eliminateblacksuffering.Ultimately,werelyon An-denken (thinkingotherwise)toresolvetheproblemofasymmetricalpowerrelationsandtheuneven distributionofresourcesthatcharacterizesblacksufferinginthemodern
world.Buthowwouldaphilosophicalprojecttranslateintoapoliticalprogramorusherinthe“yet-to-come”socialunencumberedbymetaphysics? Mustweeradicateanti-blackviolence before wecanthinkotherwise?Or,to putthisissuedifferently,canwethinkatallwithoutanti-blackness?
Fortheblacknihilist,anti-blackness is metaphysics.Itisthesystemof thoughtandorganizationofexistencethatstructurestherelationshipbetweenobject/subject,human/animal,rational/irrational,andfree/enslaved—essentially,thecategoriesthatconstitutethefieldofOntology.Thus, thesocialrationalization,lossofindividuality,economicexpansionism,and technocraticdominationthatbothVattimoandHeideggeranalyzeactually dependonanti-blackness.5 Metaphysics,then,isunthinkablewithoutantiblackness.NeitherHeideggernorVattimoexploresthisaspectofBeing’s oblivion—itistheliteraldestructionofblackbodiesthatprovidethepsychic, economic,andphilosophicalresourcesformodernitytoobjectify,forget,and ultimatelyobliterateBeing(nonmetaphysicalBeing).Wemightthenconsider blackcaptivityinthemodernworldasthe“perfection”ofmetaphysics,its shamefultriumph,becausethroughtheviolenttechnologyofslaveryBeing itselfwassothoroughlydevastated.Personalitybecameproperty,asHortense Spillerswoulddescribeit,andwiththistransubstantiation,Beingwasobjectified,infusedwithexchangevalue,andrenderedmalleablewithinasociopoliticalorder.Inshort,BeinglostitsintegritywiththeTrans-AtlanticSlave Trade;atthatmomentinhistory,itfinallybecamepossibleforanaggressive metaphysicstoexerciseobscenepower—theabilitytoturna“human”intoa “thing.”ThecaptiveisfracturedonboththeOntologicalandonticlevels.This violenttransubstantiationleaveslittleroomforthehopefulescapefrom metaphysicsthatHeideggerenvisions.Cantheblack-as-objectlayclaimto DaSein?Andifso,howexactlydoeshermeneuticnihilismrestoreBeingto thatwhichisanobject?
Ifweperforma“philosophyofhistory,”asVattimowouldadvise,we understandthatmetaphysicians,andeventhosewenowconsider“postmetaphysicians,”constructedtherationalsubject against thenonreasoning black,who,accordingtoHegel,Kant,Hume,andevenNietzschewassituated outsideofhistory,morallaw,andconsciousness(Bernasconi2003;Judy1993; andMills1998).Itisnotenough,then,tosuggestthatmetaphysicsengenders
formsofviolenceasanecessity,asabyproduct;thinkingitselfisstructuredby anti-blacknessfromtheverystart.Anypostmetaphysicalprojectthatdoes nottakethisintoaccountwillinevitablyreproducetheverystructuresof thoughtthatitwoulddismantle.
Hermeneuticnihilismprovidesadiscursiveframetounderstandtheintransigenceofmetaphysicsastheresidueofanti-blacknessinthecontemporary moment.Theblacknihilist,however,mustpartwayswithVattimoconcerningthequestionofemancipation.ForVattimo,hermeneuticnihilismavoids “passivenihilism.”Passivenihilismischaracterizedbystrandsoffatalismor bymelancholicnostalgiaforlostfoundations.Toavoidthissituation,Vattimo introduceshermeneuticsasanalternativetopassivenihilismandconceives ofhermeneuticsasthenaturalresultofanaccomplishednihilism—namely, aftertheweakeningofmetaphysicalBeing,hermeneuticsreplacesmetaphysicsasa self-consuming“foundation.”Heattemptstomovebeyondthemetaphysical remnantsfoundinthetheoriesofGadamer,Ricoeur,andWittgensteinand thinkofhermeneuticsascompetinginterpretationsthatreducetheviolence ofsecurefoundations.Thisofcourseprovidesthepossibilityforaradical democracyandareconfigurationofEthics,Law,andthePolitical.Ultimately, thisweakeningofmetaphysicalBeingallowsthehumantoprojecthim-/ herselfintheworld,whatVattimocalls“projectionality,”andengageinthe uniqueprojectthatconstitutesexistence.Thisisthecruxofemancipationfor Vattimo.We,ironically,findourselvesbackintheprovinceof“progress,” “hope,”“betterment,”allthemetaphysicalinstrumentsthatconstrainthe verylifethathewouldemancipate.This,ofcourse,isunavoidable,forhecan onlytwisttheseconceptsandreclaimthemaspartofapostmetaphysical agenda.Vattimo’shermeneuticnihilismisnotverymuchdifferentthanpoliticaltheologyanddemocraticliberalism.Itisadiscourseofhope,apolitics ofhopethatadvancesthebeliefthatwecanweakenmetaphysicsandreduce suffering,violence,andpain.Whenitcomestoblacksuffering,however,we arecompelledtoholdupthemirrorofhistoricityandinquireaboutthe possibilitiesofemancipationfortheblack-as-object.Anti-blacknessisthe residuethatremains,theintransigentsubstancethatmakesitimpossibleto destroymetaphysicscompletely.Theblacknihilistmustconfrontthisresidue,butwiththeunderstandingthattheeradicationofthisresiduewould
CalvinL.Warren 239trulyendtheworlditself.Blackemancipationisworlddestructive;itisnotan apertureoranopeningforfuturepossibilitiesandpoliticalreconfigurations (Wilderson2010).The“endoftheworld”thatVattimoenvisionsdoesnottake intoaccountthatpulverizedblackbodiessustaintheworld—itsinstitutions, economicsystems,environment,theologies,philosophies,andsoforth.Becauseanti-blacknessinfusesitselfintoeveryfabricofsocialexistence,itis impossibletoemancipateblackswithoutliterallydestroyingtheworld.Moreover,thismeansthatblackemancipationwillnotyieldanewworldorpossibilitiesforreorganization—blackemancipationisthenihilistic“solution” thatwoulddestroythefieldofallpossiblesolutions.Inthissense,black emancipationbecomessomethinglike death fortheworld—withallits Heideggerianvalences.
Blackbodiesandblacksuffering,then,poseaproblemforemancipatory logic.Ifliteralblackbodiessustainmodernityandmetaphysics—through variousformsofcaptivity,terror,andsubjection—thenwhatwouldemancipationentailforblacks?Howdoweallowmetaphysicstoself-consumeand weakenwhenblacknessnourishesmetaphysics?(Wecandefinethe“problem”inW.E.B.Dubois’spoignantquestion“whatdoesitmeantobea problem?”inthetwentiethcenturyasmetaphysicsitself[1903,10]. Now we mustask:“whatdoesitmeantobethe source ofmetaphysics’sustenancein the21stcentury?”)Eithertheworldwouldhavetoeliminateblackbodies, whichwouldamounttoaself-destructivesolutionforall,oritwouldhaveto wrestblacknessfromtheclutchesofmetaphysicalanti-blacknessthatsustainstheworld.Ourhopeisthatblackemancipationwouldbeaccomplished throughthelatter,buthistorydoesnotprovethatthisispossible—every emancipatorystrategythatattemptedtorescueblacknessfromantiblacknessinevitablyreconstitutedandreconfiguredtheanti-blacknessit triedtoeliminate.Anti-blacknessislabile.Itadaptstochangeandendlessly refashionsitself;thismakesemancipationanimpossiblefeat.Becauseweare stillattemptingtominethedepthsofanti-blacknessinthetwenty-firstcenturyandstillcontemplatingthecontoursofthisjuggernaut,anti-blackness willescapeeveryemancipatoryattempttocaptureit.
Weareleft,yetagain,toplaceourhopeinafuturepoliticsthatavoids history,historicity,andtheimmediacyofblacksuffering.Forthisreason,the
blacknihilistrejectstheemancipatoryimpulsewithincertainaspectsofblack criticaldiscourseandcultural/criticaltheory.Inthissense,themodifier “black”intheterm“blacknihilism”indicatesmuchmorethanan“identity”;a blackened nihilismpusheshermeneuticnihilismbeyondthelimitsofitsmetaphysicalthinkingbyforegroundingthefunctionofanti-blacknessinstructuringthought.
Epistemology/HermeneuticNihilism
Blacknihilismacknowledgesthatmetaphysicsisadestructivematrix,butit resiststhetemptationtobelievethatthereisanalternativeora“beyond”the violencethatsustainstheworld.Formany,thiscouldbereadasfatalismor passivenihilism.Theterms“passive”and“fatalism”appliedtoblacknihilism aresaturatedwithnegativitytodiscredititslegitimacy;thisdiscursivemaneuverbecomesanothermetaphysicalstrategyofdiscipliningandpunishing “errant”thought.Despitetheseinvectivesandpoliticalhope’s“willtopower,” blacknihilismuseshermeneuticstoreturnthepolitical“dream”toitsproper place—intheplaceofthevoid(Fanon).Blacknihilismdemandsatraversal, butnotthetraversalthatreintegrates“thesubject”(andBeing)backinto societybyshatteringfundamentalfantasiesofmetaphysics,butatraversal thatdisablesandinvalidateseveryimaginativeandsymbolicfunction.Its hermeneutics“blackens”theworld,asLewisGordonsuggestsin“Theoryin Black:TeleologicalSuspensionsinPhilosophyofCulture”(2010).
Theproblemthatconfrontstheblacknihilistisoneofepistemology,especiallywhenthedominantepistemologyprivilegesmetaphysicalformsofantiblackorganizationsofknowledge.Thefieldofknowledgeisunevenand reflectstheasymmetricalpowerrelationsthatsustainanti-blackviolencein modernity.Thedifficultyinexpressingblacknihilisticthoughtisthatitis situatedinthetensespacebetweenhermeneuticsandepistemology.Ifwe thinkofepistemologyasananti-blackformation,theneveryappealtoitwill reproducetheverymetaphysicalviolencethatisthesourceofblacksuffering. NihilisticHermeneuticsallowsustofractureepistemology,tochipawayatits metaphysicalscience,andtoenunciatefromwithinthisfissure.Vattimo providesacogentexplanationofthedistinctionbetweenepistemologyand
CalvinL.Warren 241hermeneuticsinhisreadingofRichardRorty’s PhilosophyandtheMirrorof Reflection (1981):
Epistemologyisfoundedonthepresumptionthatalldiscoursesarecommensuratewithandtranslatableamongeachother,andthatthefoundationof theirtruthconsistspreciselyinthistranslationintoabasiclanguage,thatis, theonewhichmirrorsfactsthemselves.Hermeneuticsinsteadadmitsthat thereisnosuchsingleunifyinglanguage,andtriestoappropriatethelanguage oftheotherratherthantranslateintoitsowntongue... Epistemologyisthe discourseofnormalscience,whilehermeneuticsisdiscourseaboutas-yetincommensurablediscourses.(Vattimo1988,149)
Readthroughtheregisterofanti-blackness,wecanunderstandepistemology astheviolentattemptatdiscursiveandlinguisticunification—thecompulsiontoestablishaunifyinggroundoflanguage.Becauseblacknessisplaced outsideofthe“customarylexisoflifeandculture,”asHortenseSpillers(2003) remindsus,blacknessspeaksaninassimilablelanguage,an“anti-grammar” thatresistslinguistic/epistemologicaldomination—whatwecall“translation”(221).Anti-blackepistemologyissomewhatschizophrenicinitsaim:itat oncepositsblacknessasananti-grammaticalentity—paradoxically,anonfoundation-foundationthatprovidestheconditionofpossibilityforitsown existence—andatthesametime,andinstunningcontradiction,itforcesa translationofthisanti-grammarintoasystemofunderstandingthatisdesignedtoexcludeit.Thistensionbetweengrammaticalexclusionandcompulsoryinclusionispartoftheviolenceofcaptivity.Ahermeneuticalpractice thatacknowledgestheimpossibletranslationofblacknesswithoutforcingits annihilation(throughtranslation/domination)istheonlywaywecanunderstandthenihilist.Putanotherway,blacknihilismshattersthecoherenceof anti-blackepistemologyandcannotbe“known,”orrenderedlegible,through traditionalepistemology.
Theproblemthatweencounteristhatblacknihilismisreducedtoan anti-blackepistemology—the“illegiblegrammar”thatspeaksthroughthe blackbody,psyche,and“spirit”isforcibly,anderroneously,translatedintoan epistemologythatisinimicaltoitsmeaning.Blacknihilismcannotbereduced
toananti-blackfoundationofknowledge(ormetaphysics),andwhenthis translation,thiscompulsoryalignmentofknowledge,failstoexplainorunderstandtheblacknihilist,blacknihilismisconsideredpathologicalandmust bedisciplined,contained,and,ultimately,destroyed.Ifallknowledgemust submittoabio-politicalimperative,thenthesociallydeadobjectisalways alreadysituatedatanimpasseinrelationtothisimperative:eitheronelivesin badfaith—the“optimistic”andpoliticallyhopefulbeliefthatanti-blackstructurescanbetransformedtoprovidevitalitytoblackness,despiteallevidence tothecontrary—oronelivesasthepathogen(i.e.,sociallypathological)and risksincreasedvulnerabilitytoviolentstateapparatuses.Inotherwords,the “pathologicalbehavior”thatWestandBrogdonbemoanasself-destructive, pessimistic,andapatheticfromblackyouthisagrossmisreading.Perhaps this“pathology”isawayofspeakingotherwisewhenotherformsofdiscourse areinaccessible;thenihilistmighthavetoassumeananti-grammaticalenunciationtoexpresstheinexpressible.WestandBrogdonsubjectthisantigrammartoananti-blackepistemology,whichmandatesthatallactionmust alignwithitsbio-politicalimperative.Whenthisforcedtranslationfails,the nihilistislabeled“pathological,”“troubled,”“faithless,”“suicidal,”“fatalistic,” and“reckless.”Hermeneuticalnihilismchallengesthisdominationandallowsincommensurategrammarstoexist.Thestrategyofforcedalignment— translationasdomination—isatoolofthePoliticaldesignedtopreserveits metaphysicalorganization.Bio-politicswillalwaysfailthepoliticallydead objectbecausebio-politicsdependsonthepoliticallydeadblackobjectto constituteitself.Ifpoliticalintegrationisthedreamoftheoptimists,itwill resultinnothingmorethanwhatAchilleMbembe(2003)callsthe“necropolitical”(40).Inthiscontext,wecandefinenecro-politicsasthedistribution offraudulenthopethatleavesthesubjectendangered.
Throughoutthisessay,IhavearguedthatthePoliticsofhopepreservemetaphysicalstructuresthatsustainblacksuffering.Thispreservationamountsto anexploitationofhope—whenthePoliticalcolonizesthespiritualprincipleof hopeandputsitintheserviceofextendingthe“willtopower”ofananti-black
organizationofexistence.ThePoliticsofhope,then,isboundupwithmetaphysicalviolence,andthisviolencemasqueradesasa“solution”totheproblemofanti-blackness.Temporallinearity,perfection,betterment,struggle, work,andutopianfuturityareconceptualinstrumentsofthePoliticalthat willneverobviateblacksufferingoranti-blackviolence;theseconceptsonly servetoreproducetheconditionsthatrenderexistenceunbearableforblacks. Politicaltheologiansandblackoptimistsavoidtheimmediacyofblacksuffering,thehorrorofanti-blackpulverization,andplacereliefina“not-yet-but-is (maybe)-to-come-socialorder”that,itself,candolittlemorebutadmonish blackstosurvivetokeepstruggling.Politicalhopebecomesaviciousand abusivecycleofstruggle—itmirrorstheLacaniandrive,andweencirclean object(blackfreedom,justice,relief,redress,equality,etc.)thatisinaccessible becauseitdoesn’treallyexist.Thepoliticaltheologianandblackoptimist, then,proposeacollective Jouissance asananswertoblacksuffering—finding thejoyinstruggle,thevictoryintoil,andthesatisfactionininefficacious action.Wecontinueto“struggle”and“work”asblackyouthareslaughtereddaily,blackbodiesareincarceratedasformsofcapital,blackinfant mortalityratesaresoaring,andhungerisdisablingthebodies,minds,and spiritsofdesperateblackyouth.Inshort,theseconditionsaredeepmetaphysicalproblems—thesadisticpleasureofmetaphysicaldomination— and“work”and“struggle”avoidtheterrifyingfactthattheworlddepends onblackdeathtosustainitself.Blacknihilismattemptstobreakthis “drive”—tostopitinitstracks,asitwere—andtoendthecycleofinsanity thatpoliticalhopeperpetuates.
Thequestionthatremainsisaquestionoftenputtotheblacknihilist: whatisthepoint?Thiscompulsorygeometricalstructuringofthought—all knowledgemustsubmitto,andisreducibleto,apoint—itisanepistemic flickerofcertainty,determination,and,toputitbluntly,life.“Thepoint”exists forlife;itenlivens,enables,andsustainsknowledge.Thoughtoutsideofthis mandatorypointisillegibleanduseless.Towriteoutsideofthe“epistemeof life”anditsgrammarwillrequireapositionoutsideofthispoint,aposition somewhereintheinfinitehorizonofthought(perhapsthisiswhatHeidegger wantedtodowithhisreconfigurationofthought).Writinginthiswayis inherentlysubversiveandrefusesthegeometryofthought.Nevertheless,the
nihilistisforcedtoenunciatehisrefusalthrougha“point,”apointthatis contradictoryandparadoxicalallatonce.Tosaythatthepointofthisessayis that“thepoint”isfraudulent—itspromiseofclarityandlifeareinadequate— willnotsatisfythehungerofdiscipliningthenihilistandinsistingthatone underminetheverygrounduponwhichonestands.Blacknihilistichermeneuticsresists“thepoint”butissubjectedtoittohaveone’svoiceheard withinthemarketplaceofideas.The“point”ofthisessayisthatpoliticalhope ispointless.Blacksufferingisanessentialpartoftheworld,andplacinghope intheverystructurethatsustainsmetaphysicalviolence,thePolitical,will neverresolveanything.Thisiswhytheblacknihilistspeaksof“exploited hope,”andtheblacknihilistattemptstowresthopefromtheclutchesofthe Political.CanwethinkofhopeoutsidethePolitical?Must“salvation”translateintoapoliticalgrammarorapoliticalprogram?Thenihilist,then, hopes fortheendofpoliticalhopeanditsmetaphysicalviolence.Nihilismisnot antitheticaltohope;itdoesnotextinguishhopebutreconfiguresit.Hopeis thefoundationoftheblacknihilistichermeneutic.
In“BlacknessandNothingness,”FredMoten(2013)conceptualizesblacknessasa“pathogen”tometaphysics,somethingthathastheabilitytounravel, todisable,andtodestroyanti-blackness.IfwereadVattimothroughMoten’s brilliantanalysis,wecansuggestthatblacknessisthelimitthatHeidegger andNietzschewerereallyafter.Itisa“blackened”worldthatwillultimately endmetaphysics,butputtinganendtometaphysicswillalsoputanendtothe worlditself—thisisthenihilismthattheblacknihilistmusttheorizethrough. Thisisafarcryfromwhatwecall“anarchy,”however.Theblacknihilisthasas littlefaithinthemetaphysicalreorganizationofsocietythroughanarchythan hedoesintraditionalformsofpoliticalexistence.
Theblacknihilistofferspoliticalapostasyasthespiritualpracticeof denouncingmetaphysicalviolence,blacksuffering,andtheidolofantiblackness.Theactofrenouncingwillnotchangepoliticalstructuresor offerapoliticalprogram;instead,itistheactofretrievingthespiritual conceptofhopefromthecaptivityofthePolitical.Ultimately,itisimpossibletoendmetaphysicswithoutendingblackness,andtheblacknihilist willneverbeabletowithdrawfromthePoliticalcompletelywithouta certaindeath-driveorbeing-toward-death.Thisistheessenceofblack
suffering:thelackofreprievefrommetaphysics,thetormentingcomplicityinthereproductionofviolence,andthelackofacoherentgrammarto articulatethesedilemmas.
Aftercontemplatingtheseissuesforsometimeinmyoffice,Idecidedto takeatrainhome.AsIawaitedmytraininthestation,anolderblackwoman askedmeaboutthetrainscheduleandwhenIwouldexpectthenexttrain headedtowardDupontCircle.WhenItoldherthetrainswererunningslowly, shebegantotalkaboutthegovernmentshutdown.“Theydon’tcareanything aboutus,youknow,”shesaid.“Weelectthesepeopleintooffice,wevotefor them,andtheywatchblackpeoplesufferandhavenointentionsofdoing anythingaboutit.”Ishookmyheadinagreementandlistenedintently.“I’m goingtostopvoting,andsupportingthisprocess;whyshouldIkeepdoingthis andourpeoplecontinuetosuffer,”shesaid.Ilookedatherandsaid,“Idon’t knowma’am;Ijustdon’tunderstanditmyself.”Shethenlaughedandthanked meforlisteningtoher—asifourconversationweresomewhatcathartic.“You know,peoplethinkyou’recrazywhenyousaythingslikethis,”shesaidgiving meawink.“Yestheydo,”Isaid.“ButIama free woman,”sheemphasized“and Iwon’tgoback.”Shocked,Ismiledather,andshewinkedatme;atthat momentIrealizedthatherwisdomandcouragepenetratedmymindand demandedanswers.I’vethoughtaboutthisconversationforsometime,andit isforthisreasonIhadtowritethisessay.Tothebravewomanatthetrain station,Imustsayyouarenotcrazyatallbutthinkingoutsideofmetaphysical time,space,andviolence.
Ultimately,wemusthopefortheendofpoliticalhope.
1.Thisessayiswrittenwithacertaingeo-politicalspecificity;mypurview,here,istheUnited Statesandtheparticularhistoryofanti-blackbrutalitythatstructuresblackexistence withinthiscontext.AlthoughmyanalysisisfocusedontheU.S.context,Iwouldarguethat thedevastatinglogicsofanti-blacknessandmetaphysicsconstituteaglobalproblem,and thisessayoffersanentréeintoamuchlargerdiscussionaboutanti-blacknessinaglobal frame.
2.Definingthe“spiritual”isanotoriouslydifficulttask.Thespiritualinthisanalysisissimilar towhatFredMoten(2013)andNahumChandler(2013)wouldcall“paraontology.”It exceedsandprecedespoliticalontology.ThespiritualescapestheconfinesofthePolitical anditsorganization,providingperhapstheonlyreprievefromthePolitical.
3.Theideaofthe“ungroundingofground”ortheimpossibilityofafinal/permanentground isalsoexpressedinthepoliticalphilosophyof“post-foundationalism.”The“Political” indexestheimpossibilityoffinalground,andthepoliticalprocessisdesignedtofillinthis vacuum.“ThePolitical”inmyanalysisconstitutesanepistemeofmetaphysics,asawayto thinkbeingthroughaparticularsetofpredispositions—progress,bio-futurity,change, betterment,andsoforth.The“political”(theuncapitalized“p”)docketsthe programmatic efforttomaterializemetaphysicalsensibilities.Thisisusuallywhatwemeanwhenwe speakofpolitics.OliverMarchart(2007)maintainsthedifferencebetweenthePoliticaland politicstosuggestthatthePoliticalcantransformpoliticsbydestabilizingitsmetaphysical grounding.TheblacknihilistwoulddisagreewithMarchartthatanysuchtransformation ispossibleforanti-blacknessandwouldrejecttheideathatthepoliticaldifference(the Politicalvs.politics)wouldprovideanyemancipatoryrelieffromblacksufferingorpossibilityofaworldwithoutanti-blackness.
4.Myuseoftheword“reject”hereisverysimilartotheword“retreat”thatPhilippeLacoueLabartheandJean-LucNancyuseintheirseminalwork RetreatingthePolitical (1997).For them,retreatingthepoliticalconstitutesacriticalquestioningoftherelationship betweenpoliticsandphilosophy,andthisretreatenablesustoreflectonthePoliticalas arefusaltothink—aretreatfromthinkingitself,whenthinkingishijackedbymetaphysicalclosure.Ihavesomethingsimilarinmindwiththeterm“rejection.”Ienvisage “rejection”asacriticalposturetowardthePoliticalanditsmetaphysical,anti-black organizationofexistence.
5.TheworkoftheoristssuchasHannahArendt(1966),LindonBarrett(2013),andDenise FerreiradaSilva(2007)presentsanti-blacknessasafoundationformodernthoughtand politicalorganization.
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