KENTON
VOLUME 2, ISSUE 19 — APRIL 12, 2024
THE VOICE OF NKY
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NKY’s population and clout are growing. Why are incumbent lawmakers leaving? By Rebecca Hanchett
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orthern Kentucky held nine seats in the state House of Representatives and four seats in the Senate between 2013 and 2022.
Now, the region has 10 House seats – 10% of the 100-seat chamber – and five seats in the Senate. Population growth in NKY’s core counties of Boone, Campbell and Kenton is one reason for the change. Another is something called partisan redistricting. Kentucky lawmakers are required under the state constitution to redraw all 138 state legislative districts and U.S. congressional district boundaries every 10 years “as nearly equal in population as may be without dividing any county, except where a county may include more than one district” based on census data. Unlike constitutions in several other states (including Ohio), though, Kentucky courts
have ruled its constitution doesn’t outright ban partisan gerrymandering – or drawing districts in a way that benefits one party over another party. With GOP supermajorities in both the Kentucky House and Senate since 2016, Republicans control the redistricting process in the commonwealth – including in Northern Kentucky. They redrew the region’s lines in 2022 by tightening the bounds of some district lines while expanding others. Moving across the border into all three core NKY counties was House District 78, which now includes all of Pendleton County, southwest Campbell County and parts of southern Kenton County. Over in the Senate, District 20 – which under the 2013 map included all of Carroll, Henry, Shelby and Trimble counties and the eastern edge of Jefferson County – now includes historically blue (or Democratic) Franklin County, southern Boone County and part of western Kenton County plus all of Carroll, Gallatin and Owen counties. Sen.
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Senate Majority Floor Leader Damon Thayer (R-Georgetown) speaks on a bill. Photo by LRC Public Information
When world events turn local, what’s a city’s role? By Nathan Granger
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uhammad Ahmad approached the lectern at a March meeting of the Covington City Commission to speak.
“I’ve accepted that you don’t care about human life that is Palestinian,” Ahmad said, addressing Mayor Joe Meyer, “and I question whether you care about any life, for that matter, because you are a moral failure because Palestinians –” Meyer banged his gavel before Ahmad could finish; supporters of Ahmad in the audience clapped. Ahmad raised his hand, seemingly trying to calm them.
Protesters hold signs at the Dec. 6 Covington Commission meeting. Photo by Nathan Granger
“Personal attacks are inappropriate and out of order,” Meyer said. “No more personal attacks.”
“Cowardice!” someone from the audience shouted. The exchange was a culmination of a monthslong attempt by Ahmad and others to get the commission to support a resolution calling for a ceasefire in the Gaza Strip. Various forms of ceasefire resolutions have been passed in about 70 cities across the United States as of January. In early March, Cincinnati’s City Council passed a resolution supporting a temporary ceasefire, but only after much debate between council members and the public. Covington, on the other hand, has not taken up a resolution, and events from that March 26 meeting suggest that it’s unlikely to happen, at least not in the form proposed by Ahmad and his supporters. The situation in Israel and Gaza elicits strong Continues on page 5
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