BA Thesis - Up from Below

UP

BE LLOW FROM

How participatory methods can introduce a gender perspective in the planning of developed countries

LARISSA BRAGA

Cover image: Author’s intervention on unknown photographer of a sidewalk in France. Part of womenability’s photgraphy Archive.

Title reference to the bottom-up urban theory, meaning that a city’s planning is led by its current and future residents to create convenient, equitable, healthful, efficient and attractive environments (Harris, n/a).

Word count: 8762 Keyworkds: cities / gender mainstreaming / urban design / inclusive / public space Winter 2017-2018 Kent School of Architecture, Canterbury, UK

ABSTRACT

From the conception of urban planning, until recent years, the presence of women in public spaces 1 has been somewhat neglected. From circulation patterns to land zoning, the design of First World cities has pushed women further away from spatial equality. As women have been gaining a higher position in the labour market, new habits and needs have emerged; yet, no vast restructuring of urban policies has followed. Planners have yet to recognise how participatory urban planning has a substantial positive impact on female wellbeing and safety by giving all women a way in larger public discussions. This dissertation aims to point out current female struggles within developed countries and discuss how and why their perspective should be included on the organisation of cities and policy proposals, in both theory and practice, based on existing literature and policies in an attempt to find solutions to tackle these critical issues.

Urban spaces are public open spaces within cities dedicated to parks, playgrounds and green area. Also includes sidewalks, paths and public transport areas, such as stations and bypasses (Cambridge Press 1985).

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cont

1 2 3 introduction

what is wrong?

is anyone working on it?

CIRCULATION MOBILITY

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SAFETY

& COMFORT COMMUNICATION PARTICIPATION

LITERATURE

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DEBATES CONFERENCES

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4 has anyone done anything?

VIENNA AUSTRIA

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- BARCELONA CATALUNYA

ents

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6

what can be done?

NGO’S INSTITUTIONS

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PLANNERS

& ARCHITECTS CITIZENS URBAN USERS

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conclusion

7 bibliography

INTRODUCTION

This paper debates women’s use and presence in urban spaces within developed countries in the last century. The first section deals with the issue of non-inclusive urban planning and explores the reasons cities are unilateral spaces. A brief second section presents several works on the topic, including existing literature and debates held by global organisations. The third section analyses two case studies of First World1 cities re-designed to accommodate gender needs. Finally, in the fourth section, design solutions are raised for debate.

Objectively, this research paper will attempt to: • raise the debate on how women use urban spaces • acknowledge previous works on the topic • find solutions and explore the many possibilities that one can feel included and part of a greater community, encouraging others to participate From doing so, cities can no longer have the responsibility of being a mechanism of gender segregation, but instead, can become an inclusive and participative environments.

First World or developed countries are terms which differentiate nations according to their economic structure. Such countries main source of wealth is the service sector, developing countries are those in the process of industrialisation and underdeveloped based mainly in agriculture (Cambridge Press 1985).

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what is wrong?

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The idea that the territory has been designed and re-shaped according to economic, social and political demands is the basis of urbanism. To exemplify, the simple theorisation of urban planning was a consequence of the social conditions in the 19th-century post-industrial revolution in Europe.

Urban planning, therefore, came to be a response to populational needs and interest. As cities grow, economies develop, lifestyles and social interactions change, meaning new approaches are needed. Hence the popularisation of the car, which demanded particular routes and reshaped the way people inhabit the streets.

Following the definition of urban planning, public spaces were once defined as “participatory landscapes� and ever-changing spaces for the inclusion of different uses and users (Garcia-Ramon, Ortiz and Prats 2004).

However, cityscapes have not all been re-configured and re-adapted to accommodate all new lifestyles of the global world. In fact, planners seem mainly to consider the changes of a particular type of user, who have thought of upper-class heterosexual Caucasian men as being the universal man.

Different genders, races, sexual orientations are not seen represented in that group, even though the idea of universality does include them. As a result, women face daily limitations when using public space regarding safety, comfort, mobility, communication and participation. It, therefore, seems essential to investigate further the ways women use and inhabit public spaces.

A women’s-liberation parade on Fifth Avenue, in New York, in August, 1971

Circulation and Mobility Anyone’s relationship with the household is directly associated with their pattern of movement. In a situation where income, education and skill level is equally given to both genders, responsibilities regarding family and the household should be equally identical. Therefore, it would be expected for men and women to show similar behaviours when commuting, as a result of shared domestic duties (White 1986).

However, differences between sexes in the pattern of urban commuting are pronounced. According to the 2015 UK National Travel Survey, on average each woman makes 941 trips per year, compared to 886 of men. The numbers reflect differences in the type of trips made, as women with other working partners or caring for children or the elderly are more likely to work part-time, therefore commuting during off-peak hours. In consequence, their wages are lower than those of full-time workers, possibly limiting their purchasing power and housing options (Madden 1981). The presence of young children also influences the number of trips as it increases mother’s journeys by 26 percent (White 1986). That is directly related to the pattern of trip chain often identified in women’s behaviour, who tend to carry out additional trips related to household responsibilities. Those include market runs, doctor’s appointments for the children, school drop-offs and extracurricular activities (See Figure 1). The responsibility of both domestic duties and paid work can be quite daunting when mass transit 1 is scheduled for rational, pre-planned commutes such as work, rather than constant multitasking (Sandercock and Forsyth 2007).

2 Average number of trips (trip rates) by age, gender and purpose in England between 2011 and 2015

Mass transit is the transportation of people by means of buses, trains, or other vehicles running on fixed routes (Collins English Dictionary 1979).

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It is easy to picture this scenario when looking at American cities such as San Francisco and Boston that were split by freeways after World War II. Such initiative forced not only urban life to revolve around the car but also to formal circulation patterns (Vox 2016). Trip chain activities easily done by foot or cycling had to then comply with the highway’s scheduled traffic.

On the other hand, the arrival of freeways and modern technology employed in public transport increased commuter’s workplace reach. The 2011 Census on Commuting patterns in London registered 790,000 workers commuting daily into London from the rest of England and Wales. Those travelled over 30 miles one way into work. As a result, areas surrounding the city, such as Surrey and Essex (See Table 1) became “pitstops”.

Workers running away from high property values turned to the neighbouring counties as a solution to their commuting patterns and became dormitory cities. The term, however, is generalised since the idea of the dormitory is only applied to those who commute. According to the 2015 British national census of those commuters, men are the ones travelling on average 20 percent further.

The already existing spatial division from the Victorian era, with its “masculine cities and feminine suburbs”, became increasingly more visible as the idea of bedroom communities spread (Sandercock and Forsyth 2007).

3 Number and percentage of people living outside London working in the City of London by county and unitary authority, 2011

Safety and Comfort Another aspect associated with public circulation is the feeling of safety. As reported in the British crime survey 2014, fear of crime in public transport is a concern of all, and it is proportional to the time of travel. The public’s perception of crime at nighttime was mostly a female concern, while men were mostly worried about property theft. Such results disparities makes one question the reasons women are more fearful of public spaces after working hours than men. However, given the struggle to objectify feelings, female’s concerns are somewhat blurred. Survey results can also present biased results since the majority of respondents claiming to be fearful of going out at night are the ones who go out most often (Condon, Lieber e Maillochon 2007/5). Another constraint to understanding the reasons for women’s fear is the possible misconnection of night with dark. A study in the city of Helsinki reported that Finnish women did not alter their behaviour to comply with different daylight times in winter and summer. In fact, they complied with working hours, reporting to fear the social nature of the night: It must be noted, however, that night is a social construction. Particularly in the North, it is not the amount of light that makes people cautious but the social nature of the night. In Helsinki, for example, summer nights are just slightly dusky, whereas during the winter darkness falls in the afternoon. Nevertheless, summer and winter nights are perceived to be equally dangerous. What makes people cautious is ‘the social night’: what is going on, how people behave, and how women expect and have experienced men to behave (Koskella 1999)

Mass transit is the transportation of people by means of buses, trains, or other vehicles running on fixed routes (Collins English Dictionary 1979).

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It is most likely for women to adjust their behaviour to avoid exposure to risk. Surveys carried out in the UK have reported that 67 percent of women are afraid of going out at night alone and avoid using public transport or car parks during those times (Trench, Oc and Tiesdell 1992). Women’s behavioural changes can vary from seeking for alternative routes to determining ‘nogo areas’, such as degraded buildings, poorly-lit areas and quiet neighbourhoods (Koskella 1999). In Bradford, results showed that 59 percent of women avoided using any form of public transport at night and in Nottingham, 45 percent of women reported feeling ‘unsafe’ or ‘fairly unsafe’ when in the city centre.

Several studies carried out between the 1980s and 90s attempted to find the origin of these feelings. Researchers found that most women have either experienced themselves or know of other women who have experienced harassment of some sort (Valentine 1989). Cases of sexual harassment are also often exposed by the media and also reinforced by family or friends, adding to the sense of fear in public spaces (Condon, Lieber and Maillochon 2007/5). Given that informal education influences women’s behaviour a great deal, issues in communication and participation might emerge from patriarchal upbringings.

Communication and Participa tion There is evidence of communication inequalities between men and women when trying to involve large communities in participatory planning. That is to do with the upbringing of many women, continually being discouraged to speak openly about their own needs. There are significant studies on how through language women experience the world differently from men and each other, a result of the lack of equal formal education given to them (Belenkly, et al.

1986). Many planners have reported challenging experiences at neighbourhood consultations when trying to motivate all participants to equally take part, especially women being repetitively interrupted, who are led to believe they had nothing to contribute to the discussion. That led to little to no actual female participation in the debate and decision relating to ideas implemented by the planners. In practice, the current model of participatory planning has failed to give voice to women, hence the need for a theory in order to address consultations with more fitting styles of communication (Sandercock and Forsyth 2007).

Having that in mind, planners attempted to reverse the situation and analyse under what circumstances women felt the most comfortable opening up. Facing large groups, discussing topics in formal debates made them insecure about their knowledge and held them back from sharing. The idea of splitting the participants into small groups and introducing a more informal and personal discussion showed that women took the chance for storytelling, describing their daily struggles in a simpler, ordinary way. As a result, women started encouraging one another to speak up, realising they

held the most knowledge about the real situation of the small urban space, exposing issues such as isolation of the residential areas from the circulation pattern, public transport and general infrastructure (Sarkissian 1990).

In 2011, the UK government launched a public consultation programme named Strengthening Women’s Voices in Government: transforming the way the Government engages and listens to women in the United Kingdom.

The project aimed at directly engaging women with the government to identify issues important to women.

The programme opened different ways for women to engage in consultations, an online platform for constant communication, mail services and face-to-face meetings and events. The participants highly praised the new approaches for engagement, which allowed them to continuously interact with the governement. The results of a public survey showed women also requested for the programme to link their platform to more popular websites such as BBC, Facebook and Mumsnet to extend the platform’s reach (UK Government Equalities Office, 2011).

According to the 2014 UK Census, from 2 million lone parents recorded 91% were women, with only 9% being men. Lone parenting represented 25% of families in the country, meaning that a quarter of them was led by women (Knipe 2015). Female spatial presence is more than present; yet, their participation in public decisions is not seen. Public consultations with an emphasis on female participation are vital for the engagement of women in public decisions to better attend their needs.

Is anyone working on it?

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As the matter of gender inclusive cities has gained power in the last century, governments were made aware of the lack of the part women have in the design of their communities. Literature emerged from the topic, with authors such as Jane Jacobs and Dolores Hayden enquiring about the reasons cities further segregate, while reaching out for design solutions.

Since gender issues have been pointed out by the United Nations in the 1980s, a series of plans, documents, policies and conferences came to life.

Other institutions in partnership with public offices based their work on the global research completed by the UN on gender awareness.

The conversation has also taken part in conferences all over the world, basing their discussions on those same authors and documents. To mention a few, the Syndicate of architects of Sao Paulo, Brazil, the Dutch women movement’s campaign against clustered de-concentration and their incorporation of social safety into city planning in the Netherlands and the Women’s planning initiatives in Canada are some of the ongoing debates.

Jane Jacobs in an archival image in the 2017 documentary “Citizen Jane: Battle for the City.”

Literature In order to understand the current system of cities studies must be drawn to the activist author Jane Jacobs. Jacobs gets involved with planning in the context of 1930’s great depression in the United States when streetscape of cities such as New York started to change. Quickly slums build up, and streets flooded with people, crime, dirt and pollution. Planners, deeply influenced by the modernist city layout suggested by Le Corbusier, for instance, started to plan urban renewal projects throughout the city. The idea of pinpointing the cancerous areas of the city to be carved out to provide a clean slate for modernist highrises were ideas expressively embodied by Robert Moses and other public officials. When such renewal projects started to be built, social housing schemes and lower-income neighbourhood were torn apart and re-allocated to peripheral areas of the city. Rows of block towers were put up surrounded by empty open spaces claimed to serve as recreational spaces (see Figure 3). But in fact, the architecture and location of such buildings further isolated its population. Dead ends, deserted streets and sidewalks put a strain on public safety (Donofrio, et al. 2017).

5 Pruitt-Igoe Public Housing, St. Louis, Missouri, 1955

Jane Jacobs denounced the failure of these renewal projects and pined it on official’s lack of understanding of populational needs and civic participation. In her book “The Death and Life of Great American Cities” Jacobs invites us to take a closer look at the cities makeup by looking at basic social interactions happening at street level. By analysing sub-economies within the urban fabric, it’s clear to under-

stand its influence in shaping neighbourhoods, patterns of movement and visual orders. Jacobs helps us understand that before large economies and work spheres shape areas, public spaces are the city’s building blocks (Sassen 2016).

Not long after the book was published, many of these housing schemes were abandoned and given their degraded states, ordered to be demolished (see Figure 4). The disregard for smaller urban scales was the main reason for the project’s failure. Similarly, Robert Moses’s attempt on mobility was flawed. Projects such as the Lower Manhattan Expressway (see Figure 5) proposed for highways to cut through city centres in complete disregard for public transit. Not only it reduced overall mobility as it saturated public transport and roads, as it also isolated whole neighbourhoods (Vox 2016). Jacobs and other activists were successful at stopping the construction of the Manhattan Expressway in New York and the Spadina Expressway in Toronto. Alongside protests and public council meetings, Jane Jacobs published a series of articles on public journals which helped build a stronger argument for the movement. Following her first book, she published other seven books on the thematic of fair shared cities. Even though her literature was not explicitly feminist nor intended for women, Jacob’s perspective based on personal experiences was already gendered and so were her solutions.

Dolores Hayden, however, is a feminist urban planner and writer of “Redesigning the American dream: Gender, Housing, and Family Life” and “The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighbourhoods, and Cities”. In her books, Hayden analyses suburban areas and defends the idea that their design constraints women physically, economically and socially. Focused mainly on housing, she questions the use of land in delimiting public and private spaces and its effects on social relations.

Hayden explains the roots of American suburbs land use lie under the land reform laws from the late 19th century.

As a reaction to militant strikes and riots denouncing

6 April 1972. The second, widely televised demolition of a Pruitt-Igoe building that followed the March 16 demolition

poor housing conditions faced by the mass immigration into the country, employers searching for industrial order reconsidered intervening in the current slum conditions.

Under the slogan “Good homes make content workers” the Industrial Housing Associates in 1919 helped large corporations plan housing schemes to eliminate existing industrial conflict. The idea of the scheme was to hand out “family wages” to men to “own” homes and women to “manage” it. There lies the seed of the commonly known American Dream 1. These newly created residential zones were placed far away from the existing infrastructure of the chaotic industrial city. Here, Hayden concisely describes the system as “a spur for male paid labour and a container for female unpaid labour”. Slowly, women saw themselves trapped in an environment physically removed from any shared community spaces or infrastructure. Houses were also seen as containing as there was a strict definition of what areas were private and public In practice, suburban plots were privately owned and delimited in some way (see Figure 6), stablishing two types of spaces, the openly public and strictly private space. Attempting to break the division of public and private, Hayden proposes a revitalisation of the suburban block division, incorporating communal areas to act as semi-private and semi-public spaces (see Figure 7). The idea was to supply the neighbourhoods with infrastructure and attend the demand of the residents, reintroducing them into the public social life.

The idea of the program she calls HOMES 2 (see Figure 8) stems from models of collective housings in Europe.

Such program of shared caring and household facilities was first introduced in Copenhagen in 1903 by Otto Fick. Later, many projects were influenced by schemes in Sweden, such as the works of Alva Myrdal, Sven Ivar Lind and Sven Markelius. All schemes encouraged social life providing alternatives to domestic duties such 7 Suburban neighbourhoods, block plan

1 Were a worker would return home after a long working day into a home,

far away from the chaotic and polluted industrial centre, into a peaceful house where the idea of stability was duty of the wife. From that picture it is clear to see the already existing division of labour within a family’s life. Boosted by other capitalist corporations, the American Dream developed into a more consumption demanding activity, forcing women to join the labour market as well to allow them to consume more (Hayden 1980).

2 Homemakers Organisation for a More Egalitarian Society

as child care, cooking and laundry. In the 1920s similar projects were implemented in USSR with the same ideal of replacing female’s unpaid work by offering additional services either privately or subsidised by the state.

Both works continue to be highly praised and used by urban planners. Some examples of policies and projects based on their literature will be given further along.

8 Proposed HOMES revitalisation, same suburban block with new common spaces and facilities

9 Sven Ivar Lind, Marieberg collective house, Stockholm, Sweden, 1944. Plan of Housing showing restaurant facilities (6-9), day nursery (10-11) and bycicle garage (13)

Debates and Conferences The subject of gender-sensitive urban design has not only been present in theory but has also been translated into practice. The UN-Habitat Programme, responsible for human settlement and sustainable urban development, has been addressing female empowerment within cities since the mid-1980s. The term “gender mainstreaming” was adopted during the Nairobi Conference of 1985 to name future policies that considered the situation of both genders and attempted to change policy and strategic frameworks to achieve gender equality. Shortly after, a set of local consultations were run as a quick response to the issue. Only in 1991, the Gender Equality Unit was established to attend gender needs across the programme. Nowadays, the UN-Habitat has mainstreamed gender equality through operational and normative work ran by the programme at local levels. At fieldwork level, the agency uses public consultations to promote the inclusion of women in the participation of the community’s life.

UN-Habitat has held a series of conferences to assess the reach of the Gender Equality Unit programmes. In 2008, a set of booklets called Gender in Local Governments: A Sourcebook for Trainers were issued by UN-Habitat as guidelines for nation’s offices to improve the instalment of the programmes and staff training. As another information source, in 2012 the report of the Gender and Urban Planning: Issues and Trends meeting elucidates the importance of gender in urban planning, states the background scenario that led to the current situation and exposes solutions and innovations from acting countries.

A similar report named the State of Women in Cities 2012-13: Gender and the prosperity of cities was issued exposing analysed data collected from countries on mobility, housing and infrastructure. The report also brings to light active policies implemented in developed countries to be adapted and introduced in areas of economic deficit. The UN office continues to release materials and data contributing in a reliable source of information for NGO’s and other institutions to rely on for research and further study. Based on these documents, other independent offices were able to hold conferences and public debates, bringing visibility to the project.

Gender in Action 1 , Women in Cities International and Metropolis Women are examples of forums created in the mid-2000s that receives public policy and civil society leaders, academics and professionals for conferences and debates to promote women’s active participation in decision-making in metropolises and to motivate members to commit to gender equality. Examples of some of their work are all four International Conferences for Women Safety held by Women in Cities, with a series of seminars led by experts in the area and workshops to engage members in the topic.

Conferences, forums and debates are ways for organisations to gain new insight, share findings and compare information regarding gender mainstreaming, as well as disseminating the topic. They range in scale from large conferences held for country leaders to smaller ones, intended for anyone interested in gender equality in cities.

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Translated from French Genre in action

Has anyone done anything?

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There are some cases of city councils which pioneered the implementation of the gender perspective in policies for urban planning. Some solution ideas were not considered very successful at tackling the issue of urban disparity. An example would be the underground with women-only passenger wagons implemented in many cities of high sexual harassment rate, such as Tokyo and Rio. Such initiatives not only promote gender segregation, but it also neutralises violence and encourages victim blaming (Ferreira and Silva 2017). On the other hand, Seoul in South Korea is known for adopting policies in benefit of gender equality and therefore, is considered one of the friendliest city for women; Canberra in Australia also included a different perspective when surveying its population on the use of public transport and took measurement based on those results; Berlin in Germany includes participatory planning for more than ten years, to better investigate social demands and act from those (Chestnut, et al. 2011).

In 2010, the EU member states adopted the EU Plan of Action on Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment to be fully implemented by all member until 2015. The plan defined gender-sensitive guidelines for public policies on urban renewal projects in Europe. However, Vienna, Austria and Barcelona, Catalunya were cities that adopted gender mainstreaming in urban policies long before committing to the EU Plan of Action. These case studies will be further analysed in this paper.

Eva Kail at a exploratory walk holding Vienna’s Manual for Gender Mainstreaming in Urban Planning and Urban Development, 2015

Vienna-Austria

Viennese urban planners have been working on integrating gender mainstreaming into housing, parks and public transport for over two decades now. Awareness to mainstreaming in Austria first got off the ground at the 1991 photography exhibition “Who Owns Public Space? Women’s Everyday Life in the City” organised by Eva Kail and the Viennese planning department. Participants were asked to describe their daily experiences in mobility, housing situation and areas of the city which they liked and feared. Kail’s pioneer activism explicitly revealed gender needs, demanding change at all levels of governance. Her action resulted a year later in the formation of The Women’s Office of the City of Vienna, focused primarily on planning, with young Eva Kail as the Chief Executive Officer. In 1998, she headed the setup of a Coordination Office to work across 12 planning and traffic departments on gender-sensitive designs. From then onwards, a series of projects were implemented throughout the city, following the strict methodology of data collection and analysis. The aim was to understand better how, when and by whom urban spaces were used to start then to define the needs and interests of users. The in-depth analysis and research was key to the success of the subsequent pilot projects. No wonder over 60 of them were implemented through the length of 25 years, granting Vienna the position of the European fairest shared city.

The Office’s first-born project aimed at employing gender mainstreaming ideas into housing schemes. Having in mind that two-thirds of Viennese citizens live in municipal or publicly subsidised housing (Schantl, Helige and Stranz n.d.),

introducing a model for gender-sensitive housing was vital to establish essential parameters for future projects.

Designed by and for women, Frauen-Werk-Stadt 1 I first opened its doors in 1997. According to the Co-ordination Office for Planning and Construction manual: The key objective [of Frauen-Werk Stadt I] lay in supporting women in their caregiving tasks, housework and family chores. Good-neighbourly contacts were to be stimulated, and the housing environment was to be made attractive and safe (Bauer, Ursula; Breitfuss, Andrea; Damyanovic; et al. 2013).

Following the success of the first housing proposal, two other schemes were built in 2004, the Frauen-WerkStadt II, and in 2009, the Housing Project ro*sa.

Despite differences in design parameters, developers and ownership, all three schemes pursued similar goals to 2 :

• Facilitate housework and family tasks

• Offer a good range of social infrastructure facilities

• Promote the work of women planners

• Offer a range of private and semi-public open spaces

• Build economic and flexible flat layouts offering options for women with lower incomes

• Create a safe housing environment for residents to move after nightfall

11 Site plan of Frauen-Werk-Stadt I

The plan of all three developments also had in common the car-free courtyard spaces around the block of flats, offering underground parking to free the street level for other activities. The courtyards also serve as semi-public spaces for playgrounds and small squares for the immediate neighbours and residents. A few regulations were later determined based on the design of the courtyard spaces, such as the distance from the main windows and public route to the play area (Bauer, Ursula; Breitfuss, Andrea; Damyanovic; et al. 2013). To further ensure a safe environment, all playgrounds were to be

1 2 Translated into English as Women-Work-City

In accordance to the Manual for Gender Mainstreaming in Urban Planning and Urban Development produced by the City of Vienna, 2013

12 Site plan of Frauen-Werk-Stadt II

within sight and earshot of all flats (cf. Vienna Playground Ordinance). Such details not only built a multigenerational leisure space for families but also allowed mothers to have a better dynamic within their own houses, not forcing them to travel too far seeking leisure for their children.

13 Diagram representing the “eyes of the street” by Steven Reiman

Following up the successful implementation of the courtyard layouts within the housing schemes, The Women’s Office began to introduce a gender-sensitive approach to the drawings of Vienna’s public parks and playgrounds.

Employing the same methodology, a socio-scientific survey was carried out in public parks to find out more about their users. Officials noticed a discrepancy in the number of girls and boys using public playgrounds by the time they reached the age of nine. From then on, the number of girls dropped drastically compared to those of boys. Comparing the results against the existing drawing of parks and squares, planners decided to reverse the trend by redesigning the spaces. In 1997 the project “Foul Play with Opportunities? – Girls into Public Space!” selected two parks in the 5th district to gain new spaces to accommodate activities for all age groups. Volleyball and Badminton were sports pointed out as preferred by girls, so courts were added along with landscape features and well-lit footpaths to better define spaces and include all without prioritising any age group (Foran 2013). By 2000, six other parks were transformed, 4 with the active participation of girls in the say of what their needs and interest were. Since 2007, these gender-sensitive transformations are included in Vienna’s guidelines for park design, now also with policies for the elderly, promoting exercise and social interaction in public spaces. Following-up, three other projects in public parks were finalised, confirming the positive impact of the renewal.

In questions of mobility and streetscape, The Women’s Office also proposed a gender perspective. Based on the work of Jane Jacobs, Vienna’s Municipality considered concepts like street inhabitancy, making use of the ground floor level for social interactions and active public use; clear delimitation of public and private, with intermediate semi spaces; and “eyes on the street”, idea of turning all building openings into the street to avoid street canyons (see Figure x) (Bauer, Ursula; Breitfuss, Andrea; Damyanovic; et al.

2013). Not to mention the barrier-free idea that considers

14 Vienna’s Municipality regulations on sidewalk dimensions

those with reduced mobility and with family or caregiving tasks (accompanying those with limited mobility, pushing prams, carrying shopping bags, etc.) (see Figure x).

In 2003, the pilot district of Mariahilf received a number of interventions. As a result: Between 2003 and 2005, 1,000 metres of pavement have been widened, 40 street crossings and 5 barrier-free pavements have been created, 26 lighting projects and one lift in public space have been installed and 2 minor square designs and additional seating in 9 different locations have been realized (Kail 2014).

So far, 5 other urban developments have been selected as pilot projects for gender mainstreaming mobility.

The city’s efforts in public administration have been internationally recognised. The council’s policies have been included in the registry of best practices at improving the living environment during the 2008 UN-Habitat Annual Meeting and the redesign of public parks and playgrounds project has been nominated for the UN Public Service Award. The city’s policies became a reference to other municipal offices as an example of good initiatives towards gender mainstreaming.

15 Site map of the Mariahilf district after urban interventions

Barcelona-Catalunya Barcelona’s urban renewal projects were only given the gender mainstreaming denomination after the creation of the Barcelona’s Women’s Council 1 in 1994. Not late after, the First Women’s Congress in Barcelona 2 was assembled.

The meeting generated the Women’s Municipal Action Programme which aimed firstly at: Daily life, Violence towards women and Female perspective in municipal policies. The programme was implemented between 2001 and 2004, with the installment of 11 municipal service offices for civic use, positioned throughout the city. Commonly known as PIADs 3 (Information Points and Attention to Women), they facilitate female access to different city resources in terms of culture, education, labour and mental health. Acting at individual and group levels, the programme hosts workshops and training courses to support the inclusion of women in the labour market, also encouraging them to act at local levels. Such actions relocate skilled workforce to smaller scales of the city. As a result, peripheral areas became more self-sustained, reducing the need for daily commuting.

The centres also host celebration parties for days such as International Women’s Day and International Day for the eradication of violence against women. These help women feel included in a greater community, also enhancing their sense of pride and belonging to their neighbourhoods.

Following the success of the PIADs, the Women’s Council implemented a plan of action to introduce a gender-sensitive approach to municipal projects. From 2005 to 2009,

1 2 Translated from Catalan Consell de Dones de Barcelona

Translated from Catalan I Congrés de les Dones de Barcelona: la cuitat que les dones volem 3 Translated from Catalan Punts d’Informació i Atenció a les Dones

the Municipal Women’s Plan 1 became a set of formal guidelines to be included in all urban projects executed by the City Council. Nowadays, all projects must include gender-sensitive approaches to their design, regarding sidewalk dimensions, the design of public spaces, land use and ownership. The document guidelines are based on works of urban planners such as Jan Gehl and Jane Jacobs, not to mention the study of already existing public policies implemented cities like Berlin and Vienna.

The writing of the document was also accompanied by the layout of a strict methodology. Public surveys, data collection and census analysis are tools used by the council to better understand urban composition and adapt policies to improve the impact of the programme and guarantee its success. It is one of the reasons the Municipal Women’s Plan is the most effective action implemented by the Women’s Council, which resulted in many of the successive pilot projects to be awarded for their inclusive designs.

In 2009, the city of Barcelona held its Second Women’s Congress 2 which in turn resulted in another set of objectives for the Women’s Municipal Action Programme, now focusing in Education, Gender equality and Labour. The office’s first action after that was the installment of the Centre of information and resources for women (CIRD) 3. Following the same idea of the PIADs, these centres are intended for both private and public institutions to ensure gender equality in their running, activities, services offered and internal organisation. Placed in two points of the city, the centres attempt to monitor and evaluate projects in accordance with the inclusion plan and provide technical advice. The CIRDs have been running since 2013 in partnership with the PIADs, both administrated by the Women’s Council.

Acting at completely different scales, both programmes are key to the functioning of the council as a more immediate short-term response to gender disparities.

The most recent action of the Women’s Council in partnership with the Urban Ecology Agency of Barcelona was the creation of the Urban Mobility Plan.

16 II Women’s Congress leaflet cover

Translated from Catalan Plan Municipal per a les dones Translated from Catalan II Congrés de les Dones de Barcelona: les dones com a agents de transformació de la cuitat de Barcelona 3 Translated from Catalan per a la Igualtat i Recursos per a les Dones 1

2

Started in 2013, the Plan focuses on the idea of sustainability and aims mainly to return public spaces to people.

Acting on the iconic urban organisation of the grid system designed by Ildefons Cerdà in the 1850s (see Figure 17), the city’s structure intended to create more private and intimate spaces in the heart of its neighbourhoods, leaving the exterior of the blocks as larger circulation routes. With the arrival of cars, Barcelona rapidly became a car-dominated city and the private character of the grid was slowly lost.

The director of the Urban Ecology Agency of Barcelona, Salvador Rueda based the Mobility Plan on the idea of further dividing the grid plan by grouping blocks. Each new group of blocks is now referred to as a Superille (Superblock), intended to function as an independent neighbourhood within the neighbourhood sharing common resources and administration. The Plan intends to return these superblocks to pedestrians by creating several regulations regarding speed, use hours and public signage. The first step involves traffic management, followed by small urban renewals within the superblocks and gradual re-education of drivers and users.

The plan is to restrict traffic flow in all the streets between and among the block by pushing through traffic, bus routes and freight circulation to the perimeter of the superblock.

The inner streets are only to be used by local vehicles, traveling at very slow speeds at a maximum of 10 mph. All those smaller streets are also to work on a one-way loop (see Figure 17) so that drivers cannot use inner streets as shortcuts, reducing traffic in the area. As a result, superblocks slowly assume the character of micro villages. This idea of the urban microgrid is to be implemented in two phases (see Figure 18):

17 Road hierarcy in the new Superblock system

18 Two phase interventions in the new Superblock system

• Phase 1: Public signage reduces speed limit on all inner streets to 20 mph

• Phase 2: Curbside parking is to be removed from within the blocks and replaced by off-street garages (above or underground). The speed limit is reduced to 10 mph and new activities are encouraged to occupy the streets (Vox, 2017).

The Urban Mobility Plan also includes the creation of bicycle lanes and improvement of public transport. The superblock system is being currently implemented at several

locations throughout the city, not giving preference to any particular area. By doing that, the government declared car-free neighbourhoods a right to everyone, creating a further sense of inclusion to the whole city. When finalised, the director Salvador Rueda estimates that over 60 percent of the space currently devoted to cars is to be replaced by street life, green spaces, pedestrians and mixed-use spaces.

Altogether, the approaches since the creation of the Women’s Council successfully introduced a gender-inclusive design to all of Barcelona. Not to mention that the female presence in higher governance positions has taken a leap since the implementation of pilot projects throughout the city.

What can be done?

19

Many studies speculate about housing, land zoning and circulation patterns as urban academic studies. But, there are also different ways of approaching the subject. The simple dissemination of the gender needs to all levels of society exposes public organs faulty policies, holding them equally responsible for gender disparities. Sections of society and the government can be stimulated and slowly pressured to question their role and responsibility in the current scenario. As a result, city councils can become active on the instalment of policies considering gender needs.

Already active institutions and NGO’s are often seen as primary actors in the improvement of gender disparity in cities; however, given the topic has only emerged 30 years ago, policies still need to be adapted to improve results. A better documentation, evaluation and dissemination of good practices are key for encouraging other countries to incorporate gender perspective into their corporate plans.

Opening space for debates inside classrooms and introducing gender studies into architecture degree courses are other ways of mainstreaming the topic. The work of female urban planners should also be encouraged to students along with literature on gender, social and anthropological studies.

The design of fairer cities is not a demand made only by women, as it affects all citizens in spite social, cultural, economic or racial differences.

Therefore, it is of everyone’s interest to talk about female needs in cities and seek solutions or ways to improve and take part in existing projects. So, by running debates, organising public petitions, bringing forward depositions from cases of urban violence, holding events and awareness campaigns the subject can gain visibility and power.

Womenability’s exploratory walk in Mumbai, India, 2016

NGO’s and Institutions Public institutions are the forefront of gender mainstreaming in the organisation of public space, as they are exclusively responsible for implementation of pilot projects in terms of planning guidance, monitoring and evaluating operations (source). To ensure a project’s success, it is key to follow a predefined policy and strategic framework tailored according to social, political and cultural aspects of the acting country.

Commonly, policies associated with women’s empowerment and gender equality come hand in hand with topics of global concern, such as the environment and climate change. That uses international agreements and treaties as vehicles for mainstreaming. However, the lack of clarification of the topic’s purpose and objectives might be ambiguous to staff members or funding institutions trying to implement these projects. By spelling out the need for gender mainstreaming and what it entails, the chances policies will be considered at higher levels of governance are increased.

The establishment of a clear framework is, therefore, of extreme importance for the development of the project and its outcomes. The OECD 1 produced a document listing possible improvements for working offices to make in order to ensure the advance of gender equality and environmental sustainability in urban planning (see Figure x).

As the topic of gender-aware urban design has not yet become second nature to planning offices, guidance such as policy outlines are points of equal concern of institutions and public offices. Standing on common ground, active 20 OECD’s 7 lessons for advancing gender equality and environmental sustainability

1 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) is intergovernmental economic organisation founded in 1961 with 35 participant countries. Its main objective is to encourage policies to improve the economic and social well-being of people around the world.

nations are encouraged to dialogue in order to exchange knowledge and gain new insight into challenges and solutions to mainstreaming. However, it is frequent for NGO’s to face other similar institutions as funding competitors rather than partners. By expanding the conversation, nations not only extend their visibility but can also reach to high-end leaders with little to no knowledge of the cross-cutting theme, making them aware and encouraging them to engage in funding and other activities. Constant dialogue can also exert extra pressure on national finance ministries, as institution’s demands are globally exposed. After a three-year project with partner pilot embassies, Norwegian embassies have listed a set of factors to aid policy dialogue: commitment at all levels of management and leadership; consistent communication; support from politically engaged local investors; and trained staff feeding debate at desk and field levels (source).

At all stages of development, there is a large need for competent staff strongly engaged in all projects; therefore, a certain set of tools for an effective translation of policies into practice can set the base for a project’s successful implementation. According to reviews from the 2014 OECD publication, members have reported a leap from the programme’s idea and the work reality within offices. A basic requirement preceding any intervention is to start with screening and analysis of local conditions (e.g. surveys, user analysis, cost-benefit analysis), followed by consultations and participation activities. Environmental and risk assessments are also crucial for the running of projects, which are then monitored and evaluated upon conclusion. That ensures all documentation related to the projects to be up to date with all field work processes. In 2012, Australian authorities introduced the Australian Multilateral Assessment (AMA) which implemented scorecards to track the performance of pilot plans with gender-sensitive approaches on an annual basis. By better analysing the office’s performance, areas for improvement could be pointed out and acted on (source).

The documentation of all processes and methodology is

a strong tool for adding power and purpose to gender mainstreaming projects. Currently, the lack of systematic documentation and the difficulty in measuring outcomes constrains the validity of pilot projects. Cultural and social aspects might come in the way of data collection when women are not encouraged to publicly report their daily experiences. Office’s attempts to encourage women to give feedback by installing public women centres in neighbourhoods are effective ways of breaking the communication’s barrier. By evidencing the impact of pilot plans, learning can be disseminated across high education institutions and organisations. The current constraint is the difficulty to obtain such documents, as most of them are limited to private access. Data collection and publication should be mandatory requirements for institutions to be issued in annual reports.

Planners and Architects The discussion of gender and urban planning even if very present in the academia, makes a shy appearance in high-education, as teachers are still not actively discussing the positioning of women within the urban fabric. A few notable institutions taking part in discussions, such as Smith College in Northampton, Massachusetts include gender studies in their architectural studies. Students at Smith College enrolled in Landscape studies have modules such as Power, Place, Politics, and People: The Contested Urban Landscape; Bitter Homes and Gardens: Domestic Space and Domestic Discord in Three Modern Women Novelists; and Studio: Design for Social Sustainability: Our Place in the Public Realm. All subjects approach space in relation to its users, similar to the urban studies program offered by The American University of Paris which includes anthropology and philosophy in their curriculum. This theoretical approach to the design of space hopes to encourage students to seek solutions always having in mind gender, culture, social and economic differences. Universities offering courses in architecture and space design should base their curriculums in modules like the ones mentioned above, mainstreaming gender into studies of future architects, urban planners and designers. Mentors and teachers have the duty to expose students to literature and organisations involved in social inclusion.

Citizens and urban users Gender equality is a shared concern and therefore should be in everyone’s best interest to play a part in the changes we want to see. The platform Wikigender is a global online collaborative platform which provides a centralised space for the gathering of knowledge on the subject of gender equality in cities. Not restricted to the Academia, the platform links policymakers and experts with students and anyone enthusiastic about gender equality issues. Available in both English and French, the website aims to expand the discussion by engaging people with top-rank specialists and first-hand case studies. Wikigender offers articles on all topics involving gender equality, open space for discussions and debates online, and hosts small conferences available online. Not to mention The Wikigender University Programme in partnership with enrolled universities to invite students to take part in discussions, write on specific topics and generally improve the platform’s content. Enrolled Universities also give visibility to the website’s contents to students and scholars as an opening for exchange.

Another project with a very accessible platform open for public participation is Womenability. The project aims at reducing gender inequality and female’s exclusion by conducting exploratory walks through the world identifying good practices and exposing different issues women face daily. The idea of the walks is to hand out short questionnaires as a sort of “flash urban consultation”, to gather first-hand information on women’s experience in cities.

All findings are shared online in a series of short videos of interviews, findings and testimonials. Walks can be given by anyone interested in taking a two-day training to

understand the main goals of the institution and better conduct the city’s exploration. By taking part, the participant improves the visibility of the project and raises awareness to the topic, also aiding in the expansion of the programme’s studies, gathering extra data for analysis and making further connections with NGO’s or any good practices mentioned by citizens.

The platform also shares examples of best practices worldwide, run by civic initiative. An example of civic creativity is Jiyo Hong, a male college student from Seoul, South Korea who designed stickers to be installed on the floor of public transport vehicles to bring awareness to manspreading 1 . Another case is the movement started in India by Neha Singh, a young woman who after reading the book Why Loiter? Women and risk on Mumbai streets 2 decided to empower women in public spaces. The movement on social media gathered women after nightfall to walk in the city of Mumbai, as an act of resistance and empowerment 3. All walks were recorded and posted online to encourage other women to go out and reclaim their public space at all times of the day. Both initiatives were born from issues many times neglected by public organs; however, by protesting or making a stand, users can give women visibility and reach out for permanent solutions.

21 Jiyo Hong sticker design installed inside underground wagons in Seoul, South Korea, 2016

Different studies on urban planning and gender were analysed to create a quick theoretical background for anyone interested in gender and space studies to better form arguments and opinions, which might feed future debates.

22 Right to Loiter movement poster in Mumbai, India, 2016

The act of spreading your legs in public spaces (source).

By Shilpa Phadke.

3 In Mumbai, women are not encouraged to walk unaccompanied after working hours due to high rates of crime and sexual assault..

1

2

Conlusion This research paper intended to expose the different ways which men and women inhabit the city. By showcasing data on mobility, safety and participation, issues faced by women in First World cities were put in evidence. This paper also exposed existing literature and people working on solutions for minority’s issues and helping them to claim their rights, by reaching out to public organs, generating discussions and proposing solutions. Mentioning examples of pilot cities is also an attempt to evidence the impact of a gender perspective in the design of urban spaces, as it has a direct effect on the well-being and safety of women, children and the elderly. At last, suggestions are given to acting institutions, urban planners, academics, men and women to improve their involvement in the topic, in the attempt of building a fair shared world.

During the making of this paper, questions regarding the documentation of existing projects have emerged. The lack of evidence of social changes reduces the power of the movement as such data is hard to assess. Surveys, questionnaires and census collection are limited ways of gathering accurate opinions on urban improvements, as there is still a very present barrier in communication preventing women to speak up. Changes in cultural and social aspects must also be up for change in order to include women in larger discussions.

The major issue currently faced by the movement is how the topic is not dealt with accordingly, erroneously connecting “participatory planning� with extreme feminist ideals. Yet, discussions and studies encompass many minorities that are not in the slightest related to gender movement in the design of cities.

In fact, female presence is just as strong as that of men, since the global gender ratio is 1:1 and female life expec tancy in most countries is higher than that of men. For that reason, female claims have an upper-hand and once heard and considered, many other needs from “invisible� users will be recognised, such as the ones of the elderly, lower-classes and immigrants. That pushes away the possibility of expanding the discussion to include all those minor groups and drawing attention to the topic. Recognising the issue, is, however, is the first step.

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