An Evaluation of Jürgen Moltmann's New Political Theology in the Light of Nigerian Political Challenges
John Umaru Rikka and Mairo Anthony1Abstract
Political theology involves theological involvement in political discourse, theological thoughts, and questions related to politics and public life. At this in the history of Nigeria, there is a need for religious folks to look inward at their religious parameters and paradigm to be involved in the political and public discourses of Nigeria. Therefore, this paper evaluates Jürgen Moltmann's ideas of political theology and draws lessons for clerics and lay leaders within the Nigerian context. This was achieved through descriptive and narrative (histo-narrative) and dialogical and critical evaluation of Jurgen Moltmann's political theology.
Keywords: Political theology, theology, the Cross, and politics.
Introduction
There are contending situations with the Nigerian Church in her political theology role, including unawareness of political theology in our theological institutions. However, the movement for public theology among Nigerian theologians is an ongoing process, and this work contributes toward that.
This paper evaluates Jurgen Moltmann's new political theology in The Cambridge Companion to Christian Political Theology from his article on "European Political Theology" and its relevance to the African-Nigerian political situation. It applies a brief histo-narrative, critical analysis, and dialogical approach within one of the Nigerian political challenges and derives relevance from Moltmann as a paradigm. Or can Moltmann's paradigm of political theology help analyze the current Nigerian political challenges?
1 John Umaru Rikka is a PH.D. Research/Student of the Faculty of Religion and Theology, Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam. Mairo Anthony is a PH.D. Research/Student of the Faculty of Evangelical Theology, Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz, Germany.
Brief Background,
Theology, and Methodology
Jürgen Moltmann is a 21st-century German Reformed systematic theologian and university professor. He was a civil servant with the German government; during the second world war, he swore an oath of loyalty to the state and served in the University (Tübingen) since 1963. It is discovered that his experiences in life and the political situation in Germany influenced his theology. One of his theology was existential theology, influenced by experience. One of his experiences was his survival from a firestorm that killed about 40 thousand burned to death. He learned theology in dialogue and developed a theology of the Church as connected with the Church's relationship and the state in Germany during her political challenges (Moltmann 7, 8) A review of his contribution to systematic theology adds that his theology is a freedom theology. This open theology entails "ambiguity, contingency, experience, the contradictions of God, and, above all, a willingness to question the presumed agenda delivered to theology by modernity" (Douglas 95).
Jürgen Moltmann’s New Political Theology
Jürgen Moltmann saw the need for a new political theology free from Christianity's passive attitude during German political challenges; this was a freedom of the mindset that Christianity is private. Only a few Christians came out to protest the terrorism of national socialism in Germany. The New political theology "was born of this scandalous and shameful episode…" The Auschwitz experience in Germany is seen as the dawn of a new beginning for the Christian faith that it is no longer a private matter and theology belongs in the realm of the public discussion of political freedom, social justice, and the future of the earth" (Moltmann 3). The problem he discovered with Christianity was that religion is a private matter, and Christianity has nothing to do with politics. Secondly, the two kingdom concepts of the Lutherans; separation of Church and state (Moltmann 8-9).
He mentioned four types of political theology: 1) theological formulation of the age-old political religion, 2) the modern conflict between anarchism and political sovereignty, and between terrorism and the politics of safety, 3) new political theology of Christian resistance against privatization of faith and political idolatry; and 4) engagement for social justice, just peace, and the integrity of creation. But this paper considers the third and fourth: "...the New Political
Theology of Christian resistance against privatization of faith and political idolatry; and engagement for social justice, just peace, and the integrity of creation" (Moltmann 4).
The old theology was presented etymologically and historically, connected to the Greek and Roman concept of politics, the Constantinian political religion, Carl Schmitt's modern concept, and as such, which is not the focus of this paper (Moltmann 5, 6). Interestingly, after Vatican II, the Roman Catholic church reviewed her worldview on the need for the theology of the world as propounded by Johann Baptist Metz, a fundamental Catholic theologian. He argued that the privatization of religion should be corrected, and there is a need to construct the eschatological Christian message in modern society. Metz was influenced by Karl Rahner's concept of the "anthropological turn" into modern Catholic theology, existential and personalistic. Therefore, in resonance with Moltmann's theology of hope motivated him to pursue eschatology. He inferred that "Every eschatological theology must become a political theology which is a sociocritical theology," which he considered the point for German new political theology (Moltmann 9).
Therefore, the difference between the old and the new political theology is connected to political religion, while the new is towards the "church and Christian communities in society." The distinction is of great importance because "at the center of the Christian faith stands not the divine monarchy, but the resurrection of the Christ who died on the Roman cross" (Moltmann 9-10)
On political religion, Moltmann traces the link between political theology and political religion, arguing that political theology was coined in pre-christian Stoic philosophical thought as the genus politikos. He submits that according to the ancient doctrine of the state, political religion is the worship of the gods of the city, country, and empire. The prosperity and peace of the citizen are predicated on the gods. Thus, the masses are required to provide worship (Moltmann 4). Succinctly, he said, "political religion embraced that only human but also the natural world. . . The sovereign was responsible for peace in both the human world and the world of nature (Moltmann 5). On anarchism versus sovereignty or terror versus safety, he draws inferences from different scholars, drawing categories from Carl Schmitt, Mikhail Bakunim, Bonald de Maistre, and Donoso Cortes. He argues that neither God nor state state
anarchism (Moltman 6-7). The conflict between the sovereignty of the state and anarchy is like the struggle between God and Satan or the friend or foe relationship (Moltmann 7-8). And conclude that the power to restrain evil is the sovereign authority of the state.
While on political theology, Moltmann begins by stating the failures of the Catholic traditions, which led to the failure of Christians and Churches. And secondly, the Lutheran tradition of two kingdoms, where the separation between Church and state, or spiritual and worldly powers, hampered the Christian participation in political discourse (Moltman 8-9). He argued that old political theologies were the political religion of the state's power or revolutionary movements, while the new is the Church and Christian communities in society (Moltmann 9-10). On this, Moltmann went further to conclude with the theology of the Cross.
Moltmann's Theology of the Cross
Moltmann embraces the theology of the Cross as a method of doing political theology. He began from the biblical perspective of the Gospel's narrative of the crucifixion of Christ on the Cross by the Roman Empire. The death of Jesus was a political one, as also found in the confession of the Christian faith. Jesus was condemned and crucified by the emperor. Still, the sovereign Father of the Lord Jesus raised him with divine glory and a heavenly kingdom above the Roman empire that the emperor stands as condemned by God. Shame turned to glory, we no longer see Christ with the eyes of the one claiming political power, but we see the divine glory of God in the resurrected Christ (Moltmann 10). "Following the crucified one is the power of the powerless" (Moltmann 11). The use of Jesus' sayings infers a distinction between the leadership of the divine ruler and the human; this correlates with Abraham Lincoln's speech, a "government of the people, by the people and for the people (Moltmann 11)." He adds that the "Cross is our political critics; the Cross is our hope for a politics of freedom. The memory of the crucified Christ is our reason for political theology" (Moltmann 11).
Moltmann's perspective on the suffering God gives us victory and freedom is absolute; the Cross is our flag and icon of liberty. However, other essential aspects of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ were political and atonement, which reconcile us with God and gives us power and victory over human political injustices and spiritual powers. Whereas Thomas a Kempis perceived the Cross to be spiritual liberation, sharing in the suffering of Christ; it is self-denial
and suffering such as injustice, and persecution are our Crosses that come in different stages, the higher your level of spirituality, the greater the Cross (Kempis Book 2 Chapter xii, 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10). However, at this point, there will be the need for balance as building on John 10:10; Jesus came to give us life abundantly on earth; the reason for his death on the Cross.
Moreover, Moltmann asserts that "political power is to be separated, given only limited time and must be used according to the law and the constitution, the covenant of the citizens. Where government rule is illegal, illegitimate, or against human rights, resistance is a duty (Moltmann 11). And the duty of a Christian is "to repress tyrannies, to defend the oppressed as their love of neighbor…" (Moltmann 11). The Cross is the reason for political theology, for in the Cross lay the hope for a politics of freedom, and this memory is the reason for political theology (Moltman 11). He concludes that "Christians participate[ing] in the public affairs of their societies and the world because they hope for the kingdom of God and anticipate the justice and peace of the new earth as much as they can" (Moltmann 14).
Church's Responses to New Political Theology in Germany
Moltmann narrated the Church's role in contributing to the New political theology with the Kirchenkampf proactive step together with the Confessing Church, who protested against Nazism from 1934 to 1945; this became a motivation for protestant theologians such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Paul Tillich, and Karl Barth to be involved in political theology. Consequently, Bonhoeffer was executed on April 9, 1945, because he resisted the military; Tillich moved to New York in 1933, while Barth was forcefully returned to Switzerland in 1936. The problem raised in political theology, which becomes the same in the Nigerian context, is the question of political preaching: " Must the preacher avoid politics, or must he or she prophetically address general questions? Does she or he knows more about political solutions as every informed citizen, or must she or he address those who suffer under political power and those who are disoriented by those powers?" (Moltmann 10). The result of the above discussion yielded the fruits of the Church in Germany seizing to become state church, and the Lutherans revised her two-kingdom tradition towards the Church's contribution to justice, peace, and integrity of creation (Moltmann 10).
Another interesting theologian who contributed to German new political theology, as argued by Moltmann, was Dorothee Sölle. She was a well-experienced theologian, poet, and praxisoriented. She came with a unique way of harmonizing mysticism and political resistance associated with Moltmann's theology of the Cross as the "death of God" movement. She believes that "Political praxis precedes theology as much as the experience of God." This movement was made practical by organized evening prayer, a political prayer at Cologne between 1969-71 through Kölner Nachtgebet (Moltmann 12). Solle's mystic political theology of praying can be considered to declare the victory that we have already over human political injustices and spiritual powers.
Leipzig's Nikolaikirche was also a small group of praying individuals involved in the new political theology closely related to Solle's perspective. They met every Monday to pray for peace which eventually sparked a more significant nonviolent peace protest in Germany, 1980 against the socialist dictatorship in East Germany. It was said to be "the first successful revolution in Germany and a nonviolent one. Peaceful change from dictatorship to democracy was possible" (Moltmann 14-15). Moltmann considers it away "Christians should respond to violence, ..do not turn swords into Christian swords, and do not be satisfied with only Christian plowshares, but turn the swords into plowshares... The time of Christian swords is over;" (Moltmann 15). The new political theology is for a just peace. In this sense, we wish to add that we do not need the plowshares but the swords, the Sword of the Spirit, the Sword of the Word used by political preachers (Eph. 6:10-18). Dorothee Solle and Leipzig's Nikolaikirche are indeed a model for the contemporary Church.
Nigerian Politics and Her Challenges
Nigeria became an independent country on October 1, 1960. She has experienced so many political challenges, both as a democratic and dictatorial (military) system which led to the civil war between 1968-70 that claimed the lives of many; many women became widows and were raped, and starvation and hunger killed many children (Ezeani 166); an experience that no one wishes to witness again.
Today, it is predicted that Nigeria is about to experience another civil war if her democratic system is not restructured. Nigeria is moving towards religious nationalism and nepotism
(Kukah' Nigeria: Before our Glory Departs'), and Mark Jürgensmeyer's observation supports this that it is on the rise, a situation developing since the start of the 70s. It is a defiance of the " legacy of secular nationalism based on the ideas of the European Enlightenment" (Juergensmeyer 1). Many political injustices affect the nation, including a high rate of corruption, inequality with political appointments, a high unemployment rate among the youths, the educational and economic, etc. This paper focuses on one major challenge: the insecurity of the nation associated with terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism, which is affecting the nation's peace and threatening the extinction of Christianity in Nigeria.
Some Nigerian religious scholars have observed that Nigeria's highest cause of insecurity is religious fanaticism and extremism, mainly affecting Christians in the northern region (Williams 4). However, Hibbard Scott believes that religious extremism is not an Islamic phenomenon, and such claims should not be attached to a particular religion or tradition but show a need to discover the questions of the politics of religion (Scott 18, 20). On the contrary, from an Islamic perspective, "the separation of religion from public life and the undue emphasis on the individual is inimical to their understanding of Islam. Nigeria being a secular state should show fairness and equality in all aspects, including religion" (Scott 22); this is evident in Nigeria when Ahmed Sani, the then governor of Zamfara state, declared Sharia law in 1999 against the Nigerian constitution and approved by the state legislature until today (Michael 3). Sharia was in operation between the 12th and 15th centuries in Northern Nigeria by the Usman Dan Fodio Jihad, which conquered most northern regions (Naniya 14). The registration of Nigeria into the Organization of Independent Countries (OIC) during General Babangida Badamasi and General Muhammadu Buhari's military regime in the political and social history of the country has registered phobia in the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) till today. "Furthermore, the vigorously egalitarian principles of the Sharia were fundamentally opposed to the political and economic goals of the colonial power (Naniya 14)." The imposition of Sharia in the Nigerian political system implies the enactment of state religion and is contrary to section 10 of the 1999 constitution (Awofeso 27). An attempt to make Nigeria an Islamic state is evident by the rise of the Islamic Boko Haram, Fulani Militants, and the Islamic State in West Africa Province (ISWAP). Boko haram has emphatically stated her demands to Islamize Nigeria. Some selfish politicians who sponsor these unethical activities have a hidden agenda to enthrone their systems, which
is unpatriotic. "With such ambition, they can try to make the country ungovernable or insecure." (Awofeso 4, 24) Shafiu S. Zurmi was quoted to have said on Daily Sun, Friday, January 21, 2011, p.19, that the situation of Nigeria is turned Germane, and it should be a matter of concern for the country (Awofeso 5). This observation motivates the adaptation of the German European political theology to be a paradigm shift for the Nigerian situation as a contribution from Nigerian theologians.
Recently, in October 2020, the country witnessed another form of protest, #END SARS. It was a movement against police brutality in the country, though there were other associated issues.
Christian youths joined the non-violence protest on the streets in Jos, chanting, hallowing, and singing on a rebranding Nigeria or restructuring (new Nigeria), and ending police brutality and extrajudicial killings (Olanrenwaju "January 2021"). This protest resulted in many arrests and the killings of unarmed protesters in the Lekki toll and Jos by the military, exposed from the CCTV footage. However, it was reported that the military denied the accusation (The Guardian "January 2021").
Secondly, the Church in Nigeria is not united, and this has contributed to not having one voice in the political struggle the nation is experiencing. Tribalism, sectionalism, and denominationalism have become significant challenges so far. Ironically, Nigerians are religious and prayerful but have not yielded any political prayer strategy (Michael 2).
Thirdly, the two-kingdom concepts of Lutheranism, the privatization of religion, and pacifism are still being upheld in some Nigerian faith traditions. There is no openness to a new way of doing theology, although theoretical, but not practical. Moreover, the theological thoughts of some European theologians are considered liberal by most Nigerian theologians since they come from Evangelical circles the most, and they feel it's irrelevant to the Nigerian context. On the contrary, we have discovered some meaningful contributions from the European theologians applicable in the Nigerian context.
The paradigm of Jürgen Moltmann for the Nigerian Church
The following are the primary three points from Jurgen Moltmann's evaluation that can be applied to the Nigerian Church:
1. The theology of the Cross is the icon of victory for the Church in Nigeria. The Cross of Christ is a unifying symbol, and all Christians should march with this triumph that " the crucified one is the power of the powerless,", especially for Northern Christians who are the minority and suppressed.
2. Dorothee Solle and Leipzig's Nikolaikirche approach should be reawakened with the voice of unity and the best for the Nigerian Church since protesters are considered terrorists and are eventually killed; this should be seen as the invisible Sword, and the Cross as the invisible weapon of victory.
3. There is a need for more political and public discourse preachers in Nigeria to address public and contemporary issues without fear or favor. Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah, the Bishop of the Sokoto diocese of the Roman Catholic Church in Northern Nigeria, seems to be the only active voice. His recent message on Christmas Day 2020 has made waves in the country that have sparked controversy and reactions. Hence, the rise of more Kukahs.
Conclusion
Jürgen Moltmann's new political theology is of great relevance for the Nigerian Church. Political theology as part of Public theology discourse should be awakened in Nigeria and embraced by clerics and lay leaders. Moltmann also concluded that political theology is an essential aspect of Public theology, and it is ecumenically oriented. Christian theology is the source of the power of life for humanity (Moltmann 18). Therefore, all Christian theologians should be public theologians in light of Jesus' command's light to the nations (Matt. 5:14-16 ESV). It is the fulfillment of His command.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Douglas M. Meeks. Jürgen Moltmann's Systematic Contributions to Theology. Religious Studies Review, 22 no.2, April 1996.
Ezeani Emefiena. In Biafra, Africa Died. London: Veritas Lumen publishers, 2016.
Juergensmeyer Mark. 'Religious Nationalism in a Global World', Religions v10 n2 2019.
Michael P. Adogbo. Selected Themes in the Study of Religions in Nigeria, Lagos: Malthouse Press, 2010.
Moltmann Jurgen. 'European Political Theology', in Craig Hovey, Elizabeth Philip, The Cambridge Companion to Christian Political Theology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Year of publication; pagenumbers
Moltmann Jurgen. 1926 Experiences in Theology: Ways and Forms of Christian Theology, Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2000.
Scott W. Hibbard. Religious Politics and Secular States: Egypt, India and the United States, Baltimore 2010.
Thomas a Kempis, The Imitation of Christ, edited and introduced by Dennis Billy, Penquin, London 2011.
INTERNET SOURCES
Awofeso Olu. Political Islam And Democracy In Nigeria: Compatibility Or Incompatibility?
International Journal of Interdisciplinary Research Method Vol.3, No.3, pp.24-33, August 2016 Published by European Centre for Research Training and Development
UK(www.eajournals.org)
Naniya Muhammad Tijjani. History of Sharia, Journal of Islamic Studies v.13 N0. 1 2010, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26198373 accessed January 30 2021.
Olanrewaju Adenike. In the wake of tumultuous, #End SARS Demonstrations, https://edition.cnn.com/style/article/new-nigeria-studios-end-sars-protest-photoexhibit/index.html
The Guardian, Nigeria Cracks Down on End SARS protesters alleging terrorism, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/nov/13/nigeria-cracks-down-on-end-sarsprotesters-alleging-terrorism accessed January 31, 2021.
Williams Emmanuel Udoh. Insecurity in Nigeria: Political, Religious and Cultural Implications, Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Religion www.iiste.org ISSN 2422-8443 An International Peer-reviewed Journal Vol.5, 2015.
Kukah, H. Matthew. "Nigeria: Before our Glory Departs" in Premium Times, April 4, 2021. https://www.premiumtimesng.com. Accessed 18/07/2021