1 W. D. S. Pennington Outline for “On Nietzsche’s Concept of Rhetoric” If a theorist like Plato is concerned with establishing a positive relation between philosophical knowledge and political power, Nietzsche flips this question on its head, arguing instead that philosophical knowledge is always and already a form of political power. Or, in other words, to split between philosophy and rhetoric, to force a conceptual wedge between these phenomena, is itself an act of power. Unpacking Nietzsche’s analysis of slave morality, and in particular of Socrates, makes this clear. Nietzsche’s critique of Hegel’s historicism leads him to argue that the “peak” of human civilization is not the culmination of history in his contemporary era, but the early age of Greece.1 It was in pre-Socratic Greek philosophy, and tragedy especially, that Nietzsche found the affirmative elements of man’s suffering that would come to characterize much of his later philosophy. For Nietzsche, the health of a culture may be measured by how well that culture maximizes the outputs and channels of human creativity and strength2; it is this instinctual and life affirming capacity that Nietzsche appreciates in Greek culture, and he comes to call this attitude toward reality as the “master morality.” According to Nietzsche, however, Socrates’ intervention into the 5 th century Athenian polis signaled the decline of Greek culture and introduces “slave morality” into the world. In contrast to the vigorous and strenuous (if not intellectually bereft) life of the master, the slave is weak, unable to participate as the master’s equal and thus not privy to the instincts and commands of his greater counterparts. The slave’s weakness incites the passions, and the slave come s to resent the master morality. This form of “vengefulness,” what Nietzsche terms ressentiment (or “a desire to deaden pain by means of affects”), is precisely the Socratic ethic: rather than engaging with the world in positive and creative ways, ressentiment is a reactive and principally negative morality. (Gen. 127) Because the slave cannot compete with the master in the “real” world, the slave’s ressentiment leads to the creation of an abstract intellectual realm whereby “morality” is invented as the “transvaluation of all values.” (Gen. 36) By positing this realm, the slave can come to judge the actions of the master morality through an invented ethical frame, transferring power from the brutish capacities of the strong to the intellectual judgments of the weak. It is due to Socrates’ lack of master capacities that he is forced to rather “turn reason into a tyrant,” imbuing reason with a power that was previously missing. (Twi. 478) He thus crippled the master morality irredeemably. Socrates, in separating reason from rhetoric, was actually providing the world with a radically new morality—one that conceals its own origins in what Nietzsche will call the “will to power,” defined as a descriptive condition of reality where overcoming, struggle, triumph and strength are the principle grounds of man’s existence.3 1 “For what they [the pre-Socratics] invented was the archetypes of philosophic thought. All posterity has not made an essential contribution to them since.” Nietzsche, Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks, p. 31 2 I take this definition from Nietzsche’s early engagement with David Strauss. See Nietzsche, “David Strauss, the Confessor and the Writer” 3 “The criterion of truth resides in the enhancement of the feeling of power.” Nietzsche, The Will to Power, p. 290