Micronesian Educator, Vol. 11 Changing Cultural Realities for Elementary

Changing Cultural Realities for Elementary School Children in Micronesia Jon O'Neill, Charles Sturt University Dirk H.R. Spennemann, Charles Sturt University

Abstract Micronesian children are increasingly exposed to commercialism and Western forms of advertising. How will that affect current and future perception of traditional culture? This paper presents the results of a questionnaire survey administered to 581 schoolchildren across Micronesia. The respondents expressed strong preferences for 'favourite' items that have little or no traditional cultural connections and are international in scope. Choices of 'favourite' entertainment, of reading material, television, videos, music, and dancing, choices of preferred food and drink, all show an emerging internationalising of their preferences. If it is the wish of the Micronesian people to retain elements of their traditional cultures then concerted and deliberate, conscious action to prioritize and implement management processes that are appropriate to their cultures and circumstances must be taken soon. Cultural change is occurring with increasing rapidity throughout Micronesia and local communities are in a situation where their capacity to exercise control is limited.

Keywords: cultural changes; elementary school education; historic preservation; Westernisation; cultural traditions

Introduction Because of its physical isolation, Micronesia remained uninhabited until later in human history .1 For the same reasons, its inhabitants were among the last influenced by the march of European colonialism, and more recently, the nation-states of Micronesia were among the last to gain national independence. Micronesian cultures are living and vibrant. Their dynamism is apparent in the way in which all age groups within Micronesian societies negotiate the multifarious processes of cultural change. Naturally, some pressures for cultural change emerge from within Micronesian cultures but it is clear that many originate from- or are exploited by -external sources. Frequently the impacts of external forces of change are most apparent in their effects on children and are seen in the values and preferences

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Neill & Spennemann - Changing Cultural Realities (local governments, departments and organisations), Australia (Charles Sturt University), and the USA (US National Park Service), were working together to assist Micronesians to manage the preservation of those elements of their heritage they valued. Presentations at schools, community organizations and local cultural groups throughout Micronesia, were used to emphasize the importance of indigenous Micronesian opinions and the fact that through this questionnaire each individual respondent had an opportunity to make their own opinions heard.

Three paramount questions informed the structure and content of the questionnaire.

Will the level and nature of inter-generationallearning in Micronesia affect what children value? Are the preferred choices for food, drink and entertainment reported

by Micronesian schoolchildren a predictor that Micronesian cultures are being subsumed by external cultures? Are differences in cultural values and preferences apparent between children attending Elementary School and their elders?

Cultural determinants acting on the current generation of schoolchildren in Micronesia were investigated and implications for future Heritage Management extrapolated. The aim was to outline challenges that will be faced by heritage managers in the next decade, as participating children mature and become contributing members of society both economically and politically.

Comments made by several adult Micronesian interviewees (reported in O'Neill, 2005) provide anecdotal evidence that television programs, recorded material (such as video-tapes or DVDs), movies and schools, all exert a growing influence over Micronesian children in the development of their cultural preferences.

Some were critical of recent social developments they perceived as contributing to an erosion of local culture and suggested that both practice and teaching of traditional life-ways by older members of the family was becoming less common.

They claimed that media, and in particular television (through programming and privately-owned or rental videos), was frequently used as a 'baby-sitter' because both parents had to work to earn sufficient money to cater to their 'needs.' They further suggested these 'needs' were evolving in response to advertising and a portrayal of behaviour in television shows and films that may not necessarily be considered acceptable by local communities or are not sensitive to local cultural mores (O'Neill, 2005).

Television, Advertising and Children Television advertising may be overt (i.e. open advertisements) or covert (as in sponsorship, endorsement and product placement). Studies conducted over many years have shown that advertising is a powerful tool that may successfully be used to change opinions, tastes and perceptions of individuals and communities (Braun & Loftus, 1998; Foster, 2003; Hilton, 2003; Kilbourne, 1999; Meyers, 1984). Richards et al. (2000, p. 3) show that advertising successfully acts on "ideas about social institutions and social values" and that part of its purpose is to

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MICRONESIAN EDUCATOR (2006) VOL. 11 influence (modify) those social values. As Czerniawski & Maloney (1999) state, "[u]nderstanding, developing , and evolving-even creating-customer needs ... is at .the core of every successful business venture" (p. 26).

Foster (2003) uses the term 'cultural imperial_ism' when he refers, to the continuing flow of "images and objects emanating from various dominant regional centers" (p. 116) to other areas . To illustrate the way in which such advertising/propag;;mda may influence cultural change he uses the label 'Coca-Colonization'. Although this term itself specifically targets one particular example, it is applied generically to virtually all brand/product advertising. Foster also raises the critical issue of the potential to interfere in social constructions, and goes so far as to suggest that advertising defines 'the terms of membership' in political entities such as nations.

This use of advertising would clearly be culturally and nationally invasive and raises grave ethical concerns.

It is clear that the driving purpose of advertising (or propaganda) is to change or reinforce opinions held by individuals. A member of the internationally respected Canadi~n Advertising Foundation, Suzanne Keeler (1995), stated that "advertising is a business ... a reflection of our society" and that it is intentionally designed to 'change ideas.' In the context of Micronesian perceptions of internal cultural change emanating from external sources , these words immediately give rise to several questions. Whose society is this advertising a reflection of; whose ideas are to be changed; and, who decides what changes are to be made?

These questions posed here are rhetorical in that they were not included in the questionnaires and are not directly answered by the data. Yet they are important in terms of considering the appropriateness of external (and generally uncontrolled and umnonitored) influences on local culture and social structures. Managing those influences may well become a necessary part of future efforts to preserve or protect local indigenous cultures.

That children and adolescents are among the most easily affected by advertising has been well documented (Kniveton, 1982; Murray, 1982; Oswell, 2002; Strasburger & Wilson 2002; Ward, 1976). This fact, and the potential that exists for deliberate manipulation by those creating the advertising, is recognized in several European countries (for example Norway, Swed~n, Holland, Greece, etc) where some advertising that specifically targets children is banned. Other countries (such as Australia and USA) have a more 'laissez-faire' approach and tend to depend on industry 'self-regulation.' It may be argued that the likelihood of ' self-regulation' ever being successful is very low. Unless those whose opinions are being manipulated through advertising are empowered to accept, modify or deny that advertising the potential for social manipulation by external sources remains . The ethics of such a self-regulatory approach is beyond the terms of this research.

Pacific researchers have shown that the introduction of television has had a

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Neill & Spennemann - Changing Cultural Realities considerable impact on social interactions of Pacific Islanders. O'Rourke (1982) contrasts the island lifestyle with the influence of American TV programs and associated advertising, portraying their influence as inappropriate and culturally damaging. He observed that the people of Yap (Federated States of MicronesiaFSM) were influenced by television programming (with minimal local production) to the extent that Yapese society came to depend on unnecessary, expensive and mostly imported consumer products. In a study in Palau and the Marshall Islands, Ogden (1993) notes that exposure to television contributed to some young people ignoring their elders and showing disrespect for them which led to disruptions in traditional society. Ogden and Crowl (1993) discuss the extent to which television (and/or videos) have impacted on the socio-cultural environment of the Republic of Palau (ROP) and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI).

Varan (1993) researched effects of television in the Cook Islands. Among others, he notes the replacement of traditional children's games with electronic games, changing perceptions of feminine beauty and the concomitant adoption by local girls of unattainable physical ideals of form based on external, western, concepts of beauty. Gilliam and Iyengar (2000) show how filtering (universally, a part of the presentation of television news broadcasts) often contributes to development of prejudices and misconceptions that then become part of public opinion. Other studies, such as Witt (2000), demonstrate the very considerable potential television has to influence a variety of behaviour patterns.

The suggestions that Micronesian perceptions of 'needs' were changing as a result of television programming and advertising are also supported by simulation studies undertaken by Stocker et al. (2003). Results from these studies indicate the existence of a "critical point above which exposure to mass media such as television will have a dramatic effect upon social cohesion." They strongly suggest that when the exposure of individuals to cohesive influences of their own culture is reduced in some way "the effect of the external influence is magnified." They further show that the degree to which social cohesion may be disrupted depends on four influential factors-the amount of exposure to television, time spent with a peer network, number of peer influences, and the strength of social networks.

As peer networks form part of what may appropriately be termed the ecology of culture, it is also important to consider the influence such 'externals' have upon those comprising the peer network and not simply to focus upon the individual.

It is reasonable therefore to presume that the general effects of television programming also apply to Micronesia and that advertising, whether overt or covert, contributes to changes in the preferences and perceptions of Micronesian communities, changes that then become apparent in modified social or cultural practices. When multiple agents of change are operating and influencing social development in combination, the potential for change (in both extent and rapidity) is greatly increased. Television, videos, movies, the Internet, international tourists, books, children returning from overseas schooling, and expatriate Micronesians

MICRONESIAN EDUCATOR (2006) VOL. 11 living overseas, are all powerful social influences by themselves. When they combine and interact with each other their potential to influence (or even direct) social change is increased dramatically.

To assess this processional change, several open questions dealing with personal preferences for food, drink and entertainment were posed. Each question was simply expressed using the words "what is your favourite ... " No answers were suggested and participants were free to nominate their own choices. The openended nature of the questions meant that some respondents listed more than one item. As will become apparent in the remainder of this paper, patterns evident in children's responses reflect the opinions that continuing social developments are contributing to an erosion of traditional culture.

Although the strength of response varies across Micronesia, a decided preference for 'western' style entertainment and food/drink has clearly emerged. As might reasonably be expected, this response is much stronger in the political entities of Guam and the CNMI with their longer colonial associations, closer educational, political and popular cultural links with the US, and closer geographic and economic association with Japan and Korea. Preferences indicated in responses from the central and eastern political entities of the FSM and the RMI also show a move away from more traditional choices, but it is not as strong as it appears to be in Guam and the CNMI. Although fewer responses were received from the ROP (n=41) than from other Micronesian political entities, they also show that the more traditional choices are not as popular with respondents.

The Sample Five hundred and eighty one elementary school questionnaires were completed and returned. Ninety-:nine percent of elementary school children who responded to the questionnaire answered the question regarding gender displaying an almost exact 50150 gender division- 284 males and 289 females with only eight declining, or overlooking, to answer this question. Respondents came from all five Micronesian political entities (Table 1), although Guam (34%) and the CNMI (27%) provided the greatest numbers. Eighty percent of respondents were Micronesian with 35% claiming Chamorro ethnicity and 18% Marshallese.2 Table 1. Respondents by nationality and country of response

!NATIONALITY

CNMI

~arolinean

25

~hamorro

76

~hukese

6

FSM

GuAM 123

5

12

RMI

1

ROP

1

TarAt

PERCEN1

25

4.31

201

34.59

23

3.96

Neill & Spennemann - Changing Cultural Realities Kosraean

2

31

Marshallese Palau an

1 10

3

2

Pohnpeian

5

34

2

!Yapese

3

33

5.68

105

18.07

3S

6.54

41

7.06

6

1.03

2

0.34

2

0.34

3

0.52

2

5

0.86

1

13

93

16.01

1

1

4

0.69

581

104 23

2

1 2

II<mbas 2

!Hawaiian !Polynesian

3 3

fArnerican 30

Pfuer

49

1

1

TOTAL

158

77

196

109

41

Percent

27.19

13.25

33.74

18.76

7.06

INot Answered

Age Age is a major criterion by virtue of the related length of exposure to cultural influences at home and at school. The two largest 'age groups' of responses (Table 2) by elementary school children were 11 years of age with 223 (38%) respondents and 'other' with 163 respondents (28%). Ninety-one percent of those 11 year olds who responded attended public schooling. Eighty-five percent of those students attending private schools selected 'other' in answer to the question regarding 'age.'

The data do not explain the high percentage of private school students selecting 'other.'

Some of the 'other' responses can be explained in that on two occasions, elementary school questionnaires were distributed to and completed by Junior High School students. In Saipan, 14 questionnaires were photocopied locally, distributed to students attending a Junior High School, completed and returned.

A similar situation occurred in Palau with 19 questionnaires. In addition, several respondents answered the question on age by selecting 'Other' but also chose to specify their age, which varied within a range of 13 to 19 years. These latter responses suggest some students had experienced difficulties in gaining an elementary level of education earlier in life.ln retrospect, the questionnaire might have been improved if a greater range of options had been provided for selection than those offered (9, 10, 11 , 12, and 'other').

These explanations however, only account for a small proportion of the large number of 'other' responses to the question of age. The remainder cannot be fully explained from the data collected.

Neill & Spennemann - Changing Cultural Realities difficulties in gaining an acceptable education earlier in their lives and consequently do not properly fit the designed age/school-year connexion. It also suggests that perhaps the education system implemented throughout Micronesia (which is very strongly based on the US model) may not be appropriate or even truly practical for these emergent political entities. Heine (n. d.) discusses the difficulties resulting from earlier schooling that are commonly experienced by Micronesian students attending educational institutions in Hawa 'ii. Baker (1991) notes what he describes as the severe shortage of good teachers in a system that is expensive and which requires large numbers of good teachers to function properly. Based on his experiences in Micronesia, he recommends a fundamental change in education policy and suggests, "nothing should be taught in the schools that can be better or more appropriately taught in the community." Clearly, this sensible and culturally appropriate suggestion has not yet been adopted.

Place of Residence The question of 'residence' is an important one as it is commonly argued that 'outer islands' or 'outer districts' are more traditional in their values and lifestyles.

Sixty-one percent of respondents claimed to be from 'central' districts while only twenty-seven percent came from 'outer' districts (Table 4). A very small percentage of respondents chose not to answer the question while 10% did not know whether their home district could be described in these terms.

Table 4. Respondents by age and location AGE

9 10 11

12 Other Unanswered TOTAL Percent

'CENTRAL'

'OuTER'

DO NOT

DISTRICT

DISTRICT

KNow

28 41 96 52 139

2 8 112 17 18

6 17 14 12 6

356 61.3

157 27.0

55 9.5

NOT ANSWERED

TOTAL

36 66 222

81 163 13 13 13 581 2.2

PERCENT

6.2 11.4 38.2 13.9 28.1 2.2

Results and Discussion A number of open questions regarding food, drink and entertainment (television, reading, dance, story telling, and games) provided respondents with opportunities

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MICRONESIAN EDUCATOR (2006) VOL. 11 to express their personal preferences, opinions and values about these elements of their daily lives. Their responses provide insights into the types and sources of cultural elements about which Micronesian children are learning (or not learning, as the case may be), their emerging preferences for food, drink and entertainment, and some associated changes in cultural preferences that appear to be developing quite rapidly in this generation.

Although the questions only asked respondents to specify their 'favourite' item for each category, many respondents answered with more than one. Such multiple choices strongly suggest that they could not easily separate a single 'favourite' out of several. In recognition of this and to acknowledge that all respondents' opinions are relevant and of value to this research, all choices specified by participants as their favourites have been included in the analysis. Consequently, the total number of responses varies from the number of respondents for each of these seven questions. Table 5 illustrates this by comparing the number of 'favourite' items specified with the total number of responses to the specific questions. What is your favourite food and drink were the most popular questions and almost every respondent felt able to answer and did so.

Table 5. Responses to 'favourite' items (excluding 'null' answers) QUESTION

NUMBER OF CHOICES

I

11ADE(EXCLUDING'l

KNow

DON'T

DON'T KNOW'

Favourite books Favourite dances Favourite drinks Favourite foods Favourite games Favourite songs Favourite stories Favourite TV ~how~

Favourite videos

NuMBER oF REsPONSES (INCLUDING

'I DON'T

KNOW' AND 'NONE')

.

477 396 719 802 660 390 391

26 0 3 7 23 39

505 436 573 572 580 431 457

651

7

541

514

16

536

11

L

The preferences nominated by children from all five political entities are summarized in Table 6 .(favourite foods, drinks and games) and Table 9 (favourite songs, dances, books and stories). All responses have been categorized as 'traditional,' 'non-traditional' or 'other' to assist with comparison and ease of presentation.

The categories 'traditional' and 'non-traditional' are self-explanatory, while the category 'other' represents selections that either cannot be clearly categorized as traditional or non-traditional, or originate from non-Micronesian cultures. Care

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Neill & Spennemann - Changing Cultural Realities should be taken with this analysis as such a simplistic categorisation may lead to misunderstanding simply because it does not account for new or emerging cultural elements. Clearly, it is often difficult to determine whether (and when) social or cultural practices adopted by a society should be regarded as 'traditional.' Three examples will suffice to illustrate this.

Rice may be considered a staple food in Micronesia today but should it be considered a traditional food? There is evidence to suggest that rice was grown in western islands of Micronesia prior to European contact (Russell, 1998). However, in the eastern parts of Micronesia (FSM and RMI) it is of much more recent origins, with German traders and Government officials distributing it in the late nineteenth century (Spennemann, 1999). Despite this late introduction and despite it being an expensive import in the RMI, rice has become a very common food item. Even on 'outer' islands rice is usually seen as 'traditional' food. In fact, it has clearly become a staple of the Marshallese diet as the following figures will illustrate.

Two direct questions were posed regarding consumption of rice- 'do you like rice?' and 'how often do you eat rice?' One hundred and five Marshallese students responded to the first question in a very positive response; 97% of them selecting "I like rice" (n-59) or "I love rice" (n=41). One hundred and four Marshallese students responded to the second question with 84% indicating they consumed it daily. For this analysis, rice has been classified as 'traditional' throughout all five Micronesian political entities. Chicken and Pork have generally been categorized as 'traditional' food , although where it is easily recognized as 'non-traditional' (for example 'Kentucky Fried Chicken' or 'Spam') it has been classified as nontraditional .

A further example may be seen in the consumption of marine resources. Historically, seafood has been a staple of the diet of all Pacific Islander peoples for thousands of years, and Micronesians are no different. Meth~ds of preparation, however, may be of much more recent (and perhaps even colonial) origin. Although raw fish was consumed traditionally, sashimi is a popular example of a more recently adopted method of preparation and consumption. Nevertheless, for the purposes of this study all choices nominating seafood have been classified as 'traditional.'

Table 6. Children's preferences - foods, drinks, and games Fooos

GAMES

DRINKS

Trad (%)

NonTrad (%)

Other (%)

N

Trad (%)

NonOther Trad (%) (%)

n

Trad (%)

NonTrad (%)

Other (%)

n

CNMI

21.83

73.02

5.16

252

7.73

77.27

15.00

220

2.53

90.91

6.57

198

Guam

22.22

68.65

9.13

252

14.29

42.42

43.29

231

4.52

87.78

7.69

221

ROP

50.00

29.63

20.37

54

30.61

51.02

18.37

49

6.52

80.43

13.04

46

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MICRONESIAN EDUCATOR (2006) VOL. 11

Table 7. Fast food selections FAST Fooo CHOICES COUNI'RY CNMI

Guam ROP FSM

RMI TOTAL

TarAL

Pizza

Hamburger

HotDogs

Fries

Other

Total

CHOICES

100 82 4 18 27

11

9

25 3 2 4

3 0 0 1

12 4 0 0 1

13 27 2 0 2

145 141

252 252

9

54

20 35

90 154

231

45

13

17

44

350

802

Favourite Drinks In all five Micronesian political entities, non-traditional drinks were clearly favoured over traditional drinks (s~ Figure 1). However, a complexity is again introduced by the question of when an adopted cultural element may be considered to have become traditional.

Throughout Micronesia, tea is now a very popular beverage. 1\venty percent of all nominations for favourite drink were for tea in one or another of its myriad forms, and Guam alone (with 99 responses) accounted for 68% of those nominations.

Tea may be drunk hot or cold, with or without lemon, with or without sweetening, with or without milk and at any time of the day. In this analysis, though it has been inFluded in the category 'other' because it originated outside of Micronesia.

It is very clear that the overwhelming favourite non-traditional drink selected by childfen right across Micronesia was carbonated soft drink (commonly known 'as soda) in all of its innumerable faces, brands, flavours, colours, preservatives and other additives. Nominated varieties bf soda included Pepsi Cola, Coca Cola, generic Cola, Mellow Yellow, Sprite, 7-Up, Mountain Dew, Fanta, Root Beer, Dr Pepper and so on. In total, there were 313 nominations for soda, a total that greatly exceeded all other choi~es and amounted to 44% of all specified favourite drinks . â&#x20AC;˘ In spite of this demonstrated popularity of highly sugared carbonated soft drinks however, it is interesting to note how many schoolchildren chose plain water. This was particularly true in the RMI where far less fresh water is generally available than is the case in most other Micronesian districts.

Table 8 summarizes children's main choices for favourite drinks while Figure 2 illustrates those choices on a geographic basis .

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Neill & Spennemann - Changing Cultural Realities Table 10. Children's preferences- books and stories BooKS

COUNTRY

Trad (%)

NonOther Trad (%)

(%)

STORIES

n

Trad (%)

NonOther Trad (%)

(%)

n

CNMI

1.38

92.41

6.21

145

74.11

16.96

8.93

112

Guam

1.46

95.62

2.92

137

84.62

9.62

5.77

104

ROP

0.00

95.65

4.35

23

72.00

8.00

20.00

25

FSM RMI

3.08

89.23

7.69

65

81.36

11.86

6.78

59

0.00

62.26

37.74

106

59.34 20.88

19.78

91

Total

476

389

Favourite Songs Of the total 390 songs nominated as favourites, only 35% may be categorized as 'traditional,' while 56% were 'non-traditional' and the remaining 9% 'other.'

Modem pop songs were universally very popular. Their popularity among Micronesian children again illustrates the way in which large international or multinational industries such as the popular music industry can influence development of cultures.

The response was very similar in each of the five countries polled (Table 9, Table 10, and Figure 3). By itself this result may not be sufficient to suggest the popularity of some cultural elements that were central to 'traditional' cultures may be weakening. However, when taken in the context of the responses to other questions in this group, it does contribute to the overall strong impression that this is not only occurring but that it is doing so in all Micronesian cultures.

Favourite Dances

Three hundred and ninety-six nominations were made for 'favourite dance.'

The major dance categories included under the heading 'Non-traditional' are summarized in Table 11 and are compared with the number of 'traditional' dances.

They include the category of 'western' such as the Cha Cha, Rap, and Rock & Roll (137), the Hawaiian Hula (59), and Tahitian dances (27). In Guam, Hawaiian dances were just as popular as traditional dances (both 20%) and in the FSM they were even more popular than traditional dances (28%). In the CNMI, Tahitian dances were very popular and accounted for 18% of nominations for favourite dance.

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MICRONESIAN EDUCATOR (2006) VOL. 11 Table 11. Categories of dances selected by country (percentage) TRAomoNAL

WESTERN

HAWAIIAN

TAHITIAN

OTHER

36.89

22.13

13.93

18.03

9.02

Guam

19.64

52.68

19.64

2.68

5.36

ROP

54.17

25.00

0.00

4.17

16.66

COUNrRY CNMI

FSM

21.28

48.94

27.66

2.13

0.00

RMI

60.44

24.18

7.69

0.00

7.69

36.62

34.60

14.90

6.82

7.06

TOTAL

That as much as 22% of the total number of 'favourite dances' nominated by respondents across the region were for Hawaiian or Tahitian cultural dances (see Table 11) is suggestive. This may indicate that closer linkages with other Pacific Island cultures are developing along the lines of the connectedness that Hau' ofa (1998) and Wendt (1976) both called for. They may well be emerging in other areas as well. For example, recent (January, 2005) on ASAO- have been posted on the subject of 'Oceanic labels.' Tim Thomas (2005) wrote of young people from various Oceanic backgrounds in Auckland, New Zealand adopting the term 'Nesian' (from Polynesian, Melanesian, and Micronesian) as a personally chosen label of association.

Analysis of the questionnaire data and oral interviews, however, suggest in this instance that the adoption of external cultural elements may be more attributable to expatriate schoolteachers teaching non-Micronesian dances in the context of traditional activities. More than 18% of respondents nominated their schoolteachers as the primary source of their knowledge about elements of their traditional culture (see below). Such a high percentage suggests that schools and teachers have now become pivotal in terms of teaching heritage and culture, while more traditional methods have decreased in their use, effectiveness and importance .

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Legends were universally popular in general and on many occasions were nominated generically with none specifically named. Different legends/stories were popular in different areas. Examples of those specified include: the legend of Sirena (a young girl who became a mermaid) which is a firm favourite in the CNMI (10) and Guam (29); the Sleeping Lady of Kosrae (a legend about the origins of Kosrae and based on the structural shape of the main island) was a popular story in Kosrae, FSM; and various stories about Nan Madol and its inhabitants were popular in Pohnpei, FSM. Favourite Television and Video shows

Questions posed in this questionnaire relating to the entertainment media of television and children's favourite shows and videos succeeded in highlighting two factors in particular. First was the popularity of the media. Clearly, watching television and videos is just as popular a pastime throughout Micronesia as it is elsewhere. Second was the extent to which local television broadcasting and video hire/purchase is almost totally dominated by an industry based outside of Micronesia. Differences in responses between categories of 'traditional,' 'non-traditional' and 'other' became quite meaningless in view of the paucity of local production of video and television programming. Consequently, rather than categorize responses on the same basis as other open questions, it has been necessary to summarize responses into nine categories that are more relevant to these data. Table 12 sets out and briefly describes each of the chosen categories.

Table 12. Programming categories DESCRIPTION Television channels specialising in children's cartoon programs such as Nickelodian, and other general cartoons (non-Disney) and cartoon productions with nominations such as 'Sponge Bob.' and 'Bob the R11 il nPr ' Includes adventure and action programs I movies such as 'Die Hard,' 'Harry Potter,' 'Lord of the Rings,' and 'Jet Li.'

CATEGORY Cartoons

Adventure Romance

Includes general romance programs I movies such as 'Princess Diaries,' 'Lizzie McGuire,' and 'Friends.'

Sport

This is self-explanatory, but popular choices include wrestling and basketball.

News Disney

-

This is self-explanatory, for example, CNN. Programs, movies and television programs produced by Disney Corporation, and television channels dedicated to OiRnPv nroductions

Music and Dance

Music programs (such as 'MTV') and movies (Including 'Grease' and 'Sound of Music').

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MICRONESIAN EDUCATOR (2006) VOL. 11 Movies I programs of general interest such as 'Lifetime', 'History', and 'Discovery' channels, and programs such as '7th

General

HP:lVPn'

Unclassifiable

Selections that could not easily be classified in any of the above.

All of the preferences nominated by elementary school children are for television programs, videos and movies that were produced by entertainment companies based outside of Micronesia. Not one was produced locally. It is of course most unlikely that an external organization would ever produce matericil that would share the values of Micronesian cultures or even give any deliberate consideration to them during production. Consequently, cultural standards and practices that are non-traditional and even non-Micronesian in nature are highlighted in the entertainment media at the expense of traditional Micronesian cultures. It is not surprising therefore for respondents to this question to reflect cultural traits and choices that originate from alternative cultures portrayed through this powerful medium for change.lf choices that are more traditional in content and presentation are available to Micronesian children, they are not apparent in the selections specified by those children in their responses to this questionnaire.

Clearly, the same programs and movies selected by Micronesian children and nominated in this questionnaire are also popular in many other countries throughout the world. Table 13 shows their entertainment preferences summarized by category and reflect the international popularity of some shows thus illustrating the internationalising effect of television.

Table 13. Favourite television shows and videos MEDIA

COUNTRY

«<

"'z

~ u Television

CNMI FSM

60 20

Guam RMI ROP

64

TOTAL Percent Video

CNMI FSM Guam

-

8 5 157 24.1 14 9 26

~

«<

~

.:I

tj

~

<

~

22 8 24 24 10 88 13.5 70 36 68

6 7 22 17 9 61 9.4 27 7 21

~

(J)

"'~ z

;><

~

fa

Q

.:I

Si

!3

::E

~ ~ «<

l:)

""

! z

...J

~ ~

::J

13 12 8 28 5 66

10.1 2 6 6

3 1 1 12 2 19 2.9 0 1 0

1 1 28 7 0 37 5.7 1 0 0

22 8 21 3 0

42

10 9 14 9

54

84

8.3 4 3 1

12.9 26 2 22

32 4 43 2 4 85 13.1 8 5 12

201 71

220 115 44

651 152 69 156

RMI ROP TOTAL Percent

17 5

26 18

15 3

7 1

0 0

0 0

4 2

26 7

4 2

71 13.8

218 42.4

73 14.2

22 4.3

1 0.2

1 0,2

14 2.7

83 16.2

31 6.0

99

38 514

Conclusion Student respondents to this questionnaire have expressed strong preferences for 'favourite' items that have little or no traditional cultural connections and are international in scope. Choices of 'favourite' entertainment, of reading material, television, videos, music, and dancing, choices of preferred food and drink, all show an emerging intemationalising of their preferences. Although the processes involved with intemationalising of commerce impact on cultures throughout the world, how they may best be managed by separate cultures so their impacts are minimized has not yet been determined. Consequently, both the processes themselves and their impacts are largely unmanaged whether local communities consider them appropriate or not.

Children's unprompted and unguided responses to 'open' questions show how easily external influences can modify children's cultural beliefs and values. Those responses strongly suggest potentially critical developments in the thinking and values expressed by those students are occurring (particularly those more traditional elements). If not halted, redirected or otherwise appropriately managed, it is likely these developments will lead to fundamental changes in those cultures during the next few decades as today's children mature and become the decision-makers of their age. Elements of Micronesian culture that were valued by past generations will not continue into the future but instead move into a mythical past as items of historical interest.

If it is the wish of the Micronesian people to retain elements of their traditional cultures then concerted and deliberate, conscious action to prioritize and implement management processes that are appropriate to their cultures and circumstances must be taken soon. Cultural change is occurring with increasing rapidity throughout Micronesia and local communities are in a situation where their capacity to exercise control is limited. What Micronesian cultures of tomorrow will be like will be determined by the actions taken (or not taken) by Micronesian communities of today.

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