Luke Attewell - Masters of Architecture Thesis Project

A COMMUNITY HEALTH CENTRE FOR THE PILBARA: INTEGRATING INDIGENOUS WELLBEING FRAMEWORKS WITH AN ARCHITECTURAL APPROACH

FINAL THESIS PROJECT REPORT ARCH6006 | LUKE ATTEWELL | 18806542 Research Thesis Exemplified Through Design | 70% Research 30% Design Word Count: 14,092 Supervisor: Dr Annette Condello Unit Coordinator: Reena Tiwari Date of Submission: 26th October 2021 A thesis report submitted to meet in part the requirements of Architectural Thesis Project ARCH6006

Acknowledgements I acknowledge the traditional custodians and inhabitants of the land where this thesis project was constructed and investigated; Boorloo Country (Perth) belonging to the Whadjuk clan of the Noongar peoples; and Marapikurrrinya Country (Port Hedland) of the Kariyarra peoples; and pay respects to Elders past, present and emerging.

I want to express my gratitude for the advice, direction and encouragement provided

by Dr. Annette Condello throughout the development of research this year and in years past.

I would like to thank my partner Georgia for being a seemingly unending well of support and patience over these years, as well as to Mum and Dad for cheering me on.

Additionally, I would like to thank Denise and Troy Eaton for having a chat with me, sharing your perspective, and encouraging me on toward Port Hedland and the beautiful Pilbara region.

Declaration This dissertation contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university.

To the best of my knowledge and belief this dissertation contains no material previously published by any other person except where due ackowledgement has been made.

Sources including images, figures and drawings are work of the author unless otherwise stated.

Signed, Luke Attewell, 26th October 2021

Contents

Contents

01

Mapping Site Conditions: Macro / Micro

26

Abstract

03

Pilbara Site Visit Visual Essay

30

4. Review of Case Studies

Introduction: A Community Health Centre in the Pilbara Emergence of Research Topic

04

Casino Aboriginal Medical Service, Kevin O’Brien Architects, 2017

38

Research Question

05

Walumba Elders Centre, Iredale Pederson Hook, 2014

40

Research Objectives

05

Punmu & Parnngurr Clinics, Kaunitz Young Architecture, 2014

42

Methodology

05

Karijini Visitors Centre, Woodhead International Architecture, 2001

44

1. Dimensions of Wellbeing

5. Design Response

Approach to Indigenous Research Topics

06

Wellbeing as a Design Framework

46

A Framework for Wellbeing from an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders’ Perspective

06

Cultural Narratives: Jalkawarrinya

48

Concepts of Indigenous Australian Wellbeing

08

Final Architectural Proposal

48

Ever Present History: Dreaming Stories

10

Conclusion

48

Cultural Barriers in Healthcare Settings

11

2. Theories of Wellbeing in Architecture

Appendix

Indigenous Australian Architectural Processes

12

Glossary of Terms

60

Cultural Sustainability in Architecture

13

Table 01. Characteristics of Design Synthesised from Holistic Principles

61

Concepts of ‘Bush’ Architecture

14

Collected Photos from Site Visit

62

Holistic Health Design Principles

16

Iterative Development of Sketch Design Concepts

63

Designing for a ‘Third Space’

17

3. Aspects of Place

Bibliography

Health in the Pilbara

18

Port Hedland / Marapikurrinya

20

The North-West Frontier

22

Origins of Port Hedland Township

23

The Pilbara Strike

25

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77

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Abstract

As Western Australia’s economy prospers from the natural resources of the iron rich Pilbara region; focus should also be placed on prosperity of health and wellbeing among Indigenous peoples. Culturally sustainable architecture has the ability to improve and facilitate the social, cultural and physical barriers facing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples when accessing health services. By exploring notions of wellbeing for Indigenous Australians it was found that; relationships to emotional mind and physical body; integration of cultural identity and practice; support of community and kinship; and connecting to country and spirit are key thematic domains of experience. Through exploration of biophilic patterns, holistic design principles and third space concepts, correlations can be seen between these domains of experience and architectural theory. Port Hedland is a conduit for the vast amounts of mineral exportation in the Pilbara region; where over half of Indigenous deaths are avoidable (WACHS, 2018) and local health professionals believe that community based health initiatives should be further developed (Walker et al, 2013). The composition of Port Hedland’s aspects of place, including cultural, historical and geographical elements are investigated to ground the design response on site. A design framework for Indigenous wellbeing is created and then tested through design response; employing aspects of place, cultural narratives, community function, clinical health and emotional wellbeing within architecture.

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Introduction: A Community Health Centre in the Pilbara

Emergence of Research Topic Research topics emerged from an interest in the role of the built environment in either improving or constraining health and wellbeing outcomes for occupants. Inspiration for this topic began during the development of a previous assignment; looking at the relationship between architecture and scent within the context of Australian health buildings. By exploring topics of health within Australia, an awareness of the inequitable experience of Indigenous Australians within health settings was found. As such the research began to pivot around the the role of olfactory stimulation in improving experience of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples within aged care services; including familiar native plants and smoke ceremony aromas, in the treatment of dementia patients. The scope of the previous research was limited to an understanding of how therapeutic garden design could create a positive experience for patients and potentially assist the treatment of dementia degradation. What stood out though, was a completely new understanding of ‘wellbeing’ as described from an Indigenous Australian perspective. While health facilities across Australia are continually improving the functions and accessibility health services, a holistic understanding of health and wellbeing for Indigenous peoples could be seen as missing. This has implications for the quality of life among Indigenous peoples, especially among areas of higher Indigenous population such as the Port Hedland and many other towns in the Pilbara.

The problem found through research, was the apparent lack or scarcity of material to inform architects and designers on methods of integrating cultural considerations within health care facilities. Thus, the aims for this research focussed on correlating frameworks of Indigenous Australian wellbeing with architectural theories of holistic health, biophilic uses of bush medicines, and notions of a communal third space to inform architectural response. Case studies were identified which exemplified one or multiple aspects of the design framework; connecting contemporary architectural practice with an understanding of wellbeing for Indigenous Australian occupants.

Outcomes from research are then used to direct the design of a ‘community’ health clinic for Indigenous patients; increasing positive experience and offering cultural consideration through its services.

Key Thesis Research Themes and Topics (Attewell, 2020)

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Research Question

Methodology

How can the architecture of a community health facility integrate Indigenous wellbeing frameworks to improve ‘holistic health’ outcomes for Indigenous Australians in Port Hedland and the Pilbara region of Western Australia?

This thesis project utilises qualitative methods of research as a means of exploring architectural approaches to health and wellbeing within the context of Indigenous community. Through literature review, concepts of Indigenous Australian wellbeing are explored along with architectural wellbeing theories to create a basis of understanding between the fields. To ensure cultural aspects are appropriately included within proposed design, the contextual, historical and social aspects of Port Hedland are reviewed. The extracted outcomes of review are then investigated within existing case studies which illustrate successful integration of cultural consideration within health architecture.

Research Objectives • To conduct research using an Indigenous methodology; meaning to prioritise the knowledge and perspectives of Indigenous resources in order to accurately illustrate the complexities of historical, cultural, social context, and place related issues.

• To investigate dimensions of ‘wellbeing’ for Indigenous peoples within the context of Port Hedland’s aspects of place.

• To propose a design framework for health architecture which correlates Indigenous wellbeing frameworks with architectural responses • To produce an architectural response which tests the application of design framework outcomes; providing an example of a health clinic which may improve the experience and wellbeing of Indigenous patients.

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Maps of various scales were made throughout the research process to help quantify and understand aspects of place in a spatial language. Site analysis and the components of landscape will be significant both in cultural context and in proposed design outcomes.

Traditional mapping techniques show only a partial understanding of landscape; limited to physical aspects of geography and the built environment. Mapping methods in this thesis project attempt to follow the description of Design by Research (Schoonderbook, 2017), connecting metaphysical aspects of place to landscape across time. By considering time and place as a cyclical process, rather than a linear progression, mapping methods align notions of ‘dreaming’ and traditional Aboriginal perspectives with spatial reference. This helps rationalise research investigations at an urban and architectural scale, familiar to typical design processes.

By photographing, sketching and collaging, a visual essay was used to describe the experience of travelling to a destination and observing a place firsthand. Travelling by car, the round trip from Perth to Port Hedland and back covered a distance of ~4000km over the course of 8 days; from the 5th until the 13th of August 2021. The journey gave a whole new appreciation for the wild West nature of the region; camping by the river banks and spinifex plains, the noisey static of regional infrastructure would fade and rhythms of Country would begin to reveal themselves. Following an especially wet Winter, the expanses of outback landscape were peppered with wild flowers, becoming overwhelmingly bright and vivid at times. Visual compositions of sketches and photos have been arranged to communicate the qualities, elements, atmosphere and relevant place data of the journey. Each arrangement communicates a singular idea or experience, creating a visual narrative when viewed in sequence.

1. Dimensions of Wellbeing Approach to Indigenous Research Topics Critical engagement with Indigenous peoples or research topics remains inherently tied to the outcomes of colonialism, and as such it becomes difficult to mitigate research fraught with ethical dilemmas (Leeuw et al, 2021). Its important to then acknowledge that contemporary issues for Indigenous Australians are the direct outcome of the cultural changes imposed by European settlement. The outcomes of colonisation are relevant both in subject and method as a paradigm exists within Indigenous research, where philosophical assumptions of the research process are typically founded in non-Indigenous intellectualism (Ruwhiu & Cathro, 2014). This is especially true of the Australian architectural practice which is an industry of predominantly Western culture (Wong, 2019).

With this in mind its worth acknowledging the fact that authors for this research thesis are of Western cultural descent, examining and attempting to understand complex topics and beliefs of which they have had no first hand experience. This challenges some definitions of an Indigenous methodology, with Foley (2003) suggesting that “non-indigenous Australia cannot and possibly will not understand the complexities of Indigenous Australia at the same level of empathy as an Indigenous Australian researcher can achieve” (p46). Bearing this in mind, the aspirations of research aim to promote positive action for community and prioritise the use of Indigenous knowledge wherever possible. Decolonisation is known as, the formal process of handing over the instruments of government, in recognising a long-term process involving the bureaucratic, cultural, linguistic and psychological divesting of colonial power (Smith, 2012, p. 101). Authors have chosen not to view research methods in terms of ‘decolonisation’ though, as I myself have never personally felt the affects of colonisation or systematic oppression. As described by Hromek (2019, pxx), “Decolonisation is about making reparations to Indigenous peoples, Indigenous social justice and equity, and righting colonial power relations” (pxix). Instead the notion of (Re)Indigenising stands out as “a reference to ‘always was, always will be Aboriginal land’, a mantra used by Aboriginal land rights activists. It refers to the understanding that irrespective of invasion and colonisation, the relationships with and belonging to Country continue to exist.”

Architecture exists largely within a paradigm of outside of Indigenous culture; created by values, tools and processes for the most part founded in Western knowledge. For discourse to successfully investigate this junction of typically Western organisational studies and Indigenous views, it’s necessary to adopt appropriate methodological approaches toward research conducted.

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An Indigenous methodology is described as “the approach to, and undertaking of, research process and practices [taking] Indigenous world-views, perspectives, values and lived experience as their central axis” (Walter & Suina, 2019, p234). This methodology prioritises Indigenous ‘lifeworlds’, perspectives or intellectual sources within research methods. Where possible, Indigenous sources have been selected to inform literature review and accurately represent the multiple narratives present within stories of place and peoples. This has included readings of interviews, written accounts and scholarly articles or publishings produced by Indigenous peoples. Given the diversity of cultures among Indigenous language groups and the particular needs of place, it’s important that sources and authors belonging to Pilbara Country (listed in glossary of terms) are referenced wherever possible.

A Framework for Wellbeing from an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders’ Perspective In order to integrate cultural notions within architectural approach, a structured understanding for the domains of wellbeing from an Indigenous Australian perspective is necessary. A framework for “social and emotional wellbeing from an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders’ Perspective” (Dudgeon et al, 2014, p63) was identified to give insight into Indigenous ‘wellbeing’ research topics. The framework is used to understand and evaluate Indigenous perception under the domains of: connection to spirit; connection to Country; connection to culture; connection to family and kinship; connection to community; connection to emotional mind; and connection to physical body. These domains can be seen as significant indicators of mental health and wellbeing within Indigenous patients (Sivak, et al 2019), and could be used as a guide for design processes.

Similar wellbeing frameworks (Davy et al, 2017) have identified four values of wellbeing which can be supported through design outcomes: locally defined, culturally safe primary health service; appropriately skilled and culturally competent healthcare staff; holistic care services throughout lifespan; best practice that addresses particular needs of community and region. Synthesising these frameworks can allow for the best understanding of cultural values to be integrated within architecture. For the purpose of this thesis project, the following domains have been identified from literature review as the most significant for design response;

- - - -

Relationship to Emotional Mind & Physical Body Connection to Country & Spirit Integration of Cultural Identity & Practice Support of Community & Kinship

The Domains of Self - Social & Emotional Wellbeing from an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Perspective, Dudgen et al 2014 page 7

(Attewell, 1962)

Concepts of Indigenous Australian Wellbeing

Understandings of health and wellbeing are conceived through the values, ideas and beliefs of particular cultural groups. The Australian Aboriginal Health Sector has worked to raise awareness of disparity of health for Indigenous Australians (AIHW), a prevalent topic since the inception of the annual Close the Gap report in 2009 (Lowitja Institute), when issues of Indigenous health were given priority in hopes of ‘closing the gap’ in life expectancy between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and non-Indigenous peoples. In the subsequent years some change in data can be seen (AIHW, 2020), but the ‘gaps’ are still in existence as the issues posed by high mortality rates and percentages of disease burden are inherently systematic, and require fundamental changes in the offering of healthcare services (Brown, 2012). The most significant development seen in the iterations of the Close the Gap report (2021, Lowitja Institute), is a shift toward a ‘strengths-based’ framework; which highlight positive and inspiring outcomes instead of a bleak comparisons of quantitative data. This outlines the concepts of ‘wellbeing’ and ‘holistic-health’ as key cultural considerations for promoting positive long-term change for community.

Definitions of health and wellbeing for Indigenous Australians are inherently tied to an understanding of Country, and the role of landscape within cultural processes, values and beliefs. Country is deep into the ground, far into the ocean and high in the sky, yet is more than land; it is a place of origin and belonging (Hromek, 2021). Rose (1996) defines country as a nourishing terrain which gives and receives life; “Country in Aboriginal English is not only a common noun but also a proper noun. People talk about country in the same way that they would talk about a person: they speak to country, sing to country, visit country, worry about country, feel sorry for country, and long for country” (Rose, 1992, p7). Landscape is pivotal within Indigenous cultural mythology; where landscape is a key aspect of verbal histories passed through generations in song and story. The Bulbul Bird is a song that speaks of country in the Ngarluma language of the Pilbara (Brandenstein & Thomas, 1974); “Bubul is here Follow the stony creek, your track to northern shores!

Bulbul is here This pool is ‘water throughout the year’ Stir my heart and also give rest.”

Sherlock River, Edge of Kariyarra Country, East of Port Hedland. page 8

(Attewell, 2021)

To understand the meaning of country is to have a profound appreciation of “both the human and the natural worlds, livelihood, culture, belonging and spirituality” (McKenna, 2016) which have been integral to the wellbeing of Indigenous peoples living on Australian landscapes for thousands of generations. The relationship described between people and landscape is the basis for spirituality in Indigenous cultures; where stories of relationships with trees, the land, the animals, the sky and the water (Morgan et al, 2008, p53) hold knowledge of sustainable land management and living techniques spanning thousands of years (Gammage, 2011). It can then be seen, that health & wellbeing in Indigenous Australian contexts are inextricably connected to cultural knowledge, practices, spirituality and natural landscape. This understanding of landscape depicts Country as the antonym to the claim of Terra Nullius, empty land.

Inhabited space can never be considered as empty, as space exists within a constant state of change. Sheehan (2011) supposes that space has memory as the observed condition is always the combination of past occurrences, “social and natural space is alive and has a history and a feel that influences all inhabitants” (Sheehan, 2011, p76).

This understanding of space and Country aligns with concepts of Dreaming; central to the spirituality and way of life for Aboriginal peoples across Australia.

Spinifex in the Rocks, Kariyarra Country, South of Port Hedland. page 9

(Attewell, 2021)

Ever-Present History: Dreaming Stories Indigenous cultural mythology and creation narratives are connected to a perception of the natural world, people, animals, landscapes and their inception. Often expressed as Dreamtime, or Dreaming; defined in a time period long ago when spirit ancestors moved across the face of the earth interacting with humans, animals, landscape and law (Prentis, 2009). The notion of Dreaming is not limited to the past in a linear progression, instead Dreaming is an eternal cycle representing ongoing Aboriginal history, law and spirituality. Silas Roberts, first Chariman of the Northern Land Council stated (Neidjie, 1986, p13); Aboriginals have a special connection with everything that is natural.

Aboriginals see themselves as part of nature. We see all things natural as part of us. All the things on Earth we see as part human. This is told through the ideas of dreaming. By dreaming we mean the belief that long ago, these creatures started human society. These creatures, these great creatures are just as much alive today as they were in the beginning. They are everlasting and will never die. They are always part of the land and nature as we are. Our connection to all things natural is spiritual.

Notions of Dreaming are ever-present, with stories retold over generations as new stories emerge. These narratives from ancestral spirits lay down the ways of life so that humans and animals could live harmoniously with the land, and in time return to the Dreaming (Coppin, 1999). Nyamal stories specific to the landscape formations around Port Hedland relate stories of creation spirits, the forming of the landscape and the intersection of European settlement (Hardie, 1988. p27); “The deep pool in the huge landlocked area of water was called Jalkawarrinya. In their dreamtime this pool was the home of a blind water snake that headed out to sea when the first big ship entered the port. Although it was unable to remain in the pool, the blind snake’s part in the Dreamtime legend is still told and re-told by the remaining tribe, the Nyamals. … Always the song describes the churning of the propeller … and the frothy wake that the ship left behind.”

Where the Tidal Creeks of Marapikurrinya Meet and Flow Into Ocean

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The big, blind water snake known as “Katakatara” in Nyamal language (Coppin, 1988) who once resided in the natural harbour basin at Port Hedland, is said to have swam out to sea once the Western settlers carved away the sand banks at the mouth of Marapikurrinya. Ancestral spirits are everlasting, and the cyclic belief system suggests that perhaps the blind Katakatara might one day return to its place at Jalkawarrinya if the country is well.

Cultural Barriers in Healthcare Settings The social determinants of health are especially critical given the socio-politicaleconomic history of colonising, displacing and disregarding Aboriginal practices within the Australian healthcare system. Activism and conversation around these topics have increased in recent years, with the rise of the #AboriginalLivesMatter movement illustrating concern that gaps in health, incarceration and premature death are prevailing (Gatwiri et al, 2021). Healthcare as a social institution should be constructed on the basis of serving cultural values and needs, rather than subjecting patients to inequitable conditions of comfort and cultural barriers (Henry et al, 2004). O’Rourke (2019) reinforces the need for consideration of Indigenous wellbeing in Australia’s health facilities, discussing the effect of architecture on Indigenous experience within existing healthcare settings. Highlighted key areas for consideration included; permeable levels of privacy in public and waiting areas; volumes to accommodate family gatherings; and methods of integrating landscape with built elements. Grant & Greenop (2018) discuss the lack of culturally appropriate environments in Australian healthcare settings which are responsible for cultural and social stigmas often carried by Indigenous peoples.

Their study showed that Indigenous Australians are sometimes dissuaded from seeking medical treatment due to feelings of shame, alienation and belittlement (Grant & Greenop, 2018). Waiting spaces within health service facilities were highlighted as common areas of concern; as some Indigenous patients leave before receiving healthcare due to feelings of discomfort. By designing spaces which provide occupancy at multiple levels of privacy, including the utilisation of external waiting spaces, patients are allowed to seek the environment which makes them most comfortable. Dialysis procedural rooms can also be seen as important spaces for consideration of Indigenous patients in design; as its shown that 1 in 5 Indigenous Australian adults showed signs of chronic kidney disease (AIHW, 2019). These considerations were used to guide a review of wellbeing in architectural theories, with the understanding that socio-cultural barriers exist for Aboriginal patients and traditional medical practices needed to be further integrated in Australian healthcare.

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2. Theories of Wellbeing in Architecture Indigenous Architectural Processes While documented examples exist of traditional Indigenous architecture exist (Pascoe, 2014), contemporary architecture processes typically clash with Indigenous cultural beliefs and values; creating a juxtaposition of ideas exists within Indigenous architecture. Whats the Story? Contemporary Indigenous Architecture in Practice in Australia (Greenop et al. 2018) documents a conversation with owners of the architectural practice Indij Design, based in Cairns in the far North of Queensland, Australia. Owner Andrew Lane was Queensland’s first Indigenous registered architect, running the practice with his wife Francoise Lane as interior architect who specialises in textile design and surface patterns. They describe the processes of Indigenous architecture as collaborative, with the transfer of knowledge from Traditional Owners as “a translation of local information into design language” (Lane, 2018). This transfer of information typically should take place through Yarning methods, which “enables the unfolding of information through the process of story telling (narrative) in a relaxed and informal manner that is culturally safe for Indigenous people” (Bessarab & Ng’gandu, 2010, p47). With a focus on celebrating the connection of people and country, and being respectful to each layer of history on site. In contemporary architectural practice, Traditional Owners can be seen as individuals who posses the authority to accurately convey the collective contextual histories of site. Incorporation of Indigenous knowledge and community consultation in the design process is essential in achieving positive outcomes beyond tokenistic measures; instead allowing cultural considerations to significantly shape architectural responses.

Discussions With Community to Inform and Shape Design Outcomes of the Wanarn Clinic, Kaunitz Yeung Architecture. (Boardman, 2014)

Process of Indigenous Architecture discussed by Andrew and Francoise Lane. page 12

Cultural Sustainability in Architecture Although sustainability in architecture is typically associated with the economic, environmental and climatic aspects, the social aspects of buildings processes should also be considered in the same way. Memmott and Keys (2015) explore the theory of ‘cultural sustainability’ as a means of being sensitive to the needs of diverse cultural contexts, rather than domination of Western cultural concepts. The ideology is underpinned by the relationship of anthropology with architecture; including the cultural meanings, values and identities of humanity which influence and are influenced by buildings. A culturally sustainable definition of architecture is seen as (Memmott & Keys, 2015); “A selected, arranged and constructed configuration of environmental properties, both natural and artificial, in and around one or more activity space or behavioural setting, combined with patterns of behavioural rules and meanings, as well as incorporating cultural constructs of space and time to result in human comfort and quality of lifestyle – all within a wider, large-scale system of cultural landscape and settlement.”

Through this definition, architecture must facilitate spatial activity with a contextual consideration of wellbeing for its user’s. Cultural sustainability within Australian health architecture will configure the environments of contextual sensitivity, including waiting spaces as previously identified by Grant & Greenop (2018), to incorporate cultural constructs and wellbeing within design responses. Cultural sustainability focusses on the inclusion of cultural support for those who might be sensitive to that particular setting. Within the context of this research, non-Indigenous occupants are not excluded from the design proposal, but it is shown that specific considerations are absolutely necessary to improve wellbeing outcomes for Indigenous patients.

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Concepts of ‘Bush’ Architecture

Nature In Space Patterns

Landscape, natural systems and native plants are significant cultural aspects of Aboriginal wellbeing to be integrated within architecture. A critical divergence of cultural perception regarding Australia’s landscape can be seen in the concept of bush wilderness. Definitions of ‘the bush’ within the context of Western culture are founded in the idea of wild, uncultivated landscapes which have not been touched or managed (Merriam-Webster, 2021). Yet the perception of an untouched Australian landscape could not be further from the truth. “there is no place without a history; there is no place that has not been imaginatively grasped through song, dance and design, no place where the traditional owners cannot see the imprint of sacred creation” (Rose, 1996. p18).

Contemporary literature has supported the ideas that Indigenous Australian cultural processes cultivated natural systems of flora and fauna in a purposeful way (Gammage, 2011), to create an abundance of resources which were traded around the continent (Pascoe, 2014). The genius of Aboriginal land management is in its subtle influence, remaining completely invisible to the uninformed observer; “even country that was not physically occupied was never empty. Places were intimately known and culturally vital but culture rarely imposed itself in concrete terms” (Winton, 2015. p16). Hence landscape design will be investigated in terms of sensory experience within built environment, as well as cultural processes including ‘bush medicines’ and ‘bush tucker’.

Natural Analogue Patterns

Nature Of Space Patterns

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Theories of biophilia in the context of spatial experience connect natural landscape and wellbeing, explaining the primal joy of gathering by a crackling fire, walking among aromatic flowers or feeling an ocean breeze. The term was first used by German philosopher and social psychologist Erich Fromm (1964) in his conceptualisation of positive human psyche; “biophillia is the passionate love of life and of all that is alive; it is the wish to further growth, whether in a person, a plant, an idea or a social group” (Fromm, 1973, p365). Evaluation of biophilic design patterns (Ryan et al, 2014) indicate that good use of natural elements may improve health outcomes in patient treatment. ‘Nature in space’ patterns address the physical and ephemeral presence of nature which stimulate sensory inputs associated with sight, sound, touch, hearing and scent. While ‘nature of space’ patterns consider the configuration of natural and built spaces to allow for observance, seclusion and curiosity between environments.

‘Natural analogue’ patterns describe the use of natural characteristics in the design process, such as drawing from contours or abstracting landscape in built form. From an architectural approach, these patterns provide for a good indication of how to connect with landscape throughout the design process and architectural proposal.

Knowledge of traditional medicine and food processes are significant aspects of Aboriginal culture, connecting cultural processes and ways of life to the native species of Country. While the complexities and sophistication of traditional medicine practices were likely honed over thousands of years, a lack of infection diseases meant Indigenous Australians suffered from little more than colds, indigestion and small wounds (Cunningham, 2005). Widespread throughout the Australian continent was the processing of plants into topical treatments, ointments and rubs, as well as the use of smoke treatment (Savigni, 2016). Common in regions of the Pilbara is the use of leaves from the Minyjagarra plant, also known as, Jami, Stemodia Grossa or ‘vicks bush’, which are covered with sticky oil glands and smell like Vicks Vapour Rub (Young, 2007). Typically the leaves are crushed into a rub and used for relief of congestion, rheumatism and headaches. Sought after bush tucker from the Pilbara like Garlumbu (Solanum diversiflorum or bush tomato) and Burdardu (Santalum lanceolatum or bush plum) are simply picked and ready to eat (Long, 2015), while Mina (Triodia epactia or spinifex) can be processed to create flour, refined for its resin, or woven into fiberous strands (Pitman, 2012). Use of these plants and other aspects of significant cultural knowledge has been shown to assist in modern health treatment when the two practices are used to support one another (Oliver, 2013). Indigenous medicinal practices include a range of methods which are either; a passive user experience, like the aroma of Minyjagarra; or involve active processing, like crushing Mina seeds to make flour. It is fundamental to the design of an engaging therapeutic landscape, that both passive and active experiences of ‘bush’ culture are considered.

Minyjagarra Stemodia Grossa Vicks Bush

(susie_kimberleyflora, 2021)

(mereldalebout, 2021)

(Tim Waters, 2021)

(Nathan Johnson, 2021)

(Ben and Lydia, 2021)

Images sourced from inaturalist.ala.org.

Burdardu Santalum Lancelolatum Bush Plum

Garlumbu Solanum Diversifloram Bush Tomato

Stones and Plants, Port Hedland River System (Attewell, 2021) page 15

Holistic Health Design Principles A holistic approach to design conceptualises ways in which the physical body, emotional mind and spiritual being are influenced from built space. Adopted from the greek word ‘holos’ meaning ‘whole’, holism began as a theory of science and philosophy which sought to better understand the construction of human experience (Smuts, 1962).

Smuts reevaluated the existing field of scientific discourse, suggesting that the study of matter (body), life (spirit) and mind cannot be disparate phenomena; as “the concepts of all three arise in experience, and in the human all three meet and apparently intermingle” (Smuts, 1962. p1). Application of holistic health design parameters will align with concepts of Indigenous Australian wellbeing; combining aspects of physical, emotional and spiritual health.

Biophilic Design Principles

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When researching the holistic impact of built environment on human sensory inputs, the role of ‘naturalness’, opportunities for ‘individualisation’ and levels of ‘stimulation’ emerged as broad principles for design. Drawing on the methodological experience of Barret et al. (2012) in studying holistic learning impacts in classroom design, an Environment Human Performance (EHP) model is used to combine the variables of design principles (Table 01). These principles relate to our basic animal demands, the contextual needs of individual patients, and the implications of health service situations (Barret & Barret, 2011). As humans have always occupied and evolved in nature, ‘naturalness’ can be seen as the quality of light, sound, temperature and air which affect our sensory systems. Often these parameters have to be balanced within the built environment for occupants to feel a sense of comfort. Optimising building orientation, control of openings and ventilation operation can be achieved through the use of appropriate architectural elements. Mental comprehension of space is constructed by each persons own contextual understanding of how the built environment relates to them as an ‘individual’. Architectural elements which show distinct reference to the cultural identity of occupants can create a sense of belonging and familiarity. Individual design parameters inform the levels of choice and flexibility given to occupants, allowing for a better fit between building and user. As environmental outputs can relate a dynamic range of data to human sensory inputs, aspects of the built environment exist on a scale of ‘stimulation’ ranging from relaxing to agitating. In the case of this research, health services have to be legibly understood within the built form, using colours as a means of communicating emotional moods as well as functional way finding. The textured feel of materials will also be dictated by health function as antiinfection regulations require that clinical spaces be finished with vinyl, limiting use of natural materials to external areas.

Designing for a ‘Third Space’ Concepts of third space provide a theoretical understanding of both the social and spatial dimensions of wellbeing within health care settings. The common themes in multiple ideas of third space suggest that space is a social construct; composed by the actions and purpose of inhabitation. Given that Indigenous wellbeing has been defined as a cultural construct, the idea of third space articulates the relationship between dimensions of wellbeing and built environment. Proposed by Levebvre (1991), and further developed by Soja (1996); first space is perceived; second space is conceived; and third space is lived. From this meaning, designing for a third space means to provide opportunity for lived experience to inform building function. This understanding of third space aligns with Indigenous methodologies in this research context; as designing for a third space gives priority to the experience of Indigenous inhabitants.

Theories of third space attempt to conceptualise the nature of Indigenous spaces which are constructed by the intersection of colonial and post-colonial outcomes.

Through this understanding, contemporary Indigenous architecture belongs to a ‘third dimension’ (Bhabha, 2004, p.50); “where its existence is caused by the outcomes of both colonial actions of settlement; and post colonial actions of built construction.”

Through Bhabha’s description of the hybrid nature of third space within colonial settings, the polarising experiences of Indigenous inhabitants can be understood (Dudgeon & Fielder, 2006). This feeling of transition is especially apparent in waiting room spaces; where occupants are held somewhere in between a clinical and public environment.

By creating a sense of belonging and offering safe options of occupation, a third space can improve the transition between space and reduce feelings of alienation.

Cultural rituals, practices or considerations of Indigenous wellbeing become the dictator of design brief through this theoretical lens. Rose suggests that maintenance practices for both people and Country are inextricably tied within Aboriginal ideas of wellbeing (1996, p53); “Because human beings live by obtaining and consuming resources, the obligation seems to be on humans also to regenerate these resources.

I use the term ‘rituals of well-being’ in order to emphasise that these rituals are aimed to promote life but not to promote it promiscuously.”

The wellbeing rituals within this third space could include gardening activities with native plants, traditional cooking methods, fire ceremonies or providing canopy growth for local animals. Architecture and the built environment has the potential to utilise spatial understandings of third space, and facilitate cultural practices as a method of improving well being.

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Wellbeing in Thirdspace

3. Aspects of Place Health in the Pilbara The vast Pilbara region in the North West of Australia is a place of beautiful semi-arid geography and ancient cultures, known more for its association with massive mining industries than its significant history of Indigenous rights developments. Situated between the Gascoyne, Mid-West and Kimberley regions it is a place of environmental significance, dominated by the extraction, processing and export of natural assets (DPLH, 2019). The Australian continent is divided by a myriad of Indigenous language and family groups; the collage of heritage territories is complex and diverse within the boundary of the Pilbara region alone. The word ‘Pilbara’ originates from Ngayarta word for ‘mullet’, a common fish found through the waterways of the region (CK, accessed 2020), synonymous with the culture of living by the river systems. Identified language groups within areas close to Port Hedland include; Kariyarra, Ngarluma, Nyamal and Ngarla peoples (AIATSIS, 1996). The Pilbara region contains a high percentage of Indigenous population at 16%, most of whom live in remote areas (WACHS, 2020).

The problem though can be seen in health data; where over half of Indigenous deaths are avoidable among other disparities (WACHS, 2018). The region is a place of unique challenges: with unsustainably high rental prices; long distances between remote locations and health services pressured beyond the point of operation in some instances (Swan, 2021). Health professionals working within the Pilbara concluded that innovative solutions which involve the local community and prioritise the health of Indigenous Australians were necessary in order to increase the likelihood of sustained generational change (Walker et al, 2013).

There are a great deal of challenges related to aspects of the region which impede amenity, education and employment outcomes, particularly for Aboriginal people. The ‘Fourth World’ is a term which describes Indigenous peoples who live in First World nations but are excluded from the common amenity and opportunities of that nation (Wong, 2019). It is a situation worsened by the economic booms of industry which have exacerbated the inequality of income, leaving those with lower wages to face significant disadvantages (Lawrie et al, 2011). Often the side affects of boom economies, such as that in Port Hedland, cause a disparate contrast between working and lower classes.

For the majority of stakeholders in the Pilbara’s resource boom, the region is surveyed and understood from a distance. McKenna (2016) reflects on our remote connection to the Pilbara; drawing similarities between the telescopes of 1770 and the ‘centralised control room’ in Rio Tinto’s technology hub in Perth. From this perspective the reality of place is difficult to grasp, and the disparity of wealth is left unseen. As stated in a submission to the Senate Economics References Committee (Town of Port Hedland, 2018, p4); “the Pilbara displays two main indicators of health inequality in WA – socio-economic disadvantage and a large Aboriginal population.

Hedland Health Campus is one of the Region’s major health service providers; however, access to mental health and specialist services is still limited, or nonexistent.” page 18

Mental health and specialist services are essential to developing positive change for the diverse groups of Indigenous Australians in the Pilbara. The challenge for architects tackling issues of the Fourth World, especially among Australia’s predominantly Western construction industry, is successful relation to “the vast array of cultural and familial obligations, nationhoods, resettlement patterns, stolen generations and collective intergenerational trauma” (Wong, 2019, p46) of Indigenous community. After visiting the region it is impossible to ignore the disparity of living conditions which exists within an incredibly small proximity. Make shift communities with very poor amenity can be seen within as little as two kilometres of major townsites; the outcomes of the NorthWest frontier which exist to this day. The prevalence of these circumstances within a state with one of the highest performing economies globally (Government Western Australia, 2021), prompt the urgency for development of relief housing, health services and support for impoverished Australian communities.

Map of Indigenous Language Groups in the Pilbara, Western Australia. Information sourced through AIATSIS. page 19

(Attewell, 2017)

Port Hedland / Marapikurrinya The land at Port Hedland, or Marapikurrinya as it was originally known, shows evidence of significant ancient culture and a rich history of human occupation. In Kariyarra language, Marapikurrinya is translated as the place where 5 rivers point out to sea (Pilbara Resource Group, 2021); functioning as living waters bringing nutrients to the coastal plains and rivers stretching inland. Though Port Hedland is on Kariyarra land, the town is as a hub for industrial operations across the lands of the previous groups mentioned, and therefore is a significant place in a contemporary context for multiple Indigenous native title groups. Archaelogical excavations along the creek systems South of Port Hedland, including Harriet Point and Anderson point, have found Midden sites associated with regular occupation since the point of water level stabilisation 6000 years ago (Harrison, 2009; Sullivan et al, 2011). Midden sites are ceremonial deposits of food waste, including shell fragments, associated with the lifestyle of Indigenous cultures. Significant collections of rock engravings have been found along rocky ridges near the townsite at Point Nelson, depicting human figures, maps to water sources, tools and other aspects of Indigenous culture (McCarthy, 1962). Mappings of Indigenous heritage areas near Port Hedland (McCarthy, 1962) depict the loss of culturally significant sites, many of which are now occupied by mineral infrastructure services or housing estates. Coastal fringes in the Pilbara are susceptible to extreme weather movements, tidal flows and sediment shifting leaving much of the landscape in a constant state of erosion or formation. Throughout all the dynamic shifts of the Pilbara coastline, the fresh waters and pools around Marapikurrinya were a rare enduring character of country (Hardie, 2988. p27); “To the local Aboriginal population, the harbour was known as Marapikurrinya and because of three reliable freshwater soaks in the area, it was a popular meeting place for them, especially in times of drought inland. Meat for their slow trench fires could always be found: kangaroos, emus, bustards and goannas abounded in the open plains nearby. In the clear jade and turquoise waters of the harbour, fish of all varieties were teeming and along the banks of the mangrove creeks, where the beautiful jabiru stalked, they found crabs and oysters.”

Rock engraving documented near Port Hedland. Markings of four parallel lines over 15 ft long, without indication of snake head or tail, it may therefore represent fibrous twine.

(McCarthy, 1962) page 20

Collection of Rock Engravings Near Port Hedland Town

(McCarthy, 1962)

(McCarthy, 1962)

Mappings of Rock Engraving Remnants at Two Mile Ridge, Near Port Hedland Town Site

page 21

(McCarthy, 1962)

Tracing Engravings (McCarthy, 1962) of Snakes, Fibrous Materials, Seeds and Plants for Perforated Privacy Screening in (Attewell, 2021) Design Proposal.

The North-West Frontier

Port Hedland Harbour (McCallum, 1926)

Port Hedland Harbour (Attewell, 2021)

The introduction of European history and colonial presence in the Pilbara created a harsh identity for the North-West frontier, saturated with varying historical accounts that are significant to address. Dutch, British and French navigators followed the edge of the continent’s coastline; “quick to judge, summing up the entire country in a throwaway phrase, observing the bizarre flora and fauna and the trails of smoke from the ‘native’s’ fires, searching desperately for freshwater and invariably condemning the few Aboriginal people they meet as savages” (McKenna, 2016, p117). The events of Phillip Parker King’s expeditions along the Dampier Archipelago in 1818 were among the first recorded accounts of interaction with the Indigenous peoples of the Pilbara (Hordern, 2002). King began the expedition with seemingly peaceful intentions of establishing friendly relations while avoiding violence, but his actions would ultimately foreshadow much of European intervention when a Yaburarra man was arrested and dragged aboard in an act of forced cooperation (Hordern, 2002). Subsequent explorers and settlers of the region would express similar peaceful intentions, all the while guns and bullets became the ultimate expression of European authority, and the lethal instrument of frontier development (Gregory, 1884). Reviewing this historical narrative is significant in order to comprehend the vulnerability of Indigenous cultures within the Pilbara, as well as demonstrating how recently the wounds of colonialism have been felt.

Official accounts from the time fail to show the merciless attitude of Western law enforcement, which vary greatly from first hand accounts. Historian Tom Gara has been identified as the primary source of information on the North West frontier at this time; collecting verbal accounts of many Aboriginal histories surrounding the period, and providing alternative narratives to the events of the Flying Foam Massacre in 1868 (Gara, 1983; Gara, 1993; Gara, 2017). Conflicts between settlers and Yaburarra became increasingly violent as productive land and the ability to live independently was taken from Indigenous communities, leading to more frequent ‘thieveries’ of rations. Other accounts also detail the ‘taking’ of Yaburarra women by unattached white men, further enticing violence from Yaburarra lawmen. The Flying Foam Massacre saw between 5 and 150 deaths of Yaburrara men, women and children, as official reports vary widely to first hand accounts. Ngarluma elders describe the event (Gara 1983, pp90); “Lots of Yaburarra people long time ago. This policeman took a young girl into the bush, with a rifle. The old fella (the girl’s Yaburarra husband) he got a spear in his hand, he put the spear right through the policeman’s chest. The other police all got their guns, went out there, got all the Yaburarra up, got them all together, shot them down. Must be 30, 40 people killed.”

page 22

The cultural practices and rock artwork collections of the Yaburarra are the most ancient and noteworthy example of traditional Aboriginal society still existing (McKenna, 2016).

These events are only one story in the composition of the North West frontier, yet they epitomise the careless disregard for Indigenous peoples throughout the region; where losses of land, life, liberty and ancient culture were just part of the business (McKenna, 2016). From the many accounts in Bruce Pascoe’s book, Dark Emu (2014), it becomes apparent that European settlers cared for little else than the profits of landscape and replacing existing agricultural economies. Settling Europeans failed to grasp the cultural processes and land management techniques which had existed for countless generations (Gammage, 2011), introducing agricultural methods and hard hoofed livestock which depleted sources of bush tucker and forced Aboriginal peoples away from traditional ways of living. The scars of the North-West frontier are in many ways still relevant today, as these outcomes of colonialism are still visible within the towns of the Pilbara.

Origins of Port Hedland Township The deep harbour formation at Port Hedland has allowed the town to act as a conduit for the Pilbara’s resource exports. The naturally formed harbour at Port Hedland is unique within the Pilbara, as its’ fringes of limestone barriers limit the ability of tropical cyclones and extreme tides to shift sediment; creating a naturally deep basin (Eliot et al, 2013). Peter Hedland is noted as the first European to report the potential of developing a Port at the harbour, naming it Mangrove Harbour for its dense mangrove vegetation near shores in 1863 (Hardie, 1981). Then in 1896, after residents of the nearby town of Cossack requested the land be surveyed and a jetty built, the townsite was gazetted on the Western landing of the harbour (Robin & Phillip, 2006). Since then the harbour has undergone extreme land transformations; dredging the sand bar noted

by Hedland, burying retaining structures along the harbour edge, reclaiming land near the townsite and redirecting water flows along the coastal plain (Shaw, 2006). Within 50 years of European occupation, permanent fresh water pools once filled with fish were now dry without heavy rain (Brown, 1913). Brown (1913) noted the declining state of the Kariyarra people after European occupation, estimating the Kariyarra population to total between 80 and 90 people. He describes (Brown, 1913. p134); “the natives of the [Kariyarra] tribe are nearly all living on the sheep stations that have been established in their tribal territory. They are fed and clothed by the station owners or at the expense of the Government, and the able-bodied men and women work on the stations ... All of them, except the oldest, can speak fairly good English.”

page 23

Port Hedland Circa 1900 (LISWA, 2001)

Wedge Street, Port Hedland (Attewell, 2021)

Port Hedland’s Courthouse (1970) converted into a community arts centre (Attewell, 2021)

Since the settlement of the town, Port Hedland’s architecture has developed as a functionalist vernacular, persevering against the unforgiving climate of the region. Built along the Eastern banks of the harbour mouth; elements from the original townsite can still be seen in various states of being, subject to cyclonic reconstruction. In the late 1890’s, the town consisted of two hotels, a blacksmiths shop, a jetty and few small residences (Gray, 2007). The Lock Hospital is a significant representation of health and wellbeing for the Indigenous peoples within Port Hedland’s architecture; where Aboriginal men and women were held under suspicion, often incorrectly, of having venereal disease (Hardie, 1981). The shame, belittlement and alienation felt

by Indigenous patients at the Lock Hospital has strongly contributed toward negative perceptions of health care today. While the site contains a mixed history, it illustrates the resilience of the Aboriginal community during these times, “people were born there, people died there, people also worked there and some people had stories about the lock hospitals when this was the first time they got a proper wage in the early 1950s” (Jebb, 2018. pp28). The style of Federation North West vernacular architecture developed out of necessity; timber framed structures raised above the land; surrounded by verandahs; and adorned with tall, corrugated, well ventilated gable roofs. Dalgety House Museum is a rare example of settlement from 1900 which has survived in near original condition. The town has relied upon marine exportation operations from its establishment as a service town for the pastoral industry, to the booms of the mineral industry in the 1960s (Lawrie et al, 2011). The opening of the Goldsworthy mine along the Western banks of the harbour mouth in 1962 triggered significant growth in the town, expanding from 900 inhabitants in 1961 to almost 7,300 in 1971 (informed decisions, 2018). With this influx of population, the town rapidly spread from the port across to Cooke Point and Pretty Pool until land became scarce. In 1968 the South Hedland town plan was proposed; with four circular residential cells clustering around a commercial centre in a flower petal arrangement (Gray, 2017). With the residential mass of South Hedland now catering for majority of the population, little to no focus for community development in Port Hedland is left in the original heritage West end of town. Due to the finite conditions of boom town economies, as well as the brutal exploitation of the natural environment, the town of Port Hedland is at risk of losing its community (Fry & Kalantidou, 2012. pp5); “Port Hedland may have some positives, but for many Australians the city is just not viewed as an attractive place to settle. Before the city expands its fate is already sealed. The mineral resources of the region are finite and are likely to be exhausted either this century or next.

Effectively, an ultimate exodus of people is a structural condition of the place – the boomtown can and will become a doom-town.”

Port Hedland’s Lock Hospital (1919) housed Aboriginal people suspected of having veneral disease (Battye Library, 2019) page 24

The Pilbara Strike When selecting a site for design response in Port Hedland, Strike Park stood out as a culturally significant place which deserved further celebration. While the park is the most densely vegetated area within the town, the site is under utilised and unresponsive to the needs of community. Reviewing narratives from the Pilbara Strike reveals insight into the events which brought Indigenous people independence, yet furthered inequity in healthcare outcomes. It was at Port Hedland in 1946 that Western prospector, Don Mcleod, would become a union activist and aid over 800 Aboriginal worker from 23 language groups, to stand against their employers for basic rights (Armstrong, 2001).

On the Freedom Track to Narawunda (Armstrong, 2001) illustrates the story as a unique workers strike event; for it was always a dispute that involved more than just wages and conditions, but addressed the systematic negligence of Aboriginal workers who were not given economic sovereignty in the form of payed wages (Coppin, 1999. p43); “So, Don McLeod came along and telling us all this, you know, ‘You people been in the station and they should treat you fellows better than this. Maybe, I think it’s a good idea if we make a strike — leave all the station and then you can work for yourself.’”

For all the hard work Indigenous peoples contributed to the development of profitable towns, pastures and plantations throughout the country; they had nothing to show for it and no path to enter this new civilisation which they had aided. The sad irony of the event was realised once protestor’s requests had been answered, as stated by a pastoralist; “We can see this is going to be very painful for Aboriginies and we wouldn’t like that to happen but it’s going to be one of the consequences if this decision is made” (Bunbury, 2002. p26). Inevtiably the succesful outcome of the strike would leave many pastoralists unable to pay Indigenous workers, rising the rates of unemployment and forcing many peoples to seek work away from their country.

Insight into the experiences of Indigenous peoples living in and around Port Hedland during the time of the Pilbara Strike can be seen in the artworks of Indigenous artist, Nyaparu (William) Gardiner (c1943–2018). Gardiner was born in 1943; on the cusp of ‘station time’ (between white settlement and strike of 1946) and spending most of his lift in the aftermath of the strike’s events. The time of the strike can be reviewed through three types of history; from the perspective of the dramatic media events, workers walking off stations and being locked in Port Hedland Police station (Bunbury, 2002; Armstrong, 2001; Richardson, 2018); the perspective of the station owners and state government demanding workers return (Bolton, 1981; Hess, 2011); and the perspective of the strikers themselves, moving between mines, settlements and stations (Coppin, 1999). Gardiner’s work adds to the third type of history, painting imagery of the strike camps, portraits and landscapes of North Western Australia. His artworks have an intangible quality; “It is as if his memories of these people are inseparable from his memories of the country itself, figure and ground at one in his mind’s eye” (Jorgensen, 2020 p91). page 25

Starting the 1946 Strike. 76 × 122 cm, acrylic on canvas. (Gardiner, 2016)

Stationhand. 30 × 42 cm, pen and pencil on paper. (Gardiner, 2016) He’s sitting down with a bit of meat and a bread. He’s been having a hard time, working at Myroodah Station. (Gardiner, 2017)

Mapping Site Conditions: Macro

Combined Macro Mapping Port Hedland page 26

Mineral Industry Functional Zoning

Public Infrastructure & Health Service Operations

Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites page 27

Extent of Existing Vegetation

Dreaming Stories

Mapping Site Conditions: Micro

Combined Micro Mapping Port Hedland page 28

Mineral Industry Functional Zoning

Private vs Public Infrastructure

Building Figure Ground page 29

Extent of Existing Vegetation

Indigenous Cultural Heritage Sites

Site Visit Visual Essay

Site Visit Part 1 Wildflower Season Roadside. Mulla Mulla, Northern Blue Bell, Pilbara Native Acacia

page 30

Site Visit Part 2 Water Within Landscape: Geological Eriosion and Formation, Karijini National Park.

page 31

Site Visit Part 3 Spinifex in the Rocks, Kariyarra Country, South of Port Hedland

page 32

Site Visit Part 4 Approach to Port Hedland Along Great Northern Highway

page 33

Site Visit Part 5 Wedge Street Architectural Elements; Seed Perforated Shades

page 34

Site Visit Part 6 From Port to Strike Park: Port Hedland Police Station, Gallery Courthouse, Abonded Worker Cottage

page 35

Site Visit Part 7 Strike Park Existing Elements

page 36

v

Existing Site Elevation Collage of Lot 5867, Wedge Street, Port Hedland

page 37

(Attewell, 2021)

4. Review of Case Studies Casino Aboriginal Medical Service, Kevin O’Brien Architects, 2017 Casino Aboriginal Medical Service (2017), embodies the needs of community inherently through its operation, rather than tokenistic design aesthetics. Architect Kevin O’Brien, descendent of Kaurareg and Meriam peoples of North-Eastern Australia, is an Indigenous practitioner at the forefront of incorporating Indigenous theory and placemaking within design. The facade is unassuming from the street front, presenting as a rectangular form with finely detailed changes in texture. Bricks are pressed using soil found on site; connecting the building to the region and reducing the embodied energy of construction. The waiting area is split into internal and external segments; providing alternative seating for Indigenous patients who sometimes experience distress or discomfort in typical institutionalised waiting spaces (Grant & Greenop, 2018). By providing the option of external waiting will still maintaining visible connection with admin staff Casino Aboriginal Medical Service allows Indigenous occupants their choice of environment during a potentially distressing visit.

Casino Aboriginal Medical Service, Casino, New South Wales, Australia.

(Scott, 2017)

Casino Aboriginal Medical Service Exploded Axonometric Study. (Attewell, 2021) page 38

Use of tactile materials are purposeful, delineating the circulation paths of occupants; with the contextual brick facade blending into waiting spaces and soft wood finishes leading toward clinical spaces. By connecting spaces with familiar, natural materials that aren’t typical of health buildings, the subconscious experience of patients is improved. The external facade brick reaches into the interior waiting room across the flooring, while the soft grained timber ceiling defines the internal envelope and lead patients through circulation spaces to clinical rooms. High windows line circulation path, diffusing the corridor in warm natural sunlight as opposed to predominantly fluorescent means. Given that Casino Aboriginal Medical Service is owned and operated by Bulgarr Ngaru Medical Aboriginal Corporation, design considerations for Indigenous occupants extend to both patients and staff. The courtyard sits at the centre of the staff operation area, allowing for visible connection to native planting elements from work stations and break out areas.

page 39

Casino Aboriginal Medical Service: Wayfinding Through Delineated Materiality.

(Attewell, 2021)

Walumba Elders Centre, Iredale Pederson Hook, 2014 The Walumba Elders Centre (2014) in the North Western Pilbara region is a celebrated facility which symbolises the return to country for a displaced people. “On the 13th of March 2011 the remote Aboriginal Community of Warrmarn was struck by devastating floods that overwhelmed much of the town … Some 350 Gija People were forced off their homelands until the houses and infrastructure were re-built over the next two years” (Iredale Pederson Hook, 2014). Iredale Pederson Hook proposed a building which considers Aboriginal community and cultural etiquette in planning and represents natural imagery of landscape through its form.

Walumba Elders Centre, Warmun Community, Kimberley region, Western Australia.

(Bennetts, 2014)

page 40

Communal activity hubs act as nodes within shared areas; the circular admin hub / resident laundry room becomes a distinct reference for staff and residents. Private areas are segregated according to gender in accustom with Aboriginal cultural norms, with a balance between privacy and efficiency of support areas. The inclusion of gathering spaces and a fire pit allows for the conduction of smoke ceremonies and connections to culture. Given the importance of Country to Indigenous Australian residents, landscape has been made the central space from which the building revolves.

Adequate universally accessible paths to landscape have been integrated into the facade system of the building, creating a visually seamless transition between levels for disabled residents. The natural systems of the landscape have become integral aspects of architecture through integration of rain events into the function of the building. With the built mass suspended above the landscape, rainwater is redirect through spouts, eaves and drains to the courtyard in playful bursts; transforming the landscape into a water playground for children in the community. In doing so, the Walumba Elder’s Centre encourages positive interaction between generations and the perseverance of culture through the incorporation of natural systems. Flood waters which once caused devastation to the town of Walumba have become a playful celebration of community.

Its this integration of natural love for life which makes Walumba Elder’s Centre an exemplar for successful, place driven biophilic architecture.

page 41

Punmu & Parnngurr Clinics, Kaunitz Young Architecture, 2014

Parnngurr Clinic, Parnngurr Community, Western Edge of Gibson Dessert, Pilbara Region, North Western Australia. (Boardman, 2018)

Kaunitz Yeung Architecture have developed multiple facilities in collaboration with local Indigenous community and health agencies which exemplify cultural sustainability. A high degree of similarity can be seen between the plans of the Punmu (2014) and Parngurr Health Clinics (2014), which are East of Newman in the Pilbara region. Kaunitz Yeung have used the same functional plan between the two, with the only differences being a slight change in the building massing and openings with respect to solar orientation and site conditions. The conception of a modular health program allowed for translation of a single plan between the two sites, with variances easily accounted for thanks to innovative construction techniques. Prefabricated building methods are used as an efficient means of construction in isolated regional settings; illustrating the potential for implementing high quality health services in remote areas. The structures are partially constructed on site, using rammed earth and simple building methods as the basis for attaching prefabricated systems. Considering the absolute isolation of these sites, these building methods minimise environmental impact and maximise economy of construction given the scarcity of local trades people and materials.

The Punmu and Parngurr Health Clinics successfully engages community functions as well as embodying cultural symbolism through architecture; with rammed earth walls which reflect the dynamic nature of the landscape and local artwork used as privacy screening. These perforated screens are a good example of a design application which engages local Indigenous agency, promoting community identity while also creating culturally safe health environments. Dialysis spaces have been given priority of place through their adjacency with the waiting room; allowing ease of circulation and high levels of connection with staff members. Emergency services are provided their own entry, triage and procedural room for efficient spatial function. While the clinics by Kaunitz Yeung are suitably small, the design process and building methods strongly respond to Indigenous community and health.

Punmu Clinic, Indigenous Artwork Incorporated Into Privacy Screening. page 42

(Attewell, 2021)

Axonometric Study: Functional Program & Prefabricated Techniques page 43

(Attewell, 2021)

Karijini Visitors Centre, Woodhead International Architecture, 2001 An inspiring example of architecture in the Pilbara which interprets the geology and cultural history of its context is Karijini Visitors Centre, designed by Woodhead International (2001). Situated among the iron ore rich hills, ancient gorges and dramatic freshwater falls of Karijini National Park, the building’s form so confidently engages the landscape that it almost blends in. Walls are the most transfiguring architectural element imposed on Australia by Europeans; encircling, shielding, excluding and dividing (Hughes, 2001). The series of deep-red, rusted walls seem frozen in a perpetual state of movement toward approaching visitors, creating surprise and intrigue while framing the immemorial presence of the park’s vegetation. In plan, the curved walls form a representation of a kurramanthu (large gonna or lizard), using design to express the good intentions of the Banjima Aboriginal stakeholders. Through use of natural iconography to inform design processes such as plan arrangements, a biophilic natural anologue pattern is expressed the built form.

The internal exhibition and cultural information spaces overlap one another, divided by the tall vertical planes which stretch outward toward the surrounding hills. At times, glazed openings blend elements of landscape and architecture across the built threshold, with water elements following the curved walls into the internal spaces.

Offices and ancillary functions are arranged along the North side of the building, blocking large openings from intense Pilbara sunlight. Given the relative remoteness and rigorously hot climate of site, the architectural outcome is durable yet elegant, heavily insulated, and made using local materials to be easily maintained. The building is a sophisticated extension of the landscape, with a feeling of authenticity in both the materiality and the abstracted forms.

The Entrance to Karijini Visitors Centre Cast in Morning Shadow.

(Attewell, 2021)

Karijini Natural Analogue: Plan Informed by Culturally Significant Icon

(Attewell, 2021)

page 44

Drawing Landscape Within and Perpsective Beyond: Blending the Natural Envelope page 45

(Attewell, 2021)

5. Design Response Wellbeing as a Design Framework

A.

B.

In order to connect design response and research outcomes, a guiding design framework is created to correlate perspectives of wellbeing for Indigenous Australians with architectural investigations. In the first part of this thesis (1. Dimensions of Wellbeing), four major cultural values were identified as domains of wellbeing from an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders’ perspective; relationship with emotional mind and physical body; connection to Country and spirit; integration of cultural identity and practice; and support of family and kinship networks. Significant themes emerging from the second part of research (2. Theories of Wellbeing in Architecture); sought to understand how spaces can support cultural safety and endurance (third space); while incorporating landscape within the built environment (biophilic design patterns); so the quality of architectural space responds to the human experiences of body, mind and spirit (holistic design principles). Research of specific site context (3. Aspects of Place) is necessary for an authentic design response, and due to the vast cultural diversity amongst Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups, no single solution will suit every application.

C.

Relationships with emotional mind and physical body are influenced through the ‘stimulation’ of sensory inputs and can be improved through the ‘naturalness’ of space (holistic design principles). Humans have evolved in response to the ‘naturalness’ of physical environments, influenced by the quality of light, sound, temperature, noise and air. Within the dynamic environment and harsh climate of Port Hedland, these parameters need to be appropriately controlled and balanced. Shading elements and correctly oriented openings will be necessary to limit harsh sunlight while maintaining as much natural lighting through internal spaces as possible. The architecture of Casino Aboriginal Medical Service shows an understanding of this concept, aligning sky lights with patient circulation corridors. Provision of natural ventilation and choice of thermal properties in building materials are also significant factors of regulating comfortable internal temperatures. Given the location of site within Port Hedland, planted buffer zones as well as filtration elements will be needed to improve the sound and air pollution which enters the building. The use of colour in design can influence cognitive function or emotional mood; blue and green colour spectrums promote relaxation from occupants, while typically white spaces increase concentration levels.

Support of family and kinship networks which provide space for caring, generational relationships can be supported through arrangement of spaces and the inclusion of community aspects within health facilities. The biophillic design pattern ‘nature of space’, addresses the configuration of functions to allow for experiences of curiosity, seclusion or observance between spaces. This has been exemplified in the case study Walumba Elders Centre (Iredale Pederson Hook, 2014), where aged care residences surround a playground, allowing for interaction between generations and welcoming the community into the facility. In the context of this research, optimal nature of space can be achieved through alignment of natural environments and clinical settings; so that dialysis patients have visual interaction with park activities; waiting rooms are connected across internal and external thresholds to give patients options of inhabitation; and community gathering spaces are included within the scope of a health and wellbeing program. Arrangement of community function spaces adjacent to health care services promotes familiarity within occupants, and improves perspectives of medical treatments.

D.

Connection to Country as the representation of spirituality, peace, nourishment and home can be integrated within built form through application of ‘nature in space’ and ‘natural analogues’ (biophilic design patterns). Relationships of ‘nature in space’ address the physical, direct or ephemeral presence of place, especially non-visual connections with nature. Design recommendations are to employ use of the 5 senses; plant aromatic Minyjagarra (vicks bush) near landscaped paths; use external views to define corridor paths; including natural materials such as earth, stone, wood and fabric; consider the design of water bodies or systems in architectural proposal; and design for dynamic cultural experiences, like gathering around a fire pit or extracting resin from Mina (spinifex). The architecture of Karijini Visitors Centre manages to boldly conceptualise landscape within its form, without detracting from the Country it occupies, through use natural analogues. The spaces are loosely divided by vertical planes which continually stretch out toward views of the landscape, and connect with natural systems by blurring natural elements and water across the threshold of built openings.

Integration of cultural identity and practices can be successfully mediated by addressing levels of ‘individualisation’ (holistic design principles) within design elements and by allowing cultural constructs (third space) of wellbeing to influence the built environment.

Architecture can support a sense of identity and belonging through use of design characteristics which show distinctive reference to the individual’s cultural context.

Simple inclusion of visual reference to cultural artwork, artefacts and imagery can imply a sense of belonging and recognition of ones self within space. The engravings at Two Mile Ridge and the Dreaming story of Jalkawarrinya are a good example of significant cultural histories which are poorly represented in Port Hedland’s identity, and deserve to be expressed in architectural elements. Provision for a third space as a hybrid precolonial and post colonial outcomes, will allow for metrics of community page 46

wellbeing to coexist with modern medical practice. This can be applied to design outcomes through the inclusion of community gathering spaces which are flexible and controllable by the occupants, creating a third space which facilitates active user feedback for its associated cultural practices. In architectural practice, this could be further strengthened through consultation with Indigenous community user groups over the course of the design process.

Correlating Research Outcomes to Create a Wellbeing Design Framework page 47

(Attewell, 2021)

Cultural Narratives: Jalkawarrinya In an effort to highlight the alternative histories of Port Hedland, cultural narratives have been pivotal to architectural concept. Consideration of water in architectural considerations is essential in Port Hedland, subject to both the extremes of abundance and scarcity. The fresh water harbour surrounding the town is dominated by an economic identity, as a result the rich alternative cultural history of place cannot be seen. In Part Two of this thesis project, the stories of culture along Jalkawarrinya (Port Hedland harbour) and the blind Katakatara (big water snake) are unrecognisable and unrepresented within the town site. While the harbour is blocked from the site of Strike Park by dense infrastructure, natural systems and contours of site can be traced to inform landscape and building design. Dry, arid, stone creek beds described in the Ngarluma Bubul Song (Brandenstein & Thomas, 1974) lead to the year-round waters at Port Hedland, flooding with water during the cyclonic wet season. Through visual iconography and functional consideration of water displacement and run off, creek beds can become dynamic features of architectural narrative. The aim is to further awareness of cultural histories and connect the architectural conceptualisation to Indigenous wellbeing as a design framework.

Development of Design Concept The key intent for the concept of design response within this thesis project is surmised as; A health clinic with architecture that facilitates physical, mental and social maintenance of health & wellbeing; connected to and shared with landscape; supporting the endurance of cultural knowledge, practice and learning; made from materials of site to survive the harsh climate; developing positive community wellbeing for Port Hedland.

Dreaming Story: The Blind Water Snake of Jalkawarrinya Returning to Site (Attewell, 2020)

page 48

The selection of Strike Park as an appropriate site for design discourse was guided by my personal experiences of Port Hedland and an appreciation of the Pilbara Strike as a significant event for Indigenous Australians. Alongside Strike Park is Lot 5867 Wedge Street, a site which has been cleared and sat unused and undeveloped for over a decade. The land area available in this empty lot is a considerable amount, suitable for the development of a health facility while maintaining rich vegetation and landscape within Strike Park itself. The current park is in good condition with references to cultural events through small sculptural instillations, and the best examples of vegetation and native trees in the town. The existing paths on the park are designed in reference to a lizard when viewed in plan, but lead off into abrupt endings when walked in reality.

While attempts have been made in recent years to develop the expression of cultural identity at Strike Park, it struggles to connect with community in a meaningful way.

The scope of design covers the development of health buildings on the vacant Lot 5867, and a re-interpretation of Strike Park which further connects the landscaping to place, developing the potential for community wellbeing uses and maintaining existing positive characteristics.

Final Architectural Proposal

Design Brief 02 18.09.21

The architectural proposal responds to health outcomes for Indigenous Australians in the Pilbara through use of wellbeing as a design framework, creating a ‘community’ health facility. The functional design brief evolved over the course of design, reflecting the complexity of cultural research topics and the highly specified nature of clinical health spaces. A preliminary brief was formed primarily through analysis of case study and outcomes of literature review. Over the course of iterative sketching and testing, a developed design brief was proposed. The new brief became more specific of regulatory spatial requirements, with a better provision for community spaces through the lens of third space. The repetitive nature of iterative drawing has allowed the design to become better realised; tracing lines of path through the site and reconfiguring the spaces to optimise the use of space. Connection to Country has been prioritised, extending the fringe of Strike Park through the centre of Lot 5867 and allowing landscape to serve as a refuge for occupants. The final proposed form enriches the existing natural systems on site, integrating perspectives of wellbeing for Indigenous patients within a co-habitation of landscape and health architecture to serve community.

Conclusion The main outcome from thesis research is the proposal for a wellbeing design framework within Australian health services, considering the notion of third space, holistic design principles and biophilic connections with nature. Indigenous Australians have unique cultural perspectives of health and wellbeing which are separate from Western ideas, sometimes creating dissonance while accessing healthcare. A sense of belonging within the Australian health system can be encouraged through alignment of modern medical practice with traditional medical practices, where the two methods can complement one another. The built environment has influence over people and the ability to create a sense of belonging for Indigenous patients through expression of cultural spaces, practices and identity. While waiting rooms, treatment rooms and internal circulation were identified as important areas for consideration, was difficult to gain insight into more specific aspects of spatial experiences.In future investigations it would be exponentially more helpful to use collaborative design methods when creating architecture for Indigenous peoples, so that first hand experience and perspective can be prioritised within clinic functions. What stood out as valuable research outcomes for the Australian health system; is the importance of simply representing cultural identity and ideas within medical clinics, creating a sense of belonging and recognition of cultural knowledge.

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Design Brief 01 30.08.21

page 50

SITE PLAN 1:500

page 51

FLOOR PLAN 1:200

WELLBEING DESIGN FRAMEWORK IN PLAN

page 52

SITE SECTION

page 53

Proposed Axonometric Site Diagram page 54

Following the Stoney Creek Toward Clinic Waiting Spaces page 55

Around the Stoney Creek Toward the Community Spaces page 56

External Waiting Space and Clinic Entrance page 57

Proposed Site Elevation From Wedge Street - Developing Ontop of Site Visit Illustrations page 58

page 59

APPENDIX Glossary of Terms Biophilia -

Biophilia is the love of all life and the inherent attraction to natural systems that live and grow. The positive relationship between human and nature; containing physical (spatial), social, economic and ethical components.

The beneficial coalescence of people and natural systems (Fromm, 1973)

Burdardu -

Popular bush tucker, also called santalum lanceolatum or the bush plum, is a sweet edible fruit similar to a cherry (Long, 2015)

Bush (Indigenous Meaning)

Perception of the Australian landscape; as a place of continued history; imagined in stories and song; managed by cultural practices of Dreaming; where the presence of ancestors and spirits is evident (Rose, 1996)

Bush (Western Meaning)

Founded in the idea of Australian landscapes as wild and uncultivated which have not been touched or managed by humans (Merriam-Webster, 2021)

Bush Medicine -

The ancient knowledge of traditional medicine practices which use native Australian plants for physical and spiritual healing (Young, 2007)

Bush Tucker-

Traditional methods of harvesting and processing Australian flora and fauna for food. Derived from Australian colloquial slang ‘Tucker’ meaning food (Young, 2007)

Country -

A nourishing terrain, belonging to both the human and the natural worlds, livelihood, culture, belonging and spirituality. Landscape as family (Rose, 1996)

Cultural Sustainability -

Architecture or built environment which is sensitive to and encompassing of cross cultural contexts and values and not overly dominated by traditionally Western concepts of architecture. (Memmott & Keys, 2015)

Dreamtime -

The Dreamtime is the period in which life was created in Indigenous Australian beliefs. Dreaming is the word used to describe the origin of all things; tied to the verbal histories and myths of each Indigenous peoples.

Laws and ways of being in Aboriginal culture are described through the stories of Dreaming. Dreaming the past, present and future. (Aboriginal Contemporary, 2021)

Garlumbu -

A sought after bush tucker, commonly known as the ‘bush tomato’, the fruit of the solanum diversiflorum plant. (Long, 2015).

Holistic Health -

Derived from the Greek ‘Holos’, meaning ‘whole’. Holistic Health challenges conventional biophysical metrics of health, instead considering the whole being of a person; body, mind and soul (Smuts, 1926).

page 60

Indigenous Methodology -

Kariyarra -

The approach to, and undertaking of, research process and practices take Indigenous worldview, perspectives, values and lived experience as their central axis. (Walter & Suina, 2019)

Kariyarra Country is located in and around Port Hedland in the Pilbara region of Western Australia, from East of the Sherlock River to Port Hedland and South to the Yule River. (AIATSIS, 2021)

Marapikurrrinya -

The traditional name for the lands locating Port Hedland in the language of the Kariyarra; meaning the place of ‘Living Waters’ where five tidal creeks meet and flow to the ocean. ‘Mara’ - hand, ‘pikurri’ - pointing straight, ‘nya’ - place (Pilbara Resource Group, 2021).

Mina -

The Ngarluma word for soft spinifex, abundant throughout the Pilbara and used in many cultural processes to make twine, aromatic oil, glue, fabric, and flour among other uses (Long, 2015; Pitman, 2012)

Minyjagarra -

A significant Pilbara bush medicine, also known as stemodia grossa or ‘vicks bush’, its’ leaves are covered in sticky oil glands giving off strong aroma of Vicks Vapour Rub (Young, 2007).

Ngarluma -

Ngarluma Country is located around the Roebourne area of the Pilbara region of Western Australia, located to the East and South East of Roebourne town. (AIATSIS, 2021)

Ngarla -

Ngarla Country is located along the coastal fringe of the Northern Pilbara region of Western Australia, from the shores East of Port Hedland to the Throssel Range and Onslow River of the East. (AIATSIS, 2021)

Nyamal -

Nyamal Country is located South East of Port Hedland in the Pilbara region of Western Australia, bounded by the Onslow River to the East and Yule River to the South West. (AIATSIS, 2021)

(Re)Indigenising -

refers to the understanding that irrespective of invasion and colonisation, the relationships with and belonging to Country continue to exist” inherently within place (Hromek, 2019, pxx).

Yaburarra -

Yaburarra Country is located along the Dampier Archipelago in the Pilbara region of Western Australia, including the coastal regions of the mainland around the archipelago the region is host to the most extensive and ancient rock artworks found in the world. (AIATSIS, 2021; McKenna, 2016)

Yarn -

Australian slang for dialogue - usually a long story with exciting details.

(MacMillan Dictionary, 2021). To spin a yarn with someone, means to have a conversation.

2. Table 01. Characteristics of Design Synthesised from Holistic Principles

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35

page 62

6+(5/2&. 5,9(5 ('*( 2) .$5,<$55$ 5(*,21

1($5 0$5%/( %$5 2)) *5($7 1257+(51 +,*+:$<

'$/(6 *(25*( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

02817 %58&( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

6+(5/2&. 5,9(5 ('*( 2) .$5,<$55$ 5(*,21

1($5 0$5%/( %$5 2)) *5($7 1257+(51 +,*+:$<

'$/(6 *(25*( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

+$1&2&. *(25*( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

*5($7 1257+(51 +,*+:$< 1($5 .$55$7+$

6+(5/2&. 5,9(5 1($5 3257 +('/$1'

'$/(6 *(25*( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

+$1&2&. *(25*( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

*5($7 1257+(51 +,*+:$< 1($5 .$55$7+$

1($5 0$5%/( %$5 2)) *5($7 1257+(51 +,*+:$<

+$1&2&. *(25*( .$5,-,1, 1$7,21$/ 3$5.

1($5 0$5%/( %$5 2)) *5($7 1257+(51 +,*+:$<

STURTS DESSERT PEA SWAINSONA FORMOSA

MULLA MULLA PTILOTUS EXALTUS

NORTHERN BLUE BELL HYANCINTHOIDES NON-SCRIPTA

NATIVE PILBARA ACCACIA ACACIA SPONDYLOPHYLLA

:('*( 67 $'',7,21$/ 6+$',1* 09/08/21

:('*( 67 3(5)25$7,21 3$77(51 09/08/21

:('*( 67 3257 +('/$1' 3267 2)),&(

('*$5 675((7 :(% %86,1(66 3$5.

NATIVE PILBARA ACCACIA ACACIA HAMERSLEYENSIS

MULLA MULLA PTILOTUS EXALTUS

LONG SPINIFEX SEED SPINIFEX

WHITE COTTON FLOWERS PTILOTUS OBOVATUS

:('*( 675((7 7(1$1&,(6 $1' %,780(1

+('/$1' +($/7+ &$0386 6287+ +('/$1'

VACANT LOT ON AT END OF EDGAR 675((7 :$7(5)5217

&22.( 32,17 5(&5($7,21 &/8% .((6,1* 67

Developing Conceptual Materials, Forms and Landscaping Approaching Waiting Area

Sketching Along an Approach Narrative (Attewell, 2021) page 63

Developing Landscape Interface with External Community Space

DEVELOPING PLAN

ITERATION 01

page 64

- Rationalising preliminary program brief - Segregation of public and ambulance entry and services.

- Adjacency of waiting room / dialysis room to the park - Efficient grouping of services and circulation paths - Corridors maintain vision to exterior but are strictly linear - Identify existing native species on site

DEVELOPING PLAN

ITERATION 02 - Tracing sketches of rock / sediment formations - Creating a rhythm of mass from street front - Developing entry / waiting - Testing thickness of walls / rammed earth placement - Stretching corridors page 65

DEVELOPING PLAN

ITERATION 03 - Cutting plans to create landscape courtyard and bring park into building - Landscaped courtyard physically disconnected from parklands - Difficult to maintain efficient groupings of services and circulation paths - Building feels like an object in landscape, not a object of landscape. page 66

DEVELOPING PLAN

ITERATION 04 - Landscape cut through building mass into courtyard, but poor orientation to park - Services are not grouped and circulation is very inefficient - Further consideration of proposed interface between buildings required - Will crooked corridors disorient patients and staff? page 67

DEVELOPING PLAN

ITERATION 05 - Program has been refined to better suit building outcomes - Rationalised layout of developed program brief with segregated entrances - Parkland as waiting room brought in between buildings - Better internal/external waiting configuration - Efficient grouping of services and circulation paths - Corridors maintain vision to exterior but are strictly linear page 68

DEVELOPING PLAN

ITERATION 06 - Tracing plan over sketches of rock / sediment formations - Tracing 5 paths through parklands over the form of ‘Marrapikurrinya’ basin - External waiting space refined with development to landscaping - Generous internal waiting / admin with strong visual connection to landscape - Testing massings and thickness of walls page 69

page 70

EXISTING SITE PLAN

1:500

page 71

SCHEMATIC SITE MASSING

1:500

page 72

SCHEMATIC FLOOR PLAN

1:200

SCHEMATIC ELEVATIONS

SOUTH EAST ELEVATION

NORTH WEST ELEVATION

page 73

SCHEMATIC ELEVATIONS

NORTH WEST ELEVATION 01 (MEDICAL BUILDING)

NORTH WEST ELEVATION 02 (COMMUNITY BUILDING)

page 74

SCHEMATIC ELEVATIONS

SOUTH EAST ELEVATION 01 (MEDICAL BUILDING)

SOUTH EAST ELEVATION 02 (COMMUNITY BUILDING)

page 75

LANDSCAPING ELEMENTS SKETCH TESTING

page 76

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