2. The main purpose of the American Association of Medical Assistants is to ____.
A. raise standards to a high professional level
B. develop medical assisting at an increasing rate
C. establish certification requirements
D. provide on-the-job training
E. help medical assistants find employment
3. Which of the following declared medical assisting as an allied health profession?
A. American Medical Technologists
B. US Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics
C. US Department of Health, Education, and Welfare
D. American Association of Medical Assistants
E. National Healthcareer Association
4. Benefits offered by the American Association of Medical Assistants (AAMA) include ____.
A. guaranteed salary and job
B. opportunity to travel on the job
C. free hepatitis vaccinations
D. free admission to an accredited medical assisting program
E. professional publications and educational opportunities
5. Formal training programs in medical assisting ____.
A. are offered only at 2-year colleges
B. can be replaced by on-the-job training
C. must be approved by the AAMA or AMT
D. last 9 months to 2 years and award a certificate, diploma, or associate degree
E. are offered only online
Copyright © 2017 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
6. A certified medical assistant (CMA) must recertify the CMA credential every ____.
A. 6 months
B. year
C. 2 years
D. 5 years
E. 10 years
7. Who is responsible for documenting competencies learned by medical assisting students?
A. The educational institution
B. The student
C. The certifying body, such as AAMA or AMT
D. OSHA
E. US Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics
8. What is the term for the process by which programs such as medical assisting are officially authorized?
A. Certification
B. Registration
C. Accreditation
D. Externship
E. Professional development
9. The purpose of accreditation of medical assisting programs is to ____.
A. ensure that medical assisting programs provide a competency-based education
B. set maximum standards of practice for medical assisting programs
C. determine what courses are taught in medical assisting programs
D. establish organizations for medical assistants
E. prevent medical assistants from being sued for malpractice
Copyright © 2017 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
10. The AAMA works to protect the right of the medical assistant to practice through ____.
A. group insurance
B. legislative monitoring
C. continuing education offerings
D. professional networking
E. state chapter activities
11. The minimum standards set by the American Association of Medical Assistants for accredited programs are called ____.
A. basics
B. criteria
C. specifics
D. performance objectives
E. areas of competence
12. Which of the following is most likely to increase the career options for a medical assistant?
A. Service as a volunteer in a hospital setting
B. Employment as a nursing aide
C. Experience as a typist or filing clerk
D. Graduation from an accredited program
E. Enrollment with an employment agency
13. In all accredited medical assisting programs, externships are ______________.
A. mandatory
B. optional
C. unnecessary
D. selective
E. voluntary
Copyright © 2017 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
14. Which of the following tasks is not considered in the scope of practice for a multiskilled healthcare professional?
A. Facilitating treatment for patients with physical disabilities
B. Scheduling teleconferences for doctors in different locations
C. Making judgments or interpretations concerning a patient's diagnosis
D. Collecting, preparing, and transmitting laboratory specimens
E. Performing medical billing and coding
15. Which of the following organizations offers certification exams for Phlebotomy Technician, EKG Technician, and Medical Transcriptionist?
A. American Association of Medical Assistants
B. American Medical Technologists
C. Accrediting Bureau of Health Education Schools
D. National Association for Health Professionals
E. National Healthcareer Association
16. In order to control the rising cost of healthcare and reduce personnel costs, medical practices are hiring which of the following?
A. Medical Technicians
B. Licensed Practical Nurses
C. Registered Nurses
D. Physician Assistants
E. Multiskilled Health Professionals
Copyright © 2017 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education.
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929 Orelli, Inscpt. Latinar. selectar Turin, 1828, vol. I. pp. 406-412.
930. See Cumont, T. et M. II. p. 95, inscr. 15, p. 98, inscr. 23; p. 100 inscr. 40; p. 101, inscr. 41. The tomb of Vincentius in the Catacomb of Praetextatus at Rome would show an instance of the joint worship of Sabazius, the consort of the Great Mother, and of Mithras, if we could trust Garrucci’s restoration, for which see his Les Mystères du Syncrétisme Phrygien, Paris, 1854. It has been quoted in this sense by Hatch, H.L. p. 290; but Cumont, T. et M. II. pp. 173 and 413, argues against this construction. For the pictures themselves, see Maass, Orpheus, München, 1895, pp. 221, 222.
931. Cumont, T. et M. II. p. 261, Fig. 99.
932. Kenyon, Gk. Papyri, p. 65.
933. This is the more likely because his second initiator bears the name of Asinius, which, as he himself says (Apuleius, Metamorph. Bk XI. c. 27), was not unconnected with his own transformation into the shape of an ass. The Emperor Commodus was initiated into both religions (Lampricius, Commodus, c. IΧ.).
934. See n. 1, p. 259, supra.
935. Dill, Nero to Marcus Aurelius, p. 625, n. 3, quoting Gasquet, Mithras, p. 137. See also Gibbon, vol. III. p. 498, Bury (Appendix 15).
936. Justin Martyr, First Apology, c. LXVI.
937. Porphyry, de antro nymph. c. 15. Tertullian, de Praescpt. c. 40.
938. Porphyry, op. et loc. cit.
939. See Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 339, for authorities.
940 Augustine, In Johann. evang. tractatus, VII. or Cumont, T et M. II. p. 59. This last thinks it more probable that the passage refers to Attis, as there is an allusion in it to redemption by blood. But this would hardly apply to the self-mutilation of the Galli, while it would to the blood-bath of the Taurobolium and Criobolium which so many high initiates of Mithras boast of undergoing.
941. J. Maurice, “La Dynastie Solaire des Seconds Flaviens,” Rev. Archeol. t. XVII. (1911), p. 397 and n. 1.
942. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 339, quoting Minucius Felix.
943. Op. cit. I. p. 65.
944. The remains of five Mithraea were found in Ostia alone.
945. Cumont, T. et M. II. p. 204, Fig. 30, and p. 493, Fig. 430; or P.S.B.A. 1912, Pl. XIII. Figs. 1 and 2.
946. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 62.
947. The story quoted from Pseudo-Augustine (Cumont, op. cit. I. p. 322) about the hands of the initiates being bound with chickens’-guts which were afterwards severed by a sword might account for the number of birds’ bones.
948. Cumont, op. cit. II. p. 21, gives the passage from Lampridius mentioned in n. 1, p. 260, supra.
949. Op. cit. I. p. 322, quoting Zacharius rhetor.
950. See Chapter II, Vol. I. p. 62, supra.
951. Cumont, T. et M. II. p. 18, for the passage in St Jerome in which these degrees are enumerated. They all appear in the inscriptions given by Cumont, except that of Miles or Soldier. An inscription by two “soldiers” of Mithras has, however, lately been found at Patras and published by its discoverers, M.
Charles Avezou and M. Charles Picard. See R.H.R. t. LXIV (1911), pp. 179-183.
952. Cumont, T. et M. I. pp. 315 sqq.
953. Tertullian, de Corona, c. 15.
954. Porphyry, de antro nymph. c. 15.
955. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 322. Gregory of Nazianza (A.D. 320-390) is the first authority for these tortures (κολάσεις) in point of time. Nonnus the Mythographer gives more details, but is three centuries later
956. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, p. 577.
957. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 73.
958. Op. cit. II. p. 294, Fig. 149; p. 298, Fig. 154; p. 300, Fig. 156; p. 304, Fig. 161; p. 488, Fig. 421.
959. Op. cit. I. p. 175, Fig. 10.
960. Op. cit. I. p. 39, n. 6, quoting the Arda Viraf namak. A quotation from Arnobius, adv. gentes, which follows, merely says that the Magi boast of their ability to smooth the believers’ passage to heaven.
961. See Chap. VIII, p. 74, n. 3, supra.
962. That those who had taken the degree of Pater were called ἀετοί or eagles appears from Porphyry, de Abstinentia, Bk IV c. 16. Cumont doubts this; see T. et M. I. p. 314, n. 8. The idea probably had its origin in the belief common to classical antiquity that the eagle alone could fly to the sun, from which the Mithraist thought that the souls of men came, and to which those of perfect initiates would return. Cf. op. cit. I. p. 291.
963. Lafaye, L’Initiation Mithriaque, p. 106.
964. Cumont, T. et M. II. p. 56.
965. Porphyry, de Abstinentia, Bk IV c. 16 says this was so.
966. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 318, n. 1, points out that an initiate might become Pater Patrum immediately after being made Pater or Pater sacrorum simply. This appears from the two monuments both dated the same year of Vettius Agorius Praetextatus, op. cit. II. p. 95.
967. See Ammianus Marcellinus Bk XXII. c. 7, for his life under Julian. His career is well described by Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 1899, pp. 17, 18, 30, 154, 155.
968. Cumont, T. et M. II. p. 100, inscr. 35; p. 98, inscr. 24.
969 Op. cit. II. p. 130, inscr 225; p. 132, inscr 239; p. 134, inscr 257. The two decurions may of course have been decurions of the rite only, as to which see op. cit. I. p. 326.
970. Op. cit. I. p. 324: Tertullian, Praescpt. c. 40.
971 Cumont, T et M. I. p. 65. Thirty-five seems to be the greatest number belonging to any one chapel.
972. Op. cit. I. p. 327.
973. Amm. Marcell. passim.
974. Neander, Ch. Hist. III. p. 136.
975. Marinus, vita Procli, pp. 67, 68; Neander, op. cit. III. p. 136.
976. Witness the reduction of Mitra, who plays such an important part in the religion of the Vedas, to the far lower position of chief of the Izeds or Yazatas in the Sassanian reform.
977. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 250, for authorities.
978. Gibbon, Decline and Fall (Bury’s ed.), I. p. 260 n. 106.
979. Reville, Religion sous les Sevères, p. 102.
980. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 347.
981. Dill, Last Century, etc. p. 29, n. 2.
982. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 347.
983 Op. cit. I. pp. 329, 330; Dill, Nero to Marcus Aurelius, p. 624.
984. Cumont, “L’aigle funéraire des Syriens et l’apothéose des empereurs.” R.H.R., 1910, pt ii. pp. 159 sqq.
985 Cf. the “solitary eagle” of the Magic Papyrus quoted on p. 265 supra.
986. Maury, La Magie et L’Astrologie, passim. The Zend Avesta also denounces magic as did the later Manichaeism. See p. 342 infra.
987. As in Shakespeare’s Macbeth.
988. So Cumont, T. et M. I. pp. 45, 349, 350. He seems to rely, however, entirely on the passage in the Acta Archelai (as to which see n. 1, p. 280 infra), wherein the supposed bishop Archelaus addresses the equally imaginary Manes as “Savage priest and accomplice of Mithras!”—possibly a mere term of abuse. See Hegemonius, Acta Archelai, ed. Beeson, Leipzig, 1906, c. XL. p. 59.
989. Cumont, T. et M. I. p. 41. He sees in the scenes which border the Tauroctony references or parallels to the fig-leaves of Genesis, the striking of the rock by Moses, and the ascension of Elijah. In the so-called Mithraic Ritual of the Magic Papyrus of Paris, there are certain Hebrew words introduced, such as πιπι (a well-known perversion of the Tetragrammaton), σανχερωβ and σεμες ιλαμ (The “Eternal Sun”).
990. See the story which Josephus, Antiq. XX. cc. 2, 3, 4, tells about Izates, king of Adiabene, who wanted to turn Jew and thereby so offended his people that they called in against him Vologeses or Valkash, the first reforming Zoroastrian king and collector of the books of the Zend Avesta. Cf. Darmesteter, The Zend Avesta (Sacred Books of the East), Oxford, 1895, p. xl. Cf. Ém. de Stoop La Diffusion du Manichéisme dans l’Empire romain, Gand, 1909, p. 10.
991. Circa 296, A.D. See Neander, Ch. Hist. II. p. 195, where the authenticity of the decree is defended. For the provocation given to the Empire by the anti-militarism of Manes see de Stoop, op. cit. pp. 36, 37.
992 Al-Bîrûnî, Chronology of Ancient Nations, p. 190. The date he gives is twelve years before the accession of Ardeshîr. E. Rochat, Essai sur Mani et sa Doctrine, Genève, 1897, p. 81, examines all the different accounts and makes the date from 214 to 218 A.D.
993. Epiphanius, Haer. LXVI. c. 1, p. 399, Oehler; Socrates, Hist. Eccl. Bk I. c. 22; Hegemonius, Acta Archelai, c. LXIV
994. Muhammed ben Ishak, commonly called En-Nadîm, in the book known as the Fihrist, translated by Flügel, Mani, seine Lehre und seine Schriften, Leipzig, 1862, pp. 83, 116, 118, 119. Cf. Rochat, op. cit. p. 75.
995. Al-Bîrûnî, Chronology, p. 190.
996. Flügel, op. cit. p. 84; Rochat, op. cit. p. 83.
997. Hegemonius, Acta Arch. c. XL., p. 59, Beeson. Rochat, op. cit. pp. 9-49, discusses the authenticity of the Acta chapter by chapter. He thinks the pretended discussion between Archelaus and Manes unhistorical, and the account of it possibly modelled on that between St Augustine and Faustus the Manichaean. The remainder of the Acta he considers fairly trustworthy as an account of Manes’ own tenets. This may well be, as Epiphanius, Haer. LXVI. cc. 6-7, 25-31, transcribes the epistle to Marcellus, its answer, and the exposition of Turbo, and could scarcely have heard, as early as 375 A.D., about which time he wrote, of St Augustine’s discussion. The Acta owe much to the care of the American scholar, Mr Beeson of Chicago, who has given us the careful edition of them mentioned in n. 1, p. 277 supra It is a pity that he did not see his way to keep the old numeration of the chapters.
998. Beausobre, Hist. du Manichéisme, Paris, 1734, Pt I. Bk II. cc. 1-4. Cf. Stokes in Dict. Christian Biog. s.v. Manes; Rochat, op. cit. p. 83.
999 Rochat, op. cit. p. 89.
1000.
Abulfarag in Kessler, Forschungen über die Manichäische Religion, Berlin, 1889, Bd I. p. 335; Rochat, op. cit. p. 84; Neander, Ch. Hist. II. p. 168.
1001.
Flügel, op. cit. p. 85. Cf. Al-Bîrûnî, India (ed. Sachau), p. 55, where Manes quotes the opinion of Bardesanes’ “partizans.” There are many words put into the mouth of Manes in the work quoted which argue acquaintance with the Pistis Sophia.
1002.
Abulmaali in Kessler, op. cit. p. 371; Firdaûsi, ibid. p. 375; Mirkhônd, ibid. p. 379. Cf. Rochat, op. cit. p. 81. He is said to have painted his pictures in a cave in Turkestan (Stokes in Dict. Christian Biog. s.v. Manes), which would agree well enough with the late German discoveries at Turfan, for which see A. von Le Coq in J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 299 sqq.
1003
Flügel, op. cit. p. 85.
1004.
Al-Jakûbi in Kessler, op. cit. pp. 328, 329; cf. Rochat, op. cit. p. 88.
1005.
Al-Bîrûnî, Chronology, pp. 191, 192.
1006.
Rochat, op. cit. p. 89. Al-Bîrûnî, whom he quotes, however, says merely that the Manichaeans increased under Ormuz, and also that Ormuz “killed a number of them.” See last note.
1007
Al-Jakûbi in Kessler, op. cit. p. 330. But Darmesteter (see passage quoted in n. 2, p. 284 infra) puts this event as happening after Ormuz’ death and under Shapur II.
1008.
Al-Bîrûnî, Chronology, p. 191. The town is called Djundi-sâbur or Gundisabur.
1009.
Al-Jakûbi, ubi cit. supra; Eutychius quoted by Stokes, Dict. Christian Biog. s.v. Manes.
1010.
Rochat, op. cit. p. 93, examines all the evidence for this and comes to the conclusion given in the text.
1011. Malcolm, History of Persia, London, 1821, Vol. I. pp. 95, 96.
1012.
G. Rawlinson, The 6th Oriental Monarchy, 1873, p. 222; Rochat, op. cit. p. 53.
1013.
See Chap. XII supra, p. 232.
1014.
See n. 1, p. 278 supra.
1015.
Al-Bîrûnî, Chron. p. 187, makes Manes the successor or continuator of Bardesanes and Marcion. This was certainly not so; but it was probably only from their followers that he derived any acquaintance with Christianity See n. 7, p. 280 supra. So Muhammad or Mahommed, four centuries later, drew his ideas of the same faith from the heretics of his day.
1016
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 1903, p. 318, says that after 300 A.D. Buddhism was everywhere in decay in India.
1017.
Rochat, op. cit. p. 58.
1018.
Darmesteter, Zend Avesta, pp. xl, xli.
1019.
Op. cit. pp. xlvii sqq.
1020. Al-Bîrûnî, Chron. p. 192.
1021.
Elisaeus Vartabed in Langlois’ Collection des Hist. de l’Arménie, Paris, 1868, t. II. p. 190. The story is repeated almost word for word by Eznig of Goghp, ibid. p. 875. Cf. Neander, Ch. Hist. II. p. 171.
1022.
Rochat, op. cit., following Kessler, shows, it seems, conclusively, that this is another name for Manes’ father, Fatak or Patecius.
1023.
She was a courtezan at Hypselis in the Thebaid according to Epiphanius, Haer. LXVI. c. 11, p. 400, Oehler. As Baur, Die Manichäische Religionssystem, Tübingen, 1831, p. 468 sqq. has pointed out, this is probably an imitation of the story told about Simon Magus and his Helena (see Chap. VI supra). It seems to have arisen as an embroidery, quite in Epiphanius’ manner, upon the story in the Acta, that Scythianus married a captive from the Upper Thebaid (Hegemonius, op. cit. c. LXII. p. 90, Beeson).
1025
Many guesses have been made as to the allusions concealed under these names, as to which see Rochat, op. cit. pp. 6473. Neander (Ch. Hist. II. p. 16) quotes from Ritter the suggestion that Terebinthus may come from an epithet of Buddha, Tere-hintu “Lord of the Hindus.” One wonders whether it might not have been as fitly given to a Jewish slave sold at the Fair of the Terebinth with which Hadrian closed his war of extermination.
These four books may have been intended for the Shapurakhan, the Treasure, the Gospel and the Capitularies, which Al-Bîrûnî, Chron. p. 171, attributes to Mani. Cf. Epiphanius, Haer. LXVI. c. 2, p. 402, Oehler, and the Scholia of Théodore bar Khôni in Pognon, Inscriptions Mandaïtes des Coupes de Khouabir, pp. 182, 183.
1026.
Epiphanius, op. cit. c. 1, p. 398, Oehler.
1027.
Colditz in Kessler, op. cit. pp. 15, 16. Cf. Rochat, op. cit. pp. 65, 66.
1028.
Morrison, Jews under Romans, p. 325 for authorities. Philo, de Vit. Contempl. etc. c. III. says that similar communities existed in his time near the Mareotic lake in Egypt. But the date of the treatise and its attribution to Philo are alike uncertain. The first mention of Buddha in Greek literature is said to be that by Clem. Alex. Strom. Bk I. c. 15.
1029.
Harnack in Encyc. Britann. 9th edition, s.v. Manichaeans, p. 48, says “There is not a single point in Manichaeism which demands for its explanation an appeal to Buddhism.” This may be, but the discoveries at Turfan and Tun-huang have
1030.
made a connection between the two more probable than appeared at the time he wrote. See also Kessler as quoted by Rochat, op. cit. pp. 192, 193.
This appears from the Chinese Treatise at Pekin mentioned later. See p. 293, n. 2.
1031.
Rochat, op. cit. p. 194. So Socrates, Eccl. Hist. Bk I. c. 22, calls Manichaeism “a sort of heathen (Ἑλληνίζων) Christianity.”
1032.
Hegemonius, Acta, c. VII. p. 91, Beeson; Flügel, op. cit. p. 86. 1033.
Certainly none is recorded in the Christian accounts, where Darkness is called Hyle or Matter. En Nadîm (Flügel, op. cit. p. 86) makes Manes call the good God “the King of the Paradise of Light” and (p. 90) the Spirit of Darkness, Hummâma. Schahrastâni, as quoted in Flügel’s note (p. 240), makes this word mean “mirk” or “smoke” (Qualm). It would be curious if Hummâma had any connection with the Elamite Khumbaba, the opponent of the Babylonian hero Gilgamesh, because this personage already figures in Ctesias’ story about Nannaros, which has been recognized as a myth relating to the Moon-god.
1034.
τὸ τῆς ὕλης δημιούργημα Hegemonius, Acta, c. VIII. p. 9, Beeson. Cf. Alexander of Lycopolis, adv. Manichaeos, c. II.
1035.
Epiph. Haer. LXVI. c. 6, p. 408, Oehler; Hegemonius, Acta, c. V pp. 5-7, Beeson. The authenticity of the letter is defended by Kessler, op. cit. p. 166. Cf. Rochat, op. cit. p. 94 contra.
1036
τῶν κακῶν ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν ἀναφέρουσιν, ὧν τὸ τέλος κατάρας ἐγγύς. It is evidently intended for a quotation from Heb. vi. 8, which however puts it rather differently as ἐκφέρουσα δὲ ἀκάνθας καὶ τριβόλους ἀδόκιμος καὶ κατάρας ἐγγύς, ἧς τὸ τέλος εἰς καῦσιν. “But that which beareth thorns and briers is to be rejected and is nigh unto cursing; whose end is to be burned.” The Khuastuanîft or Manichaean confession mentioned later repeats this phrase about God not being the creator of evil as well as of good. See p. 335 infra
1037.
Hegemonius, Acta, c. VII. p. 9, Beeson.
1038.
En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. pp. 386, sqq. Kessler’s translation of En Nadîm, which is given in the first Appendix to the work quoted, differs slightly from that of Flügel and depends on a somewhat better text than the last-named. It is therefore used when possible in the remaining notes to this chapter. Flügel’s book, however, has the advantage of a commentary of some 300 pages marked with great erudition, and must still be consulted by anyone wishing to be acquainted with its subject.
1039
Plutarch, de Is. et Os. c. XLV , says, however, that “evil must have a principle of its own,” so that it cannot be the work of a benevolent being. As he is generally supposed to have taken his account of the Persian teaching from Theopompos of Chios, who was at the Court of Ptolemy about 305 B.C., his evidence is against those who, like M. Cumont, would make the “Zervanist” opinion, which assumes a common principle for good and evil, pre-Christian. Yet the point does not yet seem capable of decision, as Plutarch may here be only giving us his own opinion.
1040
1041.
Casartelli, op. cit. p. 44.
This is really the crux of the whole question. If the idea could be traced back to the philosophers of Ionia (e.g. Heraclitus of Ephesus) and their theory of eternal strife and discord being the cause of all mundane phenomena, it is difficult to say whence the Ionians themselves derived it, save from Persia. We can, of course, suppose, if we please, that the Persians did not invent it de novo, but took it over from some of their subjects. Among these, the Babylonians, for instance, from the earliest times portrayed their demons as not only attempting to invade the heaven of the gods, but as being in perpetual warfare with one another. But the very little we know of Babylonian philosophy would lead us to think that it inclined towards pantheism of a materialistic kind rather than to dualism.
1042.
En Nadîm, in Kessler, op. cit. p. 387; Flügel, op. cit. p. 86.
1043.
The likeness of this to the cosmogony of the Ophites and their successor Valentinus is of course marked (cf. Chaps. VIII and IX supra). Manes may have borrowed it directly from Valentinus’ follower Bardesanes, whose doctrines were powerful in Edessa and Mesopotamia in his time, or he may have taken it at first-hand from Persian or Babylonian tradition. That Manes was acquainted with Bardesanes’ doctrines, see n. 7, p. 280 supra.
1044.
En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. p. 387; Flügel, op. cit. p. 86. Flügel’s text adds to these members other “souls” which he names Love, Belief, Faith, Generosity, and Wisdom. Kessler substitutes Courage for Generosity and seems to make these “souls” the members’ derivatives.
1045
See last note.
1046.
See Chapter XII, p. 251 supra. Here, again, the traditional and monstrous figure of Satan may have been copied from the sculptured representations of the composite demons of Babylonia (e.g. Rogers, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, Frontispiece and Figs. 1 and 13). Yet if we take the Mithraic lion, as M. Cumont would have us do, as the symbol of fire and the serpent as that of the earth, we have in the five sorts of animals the five στοιχεῖα or elements of Aristotle. Cf. Aetius, de Placitis Philosophorum, ed. Didot, Bk I. c. iii. § 38 (Plutarch, Moralia, II.), p. 1069. Yet the nearest source from which Manes could have borrowed the idea is certainly Bardesanes, who, according to Bar Khôni and another Syriac author, taught that the world was made from five substances, i.e. fire, air, water, light and darkness. See Pognon, op. cit. p. 178; Cumont, La Cosmogonie Manichéenne d’après Théodore bar Khôni, Bruxelles, 1908, p. 13, n. 2.
1047.
En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. p. 388; Flügel, op. cit. p. 87. As the ancients were unacquainted with the properties of gases, it is singular that they should have formed such a conception as that of the compressibility and expansibility of spirits. Yet the idea is a very old one, and the Arabian Nights story of the Genius imprisoned in a brass bottle has its parallel in the bowls with magical inscriptions left by the Jews on the site of Babylon (Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, 1853, pp. 509 sqq.), between pairs of which demons were thought to be imprisoned. Cf. Pognon, op. cit. p. 3. Something of the kind seems indicated in the “Little Point,” from which all material powers spring, referred to by Hippolytus and the Bruce Papyrus.
1048
So in the Pistis Sophia, it is the “last Parastates” or assistant world who breathes light into the Kerasmos, and thus sets on foot the scheme of redemption. Cf. Chapter X, p. 146 supra.
1049.
Yet the Fundamental Epistle speaks of the twelve “members” of God, which seem to convey the same idea See Aug. c. Ep. Fund. c. 13.
1050.
Thus En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. pp. 388, 389; Flügel, op. cit. p. 87. But here the Christian tradition gives more details than the Mahommedan. Hegemonius, Acta, c. VII., p. 10, Beeson, and Bar Khôni (Pognon, p. 185), are in accord that the God of Light produced from himself a new Power called the Μήτηρ τῆς Ζωῆς or Mother of Life, that this Mother of Life projected the First Man, and that the First Man produced the five elements called also his “sons,” to wit, wind, light, water, fire and air, with which he clothed himself as with armour. See Cumont, Cosmog. Manich. p. 16, n. 4, for the harmonizing of the texts [N.B. the omission of πῦρ from his quotation from the Acta is doubtless a clerical error]. The identification of the Mother of Life with the “Spirit of the Right [Hand]” is accepted by Bousset, Hauptprobleme, pp. 177, 178, and may be accounted for by the crude figure by which the Egyptians explained the coming-forth of the universe from a single male power. See Budge, Hieratic Papyri in the Brit. Mus. p. 17. 1051.
These were also the “sons” of Darkness or Satan. See Bar Khôni (Pognon, p. 186). The reason that led the God of Light to send a champion into the lists was, according to Bar Khôni (Pognon, p. 185), that the five worlds of his creation were made for peace and tranquillity and could therefore not help him directly in the matter. Cf. St Augustine, de Natura Boni, c. XLII. But Manes doubtless found it necessary to work into his
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system the figure of the First Man which we have already seen prominent in the Ophite system. Cumont, Cosmog. Manich. p. 16, says few conceptions were more widely spread throughout the East. It is fully examined by Bousset, Hauptprobleme, in his IVth chapter, “Der Urmensch.” The First Man is, in the Chinese treatise lately found at Tun-huang in circumstances to be presently mentioned, identified with the Persian Ormuzd and the five elements are there declared to be his sons. See Chavannes and Pelliot, Un Traité Manichéen retrouvé en Chine, pt 1, Journal Asiatique, série X., t. XVIII. (1911), pp. 512, 513. The 12 elements which helped in his formation seem to be mentioned by no other author than En Nadîm. St Augustine, however, Contra Epistulam Fundamenti, c. 13, speaks of the “12 members of light.” The Tun-huang treatise also mentions “the 12 great kings of victorious form” whom it seems to liken to the 12 hours of the day. As the Pistis Sophia does the same with the “12 Aeons” who are apparently the signs of the Zodiac, it is possible that we here have a sort of super-celestial Zodiac belonging to the Paradise of Light, of which that in our sky is a copy. It should be remembered that in the Asiatic cosmogonies the fixed stars belong to the realm of good as the representatives of order, while the planets or “wanderers” are generally evil.
En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. p. 389; Flügel, op. cit. pp. 87, 88. According to the Christian tradition, the Powers of Darkness devoured only the soul of the First Man which was left below when his body, as will presently be seen, returned to the upper world. See Hegemonius, Acta, c. VII., p. 10, Beeson.
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Both the Christian and the Mahommedan traditions agree as to this result of the fight, which is paralleled not only by the more or leas successful attempt of Jaldabaoth and his powers to eat the light of Pistis Sophia, but also by a similar case in orthodox Zoroastrianism. For all these see Cumont, Cosmog.
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Manich. p. 18, n. 4. Bar Khôni (Pognon, p. 186), goes further and describes the surrender of the First Man as a tactical effort on his part, “as a man who having an enemy puts poison in a cake and gives it to him.” Alexander of Lycopolis (adv. Manich. c. III.), on the other hand declares that God could not avenge himself upon matter (as he calls Darkness) as he wished, because he had no evil at hand to help him, “since evil does not exist in the house and abode of God”; that he therefore sent the soul into matter which will eventually permeate it and be the death of it; but that in the meantime the soul is changed for the worse and participates in the evil of matter, “as in a dirty vessel the contents suffer change.” These, however, are more likely to be the ideas of the Christian accusers than the defences of the Manichaean teachers.
En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. pp. 389, 390; Flügel, op. cit. p. 87. As Kessler points out, En Nadîm gives two accounts doubtless taken from different Manichaean sources. In one, he says simply that the King of the Paradise of Light followed with other gods and delivered the First Man, the actual victor over Darkness being called “the Friend” of the Lights (like Mithras). He then goes on to say that Joy (i.e. the Mother of Life) and the Spirit of Life went to the frontier, looked into the abyss of hell and saw the First Man and his powers were held enlaced by Satan, “the Presumptuous Oppressor and the Life of Darkness”; then she called him in a loud and clear voice, and he became a god, after which he returned and “cut the roots of the Dark Powers.” For Bar Khôni’s amplification of this story see p. 302, n. 1, and p. 324 infra. The whole of this, together with the cutting of the roots, is strongly reminiscent of the Pistis Sophia.
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En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. pp. 391, 392; Flügel, op. cit. p. 98. The Acta (Hegemonius, op. cit. c. VIII., p. 11, Beeson) say
that the “Living Spirit” before mentioned “created the Cosmos, descended clothed with three other powers, drew forth the rulers (οἱ ἄρχοντες) and crucified them in the firmament which is their body the Sphere.” “Then he created the lights (φωστῆρες) which are the remnants of the soul, caused the firmament to encompass them, and again created the earth [not the Cosmos] with its eight aspects.” The Latin version after “earth” adds “they (sic!) are eight.” which if it refers to the aspects would agree with En Nadîm. Alexander of Lycopolis (adv Manich. c. III.), who had been a follower of Manes and was a Christian bishop some 25 years after Manes’ death, says that “God sent forth another power which we call the Demiurge or creator of all things; that this Demiurge in creating the Cosmos separated from matter as much power as was unstained, and from it made the Sun and Moon; and that the slightly stained matter became the stars and the expanse of heaven.” “The matter from which the Sun and Moon were taken,” he goes on to say, “was cast out of the Cosmos and resembles night” [Qy the Outer Darkness?], while the rest of the “elements” consists of light and matter unequally mingled. Bar Khôni (Pognon, op. cit. p. 188), as will presently be seen, says that the Living Spirit with the Mother of Life and two other powers called the Appellant and Respondent [evidently the “three other powers” of the Acta] descended to earth, caused the Rulers or Princes to be killed and flayed, and that out of their skins the Mother of Life made 11 heavens, while their bodies were cast on to the earth of darkness and made 8 earths. The Living Spirit then made the Sun, the Moon, and “thousands of Lights” (i.e. Stars) out of the light he took from the Rulers. That this last story is an elaboration of the earlier ones seems likely, and the flaying of the Rulers seems to be reminiscent of the Babylonian legend of Bel and Tiamat, an echo of which is also to be found in the later Avestic literature. See West, Pahlavi Texts (S.B.E.), pt iii. p. 243. Cf. Cumont, Cosmog. Manich. p. 27, n. 2.
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En Nadîm in Kessler, op. cit. p. 392; Flügel, op. cit. pp. 89-90. This would agree perfectly with the system of the Pistis Sophia, where it is said that the “receivers of the Sun and Moon” give the particles of the light as it is won from matter to Melchizedek, the purifier, who purifies it before taking it into the Treasure-house (pp. 36, 37, Copt.). The idea that the Sun’s rays had a purifying effect shows shrewd observation of nature before his bactericidal power was discovered by science. So does the association of the Moon with water, which doubtless came from the phenomenon of the tides. Is the Column of Glory the Milky Way?
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The Ecpyrosis or final conflagration is always present in orthodox Mazdeism, where it inspires its Apocalypses, and is in effect the necessary conclusion to the drama which begins with the assault on the world of light by Ahriman. For references, see Söderblom, op. cit. chap. IV. From the Persians it probably passed to the Stoics and thus reached the Western world slightly in advance of Christianity. “The day when the Great Dragon shall be judged” is continually on the lips of the authors of the Pistis Sophia and the Μέρος τευχῶν Σωτῆρος, and the conception may therefore have reached Manes from two sources at once. The angels maintaining the world as mentioned in the text are of course the Splenditenens and Omophorus about to be described.
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Hegemonius, Acta, c. VIII. p. 12, Beeson. St Augustine (contra Faustum, Bk XX. c. 10) mentions the Wheel briefly and rather obscurely. It seems to have fallen out of the account of Bar Khôni. But see the Tun-huang treatise (Chavannes et Pelliot, op. cit. 1ère partie, pp. 515, n. 2, 516, 517, n. 3). There can be little doubt that it is to be referred to the Zodiac. The Aeons of the Light seem to be the five worlds who here play the part of the Parastatae in the Pistis Sophia.