《王道月刊》康德九十年1月期

一月刊

新年快樂感念滿日特殊關係

兩國國旗依法無妨一併掲揚

ᆋᬊ඀֜

康德九十年

ᆋᬊ඀֜編輯委員會成員（以姓氏之羅馬化轉寫爲序） 土門龍三郎 浩尼 洪陽 項龍 沛公

《王道月刊》康德九十年一月期 康德九十年一月 北美合衆國

協和會與滿洲建國俱生俱長

定爲國家機構之團體

建國精神于無窮

實現其理想之惟一無二思想的

訓練國民

敎化的政治的實踐組織體也

而護持

〻⡌吲梉䟅䏨䎳 ㎎㡊​⩪㍒⅒䟅リ⡌憔弰 ŃŃ慚㧞㌊ⵎ㓓唰䟅♰ὁ䙠弰

釋放滿洲帝國國民、 關東州人王展

共匪立即釋放 滿洲國人 共匪から拉致された 滿洲國人に心よりお 見舞い申し上げます

滿洲帝國協和會深度參與、 支持的逆統戰桌游， 經過兩年的準備， 終於在 康德 87 年 8 月 17 日公開。 康德 88 年， 日文版在日本上市。 康德 90 年初， 英文版衆籌工作開始。

目次 On the Lytton Commission and Report

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協和會康德八十九年度全國聯合協議會 ·

滿洲帝國流亡政府施政方針大綱說明

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滿洲國法令欄目：滿洲國國旗揭揚相關 18

《國旗制度佈告》 （大同元年三月一日 政府佈告第三號）

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《懸掛國旗之方式》 （康德三年五月二十日

國務院佈告第一號）

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《關於國旗揭揚方法之件》 （康德五年六月三十日

民生部訓令第一二八號）

講解文： 《滿洲國的國旗制度及式日揭揚》 作者：完顔氏塞繆爾

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Since the official beginning of the Restoration Movement of Manchoukuo, numerous of CCP agents and ignorant persons began to defame this movement using the Lytton Report as an excuse. We, the Concordia Association carefully reviewed the history of Lytton Commission and hereby release our report of the “Lytton Commission and Report” to clarify the common misunderstandings of the modern world.

On the Lytton Commission and Report Basic Background: The League of Nations Nowadays, people generally mistakenly think that the League of Nations is the “prototype” of the United Nations. However, it is completely incorrect. There are two major differences between these two organizations.

As the United States, which is a major nation in the world and the initiator of the League of Nations, had never joined the League of Nation, and many major states joined and left the League of Nations, the conclusions by the League of Nations are NOT with enough authoritativeness as universal international law or even international opinion.

According to the Covenant of the League of Nations, the League of Nations shall only advise rather than enforce to its member states. This is totally different from the United Nations, which has the authority to maintain military forces to enforce (Through the Security Council and UN Peacekeepers) its conclusions.

The same problem that the League of Nations and the United Nations have, despite the big differences between them: Viewing communist states as normal members of the international society: it is like to reach balance among police, law-abiding citizens, and

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bandits. In such abnormal and deformed framework, it keeps ending up with the communist states getting the most advantage. According to the concept of “semi-state” from Leninism, all communist “nations” are semi-states, whose primary function is just a cover of the communist party to make it easy and convenient to initiate relationships with, confuse, and subvert the capitalist states.

After understanding the basic nature of the LoN as well as the challenge it was facing at that time, we can draw to the following simple conclusion. The Lytton Report was just a report, and what the Lytton Commission did was just an ADVICE to the MEMBER STATES of the League of Nations. It is NEVER an international law judgement or arbitration.

Even if this conclusion made by Lytton Commission were a resolution of the United Nations in the Yalta System, it would have been same useless for bringing peace and order in Manchuria and same harmful to Manchuria’s independence because both the League of Nations and the United Nations de facto allow the communist states to use themselves as a medium to infiltrate Manchuria and eventually take over Manchuria (they intended to do so back then, they are doing it right now).

The “Lytton Report”: Content and Our Comments(comments in []) The report, published on October 2, 1932, consisted of an introduction and a total of 10 chapters, the contents of which are as follows: The Introduction clarified the process of establishing the commission.

Chapter 1 detailed an overview of China's recent history, educating from the fall of the Ching Empire, the emergence of the Republic of China, the subsequent civil wars, the formation of the Kuomintang, and the Communist Party of China.

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Chapter 2 described Manchukuo, that was, China was indifferent to Manchuria, and that today's development of Manchuria was due to the efforts of Japan, from the political situation of Chang Tso-lin and Chang Hsiao-liang to the conflict between Russia and China.

Chapter 3 explained the issues related to Manchuria between Japan and China, that was, Japan's rights in Manchuria, with Japan’s explanation of Manchuria’s uniqueness that was unparalleled in the world, as well as the issues related to railways, commercial rights, etc. This chapter especially explained important issues in the years before the outbreak of the incident (Wanpaoshan incident and the subsequent anti-Chinese riots in Korea).

Chapter 4 described the incidents that took place on the day of 18 September 1931 and later in Manchuria, when emotions were tense between the Japanese and Chinese troops, and Japan had a careful plan for hostilities. Suffering from the explosion of the Renkyo Line 連京綫 , it was carried out promptly and accurately. But the Chinese side had no plans to attack. Although the Japanese military action on the night could not be recognized as a measure of self-defense, it was stated that the hypothesis that officers and others were acting for self-defense (misunderstanding defense) could not be ruled out.

Chapter 5 outlined the actions taken from 20 February 1932 to the withdrawal of the Imperial Japanese Army regarding the First Shanghai Incident.

Chapter 6 dealt with Manchukuo, first stating the stage of construction of a new nation, assuming that a group of Japanese civilian and military officers planned and organized an independence movement, then denying voluntary independence and

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the Government of Manchukuo. Considering the finances, education, justice, police, and military, and it finally concluded that the Chinese in Manchuria generally did not support the Government of Manchukuo. [where it started to get totally false.]

Manchukuo was founded according to the true will of the Manchurian People The Lytton Commission’ s way of listening to true will of the people of Manchuria was totally problematic and unpractical. In Manchuria back in 1932, most of the mass did NOT care about or participated in politics at all. Only 官 紳 士 民 (generally property owners, i.e., officials, local landlords, gentlemen, military officers, former Ching’ s Mongolic feud lords, firm owners, and other property owners etc., it is a little equivalent to bourgeoisie) were all participants of Manchurian politics. Within them, most of them supported Manchuria’ s independence and the Founding of Manchoukuo. That has represented the true will of the people of Manchuria. When Emperor Kangteh ruled Manchoukuo from 1932 to 1945, this situation remained in Manchuria.

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Letters from Ma Chan-shan (firstly a major founding father of Manchukuo and then betrayed Manchukuo and became a bandit) to Victor Bulwer-Lytton.

Chapter 7 called it "Japan's economic interests and the boycott of China," and admitted that China's attitude was illegal.

[Well…China’s illegal attitude caused all the incidents before the Manchuria Incident, gave the Soviet Union more chances to infiltrate Manchuria, and contributed to an inevitable social environment of the Manchuria Incident…Without that environment and the subsequent Manchuria Incident, the people of Manchuria would have not been able to self-determine to become independent from China. ] Chapter 8 detailed the economic benefits of Manchuria, made the restoration of goodwill between Japan and China essential for resources and development, and hoped to open the door of Manchuria from a practical standpoint.

In Chapter 9, the Lytton Commission stated that Manchuria had many special 6

circumstances that were unparalleled in other parts of the world [well, in your investigation you never kept that in mind], so this conflict was not a trivial case in which one country's borders were invaded by the armed forces of neighboring countries. The Lytton Commission denied both restoration to the original status and maintenance of Manchukuo: 1.

To be in line with the interests of both Japan and China; [their interests on

Manchuria were irreconcilable.]

2.

Respect for the interests of the Soviet Union;[then you would not be able to

respect for interests of any other state.]

3.

Being in harmony with the current multilateral treaty; [if it could work, there

would have been no Manchuria Incident, remember you mentioned that in your report too?]

4.

Approval of Japanese interests in Manchuria;[China was against that and that was

why they incited so many anti-Japanese incidents.]

5.

Establishment of new treaty relations between Japan and China;[then why did

you mention No. 3? It is your selfcontradiction.]

6.

Creating an effective facility for future dispute resolution; [how to define

effective? who create? who participate? and do not forget the League of Nations was never able to do such thing as the later United Nations.]

7.

Allow Manchuria to be self-governing to the extent that it is in harmony with

China's sovereignty and administrative conservation; [well, that is equivalent to restore the original status as Chang Hsiao-liang Regime, you just said you would not do that, self-contradiction again. ] 8.

Internal order by efficient local gendarmerie, security against external aggression

by withdrawal and non-aggression treaties of all troops; [no one was able to set such local gendarmerie that was efficient enough to maintain social order and resist Soviet infiltration, otherwise Manchoukuo Founding Fathers could havealready done it instead of getting independent from China, they told you that in your investigation already.]

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9.

Promotion of economic alliance between Japan and China; [China wants full

control of Manchuria rather than that. ] 10.

International cooperation for the remodeling of China is a condition for dispute

resolution. [then that condition had an extremely high possibility for never going to accomplish, so in your way, this “dispute” would hardly be able to get resolved. ] In Chapter 10, the Lytton Commission stated that it should make some proposals to the Council to exemplify the above solution and convene an advisory council if both Japan and China approved to discuss the above solution. The Chinese central government should reserve the conclusion of general treaties and control of external relations as long as it would not conflict with its declaration on Manchuria, and the Chinese central government should manage the affairs of customs, postal services, salt tax, stamp tax, and cigarette tax.

The allocation of tax revenues should be decided by the advisory council, the primary appointment of the head of the self-autonomous government should be reserved by the Chinese central government and have the authority to issue orders to ensure the implementation of the Chinese central government's foreign treaties, and others. It should be decided by the advisory council that all other powers should belong to this autonomous government. In addition, the special military police should be organized with the cooperation of foreigners, and all foreign troops should be withdrawn to make it the only armed group in Manchuria. And the head of the self-autonomous government should appoint foreign advisors, most of whom should be Japanese.

[In Chapter 10, the Lytton Commission did not talk like human beings at all.]

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The conclusions made by the Lytton Commission: 1.

"Restore the original status before the Liutiaohu Incident (China's claim)" and

“Approval of Manchukuo (Japan's claim)" could not solve the problem.

2.

In Manchuria, an autonomous government should be established under

the sovereignty of China. This autonomous government should have sufficient administrative authority under the guidance of foreign advisors dispatched by the League of Nations.

3.

Manchuria should be a demilitarized zone, and the Special Higher Police

Organization, which should be advised by the League of Nations, would maintain security.

4.

Japan and China should conclude a "non-aggression treaty" and a "trade treaty."

If the Soviet Union would like to participate in this, it would conclude a separate Tripartite Pact.

The Chang Hsiao-liang Regime was already a self-autonomous government under the Chinese central government. It had been proven that it was highly infiltrated by the Soviet Union / Comintern. That regime could not maintain a satisfactory social order in Manchuria, which had been proven by the result of the Manchuria Incident breaking out. Although people back then had not known that the Chang Tso-lin Explosion and the Liutiaohu Incidents were both done by the Soviet Union, still it can be clearly and easily seen that the biggest and sole beneficiary of this self-contradictory, illogical, and unrealistic conclusion by the League of Nations is the Soviet Union.

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The “Lytton Commission and Report”: Summary The Lytton Commission and Report and the subsequent resolution of the League of Nations concerning it was never primarily to answer whether Manchuria’s independence is legitimate or not, it was to answer the League’s member state’s request of investigation under the Article 10, 11, and 15 of the Covenant.

In the Report, it had been made clear that the issue of Manchuria Independence was “complicated”, and thus the Lytton Commission decided not to “argue this issue”.

However, as stated above, this investigation was called according to the Article 10, 11, and 15 of the Covenant, so it was primarily to answer to the conflict between both its member states, which were the Empire of Japan and the Republic of China. And the conflict between them was all about Manchuria’s independence. It is illogical to just reach a conclusion to answer this conflict concerning Manchuria’s independence without making conclusion on whether Manchuria’s independence was right or not.

But such illogical investigation, reporting, and conclusion were exactly what the Lytton Commission did.

If the League of Nations had concluded that Manchuria’s independence was not legitimate, then Manchuria should have been returned to the original status before the Liutiaohu Incident at that time immediately. If the League of Nations had concluded that Manchuria’s independence was legitimate, then according to international law the League of Nations or any other state should never interfere this issue at all. Neither did the Lytton Commission choose to conclude.

To summarize, the Lytton Commission and Report were illogical and self-contradictory in the first place.

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Provided that the Lytton Commission mentioned that they had acknowledged the uniqueness of Manchuria, especially the uniqueness in the case of the Manchuria Incident and the Founding of Manchukuo, they still ignored the specific situation in Manchuria, if not the East Asia, at that time. They failed to use proper way of investigating the truth of the Manchuria Incident, the independence of Manchuria and founding of Manchukuo. In their investigation, they only had contact with a very limited number of Manchurians (mostly the immigrants from North China to Manchuria, this group has the most proportion in the mass who never participate in politics), including Soviet-funded bandits such as Ma Chan-shan. And in their investigation, they failed to apply the definition of genuine independence movements to the East Asia based on its locality.

As is known to all, the Continental Army could have never beaten the British Forces without the help of the French government and troops. That was just the same in Manchuria. Without the help of Japanese troops, Manchuria would have never become independent or maintain independence and Manchoukuo would have never been founded. In the Declaration of Independence of Manchuria and the Declaration of the Founding of Manchoukuo, the Founding Fathers of Manchoukuo had made it clear that the people of Manchuria did not mean to be independent for the sake of independence from the very beginning but because independence was the only option for survival under that circumstance.

To summarize, the Lytton Commission and Report were totally ignorant to the uniqueness of Manchuria and totally neglected the true will of the people of Manchuria.

The League of Nations and the United Nations have been both wrong about one way of thinking: trying to reach balance between the communist states and all other states.

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As is known to all, you can NEVER reach a balance among the interests of a police officer, a law-abiding citizen, and a bandit.

What the League of Nations tried to do when Manchukuo was founded in 1932, was trying to make everyone happy. Obviously, that can never happen in any circumstances anytime anywhere.

For the Soviet Union/Comintern, uncertainty or unclear boundaries make them most benefits. They can take most advantage on such occasions than every party else. The League of Nations’ advice concerning Manchuria in 1932 would bring most uncertainty of Manchuria’s future, and ironically, it has been Manchoukuo who never leaves chances to Soviet.

A self-autonomous Chinese government in Manchuria, as proposed by the League of Nations, was so easy for Soviets to infiltrate, which had been proven by the Chang Regime as it was a self-autonomous government under Chinese central government itself and it was highly infiltrated by the comintern. And also, even for the Empire of Japan, the comintern infiltration in Japanese government was a huge headache back then, let alone the Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese central government was already very highly infiltrated by the comintern. Back then, only Manchukuo could save Manchuria and the rest East Asia from communism. Even today, it is exactly the same. However, the League of Nations totally ignored the potential of total communist subversion as a result of their conclusion and advice concerning Manchuria back in 1932.

To summarize, the Lytton Commission and Report ended up with a conclusion equivalent to concede Manchuria into the Soviet hand immediately.

It has left the first seed of the communist takeover of the entire East Asia Continent, and all the subsequent tragedies since then (the newest is the Wuhan Virus).

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Without enough international support of Manchuria’s Independence and Manchoukuo’s Founding, Manchukuo and the Empire of Japan were under super pressure with the misunderstanding of the civilized world. It was the original reason of the tragedic Pacific War between the Western Allies and Manchukuo with the Empire of Japan. Without Manchukuo and the Empire of Japan, the root of evil in East Asia cannot be contained.

This has been proven again and again in the history since the end of WWII. The result of WWII in East Asia was essentially the victory of the Soviet Union and all its puppets (the Communist China, the Communist North Korea, the Communist Vietnam, the Communist Khmer etc. ). That result was all from the false conclusion made by the League of Nations.

The first step to correct the wrong, is to go to the original point of mistake. Otherwise, you are just by all means hiding the mistake or creating more mistakes instead of solving the mistake. In this mistake of failing to recognize Manchuria’s independence in 1930s, it can be learnt that the cultural arrogance of European and North Americans has become very harmful to the international society. The League of Nations failed to realize the true will of the people of Manchuria in 1932 because of that. This has to be resolved if the world wants to get out of the disasters since the end of WWII. The correct understanding of the Lytton Commission and Report with the League of Nations’ advice on Manchuria is the starting point of correctly knowing the international law status of Manchoukuo, because the false conclusion coined by the League of Nations was the original logic point of the fake theory of “Manchukuo being a puppet state”.

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協和會康德八十九年度全國聯合協議會

滿洲帝國流亡政府施政方針大綱說明 當開催協和會康德八十九年度全國聯合協議會之時，關於滿洲帝國流亡政府之施 政方針大綱加以說明。 康德八十九年，是滿洲國建國九十周年之年。在康德八十九年度，滿洲帝國流亡 政府施政之中心爲建國九十周年祝典及記念事業。帝國流亡政府謹遵康德九年建 國十周年祝典及記念事業之成憲，結合復國事業當下形勢，開展建國九十周年祝 典及記念事業。依康德八十八年策令第一號《 關於建國九十周年祝典及記念事業 之件》，建國九十周年祝典及記念事業由國務總理大臣全權主宰之。 爲慶祝建國九十周年，滿洲帝國流亡政府共擧行兩場建國九十周年祝典：建國 九十周年建國忠靈廟臨時奉告祭、建國九十周年式典。建國九十周年建國忠靈廟 臨時奉告祭已於康德八十九年十月十九日擧行，祭祀府總裁薩裏達克氏阿斯蘭於 北美設壇致祭。建國九十周年式典已於康德八十九年十一月六日卽夏曆康德又壬 寅年十月十三擧行，國務總理大臣薩里達克氏阿斯蘭主持之，國務總理大臣以下 滿洲帝國流亡政府全體特任官參列之。關於建國九十周年祝典之更多情報，請瀏 覽滿洲帝國流亡政府官方網站：https://ManchuriaGov.net。 爲慶祝建國九十周年，滿洲帝國流亡政府共擧行以下五件記念事業。

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《 建國九十周年史綱》 初次公表康德十二年八月二十日至康德八十九年一月，滿洲 帝國流亡政府爲正本淸源，至畏至恭敍述國父、帝祖

康德皇帝創建滿洲國之聖

德神功，開始敬謹編纂《 今上皇帝陛下聖德紀要》。《 今上皇帝陛下聖德紀要》 以 實錄體，由國務總理大臣薩里達克氏阿斯蘭主宰編纂事務，簡要恭述我皇帝陛下 聖壽三十九載之偉德。《 今上皇帝陛下聖德紀要》 於本年二月六日完成初版，於本 年八月完成全部編纂，已於本年康德皇帝忌辰卽八月十九日公表。 康德八十九年三月三十一日，滿洲帝國流亡政府之官方網站開設。滿洲帝國流亡 政府官方網站之網址爲 https://ManchuriaGov.net。依先在之滿洲國法制，滿洲 帝國流亡政府之官方網站係歸屬弘報事務，實行與滿洲國法令相同之滿洲語和日 本語雙平等官方語言於內容和形式上完全一致之雙語標準。依康德四年六月五日 勅令第一百十九號《 國務院官制》，弘報事務歸屬於國務總理大臣之掌理。本大臣 已於本年七月五日制定，manchuriagov.net 爲滿洲帝國流亡政府之官方網站。 康德八十九年八月，協和會中央本部受國務總理大臣之委託，依康德六年協和會 中央本部編纂之《 建國之精神》 文獻集之成憲，又基於康德皇帝御政之時由國務 院總務廳法制處編纂、由滿洲行政學會發行之《 滿洲國法令輯覽》 之體例，又結 合復國事業當下形勢，開始編纂建國九十周年記念版《 建國之精神》 文獻集。相 比於康德六年協和會中央本部編纂之《 建國之精神》 文獻集，此建國九十周年記 念版《 建國之精神》 文獻集，追加了康德皇帝御政之時欽定之關於滿洲國國家神 道之法令，收錄了滿洲帝國流亡政府關於康德皇帝忌辰及復國大業中帝室事務之 法令。建國九十周年記念版《 建國之精神》 文獻集，共收錄法令五十篇；其中， 四十五篇來自於康德皇帝御政之十三年，五篇來自於滿洲帝國流亡政府之法令。 此版《 建國之精神》 文獻集，於本年十二月印刷，爲非賣品，只寄贈於滿洲帝國 之盟友幷給予優良之帝國流亡政府要人及協和會員。 康德八十九年十月，滿洲帝國流亡政府之國務院總務廳開始編纂《 建國九十周年 史綱》，以正本淸源，明示滿洲國建國、復國之天業。《 建國九十周年史綱》 以編 年體，簡要敍述滿洲國建國以來九十年之歷史。《 建國九十周年史綱》 初次公表 15

德十二年八月二十日至康德二十一年間滿洲全土淪陷初期之滿洲帝國復國運動歷 史，明確記載將軍張海鵬、原任參議孫其昌、參議丁超、原任外交部大臣張燕卿、 原任滿洲帝國駐德意志國公使呂宜文等滿洲帝國文武重臣不屈於共匪不法軍事占 領而謀畫滿洲帝國復國之英雄事蹟，使滿洲帝國復國天業之開端爲全世界所知。 《 建 國九十周年史綱》，已於康德八十九年十一月六日卽夏曆康德又壬寅年十月十三擧 行之建國九十周年式典，由國務總理大臣薩里達克氏阿斯蘭代表國務院公表。 康德八十九年爲建國九十周年之佳年，故而滿洲帝國流亡政府特於本年度滿洲國 四大節及元神祭節各公表官方記念視頻。其中，元旦、萬壽節之記念視頻爲滿洲 語視頻，建國節、訪日宣詔記念日、元神祭節之記念視頻爲滿日雙語之視頻。帝 國流亡政府獲得了依先在之滿洲帝國之雙官方語言之國策製作滿日雙語之視頻之 經驗。帝國流亡政府之本年度滿洲國之四大節及元神祭節之官方記念視頻，使更 多日本友人瞭解了滿洲帝國的眞相，大力促進了滿洲帝國復國事業在日本的知名 度。 以上爲關於建國九十周年祝典及記念事業之說明。 除建國九十周年祝典及記念事業外，本年度滿洲帝國流亡政府之施政還有以下三 件大事。 第一，康德八十九年四月，國務總理大臣獲得政治庇護。此後，國務總理大臣可 使用旅行證件訪問友邦。這將有力促進滿洲帝國復國事業之外交之開展。國務總 理大臣依康德皇帝御政之時欽定之制度自動兼任協和會會長，國務總理大臣獲得 政治庇護，大幅提高了滿洲帝國流亡政府及協和會之國際受認可度。協和會員亦 可依此先例在自由世界取得政治庇護。這將强化滿洲國復國事業於自由世界之基 礎。 第二，康德八十九年度，滿洲帝國流亡政府之施政之整備已取得顯著成效，具體 如下： 16

本年三月，國務院依康德十二年八月二十日滿洲全土淪陷時滿洲帝國行政區畫， 澄淸滿洲帝國全國各縣旗市名稱。十月，國務院總務廳弘報處謹講解滿洲國之邊界， 再次澄淸滿洲國之疆域。 本年七月初，國務院主宰了御用蘭花紋章及御影制度之强化嚴行。 本年八月二十日，攝政團全員三人全會一致決定，對攝政團制度行必需之調整， 將攝政團由三人組成改爲攝政團由一人組成。舒穆祿氏䀚古利、完顔氏塞繆爾二人， 自此不再擔任攝政團成員之職務，各返其本職。 本年秋，滿洲帝國流亡政府完成對共匪成立僞組織之情報之初步蒐集。依帝國流 亡政府之內部安全相關規定，政府向協和會、滿洲之聲、滿洲基督敎聯合會之相 關人士傳達，幷且通報相關盟友。 本年九月，國務院總務廳開始統計幷整理滿洲全土淪陷後被中共略奪的全滿資源。 本年十一月，攝政團以康德八十九年十一月四日策令第一號《 康德八十六年八月 二十日策令第一號之題目之修正之件》，修正康德八十六年八月二十日策令第一號 之題目，使法令文辭更爲嚴謹。 第三，滿洲帝國流亡政府繼續助力 “逆統戰” 勏面游戲。康德八十七年八月，由 滿洲帝國協和會全程參與製作之 “逆統戰” 勏面游戲正式發佈。爲抵抗共匪在文 化領域對滿洲國之抹黑，滿洲帝國流亡政府對該勏游給予充分支持。截至今年 十二月一日，該勏游中文版、日文版均已發佈，其販賣量亦收大成功，其英文版 亦卽將發佈。現在，我兼任協和會中央本部長，已在剛剛的《 協和會康德八十九 年度全國聯合協議會 · 會運動方針大綱說明》 中，講述關於該勏游之情況，在此 我不贅言。

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大同元年三月一日

政府佈告第三號

國旗制度佈告 滿洲國國旗定爲五色旗。旗地用黃色，旗之左上角用紅藍白黑四色，佔全旗 四分之一，此佈。 附

旗式如左：

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國務總理大臣

康德三年五月二十日

張景惠

國務院佈告第一號

懸掛國旗之方式 爲佈告事，⪰指定懸掛國旗之方式如左，此佈 一、 懸掛一面時， 懸掛一面國旗時，由門內觀之，懸於右側。 二、 懸掛二面時 （一）

懸掛二面國旗時，可交叉但不妨竝列 交叉時，由門內觀之，右方之國旗竿在外（旗竿之 根在左）

（二）

國旗與外國旗同懸掛時交叉，但不妨竝列。 19

（甲）

交叉懸掛時 國旗由門內觀之，左方所掛旗竿在內（ 旗竿之根在右）。

（乙）

竝列懸掛時 國旗由門內觀之懸掛於左。

三、 爲表示弔意懸掛國旗時 旗竿之球以黑布包之，且於球與旗之間附以黑布一條，其圖 式如左

四、 旗竿之球與旗之距離須密接之。

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民生部大臣

呂榮寰

康德五年六月三十日

民生部訓令第一二八號 關於國旗揭揚方法之件 令

各省長、新京特別市長

關於各學校之國旗揭揚方法須如左記方法行之，仰卽轉飭所屬，遵照辦 理，此令。 計開： 一、 元旦、建國節、訪日宣詔紀念日、紀元節、天長節及明治節 以外之式日及其他之式日揭揚國旗，但無妨一✡揭揚日本國旗。 二、 揭揚一面國旗時，由門外視之爲左側。 三、 國旗兩面交叉揭揚時，由門外視之左側（旗竿根爲右）國旗

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之旗竿爲外側。 四、 國旗與外國旗交叉揭揚時，由門外視之，國旗在右側（旗竿 根爲左）揭揚，而旗竿爲內側。竝立揭揚之時，由門外視 之，則國旗爲右側。 國旗與外國旗不得上下揭揚。 五、 對於 御容行最敬禮之式日，揭揚國旗或日滿兩國旗時，須 在御容之側方及後方，避免在正上方及前方。 六、 國旗揭揚式之日滿兩國旗揭揚順序：在元旦、建國節及訪日 宣詔紀念日先揭揚國旗，於紀元節、天長節及明治節則先揭 揚日本國旗。 七、 表示弔意時，旗竿之球蔽以黑布，且在球與旗之間附黑布一 條。 八、 旗竿之球與旗之距離須緊密接近。 九、 揭揚國旗之樣式圖如左。

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23

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滿洲國的國旗制度及式日揭揚 作者：完顔氏塞繆爾 滿洲國的國旗，自大同元年三月一日建國開始使用，竝於同日以政府佈告昭 告天下，至今從未有任何變化，故而滿洲國之五色國旗作爲滿洲國及其建國 精神的象徵，已成爲滿洲國的憲制的重要一部分。關於五色所代表的含義， 我帝國流亡政府以及協和會已依據當年滿洲國政府的官方文件詳細做了多次 講解，在此不贅，還不淸楚我國國旗含義的，請閱讀相關的往期《 王道月刊》 本文的目的是簡單地講述一下關於我國國旗制度以及學校式日國旗揭揚制度 的重點。 䁀㹳⡌῕厳㜘⾠╬㉐㼲憡熞῕厳╅┹⊷冸熞偻ὁ὎┰熞慚㝰㸖‥㎁ⳛᾠ㝰㛈⑗⃀䉷М 㤼愒⾵⃇㡊䉢䤦ᾌビ…┋⑫尝䐃孁 ň῕厳Ὦ乆瀄⊪厳午⊲⑫῕㝠乆㜘 Ņ㗟厳ņ 㚆㌊┗ 㻉ʼn熞慚䲊咓屭ᾌ䉢ㆦ峖孁冟ᾌ‥Ώ⩲䱒М栗䉷Ὦ⡌⊲⑫⍷ⳛ⊷῕㝠乆㜘㞃䁀㹳⊩⡠㜪 ⼳㼫枸熞䉷免乆瀄⊪厳㜪䍳╅弰⊲⑫㎁㉜䙩熞⃌⫃㜪䁀㹳⡌⒂橙⾵〻⡌䟅坈冰㚀㱋㎁⃀ 䙩䟅⡌㜘℀㝰乆瀄⊪厳熞䟈⽞果Ὄ◍╅₎〻⡌⊄匤㜪⼳䤦㠊Ⓖ㴬὎寎䍳慚㡊‼ₖ⚐榍熞 ​㜦䟅䉢䤦ᾌビ⿹Ώ匫㘿┉㝰ₖⶆ㄄熱佾㲹὎憏㝰㈴嫂娾慡὎ⲙ⡩䟅 ň䍮岱ʼn …㺫巼 䡠㲤䟅䁀㹳⽞⡌リ⡌㍱⨬䟅㞃曔◍䷿⏜傸ῇ熞䙩㄄栗䉷柫㈢Ⓖᾠ㉛奣匴㪶熞䊟㝰┰䱒М

如《 國旗制度佈告》 所示，滿洲國國旗爲縱橫比 2：3 的矩形國旗，占據旗 面四分之一的左肩依次爲紅、藍、白、黑四色等長等寬無縫隙的矩形色條。 該四色條均緊挨旗桿。 關於國旗的具體揭揚方式，康德三年五月二十五日國務院佈告第一號與康德 六年民生部訓令第一二八號兩次做出了規定。兩者的區別不僅在於康德六年 的訓令更加具體，還有康德三年的佈告滿洲文名稱爲 “懸掛國旗之方式”，日 本文名稱爲 “國旗ノ揭揚方式”，而在康德六年的民生部訓令中，滿洲文版名 稱爲 “關於國旗揭揚方法之件”，這是一個日本語如何影響滿洲語的用詞變化 的很好的例證。 25

《 懸掛國旗之方式》 當中所提及的內容，基本上是文明各國當時的通例，沒 有太多値得特別講解的知識點。下面我們重點關注一下《 關於國旗揭揚方法 之件》。 本訓令的第一條實際上有兩層意思，第一層是在所有的式日，學校揭揚滿洲 國國旗之時都可以一✡揭揚日本國旗。而第二層則是點名幾個重要的式日， 如元旦、建國節、訪日宣詔紀念日、紀元節、天長節、明治節必須同時揭揚 滿日兩國的國旗。 第二條、第三條、第四條第一項爲揭揚國旗的具體方式，簡單直接而且法令 中已有圖片指示其樣式，這裏需要强調的只有一點，就是式日時 “國旗與外 國旗不得上下揭揚”，以强調國格之平等原則。 （下圖以滿日國旗爲例）

摰寥㔮㔛㛺ぐ 熬

摰寥㔮㔛㛺ぐ 熬

╳㜦Ὃ䁀Ὄ

╳䁀Ὃ㜦Ὄ

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第五條的規定針對一種特別的情況，卽需要 “對御容行最敬禮” 的式日的情形， 此種情形下揭揚國旗要避免讓國旗揭揚於御容的正上方及前方（非需對御容 行最敬禮的場合下則視情況而定）。 第六條的規定則體現了滿日兩國的特殊關係在國旗揭揚上的表徵形式，卽 ” 以誰爲主的式日就先揭揚誰的國旗 “。 第八條、第九條是常規技術操作，無須解釋。 揭揚國旗是體現滿洲帝國國民認同的重要手段，而履行依照先在法令正確揭 揚國旗義務的重要性更是不言而喩，只有依法正確揭揚國旗才能對文明世界 完整而準確地展現我滿洲國民的精神風貌。而學校式日時國旗揭揚方法無疑 是最標準和正確，最不會出錯的。話又說回來，這些揭揚國旗的方式在當年 原本是國民學校（類似小學）就會學習的滿洲國民基本常識，淪陷幾十年後 的今天居然都需要專文論述，這更讓我等深感復國事業實現之迫切。

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康德九十年一月二十二日，爲夏曆康德又癸卯年正月初一。 民 國 三 年 一 月 中 華 民 國 定 舊 曆 元 旦 爲 「春 節 」。 我滿洲國建國後因之至今。

⿸ヸ┉䞹⒰⾵㝦䴁Ɩ卋㠇㛱⾵Ɨㄬ㭃

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