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Politecnico di Milano FacoltĂ  di Architettura e SocietĂ  Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Architettura Anno Accademico 2012-2013


ISABELLA FORESTIERI

EMPTinner A shrinking city from South: Montevideo

RELATORE: GENNARO POSTIGLIONE


CONTENTS

ABSTRACT

I. INTRODUCTION |9

II. SHRINKING CITIES |27 * DEFINITION * THREE RESEARCH PROJECTS OF URBAN SHRINKAGE * CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS * GLOBAL PHENOMENON * CAUSES * URBAN SHRINKAGE PATTERNS

III. CASE STUDIES |63 * DESIGN FOR A SHRINKING CITY * SCALE OF INTERVENTIONS * INTRODUCING THE SIX CASE STUDIES * VALPARAISO - LA HABANA - BALTIMORE - LISBOA - BEIRUT - TOKYO

IV. MONTEVIDEO |107 * SUGGESTIONS * FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO '90 * MONTEVIDEO: A SHRINKING CITY. CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES

V. MONITOR OF INTERVENTIONS |149

VI.INTERVIEWS |289

VII.CONCLUSION |397

BIBLIOGRAPHY |401


***

More than fifty percent of the world's population now lives in cities, and the figure is expected to increase in the next two decades. However, the common assumption that the global increase in urbanization means that all cities are growing, is false: in every part of the world many cities are actually shrinking. As the city is "context par excellence" where man lives and acts, delineate the trajectories, the

phenomena

and

processes

that

trigger

in

these living organisms, which are the cities, it is essential to understand the anthropology of contemporary life, its its unfolding, and to be able to act consequently to improve the livability

the

unity

and

the

equity

of

its

inhabitants. The

research

project

consists

of

two

parts:

the first deals with the topic of shrinking cities as a global phenomenon, searching for the causes and effects, the second part explores the argument through the case study of Montevideothe capital of Uruguay, which in contrast to other Latin

American

urban

areas,

where

the

trend

is a continuous growth, manifests a loss of population. The phenomenon of shrinking cities is not considered as a problem but rather as a transformation, an ongoing process, trying emphasize how the decrease is also an opportunity, a condition of

possible

otherwise

allows

to

rethink

the

urban space. In addition, the urban shrinkage 6


process is not even understood as the opposite of growthsince can occur simultaneously, as two different sides of the same coin. The urban shrinkage pattern that clarifies the concept is the so-called Doughnut Effect: the empty core and a periphery that at the same time continuing to grow. But the shrinkage process also manifests itself in a contrary manner , stable core and suburbs that have started to contract, or indistinguishably among the parts of the city, as if they were perforated at random. Six case studie are examined as representatives of these patterns of urban shrinkage. In these exemples it was possible to trace the different levels of intervention that dialogue with the transformations put in place, and coming from different parts of the world to emphasize the global scale of the phenomenon. The de-growth occurs in Montevideo as a process, not as a traumatic event, and begins statistically from the 1996 Census but with a complexity of causes that must be traced in the actuality of the city but with roots in the history of the last 50 years of Uruguay. The areas that have lost more population are the central and consolidated ones, a clear example of what is called Doughnut Effect: empty inner city and full to the crown. With

the

collaboration

Arquitectura

of

Udelar

of of

the

Facultad

de

Montevideo,

in

particular the Unidad Permanente de Vivienda, an attempt was made to understand the causes and consequences of the process of shrinkage 7


intrinsically linked to the opposite effectthe expansion out from the edges of the consolidated city. Through

interviews

carried

out

directly,

collection of materials and first hand sources, through the exploration of the city of Montevideo and

research

on

the

fieldinterventions

have

emerged from the Administration that, relieved of the problems associated to the need to manage the growth of a city, has the opportunity to direct its efforts toward the construction of new paradigms of making city: quality versus quantity, concentration versus growth, social cohesion and cohabitation versus fragmentation and

segregation,

trying

to

equality

interact

with

versus the

emptINNERS , voids in the center.

***

8

inequality,

phenomenon

of


Introduction

9


WORLD MAP CITIES

Inhabitants >5.000.000 2.500.000- 5.000.000 1.000.000-2.500.000 500.000-250.000 100.000-250.000 50.000-100.000 <50.000

10


More than 50 per cent of global population now lives in urban areas. This figure is expected to increase as the world is rapidly urbanizing.

Source: Dynamic Maps, World Countries Atlas

11


***

6.1 billion of people currently live on earth 3 billion of them live in citis By 2030, the population of the world will increased by 2 billion This increase will be stem almost exclusively from the growth in urban population In 2030 4.9 billion people will live in citis Every day 190.000 new city-dwellers are added all over the world, 2 in every second.

12


BUT NOT ALL CITIES ARE TAKING PART IN THIS COMPETITION : AROUND THE WORLD MORE THAN 1 IN 4 CITIES IS A SHRINKING CITY

***

Source: www.shrinkingcities.com

13


SHRINKING CITIES MAP Cities over 100,000 inhabitants

Inhabitants >5.000.000 2.500.000- 5.000.000 1.000.000-2.500.000 500.000-250.000 100.000-250.000 50.000-100.000 <50.000

14

Population losses > 75% > 50% - 74% > 25% - 49% 10% - 24%


Source: Dynamic Maps, World Countries Atlas

15


***

”A casual, random change in the cell’s genetic material produces alterations in one or more inherited

characteristics,

provoking

a

break

in the mechanisms of heredity: a mutation is produced;

a

substantial

alteration

affecting

both the morphology and the physiology, not only of the cell or the organ but of the entire organism."

1

Constantly and inexorably, cities keep changing because they are the stage of human life and activities and as long as they are inhabited they express, just like any living organism, an instability caused by behaviours that react to the climatic conditions, the availability of resources, the decisions of those who govern, protect or simply pass through them. Consequently, cities born and die, they develop or empty out, they undergo transformations or they

are

ceasing

artificially to

be

cities

frozen and

in

lime,

becoming

thus

gadgets,

showcase objects, as for instance Venice, or amusement park like Las Vegas. Or

they

may

metamorphoses,

become as

in

the Dubai

stage where

of the

genetic desert

becomes a lagoon and the open sea an archipelago. And like a membrane cities lives, and their transformations are a continuos processes of expansion and contraction, like an organism born and even die. It’s not a new phenomenon in the history: Atlantis, 16

1

Solá-Morales,

and

Futures.

I.,

Present

Architecture

in

Cities, Barcelona: ACTAR, 1996.


Troy,

Pompeii,

Mayaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

cities.

Catastrophic,

exeptional events. Also today, wars and natural-disasters are still causes of urban shrinkage; just see the events of

contemporary

history

like

the

hurricane

Katrina in New Orleans or the Tzunami in Asia, and the wars in Iraq, where cities have lost huge numbers of inhabitants and large part of physical heritage. But in the last decades several causes have emerged, resulting in the shrinkage of cities. Not

only

shrinking

dramatics cities

sudden

are

events,

increasingly

but a

now

lasting

phenomenon. It

cannot

be

considered

as

a

extra-ordinary

urban contingency, however a common expirience for

the most part of the world: despite all the

expectations created by the scenario of constant growth,

the

number

of

shrinking

cities

has

increased faster than the number of boomtowns.

***

17


*** DOES GROWTH MEAN BEAUTIFUL?

People have difficultly to accept shrinkage. Since the beginning of human history, all have been

focused

on

growth,

expansion,

renewal,

innovation. This goes beyond the capitalistic structure as the chosen model for society. This has to do with the human condition, with wanting to live and not to die, with progressing and not degenerating. Growth is a sign of youth. Even the dominant paradigm among planners and policy makers is planning for growth; looking out the language of planning paradigm is full of words like development, progress, expansion and management of growth. But today the scenario is different: universal shrinkage is manifest. Human populations age, and thus energy levels decrease; money devaluates,

natural resources

are depleted; economies stagnate; rainforests and polar icecaps are getting smaller; budgets and

workforce

shrink;

farmland

is

vacated/

abandoned. And all this is starting to attract quite some attention. Shrinkage is no longer a deniable side-effect of growth, but instead is seen by many people to be an overpowering reality/fact. Can an answer to shrinkage be found that is not inspired by conservatism, fear or shortsightedness, but rather sees the greatest of 18


challenges in shrinkage? Or, more precisely, is it possible to design for shrinkage rather than for growth? No human activity is more estranged from shrinkage than design. In particular, architecture has so identified itself with growth-scenarios in the past hundred years that the idea that the opposite process can also use design is regarded as blasphemy. Population growth, the growth of prosperity, hygiene and production, the growth of velocity and experience, everything had to be accommodated for and stimulated by architecture. Above all: there is money in growth, but not in shrinkage; therefore, growth is much more attractive. A change, then, begins to become apparent in this simple opposition. The small, the miniaturised, the refined, the modest, the slow, they all come to be viewed in a different light. More than that, they begin to acquire something exclusive, a privilege, a quality. The small nestles itself in the aesthetic of things. It returns as a 'clever solutions'. It is itself seen as a new scientific paradigm (nanotechnology). In addition, more recently, there is a growing realisation that more study must be done of the shrinkage process as perhaps not being by definition opposed to growth, but rather, shrinkage being an aspect of the same growth; or more precisely, growth and contraction

2

Martinez

Fernandez,

Chung-

Tong Wu, in AA.VV., Future of

are not two different phenomena, they are two

Shrinking Cities. University of California, Berkeley, 2009.

sides of the same coin.2 19


The

relevant

question

here

is:

Is

this

an

insight into shrinkage as something other than the harbinger of cramp and narrow-mindedness, which is converted into action, into policy, into vision and above all into design. Is shrinkage a domain where there is not only something to be lost, but also precisely something to be gained? Is shrinkage a field in which talent can be better utilised than in the frayed clichĂŠ of growth, and is completely true the paradigm big is beautiful?

***

20


♦ INSIDE DENSITY: THE OVERPOPULATED CITIES OF J.G.BALLARD

The Concentration City (1957) and Billennium (1962) are two short stories written by James Graham

Ballard

who

describes

in

them

two

situations that could actually belong to the same world. While the first one depicts an infinite dense

city

in

which

‘free

space’

and

‘non-

functional space’ are considered as oxymoron and impossible to fathom, the second one dramatized a urban code which forbids anybody to live in more than 3.5 mq. In The Concentration City, the main character travels East in a train looking for the free space that would allow him to test his flying invention and realized after several days spent in this train that he came back to his departure point both in space and in time (the day he came back is the same day that he left). In Billenium the two protagonists finds few extra square meters hidden behind a wall that they use as a clandestine shelter before realizing that they re-created the same density that they were originally running away from. The stories are pervaded by a subtext that makes the reader suspect that this urban structure itself is only the result of the economic exploitation of space, a sort of exaggerated "land limited supply" such as that familiar from Hong Kong. Ballard's description of extreme urban density is

based

on

the

model

of

the

capitalistic

production of things, in this case buildings and the corresponding urban infrastructure. 21


"The surgeon hesitated before opening the door. "Look," he began to explain sympathetically, "you can't get out of time, can you? Subjectively it's a plastic dimension, but whatever you do to yourself you'll never be able to stop that clock"- he pointed to the one on the desk-"or make it run backward. In exactly the same way you can't get out of the City." "The analogy doesn't hold," M. said. He gestured at the walls around them and the lights in the streets outside. "All this was built by us. The question nobody can answer is: what was here before we built it?" "It's

always

been

here,"

the

surgeon

said.

"Not these particular bricks and girders, but others before them. You accept that time has no beginning and no end. The City is as old as time and continuous with it." "The first bricks were laid by someone," M. insisted. "There was the Foundation." "A myth. Only the scientists believe in that, and even they don't try to make too much of it. Most of them privately admit that the Foundation Stone is nothing more than a superstition. We pay it lip service out of convenience, and because it gives us a sense of tradition. Obviously there can't have been a first brick. If there was, how can you explain who laid it, and even more

22


difficult, where they came from?" "There must be free space somewhere," M. said doggedly. "The City must have bounds." "Why?" the surgeon asked. "It can't be floating in the middle of nowhere. Or is that what you're trying to believe?" M. sank back limply. "No" The surgeon watched M silently for a few minutes and

paced

fixation

back

of

to

yours

the

desk.

puzzles

me.

"This

peculiar

You're

caught

between what the psychiatrists call paradoxical faces.

I

suppose

you

haven't

misinterpreted

something you've heard about the Wall?" M. looked up. "Which wall?" The surgeon nodded to himself. "Some advanced opinion maintains that there's a wall around the City, through which it's impossible to penetrate. I don't pretend to understand the theory myself. It's far too abstract and sophisticated. Anyway I suspect they've confused this Wall with the bricked-up black areas you passed through on the Sleeper. I prefer the accepted view that the City stretches out in all direction without limits."

â&#x2013;śFrom The Concentration City by J.G.Ballard

â&#x2122;Ś

23


The Ballard's dystopia comes true: These images were taken in the districts of Sham Shui Po, Yau Tsim Mong and Kowloon City for a campaign -Society for community organizationto raise awareness about the living conditions in Hong Kong.


26


II. Shrinking cities

27


*** DEFINITION OF SHRINKING CITY

“...structural of

jobs

and

economic job

weakness

training

and

a

opportunities;

lack the

departure of the young and the skilled; empty housing; rising poverty; a high percentage of old people; dwindling tax revenue to pay for the increasing costs of social security; a poor image and a reluctance to invest, all of which combine to reinforce the existing structural economic weakness – generates an overall downward spiral encompassing every aspect of urban life in the form of structural shrinkage”.3

The term “shrinking city”, of german coinage Schrumpfende Städte emerges in the 1990s with the collapse of the Soviet Union and partly as a result of the massive, east-west migration that depopulated a large number of Post-Socialist cities. One

of

the

first

pieces

dealing

with

city

shrinkage in a German context and one of the first contributions to a debate on the subject can to be found in the book Neue Urbanität from 1987 by Hartmut Häußermann and Walter Siebel. In this book they elaborate on the declining cities discussing the relation between growing, stagnating and shrinking cities. In recent years, the German Shrinking Cities project has taken the notion of Schrumpfende Städte and translated it into the English term shrinking cities and in that process expanded 28

3 Kaltenbrunner

R.,

The

Other

Citi es/Die anderen Städte, Band 3, IBA Stadtumbau 2010, Verlag GmbH, Berlin, 2006.

Jovis


the debate into a broad context entering the international urban planning scene. "Shrinking cities- a problematic term."

4

First of all , the Architect Philip Oswalt of the project

Shrinking cities, a project of

the Kulturstiftung des Bunders-German Federal Cultural Foundation, declare the nature unclear of the epithet "shrinking" for a city, a world that not explain the complexity of this phenomenon, lead it back to the sphere of decrease, reducing a heterogenic urban transformation into a "simple" decline

of

urban

population

and/or

economic

activity in some cities. Indeed, there is also growth in the process of shrinkage: the most clear pattern of this affirmation is the so-called doughnut effect, metaphor of the mid-1960s continued to be used to characterize the ongoing decline of the inner city and the growth of outlying areas. Therefore,

the

term

shrinking

city

is

a

simplification. A

simplification

can

both

be

positive

and

negative: it can make a complex phenomenon like shrinking cities understandable, while running the risk of being so simple that it does not reflect real life. The advantages of using simplifications is that “it 4

Oswalt

P.,

Shrinking

Cities

Volume I, Hatje Cantz Verlag, Germany, 2006 5 Scott J., Seeing Like a State – How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed,

brings

into

sharp

focus

certain

limited

aspects of an otherwise far more complex and unwieldy reality”

5

,

but that

the risk with

simplifications are that “they do not successfully represent the actual activity of the society

New Haven, Connecticut, 1998.

they depicted”6.

6 Ibidem

Therefore,

shrinking

territories

can

be 29


considered a variation of urbanism that is part of an overall and general transformation of the traditional city-model. Thus, it is not a distinct city-model, but a variation with some similarities and differences in relation to other city-variations.

***

30


*** THREE STUDIES OF URBAN SHRINKAGE PROCESS

Inside

the

debate

about

shrinking

cities,

there are three contemporary projects that have contributed to the research and diffusion of theories, case studies and possible practices: the

Shrinking

Cities

Project,

the

Shrinking

Cities Group and the Iba stadtumbau 2010.

â&#x2013;ś The Shrinking Cities Project "The objective of shrinking cities project is to identify new models of action capable of shaping and qualifying the urban transformation resulting from shrink".7 This is a German project that was initiated by the German Federal Cultural Foundation under the curatorship of Philip Oswalt, in co-operation with the Leipzig Gallery of Contemporary Art, the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation and the magazine Arch+. The research and design project looks at shrink as a cultural challenge. The starting point for the project was the change taking

place

in

the

former

of

East

Germany

after the reunification of Germany. From this, the research extended

the discussion into a

international context , analyzing four cases of shrinkage process in different parts of the world: Halle-Leipzig (East Germany), Manchester and Liverpool ( Great Britain) Detroit (United States of America) and Ivanavo (Russia). Investigating 7 www.shrinkingcities.com

and

documenting

case

studies

undertaken in different parts of the world have 31


shown that what was happening in the east of Germany was happening in other parts of the world, leading to consider the urban shrinkage as a global phenomenon.

â&#x2013;śThe Shrinking Cities Group This is an international

group based at the

Berkeley University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development,

composed by

researchers and policymakers from North America, South America , Europe, Asia and Australia. This

group

has

a

more

theoretical

approach

and it is working "in a global perspective, setting the context for in-depth case studies in selected cities and considering specific social, economic, environmental, cultural and land-use issues".

8

The objectives of the research can be listed in four points: 1. to develop a strategic framework for discussion of the shrinking cities phenomenon; 2.to establish a network of experts for the exchange of information and feedback; 3.to find and evaluate successful patterns of revitalization or strategic models that can be applied to other regions; 4.to

communicate

findings

to

policy-makers

around the world. Furthermore, each case study will be looked at through a specific lens in order to understand the role that different approaches, policies and strategies have in the re-generation of shrinking cities. The lens are: innovation, environmental sustainability, culture and creative industries, 32

8

www-iurd.ced.berkeley.edu/scg/


information and communication technologies, land use,

transport

community

and

industry

involvement,

infrastructure,

shrinking

suburbs

and

core cities in large metropolitan regions, postsocialist cities.

â&#x2013;śThe IBA Stadtumbau 2010 This project can be seen like a laboratory where different city re-development tools are tested and applied by the year 2010 in the region of Saxony-Anhalt: cities are finding new profiles, trying

put

new

methods

and

exploiting

new

oportunities.9 For the IBA Stadtumbau is not enough to remove superfluous housing from the market and demolish old buildings, but redefine

shrinking cities need to

themselves

in

order

to

find

the

components to their future profile, functions and identity. "The objective of the IBA 2010 is to build up practical urban re-development expertise at the state and local level, and to devise pilot schemes that will set standards for international urban research and design under the

conditions

of

demographic,

economic

and

social change. (IBA) Nineteen

cities

are

participating

in

this

project, each having a specifi c theme attached, and all of them addressing problems and issues of relevance for them.

The different themes

of the cities can all be categorized into four main spheres of action: architectural-spatial measures, socio-cultural issues, infrastructure and economy. 9

www.iba-stadtumbau.de

33


CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

DRIVERS OF SHRINKAGE

concentration of public/private investments; centripetal forces created by growth poles

concentration of professionals; flow of creative class; technology changes; industrial restructuring

ECONOMIC/ SOCIAL/ ENVIROMENTAL MANIFESTATIONS

rapid development of “centers”; industrial zones free trade zones pollution

downtown decline; inner cities decline; brown fields sites; increase in socio-economic inequality

INDUSTRALIZATION CENTER-PERIPHERY

DE-INDUSTRALIZATION

34


corporatization of cities; gobal city formation; competion between world city regions; shift towards professional services employment; concentration of innovation and knowledge workers; new megalopolis

decline in birth date; ageing of population; loss in population; migration

persistant aridity, floods, natural disasters, hurracanes, tsunamis; corporatization of farming

global cities; Decline/Abandonment of cities/ part of cities/ metro areas; gentrification; increase in socio-economic inequality

high levels of housing vacancy; abandonment of residential areas; wastage of infrastucture; increase in socio-oeconomic inequality

abbandoned farms; destroyed infrastructure; changing coast lines; shrinkage of territories; rapid change of ecosystems; increase of socio-economic inequality; cultural displacement due to relocation

GLOBALIZATION

POPULATION TRANSITION

CLIMATE CHANGE

Source: Martinez Fernandez & Wu, 2007

35


[Source:AMO,WWF The Energy Report] 36


*** A GLOBAL PHENOMENON

Shrinking

cities

are

like

"the

canary

in

a

coal mine"10 , the industrialized worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s early warning signal of the global urban crises of deindustrialization,

suburbanization

and

metropolitanization." The

phenomenon

of

urban

shrinkage

is

the

harbinger of the end of the growth era based on cheap fossil fuel; a crisis of cheap mobility, of

ageing

populations

and

of

constantly

new

waves of technological restructuring increase by climate change, which will re-concentrate suburban populations to the urban cores; a crisis of social polarization with social divisions between growing places, globally connected to capital circuits and shrinking places depend on

locally

grown

microfinancing.

Shrinking

processes will ostensibly be so ubiquitous that losing all stigma they will soon become as normal as growth processes. Oswald Philip in â&#x20AC;&#x153;Hypotheses on urban shrinking in the 21st centuryâ&#x20AC;?

present these argument in

six hypotheses:

1.

Shrinking

cities

are

qualitatively

and

quantitatively different from the urban decline experienced in the 20th century. In the 21st century shrinking cities represent the end of a growth era that began with industrialization 200 10 Oswalt

P.,

Shrinking

Cities

Volume I, Hatje Cantz Verlag, Germany, 2006

years ago. In the 21st century industrialized countries will bear the brunt of this change with 37


the largest number of shrinking cities resulting from

de-industrialization,

and metropolitanization;

suburbanization,

Growth and shrinking

will be in a state of equilibrium and mutual determination.

2.

A

culture

of

shrinkage.

City

shrinking

processes will be de-stigmatized and considered as

normal

as

socioeconomic

growth and

processes.

social

equity

However outcomes

the of

these processes will involve conflicts;

3. Shrinking cities, conceived as a component of the process of de-urbanization in the 21 century will

increasingly

affect

suburbs

and

office

districts. Increasing mobility costs and ageing populations will re-concentrate people from the suburbs to the urban cores, while technological restructuring of the service sector will shrink conventional

office complexes;

4. The end of the fossil energy era and climate change

will

exacerbate

the

shrinking

cities

phenomenon due to (a) climate effects related to water resources, flooding and natural hazards; and (b) decline of petroleum rich areas as their stocks deplete;

5.

Shrinking

processes

exacerbate

uneven

development and the emergence of polarized dual regions whereby shrinking ones are increasingly de-capitalized. This will lead to dual societies characterized by growth regions connected to global 38

capital

flows

and

shrinking

regions


locally

dependent

on

leveraging

home

grown

capital for micro enterprises;

6. Urban planning and architecture in shrinking cities

will

face

deconstructing

and

new

tasks

adapting

associated to

no

with

growth

conditions.

***

39


*** CAUSES

Cities shrink for different reasons. Urban

shrinkage

is

not

a

single

process

in

it-self but rather a combination of different conditions, global and local, that impact on cities. Nonetheless , apart from wars, epidemics and natural-disasters, defines the are four causes that can be described as the main reasons for post world War II urban shrinkage In this complexity of causes, there are commons background traceble as the main reasons of post world War II urban shrinkage: changes in the economic

(deindustrialization),

(population

ageing,

and

(suburbanization,

social

low

birth

demographic rate)

urban

gentrification)

changes.

â&#x2013;  Economic change

Deindustrialization

â&#x2013;  Urban structure

Population ageing

change

â&#x2013;  Demographic change

and low birth rate

Suburbanization Gentrification

40


One urban

of

the

shrinkage

most

visible

links

and

economic

changes

between is

the

deindustrialization, the decline of the economic attraction of a city. Cities of the industrial age have been drained by suburbanization driven by an industrialized vuilding sector and increasing private car ownership; and they have undergone process of deindustrialization followed by losses of workplaces and population. Further-more, the increased suburbanization processes constitute a change in the urban structure in which the center of the city is abandoned in exchange for a life in the suburbs. Suburbanization does not imply a complete loss of inhabitants but more a move away from the city-centre to the urban periphery. But in the last years, related decline of suburbs, a new phenomenon is taking place: a opposite flux from suburbs to inner cities. This process can implicate a change in the urban and social structure of a specific area: the gentrification, the replacement of working or lower classes that already live in a part of the city with new and richers individuals. Therefore the loss of population of a city can be caused also for the increase of population ageing and low birth rate, a process already started in the most part of the world.

41


low birth rate

population ageing

DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES

migrations

suburbanization

gentrification URBAN STRUCTURE CHANGES


NATURAL DISASTERS

POLLUTION

economic supremacy of China

DEINDUSTRIALIZATION

technology

the “service” era

decentralization

_complexitys


■ ■ ■ DEINDUSTRIALIZATION

“Population levels are falling, the industrial base

is

shrinking,

and

the

governmental

and

financial powers and autonomy of the city are being eroded.”

11

Deindustrialization

is

a

process

by

which

a

country or area stops having industry as its main source (= cause) of work or income.12 As a structural process, the deindustrialization particularly affects cities where manufacturing constitutes the largest component of the urban economy.The

urban

fabric

is

a

constantly

changeable structure, influenced by the different capitalist eras, among other things. Edward W. Soja talks about an urban restructuring taking place based on a shift from the industrial capitalist

city

to

the

information-age city.

post-industrial

or

This restructuring is

a fundamental shift away from the structures and logics of what Soja calls urban-industrial capitalism. Thus, in the late 1970s a new era of

capitalism

slowly

emerged

the

era

of

globalization. Apart from this general shift from manufacturing industry to knowledge based businesses, historical changes such as the 1970s oil crisis and the fall of the Berlin Wall (the fall of the iron curtain) have influenced the development. Finally, the development of IT made

and

telecommunication

globalization

the

technologies

overall

have

developmental

11 Clark

D.,

Urban

Decline,

Routledge, London, 1989.

guideline for contemporary societies. 44

12 Cambridge Dictionaries Online


Causes of deindustrialization

a shift from manufacturing to service sectors;

the

side

effect

of

globalization

and

development

of

neo-liberalization;

the

increasingly

technology;

the move of industries to areas where the cost of labor is significantly lower;

the supremacy of China economy.

Consequences for industrial cities

cities stop growing

massive unemployment

migration of population

inner cities begun declining

â&#x20AC;&#x153;industrial ruinsâ&#x20AC;?

45


LONG WAVES OF URBAN GROWTH // DECLINE AND INDUSTRIAL CHANGES

transport / infrastructure

port, railways, steamship

system of production

craft based production

key industries

steel, machine tools

leading countries

Germany, United States

path breaking shocks

great depression and World Wars

PRE-FORDIST 1890

46

urban growth

industrial core, early suburbanization

urban decline

aberrant cities


port, railways, highways

cargo airports,highways, rail, standardized containers

mass production

lean production industrial outsourcing

steel, machine tools

aereospace, electronics, computers, telecomunications, producer services

producer services, software, internet commerce

United States

Japan

China

Cold-War, oil crisis

fall of Soviet Union, trade blocs

2008 financial crisis

FORDIST

POST-FORDIST

DIGITAL-ECOLOGICAL

1945

1974

2002

massive suburbanization

edge cities, global cities

networked cities, mega-regions and megalopolis growth

core industrial cities

post-socialist cities, central cities and firt tier suburbs

SHRINKING CITIES

global value chains global service outsourcing

47


■ ■ ■ CHANGES OF URBAN STRUCTURES

Another factor which explains the decline of some areas is the change in urban structures suburbanization and gentrification.

▶SUBURBANIZATION Suburbanization is an ambiguous phenomenon when it’s related to the

phenomenon of shrinking

cities. Indeed,

from

a

physically

view,

experienced suburbanization are

cities

that

grown in the

edges, changing and crumble cities boundaries. The result is that peripheries keep on growing at the same time that inner cities experiencing loss of population. Suburbanization does not imply a complete loss of inhabitants but more a move away from the city-centre to the urban periphery. This means that shrink is embedded in a larger process of growth. This kind of urbanization can be characterized as a doughnut, with the empty city centre surrounded by growing urban sprawl. Urban

sprawl,

a

trend

North American cities,

long

associated

with

is fast engulfing many

developing countries where real estate developers are pushing a “world class lifestyle” .13 However,

the

flows

of

populations

out

of

a

city’s center may not always mean that residents are moving to peri-urban area; the population movement may also be to neighbouring cities with different politico-administrative structures. Many formerly monocentric cities in the developing 48

13 UN

Habitat,

Cities 2010-2011

State

of

the


world

are

developing

becoming urban

increasingly

nucleations

polycentric,

with

their

own

downtowns, employment centres and other features of

independent

cities.

These

adjacent

urban

areas expand their populations, often at the expense of the original city that experiences a decline in population, accompanied by a decline in economic activities and opportunities. But in the last years, especially in the United States,

where

suburbs

have

representing

the

American Dream - a big house with a yard, a pool and a barbecue, a peaceful place to raise a family -

a new phenomenon is taking place: a

opposite flux from suburbs to inner cities. The main causes of this new wave of “back to the city” are the increase of poverty in suburbs, due to the loss of many manufacturing and construction jobs, the decrease of the use of cars ( status symbol of suburbs) since the middle-2000 and the younger generation, a generation that is driving less and is more interest in leaving the

“death

suburbs” to the inner city, the “Pandora’s box”.

49


♦ SPRAWL

They heard me singing and they told me to stop, Quit these pretentious things and just punch the clock, These days, my life, I feel it has no purpose, But late at night the feelings swim to the surface. Cause on the surface the city lights shine, They’re calling at me, “come and find your kind.” Sometimes I wonder if the world’s so small, That we can never get away from the sprawl, Living in the sprawl, Dead shopping malls rise like mountains beyond mountains, And there’s no end in sight, I need the darkness someone please cut the lights. We rode our bikes to the nearest park, Sat under the swings, we kissed in the dark, We shield our eyes from the police lights, We run away, but we don’t know why, And like a mirror these city lights shine, They’re screaming at us, “we don’t need your kind.”

50


“SCENES FROM THE SUBURBS” - short film Director: Spike Jonze, 2011 Music; Arcade Fire


"GENTRIFICATION AND TOURISM SPECULATIONS ARE KILLING OUR HOMETOWN" Outside of the Ufizzi - Florence, Italy


▶GENTRIFICATION “Displacement from home and neighbourhood can be a shattering experience. At worst it leads to homelessness, at best it impairs a sense of community.

Public

policy

should,

by

general

agreement, minimize displacement. Yet a variety of public policies, particularly those concerned with gentrification, seem to foster it."

14

Gentrification” derives from “gentry”, meaning the people of gentle birth, good breeding, or high social position, as in the landed-gentry . Sociologist Ruth Glass coined the term in 1964 to mean the influx of richer individuals into cities or neighbourhoods who replace working or lower-classes already living there: “One by one, many of the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle-classes—upper and lower. Shabby, modest mews and cottages— two rooms up and two down—have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant,

expensive

residences....

Once

this

process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is

changed.”

Gentrification

is

therefore

a

process that occurs when new residents, with higher education and income levels, managerial 14 Marcuse

workers, professionals and young, replace older P.,

Abandonment

Gentrification,

and

Displacement:

Connections, Policy City,

Responses Journal

Contemporary 28,

Causes

St.

in

of Law,

Louis,

University, 1985.

and

New

York

Urban

and

Volume Washington

residents,

who

disproportionately

are

low-

income, working-class and poor or minority and ethnic group members, and elderly , from older and previously deteriorated inner-city housing. 53


■ ■ ■ DEMOGRAPHICAL CHANGES

▶POPULATION AGEING Population ageing, "the process by which older individuals become a proportionally larger share of total population"

, become one of the most

15

distinctive demographic changes of the century: after

celebrating

the

young,

fresh

and

new,

the twenty-first century will become ever more mature. Experienced

at

the

beginning

by

the

more

developed countries, the process has recently become manifest in many countries considered less developed: in the next future, the entire world will face population ageing, even though different levels of intensity and time frames. Global population ageing is a by-product of the declining levels of mortality ad fertility, the so-called

demographic

transition :

the

total

fertility rate is below the replacement level in almost all industrialized countries. In the less develop regions, the fertility decline started later and has proceeded faster than in the more developed areas.

Therefore, the shift in age

structure, paired with a declining fertility rate,

means that not only people are living

longer, but society is getting older. Population ageing has a profound impact on a broad range of economic, political and social conditions: an extension in labor participation over time, an increasing competitiveness of global migration a mutation in multi-generational family forms, an increasing demands for health services. 54

15 Population United

Division,

Nations,

DESA, "World

Population Ageing 1950-2050" 16 Definition of Chesnais J.C.


2010

2050

15

youth bulge youth bulge

10

10

temporary migrant-influen ced structure

western baby boomer s

migration to western europe

increased longevity

5

percent

percent

longevity

5

lower fertility

shrinking nations increased life expectanc y

lower life expectanc y

male

male

life expectancy

05

10

15

20

25

30

35

life expectancy

median world age

median world age

age

40

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

80

85

90

95

100+

0age 51

01

52

02

53

03

54

04

55

05

56

06

5

70

75

0

female

female lower life expectancy

lower fertility

migration to western europe

youth bulge

youth bulge

increased life expectanc y

shrinking nations

80

85

90

95

100+


No Babies? from The New York Times Painting of Edward del Rosario

â&#x2122;Ś


â&#x2013;śLOW BIRTH RATE In the 1970s only 24 countries had fertility rates of 2.1 or less, all of them rich. Now there are over 70 such countries, and in every continent, including Africa. Between 1950 and 2000 the average fertility rate in developing countries fell by half from six to threeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;three fewer children in each family in just 50 years. Over the same period, Europe went from the peak of the baby boom to the depth of the baby bust and its fertility also fell by almost half, from 2.65 to 1.42â&#x20AC;&#x201D;but that was a decline of only 1.23 children. The fall in developing countries now is closer to what happened in Europe during 19th- and early 20th-century industrialisation. But what took place in Britain over 130 years (1800-1930) took place in South Korea over just 20 (1965-85). Things are moving even faster today. Fertility has dropped further in every South-East Asian country (except the Philippines) than it did in Japan. The rate in Bangladesh fell by half from six to three in only 20 years (1980 to 2000). In Just in Japan, where the phenomenon is already well established, researchers coined shoshika, meaning a society without children, to evoke the fertility decline. "Socially, the drop was linked to later and lower rates of marriages, prolonged education, and individualized career endeavors."

17

Combined with the prohibitive cost

of child bearing, this entailed a major fertility reduction. 17 Chapple, 2008

*** 57


*** URBAN SHRINKAGE PATTERNS

Population

loss

is

the

most

clearly

and

significant index to detect a shrinking cities but which population? Sometimes as repeatedly stated, shrinkage may also

be

contain

in

growth,

especially

when

dealing with large conurbations. Is possible to identify three kind of patterns of urban shrinkage due to loss or displacement of population: dounghnut effect, perforated city , and stable core.

DOUGHNUT EFFECT ▶ shrink of inner city ▶ growth of suburbs

PERFORATED CITY ▶ shrink of both inner city and suburbs

STABLE CORE ▶ shrink of suburbs ▶ growth/stable inner city

58


â&#x2013;  DOUGHNUT EFFECT "The

Doughnut

meanings

and

Effect

has

several

implications,

but

different the

chief

principle is the hole in the center surrounded by a delicious treat around the periphery: this being a metaphor for the centrifugal force of urban abandonment on 20th century cities.

With

the growth of American cities (not just American cities but evidenced most clearly by them) there was a migration to the suburb. This migration in search of newer, larger, and/or more affordable homes left many inner cities "hollow" and devoid of population and vitality".

18

Grow and shrink in the same time: the inner city shrink, undergo population loss and urban decay while suburbs and new peripheral constructions, keep growing. The inner city empty, physically and culturally. The citizens experience a spatial

and cultural

segregation and fragmentation , the richer' s one and the middle class become drift away to the city center preferring the newest suburb, and the poorest inhabitants

remain in the inner

city decaying, paradoxically, they physically live in the city center but

only because they

squatted houses and they have no means

to try

alternatives.

â&#x2013;  PERFORATED CITY "Cities grow like a liquid, shrink like a gas, they perforated" Otherwise the doughnut effect, "perforated city" 19 Smith D.A. , www.affordablehousinginstitute.org 18 Adam Ferrari

refer to cities where urban shrinkage occurs in different areas throughout the city, nebulously 59


in the city center , in the peripheries or suburbs. The term "perforate" appears for the first time in relation with an urban structure

with Lutke

Daldrup, that used it to describe "a new era of cities characterized by simultaneous demographic decline and urban sprawl".

Like a pattern of

urban shrinkage the term appears to have first been

used

to

describe

Leipzig,

in

Saxony:"

Leipzig was one of the first cities to regain scope for action by overcoming collective selfdeception, to call a spade a spade, and to find a striking term to describe the situation, the "perforated city".

20

â&#x2013;  STABLE CORE This

pattern

is

usually

traceable

in

cities

experienced a deeply and for a long time urban growth, with a process of suburbanization and massive

use

of

the

land

in

the

surrounding

areas. But now a days, with economic crisis and demographical changes, particulary the increase of population ageing that have problems to reach at the inner city where service are located, these huge suburbs will start to shrink: the residential

density

will

drop,

abandoned

houses in the metropolitan suburbs and vacant land

will increase.

The case must study that concerned

this pattern

of urban shrinkage is Japan, especially Tokyo , where the 87 % of citizens lives in the suburbs of Tokyo. But this phenomenon is taken place also in the United States, where suburbs were the "American 60

10 Jessen German

J.,

Urban

Journal

Studies, 2006

of

Renewal, Urban


dream": a house close to the city but not inside the chaos of large cities, a big car, a yard and a barbecue. But with economic crises, above all with the crisis of car industry and petrol, a new generation is growing without the status symbol of the car and young people have begun move from suburbs to city centres.

***

61


62


III. Case studies

63


♦ Island Within an Island Gabriel Orozco ♦

“De-growth does not mean negative growth … A better term to use is a-growth, in the same way

that

we

say

atheism,

because

it

means

precisely that, giving up a faith … the neverending pursuit of growth is incompatible with the planet’s ‘basics’ … There is still time to imagine, quite calmly, a system based upon a different logic, and to plan for a ‘de-growth society’.” SERGE LATOUCHE 64


*** DESIGN FOR A SHRINKING CITY

In relation with shrinking cities, the disciplines of

urban

development,

architecture,

which

urban

planning,

traditionally

have

and been

guided by ideas for managing growth, reach their limits and have to face with the question: how to approach shrinking cities? Lea Louise Holst

in his work "Shrinking cities

or Urban transformation" underline "a need for working both strategically and place-specific with the territory; meaning the need for working both at an overall strategically level and very local at a specificsite. This is suggested because there is both the need to address overall issues like where the eff ort should lie and how to deal with the phasing out of certain areas and to create distinction by developing the resources of the specific site." And as argued by Philip Oswalt "In addition to traditional urban development measures, we must test and explore possibilities for social, cultural, and communicative interventions. The restructuring of cities should be understood as an opportunity." Using the holistic model presented by Lea Louise Holst, it is possible to identify four scales of intervention traceable in actions related to the shrinkage process.

65


▶SCALE OF INTERVENTIONS

■ STRATEGIC SOLUTIONS

> ·map the territory ·local anchors ·political will

■ PRAGMATIC SOLUTIONS

> ·demolition ·prioritazed local development

■ MULTIFUNCTIONAL LANDSCAPE

■ SOFT TOOLS

> · the event and the temporary · the reuse and the transformation

66


■ ■ ■ STRATEGIC SOLUTIONS

The strategic level can be considered an OVERALL POLICY

level that sets up rules, tools

and initiatives which are to be implemented on the local micro level. In the same way that polices are formulated to handle growing areas, polices must be formulated for integrate declining territories: not only plan for growth but also plan for shrink. Furthermore, this strategic level helps organize the local place-based level and makes it possible to work on the local level:

indeed, it is on the

local level that things in the local community can take place. In order

for

them to be so, it is important

to have laws and policies that are flexible in relation to these actors’ needs, because local networks and local people are the keys elements in a urban/local transformation, even more if the strategy is for a declining territory. Several tasks can be used for this kind of intervention, like map the territories, identify possible anchors for a future development and politicians and governments

policies.

▶MAP THE TERRITORIES Mapping is a very important tool for have an overview of the extent and character of decline as well as an idea of what the potentials are in the territory:

map the significant elements

of a territory , both positive and negatives 67


ones, in order to qualify the effort that seems necessary; focus on the existing environmental, cultural, structural

natural,

architectonic

development

and

potentials;

inframap

the

negative and positive developments both according to population, physical appearance, economy and socio-cultural structures.

▶LOCAL In to

the

ANCHORS opperation

of

define/INDIVIDUARE

mappinag

is

possible

geographical, architectonical

important anchors,

or mental, which

can be used in future development , like a starting point for a positive domino effect. This anchors can be related to different things such as landscape, culture, accessibility.. It’s clear that not all areas of territory

a declining

can be transforms for the better; it

is important that some areas stand out from the crowd where interesting spatial narratives can be told and in that way distinguish them from the grey mass of decline.

▶POLITICAL WILL “We have broken the connection with politics and have not been able to find a different domain of legitimacy apart from good and intelligent architecture.

But that would be tremendously

important. Architecture is only legitimate when it formulates a utopia. Since 1945, however, this idea of social task has continually declined. The loss was compensated by a lot of attractive 68


new inventions by architects. Only in the past ten years, however, as the number of project for the public domain has increasingly diminished, and we architects find ourselves serving private interests, has it become very clear that the decline of our theoretical content is also a decline

of

architectural

content.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;

(Rem

Koolhaas) This strategic plan is also a way for politicians and local governments to work with determination in the field. In order to succeed, the politicians have to acknowledge the situation and work both with development and unwinding of particular areas. It â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s essential to use the already existing initiatives, to formulate a set of visions and develop action plans with a basis in the local strengths - and to engage the relevant local actors. On the basis of a new socio-political model is possible

to create new forms of financing, new

models for taxation, new concepts for community politics, new institutions.

69


■ ■ ■ PRAGMATIC SOLUTIONS

The category of pragmatic solutions includes acknowledging to

save

and

all

that

that

it

urban some

is

not

territories will

possible

from

definitely

decline vanish.

This means that renewed growth in some of the territories do not seem a likely possibility in

the

future.

inevitable some

not

of

problem

to

these is

Therefore,

that

discuss

the

territories. the

urban

it

seems

unwinding

of

However,

the

territories

will

not just disappear from one day to the next. Many of them will probably still be here in some form or another 50 or 100 years from now – still suffering from decline. Discussion concerning what

to

do

with

little

with

the

chance

declining

of

territories

survival.

For

that

reason there seems to be a need for discussing demolition and prioritized local development.

▶DEMOLITION “ By undoing a building there are many aspects of the social condition against which i am gesturing: first, to open a state to enclosure which had been preconditioned not only by wphysical necessity but by the industry that [proliferates] suburban and urban boxes as a context for insuring a passive, isolated consumer-a virtually captive audience...The question is a reaction to an ever less viable state of privacy, private property, and 70

isolation.”(Gordon

Matta-Clark,

interview


by Donald Wall “ Gordon Matta-Clark’s Builiding Dissections”, Arts Magazine 50, no9 maggio 1976) In the declining areas there are derelict houses and buildings falling into ruins. This is not a sustainable situation neither for the people living there or for the physical appearance; therefore

demolitions of dilapidated houses

appears also as an instrument for aesthetic and environmental hygiene. Therefore it’s a priority find fertile solutions concerning the surplus of built structures, and demolition of parts of the built structure in declining territories seems inevitable. However,

it

is

important

that

demolition

strategies do not stand alone but are integrated into a bigger overall strategic plan.

▶PRIORITIZED LOCAL DEVELOPMENT Based

upon

different

external

and

internal

criteria, the municipality or city develops a structure that gives the different localities a role in a greater whole, creating in that way a network structure. In practice, a common approach is to increase settlement

in

selected

places,

where

urban

development is mostly concentrated in easily accessible areas with good infrastructure and especially

in

areas

considered

suitable

for

commuting to the next larger city (Tietjen and Laursen 2008). The regulation of the urban pattern is therefore a

decisive

political

instrument

in

the 71


distribution of future urban growth or shrinkage. In generally declining municipalities, the role assigned to a local community with regard to the municipal urban pattern might be the deciding factor regarding survival or death (Tietjen and Laursen 2008).

72


■ ■ ■ MULTIFUNCIONAL LANDSCAPES

The dichotomy of city versus countryside is no longer applicable; landscape cannot be reduce to “natural land” but the term EMBARASSING a more complex theoretical/ racchiudein sé diversi signficati riconosce

. in

landscapeè un

culturaleper la

cioè

determinato

che

un

popolo

luogo

un

valore

counità stessa.

The built is now fundamentally suspect. The unbuilt is green, ecological, popular. If the built – le plein – is now out of control – subject to permanent political, financial,cultural turmoil – the same is not (yet) true of the unbuilt; nothingness may be the last subject plausible certainties!” Koolhaas’s

[Koolhaas, 1995: 974]. words are always provocative but

it’s true that landscape is the new protagonist in the urban development;

landscape must be

considered as a characteristic structure in a transformation process instead of just letting it take over, exploiting landscape potentials and

sources

in

the

improvement

of

declining

territories. Thus, landscape can be seen like a tool , not only like a SCOPO: it’s a medium which contains growth as well as decline. We can use the term landscape urbanism PER INTENDERE PROPRIO

QUESTO

STRUMENTO:

an

hybridization

of architecture and landscape that can unite fragmented urban areas, that can accommodate shrinkage, that can capture the complexity of 73


areas undergoing urban transformation. James Corner says that ““It marks dissolution of old dualities such as nature-culture, and it dismantles classical notions of hierarchy, boundary and centre. Perhaps most importantly, it marks a productive attitude towards indeterminacy, openendedness, intermixing and cross-disciplinarity. Unlike the overly simplified view of the city as a static composition […….] landscape urbanism views the emergent metropolis as a thick, living mat of accumulated patches and layered systems, with no singular authority or control.”

74


■ ■ ■ SOFT TOOLS

Soft tools are related to seeing possibilities in the small, the fragmented and the momentary. This kind of intervention has its starting point in empty buildings and disused sites that go unused for some period of time, whether shorter or longer. What is traditionally regarded as failure on the part of city planners and real estate developers not infrequently represents an opportunity and a resource when seen from the perspective of other actors. Empty and disused spaces can be considered urban reserves for testing collective dreams. It is a micro-level of

planning, and

in soft

tools category it's possible to individualize more

frequently

kind

of

processes

transformation,: the events, the

in

urban

temporary, the

reuse and transformation.

▶THE EVENT AND THE TEMPORARY The event and temporary

refer to a wide range

of short-term actions that to test new ideas and different development alternatives for urban environments. Temporary

uses

are

unplanned,

but

they

are

present in every larger city. Often, they play an important role in a city’s public and cultural life as well as in its urban development, but they have thus far been almost completely ignored in official policymaking and city planning circles. Former

industrial

areas,

waterfront

areas, 75


railroad stations and airports, unused commercial parks,

empty

residential

neighborhoods

and

public institutions, as well as vacant lots of various sizes constitute seemingly functionless zones that linger for years and often decades in a state of transition between their old uses and new ones. Temporary uses can explore and illuminate various accounts of a city’s past and create compelling narratives that are grounded in the physical environment and the cultural geography of a specific place. Stories are good for cities. They help people come to terms with the past and build optimism about the future. Urban storytelling can also increase tourism, which in turn can help support the local economy. Temporary services are a way to create shortterm, portable places of inclusion. Traditional real

estate

desirable

development

market

niche,

typically

targets

excluding

those

a

who

don’t fit the picture of ideal consumers. Temporary projects can provide opportunities and amenities for all, fostering social interaction and engaging residents in playful and unexpected ways.

▶REUSE OR TRANSFORMATION Thus,

the

constant

process

of

change

and

redevelopment in cities leads to a kind of urban three-field crop rotation system: urban spaces now “lie fallow” from time to time during the transition from one

use

to

transformed 76

another: or

reused

existing for

new

structures and

are

different


purposes. This reuse and transformation can, thus, be seen as a reuse of place-based resources taking its point of departure in the place and its social, cultural, physical and economical capitals and in an ecological and sustainable approach, concerned with reuse of material and processes. By working with a transformation of existing structures,

new

and

previously

unseen

possibilities are rendered visible, when the non-economical, cultural and moral resources are in focus. In cases like these, a thematic

overview

of

the

productive

and

constructive potentials of a society can render visible the positive dimensions and qualities of a declining city, which can bring the local actors and their capacity into play and thereby activate and develop the local resources. This can be combined with using cultural strategies. It could be a goal to create a vibrant cultural life for the population, business, tourism etc., in which culture can contribute to a re-definition of the identity and mental environment of the cities.

77


* * * INTRODUCING THE SIX CASE STUDIES

Following, are presented six case studies of cities very different for geography position and history: Valparaiso, La Habana, Baltimore, Lisbon, Beirut and Tokyo. The choice of telling about these cities results from several factors: first of all the will to demonstrate how the phenomenon of urban shrinkage is a global process, not restricted to the Old Europe and to the crisis of suburbanization of American cities.

For this reason every city comes from distinct geopolitical

areas,

South

America,

Central

America, NorthAmerica, Europe, Middle East and Asia. Two other factors of the case studies were the number of inhabitants of the cities, more than 100,000 inhabitants, as suggested by the research team Shrinking Cities : " All known shrinking cities with populations larger than 100,000 were taken into consideration for the international comparison and the worldwide cartography".

This choice it was made for understand what happens in densely populated areas in the past have experienced a great expansion and now find themselves questioning the paradigm of growth. And

other

possibility

discriminating of

finding

important actions,

was

the

policies,

projects, studies that have in their intentions 78


to try to give an answer to the changes put in place by the process of urban shrinkage.

The

order

in

which

they

are

presented

for

simplicity goes from the city further to the west, Valparaiso, to most eastern city, Tokyo, to give more sense of this cross with a quick look at this phenomenon all over the world.

* * *

79


Baltimore

♦ La Havana

Valpariso ♦

80

Lisboa ♦


Beirut ♦

♦ Tokyo

81


REPUBLIC OF CHILE

VAL PA RA ISO

Just 90 minutes from the capital Santiago, the Unesco World Heritage site was a stopover for ships sailing from Europe to California via the Magellan Straits in the 19th century. Straddling a series of hillsides that form a natural amphitheatre along the Pacific coastline, its cobbled streets twist

sharply

upwards

from a

narrow

waterfront

strip,

scaling gulleys and ravines towards the higher mountains behind. In places, the ravines are so steep that footpaths resemble staircases; i n others, they give way entirely to ascensores, whose tiny wooden cabins and clanking were constructed a century ago.

POPULATION LOSS

282.840 275.982

1992

2002

[INE -Chile]


Particularly busy during the California Gold Rush o f the late 1 840s and 1 850s, ValparaĂ­so declined following the construction of the Panama Canal. Numerous immigrants from all over Europe gave i t an international character that eased its transition to a tourist economy and many of the neighborhoods that were settled in have now been preserved as

National

Historic

Districts. I n

the

late

twentieth

century, activists lobbied for the government to apply for UNESCO world heritage status, which was finally given in 2003

which

gave

rise t o

a

new

wave o f

real

estate

speculation.

SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN DOUGHNUT EFFECT


VALPARAISO

ATLAS CIUDADANO

Valparaiso

map the territory

“Atlas Ciudadano_Valpariso” was developed as a workshop under the auspices of “Valparaíso Aula

Permanente”

(Permanent

Classroom

Valparaíso) which is an open research project planned a s a process o f building a learning community across the city and its current culture scene. The project encompasses three facets: an exhibition, a workshop and public sessions.


“Notes for a People Atlas” invites participants to fill in the blank outline of the political border of

their

city o r

region

with

individual

and

collective local knowledge, forgotten histories, ongoing debates, and changing definitions of urban space. “Notes” generates dialogue and open-ended imagining about urban space and history, taking seriously

the

expertise

and

ideas

of

“nonspecialist” community members. When archived, it

presents

information i n

a

form

that

is

accessible, well-designed, and visually rich.

the blank map

Sitesize first learned o f the NPA approach through

their

Transductores:

participation i Spatial

n

Politics

the and

Collective Pedagogies seminar at Centro José Guerrero i n mapping

southern

Spain i n

workshops a bout

the

Granada were being developed.

which

province

NPA of


REPUBLIC OF CUBA

LA HA BA NA

Havana

Viejaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

historical,

cultural

and

architectural

heritage is unquestionable. Neglected, however, through the course of its history, starting in the middle of the XIX. century and accelerated after the Triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the city core has turned into a mere ghost of its once splendid stature. Not indifferent t o the ruinous condition o f this city segment,

the

international

community,

with

the

Cuban

authorities at the lead, has been taking drastic measures in order to delay, and further, to reverse the progressing deterioration of Havana Vieja.

POPULATION LOSS

2.201.610

2.135.498 2.129.013

2002

2010

2011

[ONE-Cuba]


The fundamental philosophy that defines the program of rehabilitation of Havana Vieja is to promote a synthesis of two already available factors: the local population and the surrounding cultural domain with a third one, indispensable to the holistic process: the tourism. To improve the social dimension and benefit its local population, the cultural heritage is perceived as a resource, The locals play a vital part in supporting the architectural legacy -employed in the service of physical repair and maintenance of the historical center as well as through their sheer presence keeping the spirit of the place alive.

SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN PERFORETED


LA HABANA

FOTOTECA DE CUBA

Plaza Vieja

reuse and transformation


The Fototeca de Cuba was created to preserve, study and promote the country’s photographic patrimony and

create a

international archive with a

space

for

photography.

the The

promotion Fototeca i s

of an

vast and valuable collection of

The

public

room, a

couple o f back offices,

most valuable collection of Cuban photography known

public

and i t

equipment

gallery

with

rooms

for

the

a lobby and a generous upper floor

accessed

a

occupies

which hosts one large exhibition

documents; it is also a museum with the widest and

functions a s

part

front and consists of two levels:

from a

toilets.

balcony

and

Laboratory

rooms

are

and

stations

temporary exhibitions i n which works that d o not

half-way between

belong t o the permanent collection are generally

the ground and the first floor.

exhibited.

Fototeca i s meant t o serve not only

the

cultural/commercial

goals, but also the social ones. The building o n the back side of the courtyard was destined t o be an old people’s home after the renovation

has

been

complete.

With time, the seniors’ families came to live with them to care for them, many of the old people have passed away and the families have stayed behind. Now they raise their own children in the very same rooms. The

building

took

its

natural

course. Today i t cannot assume a role of a social institution anymore. A

co-existence o f

private

and

public spaces under a single roof seems to function very well. Both parts

benefit

from

each

other

insofar the use o f the generous common space, the social aspect and

security o f

the

individual

privacy. T o dwell i n an artistic environment raises the quality of life

for

the

presence o f neighbour

inhabitants; such a n

ennobles

the

unusual

their

daily

life and offers high level social activities directly at the door.


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

BAL TI MO RE

This urban field o f the Northeast Seaboard, with the

cities o f

Baltimore

and

Boston,

New

Washington

York,

DC, i s

Philadelphia, an

excellent

picture of the development of American urbanism. It tells a

story o f an urban America that has

changed since the end of World War II. Looking further into the Baltimore metropolitan area i s like looking a t all other Metropolitan areas exploding outwards at an extraordinary rate. Single-family houses are popping up like mushrooms

POPULATION LOSS

939,024

651.154 631.366 621.342 1960

2000

2006 2010

[City of Balti more, Department of Planning]


placed near big infrastructural links and shopping centers. But Balimore is a city of dualism: on the one hand a growing metropolitan area and on the other a decaying city center; is a Doughnut city. Urban growth and decline are situated right next to each

other,

suggesting

they

can b e

linked i n

complex interplay.

SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN DOUGHNUT EFFECT

a


BALTIMORA

PARKS & PEOPLE

Inner city

reuse and transformation

The purpose is to develop a â&#x20AC;&#x153;comprehensive strategy for revitalizing neighborhoods that suffer from population

loss,

vacant

housing,

inadequate

maintenance of vacant land and small parksâ&#x20AC;? (Parks & People 2000). The goal is also to transform the vacant lots in Baltimore into valuable green space and

thereby

themselves.

help

neighborhoods

revitalize


Parks & People is a nonprofit organizations that work with declining terrtories and operates a t a local level, attempting t o make changes a t the community level. This group works with recreation and park issues, where a lot of work is put into neighborhood greening i n declining territories. Parks &

People

want t o improve the quality o f life i n Baltimoreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s neighborhoods, helping to better the physical, social and environmental quality o f neighborhoods through greening

activities

and

forming

networks

among

communities to sustain natural resources.

The adopt-a-lot program i s a proactive approach to land use management and according t o the Parks & People foundation, this kind of approach is essential in order to cope with the changing urban landscape. It i s a local, place-based bottom-up strategy: a strategy o f how t o use vacant lots o n a temporary basis, b

y

using

the

areas t

o

improve

the

neighborhoods, while being in a transiti on period.


PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC

LI S BO A

Lisbon is the westernmost large city located in Europe, as well as its westernmost capital city and the only one along the

Atlantic

coast. I t

lies i n

the

western

Iberian

Peninsula on the Atlantic Ocean and the River Tagus. It is also one of the oldest cities in the world, and the oldest city in Western Europe. Lisbon i s recognised a s a global city because o f its importance i n finance, commerce, media, entertainment, arts, international trade, education and tourism. But since the 80s the city has begun t o have a slow and progressive decline.

POPULATION LOSS

807.937 663.394 564.657 547.631 1981

1991

2001

2011

[INE-Portugal]


Today the famous neighbourhoods o f its historic centre, which include Chiado, Baixa, Alfama, Graça and Alcántara, are full of empty houses. Even the most expensive areas are not fully occupied, and streets that are home t o luxury shops, hotels, banks and multinationals also have their share of decrepit buildings. Lisbon and Porto top the European Union’s list o f cities where the population is in decline . In spite of its declining glory, the beauty of Lisbon with its seven hills and omnipresent river Tagus continues to enthral foreign visitors.

SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN PERFORETED


LISBOA

2012EDIFICIO MANIFESTO

Mouraria

In ArtĂŠria's "script" for the Manifesto Building, they reflected o

n

a

rehabilitation. T o

model achieve

for a this

n

integrated

holistic

urban

approach,

the

community has to be involved in the process. But also from the architect's perspective, they think, it's important to try t o understand the dynamics o f each area i n order to understand what can b e the function o f the architecture there, and the architect has to establish a connection with the place he or she is designing for.


Lisbon-based studio Artéria's reflections on the goals and limits of rehabilitation led to systematic approach that

materialised i n

(Manifesto

Building),

its

2012

renovated

Edifício

Manifesto

in

heart

the

of

Mouraria, a dilapidated neighbourhood at the centre of the city. The development of the Edifício Manifesto took

place i n

partnership

with

the

neighbourhood

association. The studio has continued to reflect on a model for urban rehabilitation that encompasses social, cultural and economical interventions, i n a range of projects including a map o f old buildings t o buy and renovate in Lisbon.

Maquette 2012-Edificio Manifesto

To bring the involvement o f the community even further Artéria developed activities with children from a

local

elementary school, who accompanied the Manifesto Building's construction development with weekly activities. This workshops aim to raise awareness of the importance of caring for the city a s our heritage, knowing that the children

will

grandparents.

pass o n

this

message t o

parents

and


LEBANESE REPUBLIC

BE I RU T

Beirut is the capital and largest city of Lebanon. Beirut is the capital and largest city of Lebanon. Located on a peninsula at the midpoint of Lebanon’s Located on a peninsula at the midpoint of Lebanon’s coastline with the Mediterranean Sea, Beirut serves coastline with the Mediterranean Sea, Beirut serves as the country’s largest and main seaport and also as the country’s largest and main seaport and also forms the Beirut Metropolitan Area, which consists forms the Beirut Metropolitan Area, which consists of the city and its suburbs. After Lebanon achieved of the city and its suburbs. After Lebanon achieved independence i n 1943, Beirut became its capital independence i n 1943, Beirut became its capital city. I t remained a n intellectual capital o f the city. I t remained a n intellectual capital o f the Arab world and quickly became a financial center Arab w orld and quickly became a financial center for much o f the Arab world and a major tourist for much o f the Arab w orld and a major tourist destination. destination.

POPULATION LOSS

~1.100.000

403.337

1970

2001

[UN data + Hamdan; the informations ares inexact since the last census for Lebanon was conducted in 1932]


This era o f relative prosperity ended i n 1975 when the Lebanese Civil War broke out. During most of the war, Beirut was divided between the Muslim west and the Christian east. The downtown area, previously the home of much of the cit y’s commercial and cultural activities, “Green

became

Line”.

a

Many

no-man’s

land

inhabitants

known a s

fled t o

the

other

countries. Thousands of others were killed throughout the war, and much of the city was devastated. Since the end o f the war i n 1990, the people of Lebanon have been rebuilding Beirut.

SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN DOUGHNUT EFFECT

after and before bombardments


BEIRUT

SOLIDARE

Inner city


The Beirut city center Master Plan aims to direct the ongoing transformation o f the formerly war-ravaged heart o f

Beirut

mixed-use

city

unique

into a center.

geographic

Lebanese

and

capitalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

vibrant The

plan

historic

core,

and

sustainable,

builds

upon

the

setting o f

reflecting

the

the

The

main

drivers o

Involves

the

The parts which Masterplan is compose are:

public

domain,

Public

Heritage;

Domain;

Residential

The

Conservation

Neighborhoods;

Area;

The

Souk

The of

Beirut; New development areas; The New Waterfront; A vibrant city center.

master

site

topography and natural characteristics. The

f

planning Beirutâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s city center: recovery o f

the

with

installation o f

a

the

complete

modern infrastructure. Provides a

n

urban

design

framework for new construction and

for

the

restoration

preserved

and

buildings

with a

integration

between

of

historic good old

and

new, tradition and innovation Creates public spaces including gardens,

squares,

belvederes,

promenades and trails. Unearths

layers o f

the

city

fabric

and

center's history. Reestablishes

the

neighborhood

structures

accommodating a

broad

mix

of

land uses ranging from business

Solidare Masterplan

and

institutional

residential,

to

cultural

and

recreational facilities. Offers a

flexible,

market-oriented framework,

development

encouraging

emergence o f

a

the

sustainable

environment. Creates poles of attraction for city center renewal. Creates a

vibrant,

active downtown

24-hour


STATE OF JAPAN

TO K YO

This statement aptly suggest that i f you are to search the divine or cosmic order in city of Tokyo, probability i s that you might not find any kind of visible

order

which

your

eye i s

conventionally

familiar with. Tokyo defies order o n its own way. While Tokyo appears unplanned, i t possess a hidden sense of order, but this is the order of fragmented unity,

village-like

areas

stapled

together,

possessing a feeling o f chaos that many architects have found inspiring. Tokyo has long been criticised for

its

lack o f

greenery

and

its

poor

disaster

mitigation efforts.

POPULATION LOSS

13.500.000 13.160.000 12.780.000

2010

2020

2035

Security Research has warned that there will be a mere 49.59 million Japanese by 2100, a decline of more than 61 percent on the 2010 figure [Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications- Japan]


As a n economic construct Tokyo has only experienced the kind of growth that goes with enormous land prices, and therefore urban planning that would lead to more open land i n the Tokyo area has hardly ever b een considered. So, we might say the reduction in demand for properties caused b y the expected shrinkage of population will b e an excellent opportunity t o gain more open space in Tokyo; an idea that has been coveted for a long time but until now has been too difficult to

implement.The

challenge

will b e

to

direct

the

ongoing development towards a desirable end for the citizens of Tokyo in the 21st century.

SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN STABLE CORE


TOKYO

FIBER CITY TOKYO 2050

Tokyo 2050


A fiber can be understood as an organizing grain or thread. In terms of city form it is a linear space. In Japanese cities the western type o f urban plaza never developed, but in stead there was the street. The intrest in the concept of the fiber lies not only in its formal clarity, but also in its persistent ubiquity as a form, one that can be found in both contemporary and the traditional cities in Japana. In terms of pratical application, a straighforward comparison of two parks of the same area,one square and the other

linear,

opportunities

reveals for

that a

interaction

fibrous between

form the

offers park

people who live nearby.

Exhibition â&#x20AC;&#x153;Tokyo2050 // 12 Visions for the Metropolis UIA TOKYO 2012

and

more the


106


III. MONTEVIDEO

107


MILAN

108


MONTEVIDEO

109


BUENOS AIRES


MONTEVIDEO

RIO DE LA PLATA

ATLANTIC OCEAN


Resbalo por tu tarde como el cansancio por la piedad de un declive. La noche nueva es como un ala sobre tus azoteas. Eres el Buenos Aires que tuvimos, el que en los años se alejó quietamente. Eres nuestra y fiestera, como la estrella que duplican las aguas. Puerta falsa en el tiempo, tus calles miran al pasado más leve. Claror de donde la mañana nos llega, sobre las dulces aguas turbias. Antes

de

iluminar

mi

celosía

tu

bajo

sol

bienaventura tus quintas. Ciudad que se oye como un verso. Calles con luz de patio.

Jorge Luis Borges


* * * From "Montevideo narrated from bars and kitchens" by Ilona Murcia Ijjasz

Montevideo

is

an

alluvial

city

(Sposito,

2010), made almost at random and inhabited by the descendants of those European adventurers arrived at the opposite border of the Rio de la Plata. It is the result of multiple waves of immigration that left as overlying layers, traces of various ways of living, eating, talking and loving. In Montevideo the issue of identity is complex. There is no Uruguayan but "Oriental", a reference to its geographical position at the shore of the Uruguay River. However, neither Oriental completely defines a Montevidean. If you ask to any resident of the Old City, answers will reflect the immigration processes: they may say that they are half Italians, with a quarter of Galician and a little French, without missing a Hungarian or Polish grandmother. Others some people will be more accurate and indicate that they are Basque, or Neapolitans or

Piedmontese

despite

several

generations

were born, raised and died in Latin American territory. If

at

this

traditional

neighbor

you

are

cuisine,

the

only

asked

for

reference

its is

the asado, but nothing more Montevidean exist than

go to a bar to eat frankfurter or chivito,

characteristic of the city. The heritage of Montevideo, particularly of the 114


Ciudad Vieja and its subsequent extensions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, is of such importance, beauty and magnitude that tends to overshadow other narratives. However, the history of the Uruguayan society, particularly and multicultural, is daily basis in the old cafes and shops that, despite being disappearing, are irreplaceable part of the spirit of the city. Therefore, in order to understand this complex society, begins an expedition from the pots and recipes through bars and bakeries, guided by memories of the old pensioners or the wonderful chroniclers of the city, Hugo Robles GarcĂ­a

and

Anibal Barrios Pintos.

* * *

115


* * * Montevideo: from its foundation to the '90s

The City of San Felipe y Santiago de Montevideo was founded ex novo, between the years 17241730 by the Spanish military Bruno Mauricio de Zabala, with about two centuries of difference from most major American cities. Montevideo arises for strategic reasons, as the main defensive bastion of the border between the extensive colonial spaces Lusitanian and Spanish. It became a military stronghold, through a system walled, and due to its natural conditions naval station of the Spanish crown South Atlantic. Montevideo is thus built in the strategic key of the RĂ­o de la Plata. Three

major

implantation:

geographic The

Bay,

elements which

framed

offered

the

best harbour in the region, the Hill, which characterizes the enclave, and the peninsula where it was made the first urban layout. The

type

of

urban

structure

followed

the

guidelines of Indian laws, "city territory." The urban core structure was based on a uniform checkerboard

blocks

separated

with

streets,

ignoring the topographical particularities of the site of implantation. In

the

last

quarter

of

the

XVIII

century,

Montevideo complements its military functions with a growing business, whose economic and sociocultural exchanges modified life and physical characteristic of the city. The colonial urban 116


fabric extremely open is consolidated from the impact of buildings for defensive, religious and Administratively order. In the first decades of the XIX century and after the "British invasion", there were the fights for

independence

of

the

Banda

Oriental

from

Spanish rule. The battles culminate on August 25, 1825 with the "Declaration of Independence "and the August 28, 1828 with the signing of the "Preliminary Convention of Peace" establishes the independence of the Provincia Oriental. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Montevideo suffered a demographic boom: in just over fifty years, the population increased nine fold, due vegetative growth, internal migration from

the

rural

areas

to

the

capital

and

a

sustained immigration flow from Europe, mainly from Spain and Italy. This

substantial

increase

in

population

was

accompanied a transformation of the physical structure of the city, and the rapid extension of the urban sprawl, which went from 330 acres that formed the central area in middle of the nineteenth to a Montevideo's surface six decades later occupied a sector inscribed into a circle of over 10 kilometers radius. Simultaneously the number of constructions of Montevideo was multiplied by almost seven. With the advent of the twentieth century and the development of the Plan Fabini 1928, was put into practice some of the ideas that had been

developing

in

Montevideo

from

the

last

decades of the nineteenth century. its approach 117


urban fragmentary, focused essentially on the aesthetic, circulatory and monumental aspects. In this period the southern coastal and port Ramblas are made,

with the expansion of the

avenues. From the '30s, urban planning will be strongly influenced by the renovator thought that was developed in Europe with the Modern Movement. Start

to

appear

the

themes

of

"functional

specialization of the city", hygiene, recreation, and the idea of exempted blocks of collective housing. The image of the city begins to change, as a result of the incorporation of these new figurative languages in the architectural definition. In

1973

is

established

in

the

country

a

military dictatorship, which encourages private development, from a purely financial perspective, which turns to the construction of tall buildings implanted all over the city. The '70s in Montevideo is characterized, as in many Latin American cities, of indifference to the values of existing tissue, which leads to indiscriminate demolition of excellent examples of national architectural heritage. Then arise professional groups that pressed and promoted the public awareness of this phenomenon. This led to the formation of a working group at the municipal level, in the early 80s, who initiated a process that had the goal of protect heritage. The expansion of the city of Montevideo beyond its administrative boundaries started since the early nineties. Small towns and villages near 118


the capital that in the past maintain a separate dynamic, they were merged into a larger region. However,

the

evolution

of

this

metropolitan

region has been a process disorganized

and

spontaneous

responding

to

different situations and contexts. inside of the Metropolitan Area range of situations are implicated, in a scenario that can be defined as "fragmented landscape."

* * *

119


120


121


Montevideo in numbers

3.286.314 >TOTAL POPULATION OF URUGUAY

3.112.139 >LIVE IN CITIES

1.319.108 >POPULATION OF MONTEVIDEO

122


1.389.740 >TOTAL HOUSES IN URUGUAY

520.538 >HOUSES IN MONTEVIDEO

48.525 >EMPTY HOUSES

[CENSUS DATA 2011] 123


* * * MONTEVIDEO: A SHRINKING CITY

The phenomenon of urban shrinkage appears in the city of Montevideo as a process, "every succession of phenomena that present a certain unity or takes place homogeneously and regular, and generally every aspect of reality as it is the expression of a becoming "11, and not as an extraordinary event caused by catastrophic events. The loss of population in the last decades of the XX century up to the latest official data from the Census 2011 which confirm this phenomenon, has its origin in different interlinked causes, which cannot be delimited to the actuality of the country. Political from

the

and early

economic 70s

issues

have

dating

greatly

back

influenced

the conformation of the complex status quo of Montevideo. The city represent a paradox: on the one hand censuses underline a decrease of the population, especially in the central and consolidated areas, on the other hand there has been a remarkable expansion of the city outside the territorial limits of the urban fabric, which began already in the 90s . "The

paradoxa

talking

about

expansion

of

a

city to which detect a process of shrinking, can

be

resumed

in

the

fact

that

the

urban

territorial expansion is not the result of an increase in population neither for population 124

11 Treccani Dictionary


growth neither for for international migration, neither for a significant rural-urban migration, but is the result of dynamics displacements.",says

of population

Edgardo

Martinez,

"Montevideo, unlike other Latin American capitals, has not gained the rural population; Montevideo is not like Lima, San Paolo, Mexico City, where there is a processes of urban expansion by new rural residents [...] . Therefore is ongoing a phenomenon that we call intra-urban migration." It 'a clear example of the urban shrinkage pattern called Doughnut Effect: Growth and shrink in the same time: the inner city shrink, undergo population loss and urban decay while suburbs and new peripheral constructions, keep growing. Which people and what causes have led to this "displacement"? And which causes can be identified for the phenomenon of loss of population in absolute terms? It is not easy to analyze crystallizing the causes that led to the current transformations of the city, but it is possible to trace some of the phenomena that have most influenced this process of urban shrinkage. Reaffirming

the

fact

that

shrinkage

is

not

intrinsically linked to the economic situation of a country or a city, definitely the "big waves"

of

experienced

economic during

crises the

that

second

Uruguay half

of

has the

twentieth century have influenced the social and spatial conformation of the city, as well as the radical political changes, with culmination in the military dictatorship instated in the early '70s until 1983. 125


But

especially

the

demographic

changes

and

changes in urban structure are the causes more incisive of this

doughnut effect.

The absolute loss of population in Montevideo, although still limited, has become a trend: in the graph we can see that since 1996 the city is not growing, rather at least it decreases constantly up to date, as the census of 2011 confirmed. The reason of this phenomenon must be sought especially in the processes of aging population, low birth rate and the waves of migration from the country to the "first world" that

have

affected

not

only

Montevideo,

but

Uruguay in general. Although it is not negative, the annual average rate of population growth has been declining steadily, and the country is below the minimum threshold to ensure the replacement level.

***

126


POPULATION OF MONTEVIDEO

1.350.000 1.344.839

1.340.000

1.330.000 1.325.968

1.319.108

1.320.000

1.310.000 1996

2004

2011

ANNUAL AVERAGE RATE OF POPULATION GROWTH (PERCENT)

0,7 0,6 0,5 0,4 0,3 0,2 0,1 0 1963-1975

1975-1985

1985-1996

1996-2004

2004-2011

[INE DATABASE]

127


Periódico "El Pais" del 14.01.2012 "Pocos, viejos, egoistas" de Miguel Arregui

"Uruguay es un país que bordea la catástrofe demográfica:

población

pequeña

y

concentrada

en el extremo sur, bajísima tasa de natalidad, emigración

constante

durante

al

menos

medio

siglo, que ni siquiera se detuvo durante el gran ciclo de auge económico iniciado en 2003-2004, pese a que mermó.

En general, tener pocos hijos y emigrar constituyen síntomas

de

desconfianza

y

pesimismo

en

la

suerte de un país. En ciertos sectores sociales, urbanos, educados y de buenos ingresos, además puede denotar egoísmo: los hijos molestan, son caros e impiden el pleno goce de la libertad. En resumidas cuentas, la población más envejecida de

América

Latina

pone

una

presión

firme

y

sostenida sobre el sistema de seguridad social, que tarde o temprano deberá ser revisado.

El

Censo

2011,

del

que

se

conocen

cifras

preliminares, no hizo otra cosa que confirmar estas

tendencias

agravan.

También

históricos,

como

e,

incluso,

ratificó la

mostrar ciertos

decadencia

que

se

cambios

relativa

de

Montevideo, ciudad cada vez menos atractiva, la retención de habitantes por el interior del país en su conjunto y el auge duradero del área metropolitana de Maldonado." 128


â&#x2122;Ś

Newspaper"El Pais" of 14.01.2012 "Few old and selfish"

"Uruguay is a country bordering the demographic catastrophe: small population concentrated in the

south,

very

low

birth

rate,

emigration

constant for at least half a century, that not even

stopped

during

the

great

economic

boom

cycle began in 2003-2004, despite that shrank.

In general, having fewer children and migration are symptoms of distrust and pessimism on the fate of a country. In certain social, urban, educated and good income can also denote selfishness: the children are expensive and prevent the full enjoyment

of

freedom.

In

short,

the

oldest

population in Latin America puts a strong and sustained pressure on the social security system, which sooner or later must be revised.

The Census 2011 confirmed these trends and even showed that they are worse. It also ratified some historical changes: the relative decline of Montevideo, city less and less attractive, the inhabitants retention inside the entire country and the lasting boom of Maldonado metropolitan area."

â&#x2122;Ś

129


130


â&#x2013;śMIGRATION FLOWS Uruguay is considered an emigration country. Since the beginning of Independence and for a century and a half, dominated European immigration and border. Flows of immigrants from European countries had a fundamental impact on population growth and on the country's cultural formation and

the

integration

of

its

workforce,

trade

unions and in general, its political tradition. In the sixties he settled in Uruguay persistent economic

crisis,

deterioration.

followed

Then

by

started

a

large

a

social

reversal

of

flows, migration Uruguayan population outflows intensified especially to Argentina, but also to Brazil;

at the same time, start the migration

to developed countries. Like

what

happened

in

other

Latin

American

countries, these flows are directed first to the United States of America and then to Australia and

Canada,

but

also

to

European

countries,

mainly Spain and Italy, the origin of much of the immigration of the second half of the nineteenth and twentieth first century. The intensification of the crisis was creating a climate of violence and repression which led the coup d'ĂŠtat of July 1973 and the subsequent installation of a military dictatorship that lasted twelve years. The

economic

situation,

coupled

with

the

consolidation of authoritarian rule provoked a flow of emigration that reached very significant levels.

From

the

seventies,

international

migration rates reached the highest levels known in Uruguay. 131


INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION

200.000 180.000 160.000

E M I G R A N T S

140.000 120.000 100.000 80.000 60.000 40.000 20.000 0 1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

MILITARY DICTATORSHIP ECONOMIC DECLINE ECONOMIC GROWTH

132

[INE DATABASE]


The end of the military dictatorship in 1985, had

as

a

consequence

a

movement

of

return

migration stimulated by programs support aimed at reintegrating in Uruguayan society. However, the emigration was installed as a structural element of society. During the early years of XXI century the country went

through

a

severe

economic

crisis

which

has been considered one of the most important in history. Unemployment reached 17% in 2002, previously unimaginable level. In this context, migration is presented as a rapid response to adversity. The presence of previously installed Uruguayan groups in other countries was essential support for the consolidation of the new migration flows. From the census data, the accumulated stock of Uruguayan residents survive and did not return to Uruguay, was estimated to be 15% of the total resident population in 1996. Also, is estimated at 117,000 the number of immigrants from 1996-2004. The

average

age

of

Uruguayan

migrants

is

relatively young and this has an impact on the country's population. Migration has a special impact on the "aging" of the remaining resident population, resulting in major pressure on the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s social health and security system

133


In

recent

economic

years, growth

in

conjunction

accompanied

by

with a

strong

very

low

unemployment rate (5.4% in February 2011) in terms of historical comparison, begin to show signs of increased immigration and an accelerated return of Uruguayan emigrants. This is a very recent trend, so it is still too early to determine the scale and consequences of this process.

134


STOCK OF PEOPLE BACK TO URUGUAY IN PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL POPULATION (1986-2000 AND 2006-2010)

3

2,5

2

1,5

1

0,5

0 1986

1988

1990

1992

1994

1996

1998

2000

2006

2008

2010

[INE DATABASE]

135


â&#x2013;śPOPULATION AGEING Uruguay

has

the

largest

population

in

Latin

America. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), "... the aging population will,

without

doubt,

the

most

important

demographic process for societies in the next century, particularly in the case of Uruguay, a country that has the more elderly demographic structure of the region ". People over 65 account for 14% of the total population. There are various circumstances that explain this aging process: the decline in total fertility rate, from 2.9% to 2.03% in 2006 (according to

demographic

Institute

of

indicators

Statistics

from

(INE)

the

National

combined

with

higher life expectancy (71 years for men and 76 for women). Another important factor is the increase in the percentage of youth migration, this

determines

that

the

rate

of

population

replacement, approximately 17%, is neutralized by

the

emigration

percentages.

136

as

they

present

similar

[INE 2011]


PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION OVER 65

14,5 14 13,5 13 12,5 12 11 10,5 10 9,5 9 8,5 8 7,5 7 6,5 6 5,5 5 1963

1975

1985

1996

2004

2011

[INE DATABASE]

137


â&#x2013;śLOW BIRTH RATE Therefore,

in

conjunction

with

aging

of

population, Uruguay suffers a strong decrease of fertility. The low birth rate is the result of a very long process and in Uruguay started earlier than in other countries of the continent, which, however apart from a few exceptions, the phenomenon is present. In Brazil, it has gone from an average of 5 children in the 70s, to a birth rate similar to that of Uruguay, with 2 children on average. Equally, the fertility rate in Uruguay is higher than in some European countries, including Spain and Italy, which have about 1.4 children on average. But in the context of Latin America, Uruguay, along with Chile, are the countries with the lowest birth rate in all of Latin America. This

phenomenon

is

closely

connected

with

migration flows. They are mainly young people to leave the country in the last decades and therefore the women who migrate are generally young and in the age of reproduction. A woman who emigrates Uruguay and that does not come back to live at home involves the loss of two generations, his own and that of her children. In addition, the economic crisis of 2002-2003 has affected the younger population, accentuating somehow this tendency to have fewer children. In the view of the economist and demographer Juan

JosĂŠ

Calvo,

Uruguay

nowadays

does

not

have an annual number of births that reach the population replacement. 138


BIRTHS PER YEAR

55.000 54.000 53.000 52.000 51.000 50.000 49.000 48.000 47.000 46.000 45.000

0

1999

2005

2010 2011

[INE DATABASE]

139


*** THE DOUGHNUT EFFECT

"I think when we talk about historical centers and heritage defense not necessarily we talk about colonial buildings, places where Heroes lived or where the Independence was declared, neither about Old Towns, which cities grew around. They are also centers and historical the old consolidated areas of cities, the traditional neighborhoods."12

In Montevideo has been developing in the last Decades a process of horizontal expansion to the periphery and its metropolitan area.Extended urban limits, began a process of saturation of these same new urban fabrics, dispersed form and diffuse, which can be called a wild colonization of the territory., An internal mobilitacion of a population that fled from the consolidated areas. Adding a decrease in the population, this prooces has caused the so-called Doughnut Effect and a significant degradation in the central areas, accompanied of underutilization of infrastructure and services. As defined by the Municipality of Montevideo's Territorial Management Plan, Consolidated Urban Land is composed of the urbanized areas served by public utilities, such as the drinking water grid, rainwater drainage, paved road networks, sewage, electrical power and street lights.

12 Nahoum

B.,

"Pobres

y

zonas

centrales: poblema y solucion", Revista Vivienda Popular no.20, Semptember 2010, Montevideo

140


CONSOLIDATED URBAN LAND ♦

141


VARIATION OF POPULATION 1996-2004 - CONSOLIDATED AREAS 0% 1. AGUADA 2. BARRIO SUR 3. BRAZO ORIENTAL 4. CAPURRO 5. CASTRO CASTELLANO 6. CENTRO 7. CERRITO 8. CIUDAD VIEJA 9. CORDON 10.FIGURITA 11.FLOR DE MAROÑAS 12.ITUZAINGO 13.LA BLANQUEADA 14 LA COMERCIAL 15.LARRAÑAGA 16.LAS ACACIAS 17.MALVIN NORTE 18.MAROÑAS PARQUE GUARANI 19.MERCADO MODELO Y BOLIVAR 20.PALERMO 21.PARQUE BATLLE VILLA DOLORES 22.REDUCTO 23.UNION 142

24.VILLA ESPAÑOLA

-5%

-10%

-15%

-20%


16

12

7 5

3

19 4

22

10 14

1

8

6 2

9

15 13

24 23

11 18 17

21

20

[SOURCE:LOS INMUEBLES VACANTES DE MONTEVIDEO-FARQ]

143


▶SUBURBANIZATION The changes more strictly linked to the urban structure

of

the

city

are

the

main

cause-

effect of the dynamic of "displacement" of the Montevideo's

population.

In

this

process

of

urban expansion, can be identified two different "ways" of suburbanization: a formal expansion to the east coast, a "rich suburbanization", where are located the most expensive neighborhoods of the whole city, as Carrasco, and more modest neighborhoods formed initially of holiday homes that have been turned into homes for the whole year; and an expanding informal to the north and west, a "poor suburbanization", driven by the expulsion of the population "undesirable" by the military regime began in the 70s and worsened with the economic crisis that has hit the country around 2002-2003. The

data

in

the

report

Socio

Demographic

Atlas and Inequality of Uruguay confirms this spatial division. The group of neighborhoods on the periphery of Montevideo present values​​ of population in critical deficiencies between 40% and 60% of its total population and all neighborhoods of the east coast have values ​​ less than 14%: neighborhoods like Punta Gorda and Carrasco do not reach 4% of its population with critical deficiencies.

144


***

The scenario that is presented to us by exploring Montevideo, therefore, is a city with "recent characteristics" related to the concept of Latin Americanization: territorial expansion informal, illegal occupation of agricultural land, illegal market of this land, growing violence, perceived rather than real,that

has led to a growing

insecurity of the inhabitants . This fear is also explicit in the architecture: houses have iron bars on all windows and doors, alarm systems and often there are barbed wire or wires of high voltage over the fences.


Fear

is

also

derived

from

the

feeling

of

abandonment that transpires from the city: while the suburbs look like "refugee camps" (Eduardo Alvarez Pedrosan), the center is a ghost town: residential districts with strategic positions to one hundred meters from the beaches are left to themselves, with many abandoned houses decadent or often walled to prevent some "adventurer" who wants to enter. In the words of Noemi Alonso, these abandoned houses are like "holes that cause prejudice to the the entire city." Sidewalks

and

street

furniture

in

very

bad

condition and many waste everywhere. And then the east coast, which seems a graft between Miami and Monte Carlo, where rich people take refuge in private neighborhoods, closed and live their lives in their parallel Uruguay: what is known as the "Switzerland of South America".

***


148


IV. MONITOR OF INTERVENTIONS

149


***

"Today you may notice a common denominator in the arguments of the actors that have to do with the city, in the faculty and administration, and this I believe is not a coincidence: there are some conceptual frameworks that are shared and that are at least in the discourse, not necessarily in practice."

As

the

architect

Raul

Valles

emphasizes,

director of the Unidad Permanente de Vivienda of the Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR, it is possible to observe an effort by the Administration as well as within the Academic context, to incorporate new paradigms in how they view the situation and came to delineate a guideline of actions and programs that try to interact with the phenomenon of the Doughnut Effect as a form of urban shrinkage. Properly the Faculty of Architecture of Udelar in 2011 has placed attention on this phenomenon, raised the issue of the impact that the loss of population in the central areas of the city and has the physical consequences: the high number of abandoned buildings. The research is indeed entitled "Vacant buildings of Montevideo: a reserve for inclusive urban development", developed by the Department of Sociology and the Institute of Theory and Urban Planning-ITU,

and

is

an

investigation

in

26

neighborhoods of the consolidated urban land, registering vacant properties existing there. 150


As vacant lots they have considered empty lots, unoccupied properties, industrial and commercial establishments with no activity.

"The study summarizes the work of more than 200 students from and allows to identify areas of opportunity for the localization of housing solutions

that

serve

as

saturation

of the urban fabric requalifying

elements

damaged or

stagnant city's areas. The repopulation, which has impacts on other sensitive

aspects

security,

while

of

social

reactivation

life of

such

as

consolidated

areas with all services, supposed to slowdown in the urban sprawl, the irrational use of land and the multiplication of services involved. This results in huge savings in public money, to use the equipment, services and existing infrastructure, preserving tangible and intangible heritage of those areas. This research then intended as input both for decision makers of public housing and for private developers, and be sample of the commitment by Farq-Udelar to combine teaching and research function with the real problems of our society." [From the presentation of the research- Farq, Udelar, Montevideo]

As in the university context, the Administration has

also

initiated

a

policy

of

pro-active,

especially with the start of the new millennium, by starting up a series of interventions, plans, programs and projects that seek to relate to the

changes

that

the

city

of

Montevideo

is 151


experiencing. Precisely because they are recent, it is difficult to understand the real impact or otherwise of such interventions, especially from the point of view of social cohesion and improvement of city life. But the fact that they were wanted and put into practice by the administration means that the phenomenon has been recognized and decisions regarding

the

city

and

its

community

are

starting to be not only focused on the paradigm of growth, but they are trying to shift the focus on quality, improving what already exists, recognizing in some way the process of shrinkage also as an opportunity, beyond the problems that it involves. In recent years there have also been introduced two important new tools at the national level that are part of that "shared conceptual frameworks" mentioned

by

the

Architect

Raul

Valles:

the

creation of an Agencia Nacional de Vivienda in 2007 and the Ley de Promocion de la Vivienda de Interes Social of August 2011. The

Agencia

Nacional

de

Vivienda

Housing Agency ] tries to give a effective

response

to

the

problem

[

National real and

of

public

housing stock on the one hand and on the other aims to elaborate and implement new ways of management

of

housing

policies,

developing

financial instruments that act as a stimulus for private investment, public investment and public-private partnerships. The Ley de Promocion de la Vivienda de Interes Social [Law for the Promotion of Social Housing] 152


is a stimulus for redirecting investors in housing to social media sectors and consolidated urban areas

but not coastal, which usually occurs the

majority of investments by high profitability in the housing market. In Montevideo the law acts with a zonification, identifying

priority

areas

where

private

investment are facilitated, for example through the tax exoneration, considered as the highest priority zone of central areas of the city. It

is

important

to

mention

another

powerful

tool that is put in place : the cooperative system, which has a long and rich experience in Uruguay, with its peculiarity to promote social production of habitat intended as a participatory, interdisciplinary and evolutionary process with which to respond to the housing problem.

The

Monitor

of

interventions

that

follows,

is a collection of six active actions put in place by the Administration to try to deal with the issue of the loss of population and the changes that the phenomenon of urban shrinkage involves, especially in relation to the Doughnut Effect, trying to give possible solutions to the deterioration and abandonment of consolidated areas of the city. This work does not pretend to be a complete and comprehensive picture of the policies and actions implemented in Montevideo, but seeks to identify and study the interventions with higher impact that, implicitly or explicitly, are approaching to the phenomenon of urban shrinkage. Are presented, therefore, the Program RenovĂ  153


Goes, the Park Project Liber Seregni, The Special Plan for Ciudad Vieja and the one for the Barrio Sur, the Oficinas de Rehabilitacion Program and finally the Plan Realojo de los Asentamientos Irregulares. The latter intervention was taken into

analysis

even

though

it

is

relates

to

areas closest to the periphery of the city to emphasize the importance of maintaining a link between center and periphery, "the other side of the coin"13 of the Doughnut Effect, which has in

itself

both

shrinkage

and

expansion,

and

considering that the population shift is not reversible but can be restrained.

"Talk of the regeneration of cities involves at least three different perspectives on the nature of the urban experience: the need to encourage community and citizen participation, strengthening innovation and dynamism associated with urban life and culture; arrest physical and economic decay. Regeneration does not refer to a limited area within the city but to the welfare of the city as a whole."14

The

other

key

aspect

which

connects

the

intervention reported is the active participation of the inhabitants, sometimes minimal, sometimes essential for the success of the action. This "common ground" does not emerge from a choice of presenting only the cases that involved the active participation of the inhabitants, but rather suggests that there is a shared vision by the Administration: the need to involve the 154

14 Hill

D.,

Cities:

Urban

Citizenship Policy

and

in

the

1990's, Harvester, London, 1994

13 Schelotto Periferia. misma

S., 多Dos

moneda?,

Montevideo, 2012

Centro caras Toboso

de

y la

Srl.,


community, a vital resource for do an improve quality of life, based on the principle and aspiration towards equity.

"There is a long and important tradition of Municipal

culture

in

the

country

and

a

low

proportion of informality compared to the Latin American context. This is an important resource for any process of planning . Having a centralized IMM [ Intendencia Municipal de Montevideo] power becomes at the same time an opportunity and a threat. The opportunity refers to the possibility of treating the city as a whole in a planning process, preventing unequal competition between neighborhoods that hinder the implementation of actions based on regulations and incentives. The risk could result to the mechanical imposition of policies without a real interest from the private sector to follow these guidelines, or could result to not consider weak and sensitive sectors or groups that could be lost on the way "

The work of

monitoring the interventions is the

result of two approaches: one more objective, through the systematized collection of and

first-hand

sources,

the

study

material of

plans,

programs or projects, trying to give a complete view through a easy communication design; and a more subjective approach, outcome

from the

interviews conducted in Montevideo to the main actors who directly have worked, followed or led 15 Morel

G.,

Re-dise単ar

el

stock, Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR, Montevideo, 2006

the interventions and from the direct exploration of places where actions were carried out, in 155


order to understand the context for which they were intended and capture the first impressions of actions still in progress. For each of the six interventions have been proposed possible implementations, suggestions of what could be done, always looking for an approach which has a bottom-up perspective, since the Administration should endeavor to involve the users and at the same time the great resource that the city has: the inhabitants.

***

156


Renovaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Goes Program

157


SITE

BARRIO GOES

158


IMAGES FOR GOES

1

3 2

159


160


161


162


163


164


165


166


ACTION

SCALE OF INTERVENTION

ACTORS

ECONOMICAL CAPITAL

TIMELIFE

PHYSICAL APPROACH

SOCIAL APPROACH

PRUPOSE

program

REPORT

pragmatic solution + soft tools

Banco Interamericano de Desarollo + Ministerio de la Vivienda + Intendencia de Montevideo + Residents of the neighborhood

HIGH

2008-2013

New housing projects and new pubblic spaces + Riqualification of existing buildings and improvement of existing space

actions in community and social services loans and subsidies to residents who want to renovate the facade of their house

Retain existing population and attract new people and activities + improve the quality of life of Goesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inhabitants

167


RENOVA’ GOES MAP

168


VIVI’ GOES PROGRAM

The

Program

Renová

Goes

is

part

of

the

Program

Vivì

Goes,

articulated in various components and general objective is to reverse the process of urban decay, recovering spaces to live and work in conditions that allow to strengthen elements of current neighborhood identity, enabling new possibilities of realization for its inhabitants in terms of their individual, family and collective trajectories. In this program come together various sources of national and international financing to make it look like a real possibility the recovery of

neighborhoods, but that also allow to develop the

tools necessary for social and urban intervention. PLANS, PROGRAMS AND PROJECTS OF VIVI’ GOES Area of action of the program Urbana de Goes

socio-urbana y articulación de politicas hacia Priority area

la

integración

social

en

areas

centrales

degradadas

Mercado Agricola

Vivì Goes

socioeconómico de Goes

Reus Norte

convenio con la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes

Movilidad Urbana

169


â&#x20AC;&#x153;What happened, happenedâ&#x20AC;?

"At a time the neighborhood was rated as red zone" reminded Carlos Curbelo, who lives i n Goes. Working families also made their suitcases expelled b y insecurity. For a long time i t

was

the

kingdom o f

"The

Tuman"

which

were

responsible for robberies and extortion of traders and, as another

neighbor

reminded ,

Furman

Charma

"they

had

terrorized the neighborhood" . The panorama was completed with the famous manzana861 between the streets AmĂŠzaga, Porongos, Libres

and Valle Inclan,

which housed an

informal settlement and points of cocaine's sales.

170


>>

The

basic

â&#x20AC;?

goals o f

the

program

are

the

recovery and improvement o f a long-abandoned neighborhood, vulnerable peripheral

and

and areas,

that

the

potentially can

find

population installable adequate

most on

housing

offers or have an incentive to be installed in central areas like Goes. <<

â&#x20AC;?

Adriana

Berdia

RenovĂ  Goes coordinator

171


THE FOUR ACTION LINES OF RENOVA’ GOES

1

2

>> considering that to requalify a space you

have t o

have a

public space. <<

good

quality

of

>> start from the idea that an increased supply o f housing is not

going t

o

eject

more

population: where you can not correct

the

market,

you

according to its rules. <<

172

act


THE FOUR ACTION LINES OF RENOVA’ GOES

>> w e

3

4

act

also

with

>> recognizing the Mercado Agricola

funds that are called

as a

Strengthening

neighborhood <<

and

dynamic

center o

f

the

Community Development, grants

for

activities i

cultural n

the

neighborhood. <<

173


POSITIVE ASPECTS

â&#x2122;Ś

Improve: despite the loss of population, even massive, we don't talk about cities completely abandoned by humans: someone still lives there. Lacking the issues related to population growth is

a

unmissable

opportunity

to

shift

the

research, design and policies into an improvement of the urban space and thus of the life of the inhabitants who live there. To give quality to urban life, first is necessary to improve and generate public spaces, places of aggregation and interaction between the inhabitants. Second, reactivate and improve the housing stock. The change must be wanted, supported and carried on

also

by

the

inhabitants

themselves.

The

administration should ensure rights and try to cope with problems arising from the processes of population loss and consequent degradation, but the formula of loans and small grants is persuasive because it determines the will of the owners themselves to change their situation.

â&#x2122;Ś

Participation and iteration of the inhabitants: believing strongly that actions on the city cannot be separate from who composes the city, the citizens. Even when the intervention is by the administration, it is essential to maintain a constant link with the inhabitants and make them

participate

in

the

process

of

change,

otherwise the risk is to have a transformation that remains on the surface and does not go into 174

depth to the socio-urban structure.


POSITIVE ASPECTS

Act to the neighborhood scale: the phenomena and processes of shrinking, despite the components of a global nature, occurs in different ways at the local level, even within the same city. Interventions should be planned in each case. It is also important to have a holistic view of the entire city, but a real efficiency in economic conditions unfavorable is possible delimiting the area of action thus having tangible results.

Recognize

an element of the area as dynamizer,

like the Mercado Agricola, whose regeneration has resulted in: an important flow of people by

the

whole

city

attracted

of the historical market;

by

the

rebirth

new employment;

a

redevelopment not only of the building itself but

of

the

entire

surrounding

space.

From

this it follows also a component of increased perceived safety, in an area that was previously called “red zone”.

Redensification:

create

more

housing

supply

in the market for prices to decrease so that the

option

of

having

a

home

is

taken

into

neighborhoods like Goes.

Support and grant land to cooperatives: a great tool that combines self-building, participation, community values​​ , as well as valuable tool for fighting a possible phenomenon of gentrification of an area that wants to be repopulated.

175


CRITICAL ISSUES

â&#x2122;Ś

Interventions that the administration carries forward

believing

necessary,

proper

and

desirable, do not always be perceived by users as such. The Mercado Agricola, opened in July this year, had a great publicizing, on TV, on the posters on the streets, on the radio, in newspapers, presenting the reopening of the Market almost as unmissable event of the year. But the inhabitants of Goes and who daily went to the market to buy fruit and vegetables is not so enthusiastic. The the restyling will also returned to its ancient splendor, but what was a typical direct selling market of fruits and vegetables, today seems like a big shopping center, with a few food stands and lots of space to other commercial and recreational activities.

â&#x2122;Ś

The expiration date of the Program: How Adriana Berdia, coordinator of the Plan Goes Renova, points out, the plan has a real risk: a fiveyear plan that will not be replicated in Goes precisely because it has completed with positive results

all

the

objectives

of

the

the

plan

itself. The risk of a short-term plan is that the "whole structure falls" a few years later. So it is essential leave a legacy,a certain motor that has the strength to continue on its own after the completion of Plan.

176


CRITICAL ISSUES

The

plan

is

focused

on

the

construction

of

new homes and the renovation of the existing stock, but does not go into the specifics of another important aspect: the rented house. is a necessary option for young students or young couples, especially because in that age group, it is still a distant goal afford to buy a house.

In

the

area

called

"Barrio

de

los

Judios"

Most of the buildings are used for commercial services

on

the

ground

floor

and

the

upper

floors for deposits, with all that comes with it: degradation, the possibility of a structural collapse, presence of rats ... The plan does not express some chance of reviewing this part of the neighborhood, which is a problem but at the same time can be a resource.

In the plan is not exploited the participation of

the

inhabitants

also

for

the

design

and

construction of public spaces. There

are

also

no

incentives

to

strictly

bottom-up actions, actions that come from the inhabitants, rather than interventions in which they are included.

177


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

RENOVA' GOES

178


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

ACT TO THE NEIGHBORHOOD SCALE

PARTECIPATION OF INHABITANTS

RECOGNIZE A DYNAMIZER ELEMENT

179


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

In the barrio Judio,an area of Goes, there are a problem that can be turned into a resource. Most

of

these

buildings

are

part

of

the

architectural and cultural heritage of the city. The ground floor. for the majority of these buildings, is intended to commercial activities SUGGESTION

and the floors above to deposits, leaving them in such a manner to degrade slowly. It's

necessary

buildings,

a

policy

freeing

them

to

regularize

from

the

these

warehouse

function and recovering them, giving back to the city. The upper floors can become apartments, cafes as well as spaces for community activities in the neighborhood.

ACTION

TOOLS

180

Reuse and transformation of upper floors largely used as deposits.

POLICY


181


182


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

The Agricola Market is one of the strategic points for the redevelopment of the neighborhood, but the domino effect should be helped. The market should open up to the exterior around and be a continuation of its activities. It SUGGESTION

could therefore facilitate activities related to agriculture. Next to the market are under construction the new complex of cooperatives that may be to intergrate a system put in motion by the Agricola market. Stimulate the formation of urban vegetable gardens and direct sale of products, promote small commercial activities related to the market but out of the market, public spaces where you can eat outside and create an open-air extension of the market.

ACTION

TOOLS

Urban regeneration through the Mercado Agricola: bring the Market out from its walls.

SMALL COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES

COMMUNITY GARDENS

OPEN AIR MARKET

183


184


Liber Seregni Park_ multifunctional pubblic space

185


SITE

BARRIO CORDON

186


ACTION

SCALE OF INTERVENTION

ACTORS

ECONOMICAL CAPITAL

TIMELIFE

PHYSICAL APPROACH

SOCIAL APPROACH

PURPOSE

program

REPORT

pragmatic solution + soft tools

Intendencia de Montevideo + Junta de Andalucia

MEDIUM-HIGH

2007- 2009

Demolition of existing sheds Project and realization of a multifuncional pubblic space

Through the Participatory Budget neighborhood residents have allocated all the economic resources available for the demolition of existing sheds, expressing their desire of requalification of that space

Project a public space able to give a boost to the redevelopment of the neighborhood and able to give added value to the city

187


LIBER SEREGNI MAP

188


LIBER SEREGNI ACTIVITIES

Park Area: in the sector on corner of D.

Mu単oz

developed

and a

M.

C.

major

Martinez park

is

area,

abundantly forested, wild and natural character.

Community

Activities

Area:

on

the

street J. Requena is grouped communal activities,

developed

from

the

Neighbor's House (the only building maintained) outdoor

and

installations,

playgrounds, elderly,

complemented

table

sports

games space

multipurpose

court

roller-skate

park),

and plus

with

such

as

for

the

(equipped skate a

and "Wall

Graffittis" to channel this youthful expression modality.

Area Plaza: located on the corner of E. V. Haedo and M. C. Martinez, this area forms an access-sector with a large open

space

where

is

possible

to

contemplate the entire space due to its greatest height above the rest of the park. This space continues with soft steps on a platform where they can develop cultural activities of various kinds, limited with a pond.

189


â&#x20AC;&#x153; PATRICIA ROLAND

They

were

old

deposits

that

had

been

going

deteriorating: few offices, dirt, rats etc ... At

the

time

the

Municipality,

which

was

proprietary, gave the area in concession to a private enterprising who tried to find private resources to invest. The Banco Hipotecario was in a very complicated moment, and the project was originally a large housing estate intervention and public space

2000

remaining. It was not possible to sell it to anyone because powerful private investment wants the coast, where

it

has

resale

value,

and

no

one

was

interested at this area. The project came to nothing for a few years. Is good to have that kind of private investment but you have to give it value; then what we had to do there was a public space that would also value the rest of the city. We came to the conclusion that we had to give it value, we are the owners of this land, in an area

2001

that has deficit of public spaces. And of course the neighbors were in complete agreement with this idea. At that time, that we were taking these

decisions,

Participativo that

pubblic

started

the

Presupuesto

(Participatory Budgeting), and consultation

assigned

all

the

budget to the demolition of the sheds of the whole block. And that was not a small push . Participatory Budgeting involved neighbors. interest.

190

Was

a

beautiful

very much the conjunction

of

2003


â&#x20AC;?

PATRICIA ROLAND

And the topic was how to finance that public space, which needed a significant work. And we, the Municipality, in that right period, we had some

land

in

Carrasco,

which

is

the

most

expensive area per square meter in Montevideo, and

we

promoted

a

departmental

board

decree

authorizing us the sale that land and with the derived of the sale we did the park . And I think that, about the speech we do and we

2007

want to do, this is, the Liber Seregni Parkthat , a intervention that closes very well. The

project was done with the neighbors , of

course;

a

first

project

was

made

in

the

Municipality and then was discussed with them, debating about the thing they did not like, discussing the playground area, the skate park area... In addition the project had a plus, the decision to dedicate this to Liber Seregni public space, which was a leader of the left ,of the Frente

2009

Amplio,, who was in prison for all the time of the dictatorship, a person very dear to the entire political spectrum. There is also a Liber Seregni Foundation, there is the family and then all of that had been transformed into a big popular debate, everyone wanted to comment on the project ... but then you realize that this process, while you're there seems to be too much, is super rich, d with many people who have other views that are as valid as yours, and

2013

always

you finish learning on the

one hand and other.

191


POSITIVE ASPECTS

â&#x2122;Ś

Demolish: the paradigm of preservation at all costs must be questioned, even more in front of a shrinking process, for which the immediate physical consequence is the increasing number of spaces and abandoned buildings. It's almost impossible to say what is right to keep and what not, but sometimes it is essential to make a radical act of tabula rasa. And this is the case of the Park Liber Seregni, from seriously degraded and abandoned space has become a place of aggregation, iteration, fun, and sport.And the decision to demolish the existing deposits is triggered by the inhabitants themselves of the

neighborhood

through

the

instrument

of

Participatory Budget (Presupuesto Participativo) , thus manifesting the need to give a complete new life to that black hole in the city. Considering space as an organism whose meaning is given by the same life that flows, intervene with a demolition is sometimes necessary to give back to that space lifeblood, rather than freeze it for posterity.

â&#x2122;Ś

Domino Effect: the project of the Park boosted a regeneration of the neighborhood. Residents have been recovering the facades of their homes and fixed sidewalks, and small shops nearby have increased their sales. The environment of the park was very degradated but today there are a continuous action by neighbors, recycling and

192

recovering.


POSITIVE ASPECTS

Presupuesto Participativo : the Participatory Budget

ensure to the inhabitants of Montevideo

the universal participation right to propose and then decide, through secret vote, the execution of works and social services of local interest, which

are

financed

from

the

budget

of

the

Municipality of Montevideo. The inhabitants therefore have a double active role: propose what they think is missing or should be implemented in the district and once collected all the proposals, they vote. It's a great tool that strengthens the link between inhabitant and the city, which helps to democratize the choices that are often considered exclusively the competence of the technicians, forgetting that it is much more difficult to “guess” what the citizens want rather than asking them directly.

Participatory

design:

the

participation

of

the inhabitants was not only crucial to the project as an impulse through the participatory budget,

but

also

during

the

design

process.

The administration has maintained a continuous dialogue

with

the

neighborhood,

discussing

how and what to include in the design of this multifunctional space.

193


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

LIBER SEREGNI PARK

194


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO

DEMOLITION

PARTICIPATORY DESIGN

195


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

The project area is not a unique case in the inner city. The effects of de-industrialization and

dislocation

of

services

has

generated

a

series of abandoned areas, such as can be found in the Barrio Capurro, a traditional residential SUGGESTION

neighborhood of the city. These areas could be included in the online database of Impossible Living, "the first global community born to map and give new life to abandoned buildings". Once mapped, anyone of us can register on the site and present his idea, his project for a transformation of the area or building concerned, so thus forming project groups. This resource could be used to "open up the imagination"

and

give

a

wider

spectrum

of

possibilities the powerful tool already exists, the participatory budget, generating new ideas redevelopment of neighborhoods.

ACTION

TOOLS

196

Mapping of abandoned areas and buildings in the global community Impossible Living

INTERNET

WORKSHOPS

PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO


197


198


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

"A plaza Liber Seregni is really what we should have in all neighborhoods" ( Carlos Varela, Mayor of the Municipality B where the park is located) In view of the very positive results of an action such as to transform abandoned areas in the heart SUGGESTION

of the city in public spaces multifunctional, you could create a program that manages and promotes this type of detailed action in other abandoned spaces, creating a network of projects throughout the city, and who acts from time to time according to the particularity of the place but with the background of previous experiences. Without forgetting the fundamental resource that has had Liber Seregni project: the participation of the inhabitants.

ACTION

TOOLS

Liber Seregni Program: reuse and transformation of abandoned spaces

PROGRAM

DEPOSITS

PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO

199


200


Plan Especial Ciudad Vieja

201


SITE

CIUDAD VIEJA

202


IMAGES FOR CIUDAD VIEJA

2

1

3

203


210


ACTION

SCALE OF INTERVENTION

ACTORS

ECONOMICAL CAPITAL

TIMELIFE

PHYSICAL APPROACH

SOCIAL APPROACH

PURPOSE

planning

REPORT

strategic solution

Intendencia de Montevideo + Junta de Andalucia

-

2003 - Ongoing

-

improve the quality of life of residents and users + promoting repopulation

Create technical and institutional tools for a urban management able to order, protect and improve the Ciudad Vieja 211


>> At the Symposium organized by UNDP and UNESCO in Quito in 1977, Old Town was defined those

human

settlements

alive,

as "all strongly

conditioned by a physical structure coming from the

past,

recognizable a s

representing

the

evolution of a community. " Hardoy and De Los Santos (1981) argue that "(...) this formulation raises as one of the essential requirements of historical centers that include a

social

and

(Therefore) " A defined

only i n

cultural historic terms o f

alive center its

core can

(...) not

monuments

be but

essentially it can be defined in function of its inhabitants, who are the priority recipients of cultural recovery (...) In a Old Town may be lacking

absolute

archaeological

ruins

or

monuments ". There can not be Old Town, however, in this conception, devoid of people. <<

[ Benjamin Nahoum in Vivienda Popular n.20 ]

212


â&#x20AC;?

>> I n my Master thesis I

worked a

lot with

Ignacio B. Kunz, a Mexican Professor who makes a series o f

definitions, i n

addiction t o

we

already know well of gentrification. He defines the

process o f

gentrification i n almost

all

Latin

"succession" reverse, American

replacement i s for a

which i s

what

like

happened

centers:

when

to the

lower-income population,

which leads to a degradation process throughout the environment. He speaks also about a process of "declination", when population i s lost, n o replacement, and values d o

not

fall. I

think

that's

the

phenomenon in Montevideo and specifically in the Ciudad Vieja. <<

â&#x20AC;?

Patricia

Roland

Directora Espacios Publico y Edificaciones-IMM

213


PLAN ESPECIAL CIUDAD VIEJA MAP

214


PRIORITY AREAS AREAS OF INTEGRATED REHABILITATION [AREAS DE REHABILITACIÓN INTEGRADA]

Piedras- Las Bovedas Solis Perez - Castellano Plaza I.Gradin Mercado Chico

DETAIL URBAN PROJECT [PROYECTOS URBANOS DE DETALLE]

Acceso Norte Atarazana - Puerto

Acceso Sur

Escollera 215


PECV FRAMEWORK MODES OF ACTION STRATEGIC ISSUES

Heritage and urban quality

Centrality and economic development

REGULATIONS AND INCENTIVES

COMUNICATION

New image Area Ciudad Vieja Public access to the Inventory Heritage Divulgation of heritage values Safe Routes and Heritage Tours divulgation Divulgation of the rotating fund for rehabilitation of facades

Zone and Catalog regulation Heritage Catalog Damages for padron Design guidelines for public spaces and buildings Incentives for conservation and recovery of high heritage value buildings Rotating fund for rehabilitation of facades

Promoting cultural district Promoting financial district Emblematic operations the urban scale

Economic promotion Service Quality Standards at

Housing and local development

Renovation of residential image Promotion of the Ciudad Vieja residential value

Building regulations territorialized housing policies Investment incentives Demand subsidies

Accessibility and mobility

Image revaluation of Ciudad Vieja pedestrian use New image of collective transport

Traffic and parking regulations New rules of public transport

216


PECV FRAMEWORK

QUALIFICATION AND REHABILITATION Existing building interventions, aids to rehabilitation Qualification and maintenance of public spaces in general Integrated actions in peculiar public space, sections and tours

REESTRUCTURING

Deconstructed urban fabric suture Valorisation of geography Valorisation of traces of urban history Contributions to the modern heritage

MM-MVTOMA-BHU agreement

Urban furniture in the Cultural District and the Financial District Agreements with privates for improvement the public space

Infrastructure upgrade Detail projects as elements of attraction to the area, affirmation of centrality

Actions of Integrated Rehabilitation: qualification of public space, recycling and new housing, improvement of equipment, promotion of social development MM-MVTOMA-BHU agreement

Establishment of new areas for housing construction in the context of Detail Projects

Pedestrian streets and sidewalk extensions, vehicular traffic domestication New transport system

Redesign access system and internal mobility Adequacies of the main road 217


POSITIVE ASPECTS

Preserve

and

strengthen

the

value

of

Ciudad

Vieja: architectural heritage historic, cultural city of Montevideo, trying also to establish and maintain a relationship between historical and contemporary heritage.

Identification of areas where work with projects of

integrated

Rehabilitations

and

areas

for

urban projects. The

complexity

and

diversity

within

the

the

district lead to the necessity to act in a manner diversified and customized in some areas of the district.

Inventory of architectural and urban heritage of the Ciudad Vieja, accessible online to everyone. Contains all the updated registers of the Ciudad Vieja information, as well as all the squares and public spaces and streets and all sections of the Heritage Area. The area considered is the Ciudad Vieja Heritage Area defined in the Plan. With

the

through

the

possibility Web,

the

of

universal

inventory

counts

access among

its innovations a register of archaeological heritage and a record of intangible heritage associated with each file. At the same time, contains a photographic record of the facade, of significant elements and the urban section of each property in its current state <http://inventariociudadvieja.montevideo.gub.uy/> 218


CRITICAL ISSUES

â&#x2122;Ś

"Ciudad Vieja has not been yet attractive for the families sector, there is not a clear offer that promotes the installation of families." As pointed out by Adriana Berdia in this area experiences of interventions aimed at improving and expanding the housing supply were isolated and today there are not policies in this regard.

â&#x2122;Ś

From studies carried out for the drafting of the Plan, it was observed that, despite the loss of population, the Ciudad Vieja has an important diurnal flow of workers and young people. But it is not yet been introduced any policies directed

precisely

to

this

sector

of

the

population, workers and young people.

â&#x2122;Ś

"Why have an assembled and recovered scenary but empty?" . As outlined by Patricia Roland, the Plan works highly on the physical aspects of the area, acting on the historical, architectural and urban heritage, which has on its merit but lack a number of aspects that have to do with socioeconomic processes,cultural and commercial. It remains to understand what can work and what not, in order to carry out not only the regeneration of the area from the physical point of view but also from a social perspective, for example creating housing policies. And

the

resource

of

the

inhabitants

of

the

neighborhood is left completely in the background. 219


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

PLAN ESPECIAL CIUDAD VIEJA

220


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

PUBLIC ONLINE ACCESS TO THE INVENTORY

OF

ARCHITECTURAL

AND URBAN HERITAGE

PROJECTS OF INTEGRATED REHABILITATION

221


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

The Ciudad Vieja is the favorite place for one of the deepest traditions by the inhabitants of the Uruguayan coast: go fishing. The Sarandì cliffs every day, especially during holidays, are full of people who are not professional fishermen but who enjoy this sport / hobby since they were children. Around the Rambla Sur and Sarandì cliff there is not any service or activity, expecially related to this particular tradition. At the beginning of the cliffs there is an SUGGESTION

abandoned building like a bunker where they find shelter some homeless. And it is precisely this part of the Ciudad Vieja where recovery efforts have not yet arrived. The theme of the fishery could be the leitmotif for a regeneration of this area of the historical city, with markets, small commercial activities, café and meeting spaces not only for residents but also for this daily flow of people who go to the cliffs for fish.

Services ACTION

for

fishermen

and

small

commercial

activities also linked to fishing as starting point

for

improvement

of

this

part

district.

TOOLS

222

FISHING

PROGRAM

SMALL COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES

of

the


223


224


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

The Ciudad Vieja is the district that has lost more

population

in

the

city.

The

physical

consequences are obvious: many buildings have completely

abandoned

and

are

in

a

state

of

serious deterioration. The plan for the Ciudad Vieja is very conservative, rightly because this SUGGESTION

area the ancient core of the city, but does not go into detail about what to do with this heritage "lost." Recovering these buildings is an important resource to be able to establish housing rents.

policies, The

especially

Ciudad

Vieja

with

regard

maintained

to

despite

everything a good daily flow of people who go to work in the financial district and a flow of young people who go out at night in these areas. These are the users on which to focus. Could be set up a program and workshops on the recovery of these buildings so that the same users participate in the design and implementation of projects, lowering costs.

ACTION

TOOLS

Recovery of heritage "lost"

PROGRAM

INHABITANS

SELF CONSTRUCTION

WORKSHOPS

225


226


Plan Especial Barrio Sur

227


SITE

BARRIO SUR

228


IMAGES FROM BARRIO SUR

2

1

3

229


236


ACTION

SCALE OF INTERVENTION

ACTORS

ECONOMICAL CAPITAL

TIMELIFE

PHYSICAL APPROACH

planning

REPORT

strategic solution

Intendencia de Montevideo + Junta de Andalucia

-

2003 - Ongoing

-

SOCIAL APPROACH

Public consultation among residents of Barrio Sur and the various actors who work there

PURPOSE

Recover and reinforce Barrio Sur features protecting its cultural, architectural, urbanistic and environmental value 237


PLAN ESPECIAL BARRIO SUR MAP

238


PLAN ESPECIAL BARRIO SUR The Plan Especial Barrio Sur, twin o f the Plano Especial Ciudad Vieja, general objective is to recover and re-affirm the typical characteristics of Barrio Sur , protecting its cultural, architectural, urbanistic heritage and rescuing the social environment values. In detail, the Plan proposes to: defend

and

deepen

character o recovering URBAN PROJECT AREA N.3

promoting

f

the

the

existing best

recidential neighborhood

buildings

use

for

areas

and or

destinations obsolete. improve, qualify and create public space where needed protect the

the

heritage

neighborhood

character

through

of

balancing

recoveries management and insertion of new projects promote

social

equilibrium

of

different socioeconomic sectors and multiculturalism, typical elements of URBAN PROJECT AREA N.2

the Barrio Sur. In the Plan Especial Barrio Sur there are three areas of intervention that will be the subject of Urban Projects in function o f their potential and expectations o f transformation that represents its current use. The idea i s that these three urban projects work a s driving forces for the

URBAN PROJECT AREA N.1

rehabilitation o f

the

entire

neighborhood.

239


URBAN PROJECT 1

240


URBAN PROJECT 1

241


URBAN PROJECT 2

AREA PROYECTO N.2

-In the first section, from street Carlos

Objectives:

Quijiano t o street Paraguay

Affirm the centrality of the street Carlos

to reduce the circulation o f cars t o a

Gardel, as a place representative of local

single lane, prohibit parking, enlarge the

identity and heritage value area for the

sidewalks, treat similary the paving in

whole city.

the sidewalk and street, highlighting the vehicular

lane

through

urban

equipment

Will:

elements;

-improve pedestrian circulation and limit

-In

of the cars, favoring its use as a walk;

Paraguay t o street W.Ferreira Aldunante

-improve

buildings

is proposed to prohibit parking on one of

bordering, creating a special program for

the two sidewalks, enlarge the sidewalk

improving facades;

that would remain free, and incorporate

-equip it with necessary urban facilities

natural elements;

Proposals:

Throughout all the project sections, it

The

the

image o f

project d istinguishes

with d

ifferent

the

two

sections

characteristics

and

therefore different treatment is proposed.

242

is proposed

the

second

section,

from

street

will be pushing a process of renovation of facades,

installing a

n

Office

Rehabilitation of the Barrio Sur.

of


URBAN PROJECT 2

243


URBAN PROJECT 3

AREA PROYECTO N.3

Proposals:

Objectives:

Step 1: preparation of the current space,

The

recovery o f

exceptional l comprehensive

the

ocation, use

area

n.3,

for a

for

an more

recreational

with p lay areas protected from winds and urban equipment Step 2 : refunctionalization vacant area;

activities linked to the sea, open to the

may

include

recycling

sheds

and

open

neighborhood and to the city.

spaces to the sea;

Will:

which i s now there l ocated, i s moved to

Step 3: In the case that the gas company,

Recovery

and

refurbishment o f

Plaza

another another l ocation, its facilities

Reupublica Argentina and Mauรก Beach for

may b e

generating public space that integrates

projects or new plant ones.

with the Rambla Sur.

244

the

subject o f

rehabilitation


URBAN PROJECT 3

245


POSITIVE ASPECTS

Identification of three different areas on which to act with detailed projects, recognizing in this manner the complexity of the neighborhood and the need to manage it at a more micro-scale, trying to exploit the potential of each area of urban project.

Incentive and support the cooperative system. The land where there were old facilities owned by the Intendencia has been granted to cooperatives, thus emphasizing the idea that cooperatives are a great tool that combines themes such as self construction, active participation, the value of community. furthermore,

the

cooperative

system

is

an

excellent tool against a possible process of gentrification of an area that will get new residents.

Public consultation between neighbors of Barrio Sur

and

different

groups,

associations

and

institutions that act in the district. It was presented an itinerant exhibition of panels explaining the different activities programmed. The

study,

the

processing

of

opinions,

criticisms and suggestions that have emerged from the public consultation, were taken into consideration in the process of preparation of the Plan Especial Barrio Sur. Therefore, there is in the preparation of the preliminary project 246

a concept of participatory planning.


CRITICAL ISSUES

â&#x2122;Ś

Except the first urban project, the cooperatives are under construction, other interventions in priority areas 2 and 3 to the present 2013, have not yet been developed. Also the Cemetery, for which it was planned to be integrated in the green system of the city is under conditions of high decline. The plan was drawn up in a situation of strong economic crisis, from which only in recent years the country is recovering. These

projects

are

interventions

by

the

Intendencia and then public subsidized, and in a difficult economic situation they did not have the strength to become a reality as it has been able to do cooperatives, which have as resource the people.

â&#x2122;Ś

Despite the plan is proposed to improve and recover

existing

buildings,

there

is

no

a

clear policy or a plan for the recovery of many abandoned buildings of the Barrio Sur. According to the report Inmuebles Vacantes de Montevideo of the Faculty of Architecture of the Udelar in the neighbourhood nearly 14% of the built is vacant.

247


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

PLAN ESPECIAL BARRIO SUR

248


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

URBAN SURGERY

PUBLIC CONSULTATION

COOPERATIVE SYSTEM

249


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

The problem with many abandoned buildings is of a legal nature: owners who have disappeared, infinite inheritance, embargoes, and so on. It must circumvent the problem. In the meantime that the administration tries to recover this heritage and save it from irreversible degradation, it may make temporary legal occupations of those SUGGESTION

buildings, waiting to decide what to do with it. What to make with them could be the result of workshops with Barrio Sur's residents in order to understand their desires and try to realize someone,

with

the

help

of

the

inhabitants

themselves, for at least "cure" these buildings and bring back them to the city, waiting for a real project of its planned destination.

ACTION

TOOLS

250

Temporary

reuse

of

abandoned

buildings

"testing collective desires"

INHABITANTS

WORKSHOP

TEMPORARY OCCUPATION

for


251


252


Rehabilitation Offices

253


SITE

CONSOLIDATED AREAS

254


ACTION

SCALE OF INTERVENTION

ACTORS

ECONOMICAL CAPITAL

TIMELIFE

PHYSICAL APPROACH

SOCIAL APPROACH

PURPOSE

program

REPORT

strategic solution + soft tools

MVOTMA [Ministerio de Vivienda, Ordenamiento Territorial y Medio Ambiente] + Junta de Andalucia [Spain] + Intendencia de Montevideo + Inhabitants

LOW - MEDIUM

Ongoing

Improvement, rehabilitation and renovation of houses located in consolidated neighborhoods and centralities of the city

The program gives financial aid, grants and technical assistance to inhabitants who access a loan for improvement, recovery and rehabilitation of individually owned homes and condos common spaces

recover the neighborhood" 255


OFICINAS DE REHABILITACION ACTIVATED

8

6

9

7

5 1

256

10

2 3

4


OFICINAS DE REHABILITACION POSTERS

1

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Ciudad Vieja

2

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Centro

3

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Barrio Sur

4

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Palermo

5

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Aguada

6

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Capurro

7

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Cerro

8

Oficina d e

Rehabilitacion d e

Lavalleja

[Pe単arol] 9

Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Union

10 Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Villa Dolores

257


WO WILL BE THE RECIPIENTS OF THE LOANS? Owners, beneficial owners, tenants, inheritance rights holders, with family incomes between 30 and 100 UR. Buildings or houses must have like main destination the family housing.

258


REPAYMENT OF LOAN An

agreement

will b e

signed

between

the

Municipality of Montevideo and the owner of the house which sets out the rights and obligations of both parties. The amount to be refunded will be monthly and consecutive fees to agree in each case according t o the socio-economic situation of the recipient.

REVOLVING FUND The loan repayment constitute a revolving fund intended t o continue financing loans t o other residents o f Montevideo. The Municipality has the support and funding from the Ministry of Housing,Territorial Planning and Environment and the Junta de AndalucĂ­a.

AND ONCE ONE IS SELECTED? After

the

Social detailed

technical

worker,

the

budgets o f

according t

o

what

visit b y Owner

Architect

and

present

two

must

works t o was

agreed

be

carried, with

the

technicians.

259


THE BEFORE AND AFTER OF SOME FACADES RECOVERED

Before

260

After


THE BEFORE AND AFTER OF SOME FACADES RECOVERED

Before

After

261


POSITIVE ASPECTS

"Stariting with your home we will recover the nieghbourhood". As stated in the slogan of the Oficinas de Rehabilitacion,

the

idea

that

the

residents

themselves, expressing their desire to improve the situation by restructuring their homes, they give a boost to the regeneration of the district.

The

revolving

fund

is

an

excellent

for

monitoring

and

for

stimulating

tool mutual

responsibility between citizens. In this way you create a virtuous circle and an economically sustainable

system

in

order

to

provide

more

loans as possible.

On basis of the program carried out by the Administration, there is a desire to improve the living conditions of their citizens, but there is also a position that considers every single house and every single person essential for a concrete birth and not a surface treatment of a neighborhood. The program analyze and act whenever someone asks for a loan in sufficiently precise detail, studying the problems and the best solutions for each individual case.

The program attempts to raise public awareness about the importance of the maintenance of the buildings, a topic highly underestimated and with very evident effects throughout the city.

262


CRITICAL ISSUES

â&#x2122;Ś

The program provides for the granting of loans, with limited subsidies and to whom has received a loan and carried out the work properly and paid the loan consistently, but there is a part of the citizens who can not afford a loan, even if low and the interest is equal to zero, as that provided by the program. But for the moment the program has a very specific nature, grant loans to improvement and renovation of houses and facades of the consolidated city inhabitants, areas that have been abandoned by the administration for a long time. Having

a

goal

so

specific,

working

very

concretely and being well managed, the Oficinas de Rehabilitacion program has no significant critical issues.

263


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

REHABILITATION OFFICES

264


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

FROM YOUR HOUSE TO THE NIEGHBORHOOD

REVOLVING FOUND

265


266


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

One of the positive aspects of the program is the creation of a revolving fund. But some people can not afford the loan that finances the program to renovate their homes. Those who are unable to pay the full amount SUGGESTION

may partially pay in time and labor to lower the costs of the renovation. Not only of their own home, but using the system of revolving fund used by Oficinas de Rehabilitacion, there may be in the same way a revolving fund of hours of work. “You neighbors help me and then I help you in your renovation.”

ACTION

Revolving fund of “working hours”

TOOLS

TIME

MANPOWER

267


268


Realojo Asentamientos Irregulares [Slums]

269


SITE

MONTEVIDEO

270


ACTION

SCALE OF INTERVENTION

ACTORS

ECONOMICAL CAPITAL

TIMELIFE

PHYSICAL APPROACH

SOCIAL APPROACH

PURPOSE

program

REPORT

strategic solution + pragmatic solution

MVOTMA [Ministerio de Vivienda, Ordenamiento Territorial y Medio Ambiente] + Intendencia de Montevideo

MEDIUM

Ongoing

New housing construction or purchase of housing used for relocation of slum dwellers

Social Assistance and Psychology aproach from those aspects of social vulnerability detected at different stages of diagnosis + Participation of future users to the construction of houses

Dignified housing solution for each family (new housing construction or used) + projects in the public space recovered (linear parks, squares...)

271


ASENTAMIENTOS IRREGULARES IN MONTEVIDEO

In Montevideo the irregular settlements are 332 with a total of 165.271 inhabitants.

272


ASENTAMIENTOS IRREGULARES IN MONTEVIDEO

â&#x20AC;?

>> You go to the suburbs and there is where you find

all

[downtown].

the

people

The

you d o

biggest

not

see

challenge i s

periphery. Has been generated a

here the

situation of

consolidated unpopulated areas with big holes and simultaneously peripheries full of people , metaphorically, thrown like trash, as a general model at the territorial level. It's like throw the garbage without looking back t o where it falls: use the territory as people deposits, sas a spatial storage. And i n those areas i s where d e majority of children born. <<

â&#x20AC;?

Eduardo

Alvarez Pedrosian Antropologo

273


CENTROS COMUNALES DE ZONAS MAP [CCZ]

10

12

18

13

9

11

14

17

274

6


A.I. OF THE PROGRAM [2011]

COMPLETED

LOCATION CCZ

PHASE OF THE PROGRAM

MALVINAS

14

COMPLETED

LA BOYADA

17

COMPLETED

PARQUE AMBIENTALISTA

12

COMPLETED

NUEVO COLMAN

11

COMPLETED

SEBASTOPOL

9

COMPLETED

CERRO NORTE

17

COMPLETED

LAS HIGUERITAS

18

COMPLETED

LA CARRETA

18

COMPLETED

9

COMPLETED

TRES PALMAS

11

COMPLETED

NUEVO COLON-NUEVA ESPERANZA

12

COMPLETED

NUEVO ALMANECER

17

COMPLETED

JARDINES DE LAS TORRES

18

WORK IN PROGRESS

BARRIOS UNIDOS

11

WORK IN PROGRESS

6

WORK IN PROGRESS

17 METROS

10

WORK IN PROGRESS

SAN ANTONIO

13

WORK IN PROGRESS

19 de ABRIL-LAS RETAMAS

13

WORK IN PROGRESS

LA FALDA

13

WORK IN PROGRESS

25

12

WORK IN PROGRESS

14

WORK IN PROGRESS

ASOC.CIVIL LA ESPERANZA

BOIX Y MERINO

de AGOSTO-SANTA MARIA DE COLON

6 de DICIEMBRE LA ESPERANZA

9

ON PROJECT

NUESTROS HIJOS

11

ON PROJECT

PERNAMBUCO

17

ON PROJECT

JUVENTUD 14

17

ON PROJECT

EL APERO

12

ON PROJECT

ASOCIACION CIVIL ESPERANZA

8

ON PROJECT

SANTA MARIA PIEDRAS BLANCAS

9

ON PROJECT

MAHILOS EL TANQUE-VILLA PROSPERIDAD VILLA LIBRE-PARQUE CAUCEGLIA-

18

TO PLANNING

9

TO PLANNING

17

TO PLANNING

14

TO PLANNING

-NUEVO CAUCEGLIA CAMPICHUELO-ITAPE

275


GOALS AND

276

APPROACHES


DIFFICULTIES

>> One of the biggest problems w e have i s that when w e want t o integrate the asientamentos’s people i n a neighborhood, the people o f the neighborhood fight against us in every way. Recently they picked up, in half a day more than 500 signatures i n order that w e did not carry "those" people in the neighborhood. And i t is a n asientamiento that i s located in that neighborhood, o n Aroyo Miguelete, s o they are already neighbors! In addition we work with the people, choosing

who want really change

their situation, who works ... but it is a total rejection. It's a very big fight. <<

Noemi

Alonso

Directora Tierras y Habitat-IMM 277


THE SIX PROGRAM PHASES

1

3

Project Profile

Preliminary Integral Project

comprehensive diagnostic approach of

The

the intervention's area, where made

Draft

explicit and justify the reasons for

comprehensive

action.

and participatory, which implies

preparation o f

raise

will b e

the

the

Preliminary

conducted

intervention

integration o f

perceptions

and

contributions

from a approach different promoting

collective

work

and

community development. 2

In this sense, the multidisciplinary team

must

retake

the

population

together with the needs and problems identified b y

the

diagnosis

and

conduct a collective analysis process with this population and with other institutional actors on the proposals and alternatives that emerge in this process. In

conjunction

with

the

population

the team must work both in the design of infrastructure (streets, lighting, public

spaces,

social

facilities,

etc..) A s well a s social dimensions that

respond t o

problems

the

discussed

needs

(health,

education, employment, etc.)..

278

and


THE SIX PROGRAM PHASES

4

5

Approval of the Preliminary Integral

Execution of the project Once

Project

the

project

is

declared

This will be approved collectively by

financeable and documents have been

the different actors involved in the

approved, start the tender process.

process

■phase of support during the tender

(competent

organizations,

process:

neighbors, etc).

▶Development

and

strengthening

of

organizational and planning skills.

5 Executive

Project

contains

the

final drawings o f the infrastructure and

the

social

project

for a

neighborhood improvement . Includes

calculation

descriptions, construction

reports,

technical

and

specifications,

budget

and chronogram. It also includes official approvals offeasibility by appropriate agencies and

documentation

call.

for

the

and

execution

participatory

design

of

a

communication,

inter-intra neighborhood.

Executive Project The

▶Development

tender’s

▶Continue

to

activities

promote

integration

between

and

within

neighborhood. ▶Continue and

to

deepen

dissemination

integrated

the

of

project,

the

knowledge

its

proposed scope

and

results for encourage the participation and collective discussion. ▶Promotion

of

activities

aimed

at

prevention and health education. ▶Execution of a plan to prevent new occupations. ■ phase of construction ■ post construction ▶Will

be

carried

development strengthening

out

activities the

community aimed

at

integration

and

guarantee sustainability of the works and services. It will run for a period of 12 months. 279


POSITIVE ASPECTS

♦ It is a program that has in its purpose to be multi and inter disciplinary. In fact they work

together

sociologists,

psychologists,

social workers, architects and planners, trying to embrace as much as possible all aspects and problems which implies the objectives of the plan.

♦ The will of the administration to improve the conditions

of

life

of

all

its

inhabitants,

including dealing problems less noticeable to the rest of the city but unfortunately exist. The plan also attempts to "bring back" within the limits of the consolidated city this vulnerable part of the population, through providing them new houses or used ones in areas where services and infrastructure already exist.

♦ The program attempts to contain the expansion of the city beyond the limits of the consolidated areas, and therefore try to restrain the use of

agricoltural

and

rural

land

for

illegal

residential purposes.

♦ The collective work: users participating in all phases of the Program, from the diagnostic to the drawing up and the approval of the preliminary project.

♦ The 280

design

of

green

areas

in

those

"liberated" once the slums are dismantled.

lands


CRITICAL ISSUES

â&#x2122;Ś In the Program, one of the greatest difficulties observed

is

the

integration

with

the

new

neighbors. It is not possible define if it's strictly a critical aspect of how the program has been set up, since the issue of accepting the "other" is a complex theme and it is difficult to find a solution with policies "from above." But it is important that the administration, in this case, play a role of mediator,for exeple bringing to the district also some advantage from the arrive of new residents.

â&#x2122;Ś Despite the long tradition in Uruguay of self construction, the program have not yet succeeded to integrate the inhabitants of asentamientos irregulares

in

the

construction

of

their

home, also in this case due to the refusal by companies to allow these people to work in their construction yards.

281


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

REALOJO ASENTAMIENTOS IRREGULARES

282


EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES

CONTAIN

THE

EXPANSION

OF THE CITY

COLLECTIVE WORK

MULTI

AND

INTER

DISCIPLINARY WORK

283


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

The problems that emerged in the program are: 1. the construction companies d o not want that the

inhabitants o f

asentamientos

irregulares

work in their construction; SUGGESTION

2. the neighbors that "host" the new inhabitants often have a total rejection. In addition, the relocation program i s totally subsidized, so why not pay back with

time and

manpower?

self-construction o f ACTION

playground o r

equipped

pubblic space with recycled materials takes from their “old house” dismantling

TOOLS

284

TIME

MANPOWER

RECYCLED MATERIALS


285


286


POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS

If schools do not go to the suburbs, the suburbs goes to the schools. As

underlined b y

Edgardo

Martinez

what

the

administration tries to do today is to bring the services after that these areas are occupied, with all accidents of the case. But some of these services already exist in consolidated areas and are under-utilized: schools for example, that in SUGGESTION

the suburbs are few and full of children. Instead of building new schools within suburban areas degraded you could make a transport system for these children to get them out daily by the realities

where

they

live t o

go t o

school

central neighborhoods of Montevideo. One way to start an integration and to make more and more smaller social and spatial division between the inhabitants o f the city, starting with the generations who will be the future.

Transport system to take the kids from degraded ACTION

peripheral

areas t

o

schools i

n

central

neighborhoods.

TOOLS

SCHOOL BUS SYSTEM

287


288


V. INTERVIEWS

289


290


#1 ADRIANA BERDIA

p.291

#2 PATRICIA ROLAND

p.309

#3 NOEMI ALONSO

p.323

#4 EDGARDO J. MARTINEZ

p.339

#5 SALVADOR SCHELOTTO

p.353

#6 EDUARDO ALVAREZ PEDROSIAN

p.363

#7 RAUL VALLES

p.381

291


#1


Adriana Berdia Asistente Social Coordinadora del Plan "RenovĂ  Goes" Intendencia Municipal de Montevideo


***

Renovà Goes Plan ►

Cuales son los objetivos de Los

objetivos

básicos

del

Plan “Renovà Goes? programa

son

la

recuperación y mejoría de un barrio abandonado por

mucho

tiempo,

y

que

esa

población

más

vulnerable y potencialmente instalable en zonas periféricas, pueda encontrar ofertas de vivienda adecuada o un incentivo

para que se instalen en

zonas como Goes. A partir de qué? de una recuperación del barrio con

el

riesgo

de

que

en

la

medida

que

vos

recalificabas el barrio podrías tener un proceso de sustitución de población, justamente de la población que querias mantener. gentrification ►

Sería un proceso de gentrificación. Creo que Montevideo nunca va a tener claramente ese proceso de gentrification porque no es su escala,

la

escala

de

Montevideo

no

llega

a

generar ese tipo de proceso. En la Ciudad Vieja, que hace mucho que se viene trabajando, es una opinión personal, ha pasado que realmente en algunas zonas puede haber habido algún cambio en la población, que las clases de intelectuales y jóvenes se hayan instalado , sí hay algunos núcleos, pero las partes duras de la Ciudad Vieja siguen siendo partes de pobreza dura, o sea, no hay un fenómeno muy claro, creo que pueda ser por la cultura del este y porque además realmente no tenemos una historia de nuestro patrimonio nuevo, no hay un sector de población que puedan venir y sustituirse a otro , no creemos

en

esos sectores, o sea, me parece que no es un riesgo claro el proceso de gentrificación. y sí hay procesos de un sector que no puede sostener los alquileres en la medida que suben, pero no una sustitución clara, directa, de una clase 294

superior a la otra. Bueno, pero en Goes el riesgo


era ese. Esta parte del programa “Renova Goes”, es la parte de prevencion. ¿Porqué està asociada

a

las areas perifericas? Porque los fondos son de componente de prevencion, de lo que es el programa de mejoramento del barrio dos , que es el programa de regularizacion de los asentamientos precarios mas conocido como PIAI. Hasta este último préstamo siempre se había dado un 2% para estudio de la parte de prevención. Este es el único préstamo que nos han dado, que estamos cerrando ahora

el 15%.

De ese 15% en el

interior del país se hicieron programas (no se con qué servicios) y en Montevideo se seleccionò una

área

para

trabajar

territorialmente

y

generar un modelo piloto de actuación, eso es Goes, Programa Goes.

◄ pilot model of action

En realidad este modelo piloto hoy podríamos decir

que

estamos

tentando

de

replicarlo

en

otras zona pero podemos decir que llegamos a la conclusión que hay cuatro líneas de actuación del modelo piloto: 1. espacio

publico: considerando justamente que

◄ pubblic space

para dotar, recalificar un espacio tenés que tener una buena calidad de espacio público y allì hicimos, ya terminamos, una peatonal que queda en una manzana que era un callejón que daba

al fondo de un conjunto de cooperativas

que se estaban haciendo. Se hizo también un espacio público vinculado al mercado agrícola que se inaugura ahora y que fue una actuación muy vinculada , incluso porque

teníamos un préstamo

para la parte parte productiva. Se hizo todo lo que es las plazas, estacionamiento del mercado sobre la calle Martín García,( fue parte del programa también esto), y dentro de espacios públicos la obra mas grande que vamos a hacer es una manzana, que es una manzana que está ipertugurizada, visualizada como “zona roja”,

295


zona de peligro, que fue vaciada, o sea realojamos población, población que está integrada en la cooperativa

que

se

está

construyendo

en

el

frente, las familias integradas van a permanecer en el barrio, la idea también era esa, y se les diò un subsidio de alquiler transitorio por parte del ministerio para poder desalojar la manzana y participar

a la construcción hasta

que la vivienda estuviera terminada. Y ahora lo último que nos quedaba era un local , un club de bochas que ya estaba en la zona para demoler; ya nos entregaron las llaves para empezar la demolición para poder empezar la construcción de eso. Ahí iríamos a lo que es una media manzana con toda una plaza pública y la otra media manzana van a ir cooperativas de vivienda de ahorro previo que ya está conformada una y que se hizo también como una promoción nuestra ni exclusiva ni excluyente, de vecinos de la zona pero con vecinos de la zona y trabajando con la comisión de vivienda (regional?) y ya hay otro grupo para otra cooperativa , asì que vendrían dos conjuntos habitativos de edificios en altura de 5-6 niveles, más o meno unas 100 viviendas entre los dos conjuntos. O sea esa manzana es lo que nos queda para hacer todavía, vivienda y plaza. residential ►

2.residencial:

que

tiene

que

ver

con

estos

conjuntos residencial , que es construcción de vivienda nueva y la otra parte que tiene que ver con lo residencial es el mejoramiento del stock construido. Nosotros

tenemos

mantenimiento préstamos

que

del son

un

fondo

para

mejoras

stock

construido,

hasta

20.000

y

damos

dólares

a

determinadas franjas. A partir de 6.000 es con hipoteca , se les da asesoramiento técnico, se controla que todo se haga dentro el marco de 296

lo regular, permiso de construcción , se les


exonera el costo de las tasas del permiso de construcción y llevamos tres llamados más, con un total de 77 préstamos erogados , creo que llegaremos a los 80 y ya estamos planificando de hacer otro llamado, pero estamos tratando de modificar el reglamento porque pensamos que tal vez podemos llegar a más población porque cuando hacemos el estudio nos damos cuenta que donde corta el banco hipotecario… … hasta ahora no tenemos morosidades, toda la gente viene pagando sus préstamos,

todas las obras se

han hecho y están acabadas. Y què tipo de obra son? Se

trata

de

obras

de

mantenimiento

,

de

reciclaje, de construcción de baños y cocinas nuevos,

de

apuntalamiento

estructural,

de

impermeabilización, dependiendo un poco de la escala del préstamo.

Muchas veces la gente

pone más plata, entonces contribuye a las obras estructurales o hacen una obra de mantenimiento pero siempre dependiendo del amonto del préstamo. Nosotros

trabajamos

con

ellos,

se

hace

un

estudio de lo que pueden pagar, y también lo que quieren pagar, y lo que quieren hacer, eso se define, ese trabajo de definición se hace juntos , personalizado. Y después se define más , ellos tienen que traer dos o tres presupuestos y de ahì se elije y ellos tienen que seguir . La parte de asesoramiento técnico, yo creo que es lo más rico que tiene este programa porque la gente muchas veces no sabe qué hacer, o no sabe cómo como puede hacer . Eso la verdad que ha sido bastante exitoso, porque en tres años que se organizó en una zona no demasiado grande , 80 préstamos, es un dato bastante importante. dentro de este préstamo se hizo la construcción en un edificio, de las partes comunes del

edificio, bueno no

todos los habitantes del edificio participaron, pero 7 propietarios pidieron el préstamo para

297


realizar

todo

lo

que

era

espacios

comunes,

fachadas, azotes etc.. y el préstamo lo pagan individualmente. Ahora dentro de esta línea, estamos viendo la posibilidad de dar màs, porque existen otras experiencias asì, como nos quedaban fondos, dar subsidio para fachadas, o sea eso sì, a nivel de subsidio; en la medida que la casa la arreglaste , pidieron un préstamo, hicieron bien la obra y están pagando en día el préstamo , darles un subsidio para que eso mejore el entorno barrial. Estamos esperando la aprobación, asì que esto todavia no lo hemos hecho. Y

en

tema

residencial,

visto

que

teníamos

gastos de funcionamiento que no fueron usados, pensamos en una acción más , y asì surgieron las primeras experiencias que se hicieron con ocupantes, residentes de las zonas que estaban supertugurizadas hace más de 20 años, cuando se hicieron viviendas de calidad de construcción baja con un préstamo muy chico, y con evidentes dificultades en el mantenimiento. Nosotros para arreglarles

las

viviendas

no

nos

daban

los

recursos pero, para tratar de hacer algo que los incluyera, por lo menos desde el punto de vista de la imagen con el resto del entorno, sì, entonces estamos también haciendo una línea en la cual vamos a arreglar todo lo que es fachada de esas cooperativas. Community services ►

3. servicios comunitarios: y ahì lo que hicimos fue una amplición de una guarderia que es de la intendencia (Chalà) que se terminò hace tiempo, e hicimos el arreglo del techo de la plaza de deportes número 2 que es del ministerio del deporte y que està sobre General Flores, pero que nunca inauguramos porque estamos esperando que termine todo el resto de la obra ya que lo que nosotros hicimos es sólo el cambio de la

298

cobertura.


4. Apoyo al Mercado: reconociendo el Mercado

◄ Agricola Market

como centro dinamizador del barrio. Y ahora se hizo un llamado para hacer toda la central de reciclaje de residuos del mercado que lo vamos hacer con el programa nuestro. Asì

que

espacios

las

líneas

sería

basicamente

estas,

públicos, lo residencial, servicios

y actividades comunitarias. Ah, me olvidè de una cosa, Se trabajó de una manera a nivel territorial con un área de actuación prioritaria que eran todas las manzanas que estaban entorno al mercado y un área de actuación en toda la zona delimitada del programa Goes, que es mucho más amplia que esa. Con qué se actúa en la área grande? con el fondo que atiende toda la zona, y unos fondos que se llaman de Fondos Concursables para el Fortalecimiento y Desarrollo Comunitario", que

son

fondos

que

atiende

a

proyectos,

a

organizaciones pequeñas, son a fondo perdido, y

son

para

realizar

actividades

culturales.

Han llevado a cabo, cuatro proyectos, uno de niños, otro que es de tv con adolescentes y que trabajan para consolidar la idea de barrio. Otro proyecto que es de género, con la comisión de las mujeres de la zona, y otro proyecto que es de tercer edad, que trabaja con gente de la tercera

edad, dándoles también equipamiento

y

recursos. En realidad teníamos otro proyecto más que no logramos hacer pero ahora lo repropusimos e hicimos otro nuevo llamado. Se nota que el plan se caracteriza por algunos elementos bastantes puntuales, como el “efecto domino” , pongo esto bien hecho aquí en la esperanza

que

esto

me

genere

un

proceso

de

mejoría del alrededor. Pero quisiera saber si están haciendo algo máss en la malla, en el tejido más social del barrio, no sólo en estos casos asì “puntuales” . En realidad nosotros tenemos acciones basicamente

299


de carácter territorial y aparte partimos de la idea que una mayor oferta de alquileres no va a expulsar más población, esa es la hipótesis de trabajo, ahì donde no podés corregir el mercado, actúas según sus reglas. partecipation ►

Con respecto a la actividad que tengan que ver más con la participación, son todas las actividades que tienen que ver con los fondos, trabajando a nivel comunitario, de gente joven, con niños y tercera edad. Y los próximos proyectos, hay un

proyecto

de

...infantil,

de

bibliotecas,

esa es el área en que estamos trabajando con las organizaciones,

que ellos mismos hagan un

trabajo en esos aspectos. Pero Habitar Goes Program ►

paralelamente

a

este

proyecto,

se

ha

realizando “Habitar Goes” , un proyecto de la Unión Europea y de Urbal-III

y ese proyecto

trabajaba sobre aspectos más vinculados a los temas de coexión social, culturales, son dos proyectos

paralelos

pero

en

algunos

lugares

nos juntamos, tampoco nos sobraponíamos. ellos tenían la línea de coexión social, trabajaron en el consejo Goes en manera articulada, ellos ya

cerraron

el

proyecto,

hicieron

el

centro

cultural, hicieron actividadedes; y también el mercado tiene actividades productivas. Ustedes

actuando

estos

planes

tenian

bien

presente (estaban concientes de) del fenómeno de un vaciamento? es conciente o inconciente el hecho que se està planificando/trabajando no para un crecimiento , no sólo para un crecimento, si no que puede ser que las cosas se quedan asì, shrinkage process in Goes ►

que la población no va a crecer etc... Goes es una zona que en la década de los 50 fue vinculada al fenómeno de transformaciòn urbana con fábricas y con gente trabajando vinculada a las fábricas. Habìa una cantidad de fábricas, estaba Alpargatas, la Ford y otras màs,

300

A partir del ‘55-’60 cuando empieza a entrar


en crisis ese modelo y empiezan a cerrar las fábricas, de

y

empieza

aglomeración

a

cambiar

entorno

a

la

la

concepción

fábrica

que

tenía un valor en sí mismo, empieza a cambiar por todo el fenómeno de la delocalización y desindustrializacion, estas zonas son zonas que

◄ deindustrialization

empiezan un proceso de degradación . En Goes se consolida un mayor proceso de degradación porque hay una serie de activadades de la intendencia que tienen que

ver con el mercado agrìcola, que

tambièn empieza a deteriorarse, y que expropria una cantidad de territorio, manzanas enteras que sirven para funciones legadas al Mercado que nunca se llevaron a cabo. El Mercado asì se va deteriorando y perdiendo uso, y el entorno también,

empezando

a

generarse

una

zona

de

tugurios y ocupación. Las primeras acciones, y es un proceso en la década de los 70, surge con la ley de liberalización de los alquileres, según mi opinión, se va acentuando el fenómeno de expulsión o autoexpulsión, porque los sectores de mayor poder aquisitivo se van hacia la costa este de la ciudad, sectores medios que se van a la costa de oro, y los sectores que no pueden elejir que van a los territorios periféricos, los que nadie usa. En

ese

fenómeno

que

afecta

todas

las

áreas

centrales, Goes es uno de los lugares que se ven más afectados, con esta caraterística particular de la centralidad del Mercado Agrícola que se detoriora, las fábricas que se funden y quedan contenedores vacíos, y una amplia cantidad de manzanas que quedaron expropiadas y tugurizadas. Cuando la intendencia, con el primer mandato frenteamplista de la historia (izquierda), se decide a hacer algunas acciones entorno a Goes fundamentalemente lo hace entorno a lo que era la tierra municipal ocupada. Y se plantean estas primeras cooperativas como forma de concentrar

301


población

sin

expulsar,

tambièn

vaciando

terriorio y dándoselo a otras cooperativas de vivenda de sectores medios, para que el barrio se

fuera

recuperando.

Basicamente

inician

actividades públicas o privadas como lo que es lo que ahora se llama patio del libertador

y

Alpargatas , que era la fábrica de calzado que en parte quedò para la facultad de quimica, y otro local quedò para actividad residencial. La empresa constructora se funde con la crisis del 2002, lo vuelve a tomar el banco hipotecario

y

ahora con inversiones privadas están tentando de promocionarlo y ahì van 400 y pico de viviendas. Yo creo que no son fàciles de revertir los fenòmenos estos de expulsiòn, mucho màs difìcil son de revertir en una lògica que implique un link directo periferia-centro. Eso no existe. Lo que sì, hay una poblaciòn joven, de parejas jòvenes, que son vulnerables a poder seguir (aquesendando) la precariedad territorial y es a esos sectores de poblaciòn que vos tenes que generar una oferta que pueda hacerlos consolidated areas ►

permanecer

en

las

centralidades.

Porque para mi las centralidades tienen , otra caracterìstica de Goes, la misma que tienen las àreas centrales, poblaciòn envejecida, multiples hogares multi familiares, y en la periferia es donde crecen los menores; yo soy Profesora de Faculdad en Ciencias Sociales, vos tenès que estàs en un ìndice de pobreza que ahora bajò del 14 al 11% y tenès un ìndice de niños que nacen abajo de la lìnea de pobreza casi del 50%, ahì se nota un fenòmeno claramente demogràfico y de clase social, la distribuciòn clasista del espacio se està dando muy claramente. Asì que uno va apuntando a generar una oferta en ese sentido, pero creo que hasta que no se toca el tema de los alquileres, porque no todo el mundo

302

puede comprar, y como no todo el mundo puede


comprar,

la oferta no permite permanecer .

Las àreas centrales historicamente desde los años 50’, vos tenìas, por lo menos en el imaginario, barrios multiclasistas, màs integrados . La gente no necesariamente era propietaria, alquilaban. Este pais nunca logrò crear un mercado afuera del Banco Hipoticario, en primera cosa porque habìa monopolio del BHU, no es como ahora que hay prèstamos privados. Los que tenìan casa de propiedad eran empleados pùblicos y poco màs, pero el privado, el que trabajaba en fàbrica, no necesariamente era propietario. Fueron las cooperativas de vivienda en la dècada de los 70’ las que dieron ofertas a ese sector (refirièndose a los obreros). A pesar de todo esto, creo que vos podes ir recuperando zonas de la ciudad que es fundamental recuperar y atender a que no se sigan tugurizando, a que se redensifiquen.

Acà en Goes,si se

hace toda la vivenda que està prevista , estamos hablando de 600-700 viviendas en ocho manzanas, es muchisimo para nuestro paìs y màs para un àrea como Goes. Eso te cambia la zona, como va a cambiar el Barrio Sur con todas las cooperativas que se estàn instalando; esa zona va a cambiar , porque en la medida que llegan personas,

el

espacio

va

va

cambiando,

el

residencial

te

cambiando la zona. En

la

Ciudad

Vieja

lo

que

pasa

es

que

las

◄ Ciudad Vieja

experiencias de residencia han sido bastante aisladas, pero sin embargo,

hoy hay capital

privado que està invirtiendo en esa zona. Todavìa Ciudad

Vieja

no

ha

sido

un

sector

bastante

atractivo para las familias; recièn ahora hay un colegio, no habìa habido una oferta clara que favoreciera la instalaciòn de familias. Ademàs un

de

fenòmeno

las de

àreas

centrales,

hoy

àreas

intermedias,

que

tenès son

igualmente barrios històricos consolidados, que

303


estàn tambièn cayendo en procesos de deterioro, zonas como Uniòn, Villa Española, Cerrito de la Victoria, barrios històricos que estàn en el

medio

entre

las

zonas

màs

perifèricas

y

precarizadas de la ciudad y las àreas centrales, donde tambièn estàn pasando todos estos fenòmenos y donde ademàs coexisten estructuras tìpicas de las periferias como los asentamientos y las residencias consolidadas. En Goes se encontraron con pèrdida de identidad barrial fuerte? No, en Goes hay todavìa un fenòmeno de pertenencia, hay clubes deportivos con mucha hinchada, hay algo que sigue resistiendo. Es ub barrio con mucho extranjeros, no? (en el sentido que es muy heterogèneo). Barrio Judio ►

Bueno, hay toda una zona donde hay una fuerte comunidad judìa, se llama justamente barrio de los judìos,

que allì tienen los comercios pero

que fundamentalmente viven pocos; o sea que allì fue una zona donde se instalò una sinagoga, na escuela, te estoy hablando de un proceso de inmigraciòn despuès de la segunda guerra mundial, y donde los que vinieron eran judìos, que en la medida que se fueron enriqueciendo, la residencia la tienen en otras partes de Montevideo. Tiene sòlo allì los comercios pero no viven allì, y arriba de los comercios tiene los depòsitos; esa zona tiene el problema de estar toda agujereada por dentro como una ratonera, llena de vacìos y depòsitos y eso en una zona que es patrimonial. Y este barrio es parte del Plan Goes?. Sì, es parte del Plan Goes. expiration date ►

El plan es muy extenso, muy interesante, hay mucho movimiento y mucha actividad en la zona, que es positivo, pero todo eso tiene su riesgo. Cuando venìs con estos programas que tiene una “fecha de vencimiento”, si no dejàs algun motor

304

que siga por sì mismo, se te viene abajo, porque


es un plan a cinco años, que no se va a renovar en Goes, que ha sido altamente exitoso en Goes, pero que no se va a renovar propiamente en esta zona porque justamente se llegò a los objetivos planteados. En las zonas que no son atractivas para el capital

partecipation

si no hay intervenciòn estatal, no vas a obtener que venagn los privados a actuar. Despuès que vos generàs algunas cosas, puede ser que a algùn privado le interese, como està pasando en Ciudad Vieja, pero de primera no se pueden dejar estos asuntos sin la intervenciòn del estado. Esta zona es una zona donde la sociedad civil tienebastante Goes,lo

fortaleza,

vinimos

todo

trabajando

esto,

siempre

Renovà con

los

Consejos Vecinales, todas las actividades que se hicieron, la definiciòn de còmo se hacìa la plaza, la definiciòn de què hacer con el club de bochas, la asignaciòn de un local para vecinos, o sea que estos trabajos se hicieron siempre con el Consejo Vecinal. La cooperativa de vivienda se hace con la Comisiòn de Vivienda del cenro comunal, hemos trabajado siempre con el Municipio B, por màs que no tiene nada que ver con la Intendencia, siempre se trabajò a ese nivel.Vos sos un tècnico que va a actuar allì por un perìodo con un programa, y que la zona de intervenciòn tambièn

se definiò

con ellos, no es que todo le vino de arriba, no llegamos desde arriba a decirles que nosotros vamos a hacer esto acà, asì y allì. La propuesto fue: “hay este capital para hacer esto, dònde lo ponemos?”.

***

305


*** ADRIANA BERDIA INTERVIEW IN

7 POINTS

■Adriana Berdia is the coordinator of the plan “Renova Goes” which is part of a larger program of recovery and redevelopment of the neighborhood Goes: an area that is part of the consolidated city selected to work on a redevelopment at 360 degrees, generating a pilot model implementation.

■The four action lines of the implementation of the pilot model can be summarized as: ▶Public space: a good quality of the public space is required for the recovery of a neighborhood. ▶Residential: construction of new residences by using the instrument of cooperatives so accessibility is guaranteed to the people of medium-low income. Improvement

and

preservation

of

existing

housing stock with the active participation of owners themselves. ▶Community services: the need to involve neighbors and strengthen the identity of the neighborhood. ▶Support to the Agricola Market: the domino effect. Recognize an element like engine dinamizador

for

the

redevelopment

of

a

neighborhood.

■Parallel to the Plan “Renova Goes” was the project “Habitar Goes” who worked focusing more 306


on the field of social and cultural cohesion of the district. Habitar Goes is a program ended but left the community cultural center Terminal Goes, in addition to being the redevelopment of a disused space, includes the administration of the district, the public library, a center for social care, and the management and space for cultural events.

â&#x2013; The Goes district has been hit hard by the process

of

de-industrialization,

since

there

were many industrial structures, thus beginning a long process of degradation, aggravated by some operations of the Municipality of Montevideo: to restore the district they planned to restart the

Agricola

bordering

Market,

areas

to

expropriating

use

as

lands

functions

of

in the

Market. This project, however, has not started and the Market and the expropriated lands are left to themselves. The Most evident consequence was the loss of population, as has happened in all central areas of Montevideo, a phenomenon also due, according to Adriana Berdia, to the law of liberalization of rents implemented by the military dictatorship in the 70s, which has resulted in a phenomenon of expulsion or self-expulsion of those who could no longer afford the rent.

â&#x2013; The phenomena of expulsion are very difficult to reverse, especially in a logic which implies a direct link with the periphery. The one on which you can work, according to Berdia, it is about giving a chance to the new generations, 307


young couples, for example, to have a house in the central areas and consolidated of

the city,

trying to stop the phenomenon of expulsion to the periphery.

■The construction of new housing on the one hand

combat

with

the

market,

according

to

the rule of the same market for which there is more supply the lower the price, and the other part triggers a tentative re-densification process, careful not to generate phenomena of gentrification. Therefore most new buildings are part of the cooperative system, trying to act non-exclusionary policies neither exclusive for the Goes inhabitans.

■“Renova Goes” is therefore an action plan very large and complex, with different activities and movements that also involve risks. These programs, however, have a fixed term (5 years) and an expiration date. And then what? Adriana Berdia argues that it is necessary to be able to leave a “certain motor” that can work alone once the program has ended. Because this program of redevelopment will not be renewed in Goes, due to its positive results: it has achieved its objectives, and has no reason to be repeated.

***

308


309


#2


Patricia Roland Arquitecta Directora de la Division Espacios Publicos y Edificaciones Intendencia de Montevideo


***

En

frente

al

fenòmeno

de

vaciamiento

y

degradaciòn de las areas centrales, cuàles son sus preocupaciones? Ciudad Vieja ►

A mi lo que màs me preocupa de todo esto es la gestiòn, la Ciudad Vieja pierde poblaciòn, una vez cuando yo dije se vacìa un profesor mexicano me dijo que esa palabra le parecia muy impactante como si algo estaba relamente vacio y no es totalemente asì. Aunque yo creo que es muy importante lo que pasa en la Ciudad Vieja respecto a la residencia. La Ciudad Vieja tiene la particuaridad que si bien pierde poblaciòn, no pierde toda las otras actividades, si parte de la Ciudad Vieja no està tan abandonada y tugurizada es porque hay muchas actividades y basicamente la City financiera nunca se mudò; despuès tenès conexo con eso, oficinas, comercio, casi todas la casas matricez de los Bancos estàn en Ciudad VIeja, hoy en dia hay muchos estudios importantes que no se fueron al nuevo World Trade Center; ese es otro tema de còmo la Ciudad Vieja compite con las

nuevas centralidades de la ciudad, sobre

todo en un Pais y en una ciudad como esta, donde la poblaciòn no crece, lo que hay te lo estàs compitiendo, no es que crece porque la poblaciòn crece; en difinitiva, los usarios son los mismos que se van moviendo. succession process ►

En mi tesis de maestrìa trabajé mucho con Ignacio Kunz, un profesor mexicano. que hace una serie de definiciones, ademàs de la que ya conocemos bien de “gentrificaciòn”, èl define el proceso de suseciòn, que es como la gentrification al revès, que es lo que ha pasado a casi todos los centros latinoamericanos: cuando la sustituciòn es por una poblaciòn de menor ingreso, lo que

312

lleva a un proceso de degradaciòn en

todo el


entorno. Y èl habla de un proceso de declinaciòn,

◄ declination process

que es cuando se pierde poblaciòn, o sea no hay sustituciòn, y los valores no bajan. Yo creo que eso es el fenòmeno en Montevideo, bueno mi tesis de maestrìa iba a apoyar esta teoria!. En

esas

distinciones

que

èl

hace,

hay

tres

variantes que estàn en juego permanentemente: el cambio de poblaciòn, la base socio-econòmica de la poblaciòn, de los usos y del valor inmobiliario. Es claro que en la Ciudad Vieja, siendo muy comercial

como

zona,

todos

los

valores

los

tironea el mismo mercado que los sube o los deprecia. Y ademàs es un puzzle, porque hay zonas no recuperadas residenciales que son baratas y otras zonas carisimas, como la parte de la City y la parte comercial. Y ni que hablar desde que se invirtiò en espacios pùblicos, como el sistema de calles peatonales, etc... Desde del ‘82 hasta hoy dirìa que hay polìticas activas, se empieza con el primer inventario, con la instalaciòn de la comisiòn permanente de la Ciudad Vieja. En el ‘90 gana el Frente Amplio la Intendencia, que puede tener que ver o no, pero segùn mi parecer tiene que ver, porque tiene una visiòn muy proactiva. nonostante que la izquierda sea una coalisiòn y por lo tanto tiene sus distintas voces al mismo interno, yo creo que ha habido una polìtica sostenida de la misma lìnea que es de intervenir, hacer un Plan Especial (PECV), comprar tierra para

vivienda,

mejorar

el

espacio

pùblico,

◄ Special Plan Ciudad Vieja

invertir en cultura. Hacerse, se han hecho muchas cosas, desde el Teatro Solis, que concentra en sì mismo una grande cantidad de inversiòn, el sistema peatonal, que es del ‘90 para acà, la sistemaciòn de las plazas patrimoniales,

se

comprò

mucha

tierra

para

vivienda y eso sì que es una polìtica realmente

313


activa al tema que tu estàs planteando, que es cooperatives ►

el tema de la pèrdida de poblaciòn. Y despuès el tema de las cooperativas. Antes del ‘90, el problema era que, el crèdito ya existìa para la vivienda, pero antes tenìas ya que tener la tierra. O sea para acceder a un prestamo para vivienda tenìas que tener previamente una tierra donde construir, un proyecto, un equipo tècnico etc...ahì estaba la dificultad, la Intendencia te daba la tierra pero antes la cooperativa tenia que invertir, y no tenian esa capacidad de ahorro. Entonces lo que hizo la Intendencia desde el ‘90 fue crear una Cartera de Tierras: la Intendencia compraba o aprovechava las tierras no utilizadas, se las daba en custodia a las cooperativas

que

sobre

esa

tierra

hacìan

un

proyecto, los tràmites de solicitud de prèstamo y cuando tenìan el prèstamo le pagaban a la Intendencia. Y asì ponìas a girar una rueda que te permite ir comprando tierras y seguir dando a las cooperativas. En eso el problema era que seguìa una lògica de construcciòn de nueva planta. Junto al Arquitecto Raùl Vallès, como arquitecto externo, y nosotros como “institucion”, en los años

‘90,

hicimos

esas

nuevas

experiencias,

que en Ciudad Vieja son COVICIVI I y COVICIVI II y MUJEFA, con la intenciòn de demostrarle al Ministerio de Vivienda que eso era viable y entonces que tambièn se abriese una lìnea de crèdito para cooperativas de reciclaje que hasta ese momento no existìa. De hecho eso funcionò, hay otras cooperativas en costrucciòn o ya hechas con tierras que la Intendencia fue comprando. Ahora hace bastante que no se compra, no porque no estemos interesados sino porque no nos ofrecen; nosotros 314

para

comprar

tenemos

que

hacer

una

licitaciòn pùblica, pero ultimamente no estamos


teniendo ofertas en las àreas centrales que la verdad son las que màs nos interesan. Entonces yo creo que esa es una polìtica bien importante, si uno ve la Ciudad Vieja donde la variaciòn

demogràfica

es

negativa,

el

ùnico

“cuadradito” (enclave) que ganò poblaciòn es el de las cooperativas. Eso te dirìa que es una polìtica activa, para un sector de la poblaciòn, y ademàs para mi tiene la bondad que a ser cooperativa es bien comùn, es propiedad colectiva, y eso en alguna manera funciona como regulador de los precios, porque si es verdad que rije un sistema capitalistico no controlado, sì hay un cierto control interno. Y la otra polìtica activa es la intervenciòn en los espacios pùblicos. Lo que pasa es que ha traìdo mucha intervenciòn privada y extranjera,

◄ private and foreign investment

y sobre este tema tengo mis dudas...cuàl es el lìmite para que no se produzca propiamente ese proceso de gentrificaciòn.¿Porque tener la escenografìa montada y recuperada pero vacìa ?! No es lo que queremos. La necesidad

de la participaciòn activa de los

mismos habitantes. Con respecto a la participaciòn real, Montevideo ha procesado un camino de descentralizaciòn desde el ‘90 hacia acà, y en las ùltimas elecciones, hace

dos

años,

se

creò

el

tercer

nivel

de

gobierno. Ahora Montevideo tiene 8 Municipios. En Montevideo parecìa màs un tema administrativo que un tema de cercanias. Pero bueno, nosotros con el alcalde trabajamos codo a codo. El que

ùltimo fue

programa

con

el

que

BID(Banco

llevamos

adelante,

Interamericano

de

Desarrollo), de renovaciòn en la Ciudad Vieja, donde nos planteamos como meta, despuès de los diagnòsticos de pèrdida de poblaciòn, hacer como un actualizaciòn del Plan.

315


El POT de Montevideo se redactò en el 1998 y el Plan de Ciudad Vieja en el 2003, en un perìodo Special Plan Ciudad Vieja ►

donde

estàbamos

saliendo

de

una

crisis

muy

profunda; la realidad era distinta y entonces creimos que habìa que hacer una actualizaciòn del Plan. Ademàs era muy fìsico, muy de lo patrimonial, cosas que no desmerezco, pero le faltaba justamente todo lo que tenìa que ver con los procesos socio-econòmicos, culturales, las actividades comerciales, còmo una cosa atrae a otra,etc...hicimos unos estudios interesantes, por ejemplo un censo de actividades econòmicas y ahì supimos que casi 30.000 personas entran en la Ciudad Vieja a trabajar, en un barrio en que viven alrededor de 10.000. Ademàs tenemos una poblaciòn flotante que va durante el dìa para tràmites etc... Nosotros veìamos eso como una fuente posible, hacer

polìticas

habitacionales

para

esos

sectores, trabajadores y sector joven. Pero en esa parte todavìa no hemos logramos tener un diseño màs asociado a la participaciòn, para entender què quiere esa poblaciòn, si hay interès o no. Vivir en la Ciudad Vieja no es para calquiera, (el imaginario de “deseo comun” es vivir en la costa con un parillero etc...) o es para una etapa de la vida. Entonces nosotros querìamos saber a què poblaciòn o con què base nosotros podemos dibujar una polìtica habitacional, porque el gran desvelo es que la Ciudad Vieja no se cayò, los Bancos siguieron, los comercios se quedaron, se recuperò en muchas partes, el gran desvelo es que vuelva a vivir gente pero que no se produzca ese proceso de gentrificaciòn, o sea que siga siendo lo màs policlasista que se pueda, esa es como nuestra meta. 316

Bueno despuès està tambièn el tema del turismo,


que es una cosa que se ha instalado mucho... Esos estudios nos dieron cosas interesantes, sobre todo como pautas para diseñar polìticas activas que nos permitan entonces revertir ese proceso. Y otra cosa que para mi es una de las claves de

◄ management

todo esto, es la gestiòn. Nosotros (la Intendencia) nunca logramos hacer entender colectivamente a lo que deciden que es necesaria una gestiòn particularizada, la Ciudad Vieja se puede gestionar con gente que se dedique exclusivamente a la Ciudad Vieja, un grupo de tècnicos

aunque

sea

sòlo

pùblicos,

vista

la

dificultad de asociaciòn pùblico-privadas. Hay como tres sedes de ministerio instalada, agencia

estatales,

asociaciòn

entonces

pùblico-privada,

màs hay

que

una

como

una

necesidad de una estrategia pùblico-pùblico, el Estado mismo es propietario de muchos bienes, tiene

algunos

baldìos.....necesariamente

requiere un dispositivo donde

se

haya gente que

piense sòlo a la Ciudad Vieja por almenos 15 años. Porque todas estas posibilidades que van surgiendo despuès quedan diluìdas en el tema de la vivienda en general, con toda la problemàtica que tiene, desde la costa a los asentamientos. Estamos en la direcciòn de Espacios Pùblicos y

◄ Liber Seregni Park

Edificaciones. Un proyecto que puede aparecer como ejemplo positivo es la Plaza Liber Seregni. Eran

viejos

talleres

de

la

Intendecia,

de

òmnibus; aquello se habìa yendo deteriorando, pocas

oficinas,

momento,

por

el

mugre,

ratas

1998-99

la

etc...En

su

Intendencia

que

era proprietaria se lo diò en conceciòn a un emprendedor privado para que tratara de encontrar recursos privados para invertir ahì, el Banco Hipotecario estaba en un momento muy complicado, y el proyecto originariamente era hacer como una gran

intervenciòn inmobiliaria de vivienda y un

317


remanente de espacio pùblico. Eso no se logrò venderlo a nadie porque la inversiòn potente privada quiere la costa, donde tiene valor de reventa, y nadie estaba interesado a esa manzana. El proyecto se quedò en nada de concreto por unos años. Està bueno que haya ese tipo de inversiòn pero hay que dotarlo de valor; entonces lo que habìa que hacer allì era un espacio pùblico que derame como valor al resto de la ciudad, pero el valor tenemos

que

dàrselo

nosotros,

que

somos

los

propietarios de esta tierra, en una zona que tiene

dèficit

de

espacios

pùblicos...

y

por

supuesto que los vecinos estaban completamente de acuerdo. participatory budget ►

En

ese

momento

decisiones,

que

empieza

estàbamos a

ponerse

tomando en

esas

activo

el

Presupuesto Participativo (*tengo que explicar que es en una nota), y ese Presupuesto Participativo destinò todo el dinero a la demoliciòn de los galpones de la entera manzana. Y ese empujòn no fue poco. El Presupuesto Participativo involucrò mucho

a

los

vecinos,

fue

una

conjunciòn

de

intereses. Y

el

tema

era

como

financiar

ese

pùblico, que era una obra importante.

espacio Nosostros

justo en ese perìodo manejàbamos unos terrenos en Carrasco, que es la zona màs cara al metro cuadrado de Montevideo, y promovimos un decreto en la junta departamental que nos autorizaba la venta de esos terrenos y con la venta de esos terrenos hacìamos el parque. Y creo que es una cosa que, en el discurso que hacemos y queremos hacer, es una operaciòn, la de la Plaza Liber Seregni, que cierra muy bien. Por supuesto que el proyecto se hizo con los vecinos,

se

hizo

un

primer

proyecto

en

la

Intendencia que discutimos con ellos, cosas que 318

no les iban bien, discutiendo de la parte del


juego, el skate park... Ademàs tuvo un plus, la decisiòn de dedicar este espacio pùblico a Liber Seregni, que fue un lider de la izquierda, del Frente Amplio que estuvo en prisiòn por todo el tiempo de la dictadura, una persona muy muy querida por todo el espectro polìtico. Hay una fundaciòn Liber Seregni, hay una familia y entonces todo eso se habìa transformado en un grande debate popular, todos querìan opinar sobre el proyecto ... pero despuès uno se da cuenta que ese proceso que mientras estas ahì parecìa ser demasiado, es super rico, discutìs con mucha gente que tiene otras miradas que son tan vàlidas como la tuya, que te aportan y siempre se termina aprendiendo, de acà y de allà.

***

319


*** PATRICIA ROLAND INTERVIEW IN

â&#x2013; Roland

argues

that

the

7 POINTS

central

areas

of

Montevideo, and in particular the Ciudad Vieja, suffer from a process of declination, following the definition of the term given by Professor Ignacio B. Kunz: loss of population with no decrease in the values in real estate market.

â&#x2013; For

Patricia

Roland

cooperatives

are

an

important tool, which has a long tradition in Uruguay. Are there examples of successful pilot recycling in the Ciudad Vieja for mutual aid cooperatives. The Municipality has given abandoned buildings to cooperatives that were renovated and became a residence for the same cooperativists. The Municipality also provided technical support, psychological and social assistance throughout the process. The

cooperativists

who

have

participated

in

the "experiment" had an active and protagonist role, both in the design phase, both in the construction / renovation of the building. Investing and supporting cooperatives, especially in consolidated areas of the city, is an active policy for a sector of the population who could not otherwise afford a home. Furthermore, as a common ownership, the cooperative acts as a "regulator" of prices without the risk of falling into market speculation. 320


â&#x2013; On the other hand, there is a movement of private and foreign investment in the Ciudad Vieja but may become limiting and risky interventions: to have the scenography restored and mounted but empty is certainly not the desire of the Municipality.

â&#x2013; It is important underline that the Municipality has faced and is trying to cope with the loss of

population

and

consequent

degradation

of

the city, with the aim / desire that the new generations come back to live in neighborhoods as the Ciudad Vieja, without producing phenomenon of gentrification but keeping those particular characteristics

of

the

neighborhoods

of

Montevideo: the coexistence of different social classes, the multiculturalism and the multiethnicity. 5. Another active policy concerning the Ciudad Vieja was the actualization of the POT of 1998 and the Plan Especial Ciudad Vieja 2003, drawn up during a political-economic situation different from what is now the country is experiencing. From research carried out for the actualization, have emerged as potential users to look up the workers and youth that every day go to the Ciudad Vieja, that despite the loss of population has not lost its commercial and financial character. But it was not possible yet to have a design project involving more actively these potential users.

â&#x2013; One of the key elements for Roland is the management: talking about the Ciudad Vieja is 321


necessary, for example, a detailed management which is dedicated exclusively to the Ciudad Vieja, and more than a solution of cooperation between public and private, Roland considers necessary a strategy

public-public, who works

for at least fifteen years in the same area. Otherwise the risk is that the problems and the possibilities of a peculiar area as the Ciudad Vieja, end up in the pot of the general theme of housing.

â&#x2013; A positive example of active participation of population and intervention of Municipality: the Liber Seregni Park. It was a large area in the heart of the city occupied by old and unused deposits property of Municipality. There was the idea to redevelop the area, transforming it into a public space capable of giving value and boost the neighborhood itself. At the same time he was active the consultation of Presupuesto participatory, and votes of the local residents came out of the proposal to allocate all the budget available for the demolition of the deposits. So on both sides, Municipality and inhabitants, there was the will to turn that emptiness into a good for the community.

***

322


323


#3


Noemi Alonso Arquitecta Directora de la Division Tierras y Hรกbitat Intendencia de Montevideo


***

Estamos en la Division que concentra todo lo que Habitat and housing division ►

tiene que ver con la vivienda, Division Vivienda y Habitat: hay varias dependencias, uno es el servicio de Tierras y Vivienda, donde existen tres

sectores:

revitalizacion

de

las

areas

centrales, vivienda, tierras. El sector tierras trata todo lo que tiene que ver con ir manteniendo la cartera de tierras. El sector Vivienda se ocupa de todos los programs de vivienda como el plan de realojo de poblacion que habita areas perifericas

contaminadas

con

el

intento

de

hacerlos volver a la ciudad existente. Este programa de realojo prioritiza entonces las areas consolidadas de la ciudad? Los

tres

lugares

donde

mas

trabajamos,

propriamente con unos Planos, fueron el Barrios sur, la Ciudad Vieja y el Barrio Goes. En el Barrio Sur , en el lugar donde era el vacio cooperatives ►

mas

grande

del

barrio,

que

habia

un

galpon , se tirò abajo toda la manzana y ahì se pucieron varias cooperativas que ahora se estan construyendo. Vendrian ser: UFAMA, que es un reciclaje, dos torres de FECOVI, otras dos cooperrativas de FUCVAM, adelante del predio hay otras cooperativa queya

estan bastante avanzadas. Esto ya està en

camino todo. Y se trabajo mucho tambien sobre lo existente con la recuperacion del barrio. De Goes ya sabes bastante, y el tercer Plan que teniamos era en la Ciudad Vieja. Programas mas generale que vamos teniendo no solo 326


en las areas centrales si no tambien en las que se pueden llamar centralidades locales, barrios como la Union, la Ciudad Vieja, Penarol, Cerro, Aguada...ya vamos trabajando en doce barrios. Y estos planes como actuan? Se trata de planes de mejoramento de vivienda. Es un programa que eredamos de los andalusos: Prestamos

◄ Rehabilitation Offices

pequenos, a muy bajo interes, praticamente nulo y tambien en forma de subsidio, para areglar las cosas fundamentales para la salubridad de la vivienda, osea cocinas, banos, serramientos todo lo que es motivo de infiltraciones de agua que deterioran las viviendas, mejoras estructurales, y ademas areglos de fachadas, siguiendo el slogan "comenzando por nuestra casa, vamos a recuperar el barrio". Tambien hay que decir que ahora nos ayuda una situacion socio-economica diferente de hace 10 anos, no hay tampoco que exajerar pero no se puede negar que tenemos una situacion socioeconomica

mejor

respecto

a

antes.

Osea

que

venimos recuperando de una crisis muy grande en un momento en el cual estamos con mejores recursos de todo tipo. El otro programa que te nombrè antes es el realojo de pobladores de areas contaminadas, que

◄ relocation of slums's inhabitants

tiene dos objetivos: mejorar las condiciones de vivienda y de vida de las personas que vivien allì

,

construyendo

nuevas

habitaciones

con

las premisa de no llevarlos muy lejos de donde estan,

mantenerlos

en

el

mismo

municipio,

y

tener diferentes programas: uno de estos es la vivienda "usada", osea les compramos viviendas existentes, y es lo mejor porque entrando en una 327


vivienda nadie tiene porque saber que antes vivias en un asientamiento y se integran como cualquier vecino nuevo. Pero tampoco hay tanta oferta de viviendas como las que buscamos nosotros que son de muy bajos recursos. Como funciona? es una forma de subsidio? Si, es totalmente subsidiada. Yo creo que en determinado momento se podria regularizar en otra manera. Por ahora es digamos un permiso de

habitar

lo

que

se

les

da,

estan

con

la

autorizacion de la Intendecia de vivir en ese lugar , permiso que es oviamente revocable , por ejemplo nos pasò que prendieran fuego a un apartamento por peliarse y eso fue motivo de expulsion de la vivienda. integration ►

Unos de los problemas mas grandes que tenemos es que cuando queremos integrar la gente de los asientamentos en un barrio,

la gente del barrio

se arma contra nosotros en todas las maneras. Hace poco recojieron en un medio dia mas de 500 firmas para que nosotros no llevaramos "esa" gente al barrio. Y esto que es un asientamiento que està en ese barrio, sobre el aroyo Miguelete, asì que son los mismo vecinos, ademas se hace todo un trabajo con la gente, se elije quien quiere

realmente

cambiar

su

trabaja, huvo un rechazo total.

situación

,que

Es una lucha

muy grande. La gente con la cual trabajan participa a la construccion de su propria casa? Bueno, en principio ellos parteciparon en la construcción.Tenemos por cuestiones de tiempo contrsuir tramite empresas, y el problema es que las mismas empresas no quieren tener estas 328


personas trabajndo con ellos. Entonces invetamos una formula que por ahora diò resultados, osea la fabricacion de losetas de ladrillo, que se construyen en cualquier lugar y podes trasladarlas una vez echas. En el mismo asientamento hay un lugar

donde

ellos

fabricaron

estas

losetas.

Despues logramos que contribuyeran por ejemplo con

los

sercados

de

los

predios,

con

la

terminaciones de los apartamento, de los pisos... No mucho mas porque hay un rechazo muy grande de parte de las empresas y no podemos trabajar solo por ayuda mutua porque estariamos por cada edificios demasiados anos. No es lo mismo de una cooperativa, que son persona que decidieron ser una cooperativa, que eligieron de construirse su propria habitacion, y que tienen un nivel socioeconomico distinto, aun sea bajo . Estas personas tienen voluntad de partecipar a este cambiamento? En general sĂŹ, se entusiasman cuando entiende las mejorias que van a tener en su vida, aunque sea

â&#x2014;&#x201E;

improvements

no mas salir del charco, porque viven realmente en lugares invivibles. Se

hace

tambien

un

trabajo

social,

antes,

durantes y despues de la mudanza. Se trata con esto de hacer entender lo mas posible las cosas, las mejorias que van a tener, a ser responsables tambien; porque en un asientamiento ellos no pagan nada, no pagan la luz, el agua etc... entonces hay como que acostubrarlos, educarlos tambien . A nosotros nos parece raro, pero por ejemplo no saben manejar una cisterna, que de repente se te tranca , o pierde augua, antes no pagando si perdiĂ  augua no les importaba, ni se 329


enteraban, pero ahora sì. A nivel territorial este plan de realojo de linear parks ►

poblaciones

que

viven

en

areas

contaminadas

es que, liberando estas zonas estamos haciendo parques lineares a lo largo de los arroyo para que la ciudad tambien ganè de todo esto. Ademas no estamos hablando de zonas perifericas, estos

arroyos

se

encuentran

en

zonas

muy

centrales, areas consolidadas. Ahora estamos trabajando con Malvin, MIgueletes Duranas, la Manchega..... Tratamos ademas de llevar los servicios basicos, como gardineria, porque suele haber muchos ninos pequenos, en general son zonas zonas que tienen servicios alrededor pero que no està urbanizada, entonces tenemos que hacer la urbanizacion y ahì mezclamos distintos proyectos, cooperativas, plan lote, que son lotes con servicios que la gente autocostruye con financiacion... Con

este

plan

se

estan

costruyendo

nuevas

viviendas. Hablando con otros actores, algunos de ellos me han planteado una paradoja: se sigue construyendo pero la poblacion no crese. Usted cree que es realmente asì? O que la necesidad de una casa no està satisfecha para la majoria de los habitantes? Creo que es una gran mentira. La demanda de vivienda no esta satisfecha.

Hicimos muchos

estudios, adentro de la facultad de arquitectura abandoned spaces ►

como en la Intendecia ; es cierto que hay muchos lugares abandonados en la ciudad, pero eso no es porque sobre vivienda, eso es porque hay problemas juridicos en esas viviendas. Es el problema mas grande que tenemos acà. Por ejemplo

330


si un inmueble es de una sociedad anonima que desapareciò, para

lograr espropriar ese bien es

muy difficil. No hay una cuantificacion oficial digamos de

legal problem

estè patrimonio vacio, sobre todo porque no es facil identificarlo. La vivienda que no està usada no quiere decir que estè a disposicion; siempre es movil, se vende, desaparece, aparece otra, es una "cartera movil" de viviendas, y hay una cantidad de viviendas que tienen que estar vacias para que la genete pueda moverse. Esas no son vivenda vacantes, son viviendas que fluctuan en el mercado. Otras, que son las que desideramos mas que todo que entren en el mercado, son las que tienen problemas juridicos, muchos embargos, succesiones muy largas sin terminar. Puede ser que allà una cantidad mayor a la que deberia haber, pero repito ,por problemas juridicos. Por eso nosotros estamos muy enteresados a que pasè una ley que permitiera que las vivienda que estan en estos casos complicados, el Estado pudiera

tomar

poseso

de

estos

inmuebles.

Es

una ley que estamos tratando de promocionar en muchas personas pero tambien ahì otras tantas persona que la ven como un ataque a la propriedad privada. Para mi es la unica cosa que podria favoreser a que nosotros empezaramos a recuperar esa cartera perdida , sobre todo porque estos inmuebles se encuentran en la mas grande mayoria en las areas centrales de la ciudad. Ahora se ha echo en algunos edificios muy emplebaticos de la ciudad, con muchas asociasiones y actores diferentes, se

ha

logrado

desalojar

estos

edificios, 331


paralelamente trabajando en los aspectos legales, un trabajo multidisiplinario muy grande, y asĂŹ se lograron recuperar algunos edificios. Pero muy pocos respecto a la candidad de edificios que se encuentran en estas situaciones. Por esto luchamos para obtener herramientas que nos permitan actuar en estos casos. Porque , hago una comparacion muy fuerte pero, si tu eres una mala madre pierdes la patria podesta , pero si tu eres un mal proprietario ahĂŹ

sigues

dejando

el

abujero,

se

llena

de

ratas, causa perjuisio a toda la ciudad pero nadie

puede

proprietario.

decirte

nada

Enotonces

porque

se

tu

necesita

eres

el

agragar

a algunas leyes que ya pusieron deberes a la propriedad, el deber de usar, de mantener... inerentes al proprietario. Muchos lo entienden como algo muy revolucionarios, pero en realidad todos los derechos tienen sus deberes, sobre todo cuando hablamos de la comunidad. Yo

personalmente

creo

que

tu

puedes

tratar

de enfrentar algunos casos muy exepcionales, poniendo una cantidad de esfuerzos muy grande concentrados en ese lugar, con algun resultado medio incierto; para poder ganarle en cantidad y en calidad se precisa tener armas legales para poder tener que los proprietarios pierdan la propriedad en caso que no se enteresen, que no se puedan hubicar por mucho tiempo...y el Estado abandoned spaces â&#x2013;ş

toma esa propriedad para ponerla en la cartera de tierras para vivienda social. Es a lo que auspicamos pero todavia no ha habido mucho. Lo mismo es lo que pasa con las fabricas, que tambien muchas veces estan en el centro urbano,

332


son enormes y completamente abandonadas, y han dejado ademas de las estructuras , una serie de complicaciones legales infinitas. ( en realidad dice una lista infinita de embargantes?); los duenos no aparecen, son sociedades anonimas. Entonces esas fabricas, que todo el mundo dijo vamos

a

recuperar

fabricas,

pero

ante

todos

tienen que resolver las cuestiones juridacas para poder tener acceso a estos inmuebles! Para mi este es el problema que tenemos, sobre todo para el urbanismo, osea para poder tener las herramientas que te permitan hacer en la ciudad. En algunos casos se logrò rematar estos bienes, y cuando se remata solitamente el que remata vende quitando las deudas. Pero es un camino dificl y no siempre se da. La otra cosa que tratamos de hacer es tener una gran diversidad de programas, que se ajustan a

distintas

(Intendecia)

realidades; si

no

no

tambien

solo el

extended range of programs

nosotros

Ministerio

;

actualmente, hay una bateria. Yo creo que lo que no hay todavia es que cada una de esas lineas tenga una difucion y un siguimiento muy bueno. Mucha gente no se entera, o cuando quiere concretar resulta todo muy dificil. Porque en realidad se estan haciendo muchas cosas buenas, por ejemplo aquì nunca habia habido subsidio de alquileres y ahora existen. Volviendo al tema del "otro" y de las dificultades

the "other"

que tenemos a integrar la gente que viene de un asientamiento en sus nuevas casas, que se encuentran en el mismo barrio que estaban antes!, estaba pensando como es dificl entender este sentimiento de rechazo tan fuerte. En Uruguay 333


no son problemas de racismo, porque somos todos una gran mezcla, hijos de immigrantes de todo el mundo. illegal drugs trade ►

Pero te otra parte, yo entiendo que siempre mas en

estos

asientamientos

se

esta

infiltrando

el trafico de drogas. Han echo muchos avances en nuestro pais los traficantes de drogas, y han utilizado mucho a los jovenes como armas para el trafico de drogas. Hay una violencia bastante

grande

en

esos

lugares,

cada

vez

las acciones son mas violentas y dificiles de comprender porque no son mas los robos, si no que matan a cualquiera...es gente muy joven. Esto es un gravissimo problema. Y ademas la television aumenta y aumenta todo esto creando mas diferencias y incomprensiones. La gente està terrorizada. Y esto no ayuda en las relacciones entre la gente.

Pero no estamos todavia en una

situacion limite. Montevideo sigue siendo una ciudad relativamente tranquila, ahì ciudades en latinoamerica que despues de las seis-siete de la tarde no podes salir en la calle. Por esto, hablando de lo que està pasando en estos dias, yo estoy de acuerdo

con la ley que està

por entrar en funccion sobre la liberalizacion de la marijuana. Porque hoy lo que nos esta afectando mas de todo es el trafico de drogas que nos esta robando los jovenes que nacen en estos asientamientos. Las madres mismas con las cuales hablamos nos dicen: "no quiero seguir criando malandros". Yo creo que, es una esperanza mia, si lograramos tener algunos mas anos de gobierno progressista como el que tenemos ahora, se podria lograr a 334


tener

una

gran

bateria

de

programa

sociales

para enfrentar y dar soluciones a todos estos problemas que estuvimos hablando.

Los programas

tienen que tener amplitud, no pueden durar los cinco anos de un mandado politico, porque ante

â&#x2014;&#x201E;

expiration date

todo para cambiar , no solo en superficie, se precisa tiempo. Hace vente anos que trabajo en la Intendencia y de algunos programas se ven solo hoy los efectos.

*** 335


*** NOEMI ALONSO INTERVIEW IN 7 POINTS

■Programs, plans and projects implemented by the Division of Habitat Tierras y ' Intendencia seeking to address the changes due to population loss and degradation of the central areas on the one hand , and the consequent problems of the suburbs on the other : ▶Incentive

to

cooperatives

to

settle

in

consolidated areas of the city, considering the system cooperativista a fundamental tool for the physical and social recovery of the city.

▶Oficinas de Rehabilitacion. Loans and grants for the recovery and improvement of existing homes: renovations of bathrooms, kitchens, windows, resolution of water infiltration, structural improvements. Loans and subsidies for the renovation of the facades: "Starting from our home, the neighborhood will recover"

▶Program

of

relocation

of

residents

of

peripheral areas contaminated or at risk of flooding. Has two modes of operation: construction of new homes with the active participation of future users, or buying used apartments. The latter is a kind of legalized occupation: the Municipality gives permission to live in an apartment at zero cost, but the permission can be dismissed 336

for "misconduct".


â&#x2013; One of the most difficult problems concerning the relocation program is to be able to integrate the people that come from a "asentamiento irregular" (slum) in a consolidated neighborhood, although there is a "selection" of those who will be part of this program, through social work with the slum dwellers to understand who really wants to change their situation assuming the duties that will ensue, there is a total rejection by potential new neighbors.

â&#x2013; The rejection is not only by future neighbors but also construction companies find it hard to accept people from slums: the program also would

include

participation

the in

self-construction,

the

construction

of

active their

future home. To circumvent the problem, as it is impossible not to rely on construction companies for matters of timing and efficiency, they managed to ensure that the "losetas de ladrillo" are fabricated by future residents, since they do not necessarily have to be done on site. They also contribute to the final phases of construction.

â&#x2013; Throughout the process of change, people are supported by social assistants, sociologists and psychologists who assist and work with them to integrate them to city life, which has privileges but also duties. In fact, people are habituated to having everything as free (illegally), the house,

light,

drinking

water

...

there

is

therefore a work of empowerment. 337


â&#x2013; This relocation program has also an impact at territorial level: the lands recovered from slums are used as public spaces and linear parks. So not only trying to give a dignified home to many people as possible, reabsorbing the population expelled

by

the

"edges"

of

the

consolidated

city, but rehabilitating those lands and making public spaces the city itself and its citizens regain ground.

â&#x2013; Regarding

the

issue

of

the

central

areas,

according to Noemi Alonso the biggest problem that

does

not

allow

the

reuse

of

abandoned

housing stock is a legal problem: often abandoned properties have complicated legal situations, owners

disappeared,

endless

inheritances,

embargoes .. . In this regard, they are trying to promote a law that allows to the State take possession of those goods abandoned in complex situations, but many people see this proposal as an attack on private property. Alonso believes that be an owner is a right but must also include duties, duties to the community,

because

an

abandoned

building

is

damage to the whole city. This argument also applies to several abandoned factories in the heart of the city. it is therefore crucial to be able to tap into that "lost folder" of abandoned buildings that are concentrated in the central areas of the city, where action is needed.

338


â&#x2013; To get some result is also important to have a great diversity of programs that befits the different realities: to act both in consolidated areas deteriorated as much as in the peripheral areas poor. According to Alonso are in place today many programs that try to deal these issues, but it lacks information and dissemination. In addition, these programs have an expiration date: instead should have durability, they can not last as long as a political mandate of five years, because to try to improve the situation, not

only

on

the

surface,

before

any

other

instrument, it takes long time.

***

339


#4


Edgardo J. MartĂ­nes Arquitecto Analista y Planificador urbanoterritorial Prof. agregado del Instituto de TeorĂ­a y Urbanismo de la Faculdad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR


***

Este fenòmeno que tu describes como shrinking city, en realidad en Montevideo se puede renominar shrinking-expanding city ►

“expanding city”. El fenòmeno de perder poblaciòn en las àreas consolidadas y ganar residentes en las periferias, si por un lado habla de una desaspareciòn de poblaciòn en el centro, hay un shrinking process, tambièn tiene un impacto en el expanding process. Y ahì hay un fenòmeno instalado en Montevideo que no es una parte muy latinoamericana, en una ciudad que por mucho tiempo no tenìa ese tipo de problemàticas, o sea Montevideo a diferencia de otras capitales latinoamericanas,

no

ganò

mucha

poblaciòn

rural, los desplazamientos de poblaciòn rural a urbana, entre que era muy poca la poblaciòn rural para desplazarse y entre que muchos de los corrimientos de poblaciòn rural-urbana no sòlo vinieron a Montevideo si no a otras ciudades del interior no e dieron, Montevideo no presenta como Lima, San Paoblo, Ciudad de Mexico, procesos de expansiòn por nuevos pobladores rurales. En cambio Montevideo y Buenos Aires, presentan population shift ►

un

fenòmeno

de

de

barrios

consolidados

el

desplome

urbanizaciòn, barrios

desplazamiento

econòmico, los

son

poblaciòn

periferias,poque

porque

costos

consolidados

a

de

los

costos

de

vivienda

en

de

la

muy

altos

y

no

se

absorben en los salarios convencionales. Por lo tanto se ha instalado un fenòmeno que llamamos de migraciones intra-urbanas: un fenòmeno muy fuerte en el caso de Montevideo. 342


Nuestro trabajo acadèmico - "Transformaciones urbanas y sus pobladores metropolitanos 19851996-2004" - fue llevado adelante con la idea de informar a las autoridades que hay que hacer algo,que hay que trabajar en la regeneraciòn, revitalizaciòn de las àreas que pierden poblaciòn pero

que

tienen

todas

las

infrastructuras

necesarias. Los ejemplos europeos son muy ejemplares: yo vivì en Rotterdam....programa de densificar, de agregar màs unidades habitacionales pero tambien de requalificar con espacios publicos etc... Acà hay un principio de revitalizaciòn con lo que es el Barrio Goes, es lo primero que se està haciendo, muy lento y muy complejo pero està en una buena direcciòn. Ese es el tema general, las transformaciones y

còmo

abarcarlas,

porque

tu

planteas

una

intervenciòn en un barrio para revitalizarlo (repito, como ùnico ejemplo concreto por ahora tenemos el Barrio Goes), pero no puedes dejar

◄ link inner cityperiphery

de trabajar conjuntamente en las periferias, porque ahì està la gente ahora, hay que poner las infrastructuras que no tienen...Yo tengo estimado en este estudio que una manzana de Montevideo que tiene agua potable, saneamiento, calles pavimentadas, recolecciòn y tratamiento de basuras, alumbrado pùblico, drenaje de agua de

lluvia,

conexiòn

elàtrica,

conexiòn

◄ infrastructure

de

comunicaciones, en este paìs, colocar estos 8 subsistemas, sin costruir nada, sòlo urbanizar con estos 8 elementos, sale entre los 180.000 y 240.000 dòlares. Pero en las periferias se estàn poniendo esos 343


servicios despuès que los terrenos se han ocupado y autocostruidos. Es un mecanismo que no tenemos presente en Europa, còmo una persona puede elegir un terreno, ocuparlo ilegalmente y ademàs que las autoridades en vez de condenar este "mètodo", termina poniendo en esos lugares las infrastructuras nesesarias y bàsicas: es como legalizar una violencia. Es todavia peor. En el otro estudio paralelo que tengo con los estudiantes, estamos estudiando las ciudades intermedias del Uruguay: en estas ciudades la autoridad, la Intendencia, aprueba un

fraccionamento

de

suelo

sin

que

esté

la

infrastructura, o sea la autoridad pùblica le da la espalda a lo que la ley dice, que cuando se vaya a formar una urbanizaciòn, la misma tiene making the city upside down ►

que tener los servicios bàsicos. Y las infrastructuras se ponen con todos los accidentes geogràficos que puedan darse. Entonces como te decia, si una manzana en el àrea consolidada de Montevideo cuesta entre 180240 mil dòlares, cuando los servicios se ponen despuès llega hasta 500 mil dòlares:es carisimo, y ademàs es el Estado mismo que paga todo esto, osea la sociedad toda, paga este sistema, de hacer ciudad al reves. Es muy grave todo esto. Y hay un tema fundamental, que es que hacer en las àreas consolidadas. Personalmente, en las conclusiones mismas de este libro, planteo la necesidad de una gestiòn urbana dando prioridad a intervenciones en àreas centrales, consolidades. En estas àreas hay un patròn de vivienda tìpica de la zona, que es la vivienda zaguan....

344


por medio de mecanismos de mercado, sin mayor intervenciòn pùblica, lo que ha habido es que esta vivienda zaguan, fachada con gran puerta y

◄ recycling

generalmente con dos grandes ventanas que dan a la calle, y luego cuando tu entras hay un patio con una claraboya y las habitaciones estàn todas alrededor, como eran construidas por italianos y españoles que en la època habian traido la tecnologia, lo que tienen estas casas son techos muy altos: entonces en los ùltimos años se han hecho

muchos

reciclajes

de

esas

estructuras

utilizando esa altura y poniendo un entrepiso, creando de esta manera màs viviendas. Esto ha empezado como iniciativa privada pero en este caso el Estado sì reaccionò , dando apoyo para que se hacieran màs trabajos de reciclajes. Ahì tienes una pequeña medida echa desde el Estado en apoyo a la densificaciòn de lo que ya existe, porque ya estàn todas las infrastrcuturas y las casas. La otra intervenciòn es demoler y poner un edifcio

◄ demolition

alto, que es otra forma de inversiòn privada que ahora tambièn tiene un apoyo a travès de la Agencia Nacional de Vivienda, que les ofrece a los inversores privados que si construyen en lugares no solo convencionales (pocitos, la rambla...) donde el sector privado no precisa ningun tipo de apoyo, el estado los apoya para que inclusive, el costo despuès de venta sea màs barato para los pobladores que vayan a vivir ahì. Es una medida, pero parcial, predio a predio, no es una polìtica general, de planificaciòn. El paso

◄ regeneration

siguiente a esto es el Plan Goes, o sea a una escala màs grande de planificaciòn, a una escala 345


de barrio y no de proyecto en proyecto, de caso en caso, promoviendo no sòlo la densificaciòn sino tambièn la recalificaciòn de los espacios pùblicos, de lo existente etc... Entonces, los dos apoyos que hasta hoy hay son: el apoyo a los reciclajes de viviendas en àreas centrales y el apoyo de la costrucciòn en altura con menores costos para ser disponibles a la poblaciòn, en lugares que no son los "clàsicas" del sector privado, y el paso siguiente es este Plan Goes. perimetral collector ring

Yo particularmente, estoy muy preocupado con este tema, y tengo dicho en la facultad y a las autoridades, un tema que es fundamental: al norte de Montevideo se acaba de construir (2009)un anillo colector perimetral que conecta las rutas que como dedos salen desde Montevideo, el palmo de la mano, hacia el resto del Pais: mi propuesta es que la Municipalidad haga una gestiòn urbana en barrios donde estàn colocados la logistica de transporte que estàn saliendo desde Montevideo hacia el Pais y afuera del Pais, que hoy estàn en los barrios, grandes espacios, proponerles un lugar cercano al anillo colector vial y esos espacios

utilizarlos

para

la

revitalizaciòn

urbana. Es una oportunidad històrica: el haber construido este anillo, con una de las inversiones de las màs fuertes de los ùltimos años,y que ahora se utilice urbana

para

mejorar

utilizando

la

o

renovar

logistica

la que

situaciòn hoy

està

en los barrios, las grandes edificaciones que tienen

de

oficinas

y

depòsitos,

sacarlos

de

esos barrios, llevarlos hacia afuera donde està 346


el anillo colector vial y en esos lugar hacer viviendas y espacios pùblicos. Concretamente de que barrios estamos hablando y de que tipologia de estructuras? Se

trata

por

ejemplo

de

galpones

que

estàn

en muchos barrios de Montevideo, que son de transporte

de

camiones;

hay

tambièn

muchas

◄ large facilities

fàbricas que ya no funcionan... Y hablando de barrios, por ejemplo se acaba de publicar un libro sobre el Barrio Capurro, barrio donde se pueden notar claramente grandes instalaciones, algunas de ellas ya estàn vacias, otra por ejemplo es de una compania de transporte de pasajeros que viaja hacia todo el pais y que en este barrio tiene sus dèpositos, en el medio de un barrio central, en un espacio que es privilegiado porque està cercano de la bahia de Montevideo, una vista muy tìpica de la ciudad. Usted cree que la soluciòn es construir màs viviendas? No, no solo. Hay necesidad de trabajar en un replanteo de renovaciòn urbana, o sea sirven todos los componentes: vivienda sì, pero tambièn plazas, mercados, guarderias, escuelas, lo que sea necesario para ganar terreno como para que los lugares que hoy en barrios tan bien ubicados como estos y con toda la infrastructura puedan pelear contra el shrinking process. Y de la Ciudad Vieja? Hay unos planes, se ha hecho algo, pero es màs

difìcil

el

espacio.

Se

han

hecho

cosas

muy interesantes, como las cooperativas de las

◄ Ciudad Vieja

bòvedas llevadas adelante por el arquitecto Raul Valles, que son un estupendo ejemplo de reciclado 347


de edificio en la Ciudad Vieja. Yo

vivì

en

uno

de

"esos"

barrios

que

se

recalificaron, en Rotterdam. Rotterdam

Vinieron 4 tècnicos de la municipalidad y entre los vecinos del barrio habia que elejir a 5 vecinos. Primer cosa, tu tenias que el plan se iba a hacer con 9 persona, de las cuales cinco eran vecinos y cuatro tècnicos. Asì vos tenias màs fuerte el poder de los vecinos sobre los tècnicos. El territorio definido, una componente de decisiòn con màs poder decicional a los vecinos sobre los tècnicos y un plan riguroso, con tres tipologias de interevnto, demoler - reciclar - construir, o sea el comitè vecinos+tècnicos eligiò edificio por edificio cuales tenian que ser demolidos, cuales reciclados y donde costruir o no construir. La idea era de hacer un plan no sòlo de màs vivienda, sino de mejor vivienda pero ademàs poniendo plazas, hospitales, escuelas, canchas de basket. Mejores

còmo?

por

ejemplo

de

tres

viviendas

hicieron dos, o sea las casas eran màs grandes; para dejar los mismo vecinos que vivian ahì tenian que agregar. Estaba el desafio arquitectònico de

còmo

agregar

màs

vivienda

a

la

vivienda

tradicional holandesa. Un desafio tècnico que se resolviò, se agregaron màs niveles, se reciclò lo ya existente. Dentro de que marco? de un marco del gobierno holandès

que

habia

vivienda

fuera

de

entendido la

ciudad

que le

hacer

las

costava

màs

dinero. Todo el suelo holandès es artifical: la infrastructura es costosisima. Yo acà estoy demostrando que hacer ciudades en 348


las afueras, y hacièndolas sobretodo despuès (por lo que hemos dicho antes) es costosisimo y por lo tanto no tiene sentido tampoco a nivel econòmico. Creo que el tema es entender que el suelo urbano implica un acondicionamento, las 8 subsistema, y que en realidades como la de nuestro paìs, es muy costo. Puede ser que en otros paìses sea màs sencillo, pero hasta en Holanda, que es un pais notoriamente muy rico, pusieron en acto un plan de renovaciòn urbana, que no es casual! Era una visiòn polìtica que se diò cuenta que era mas costo construir en las afueras que mejorar los barrios existentes. Vivì en Rotterdam todo el tiempo que durò este programa, 20 años, y al ver que la ciudad se renueva, se mejora

y cambia, aparecen nuevos

espacios pùblicos y de agregaciòn donde antes no

habia

nada,

nuevas

edificaciones,

es

una

experiencia como poblador lindisima. Yo quisiera vivirla en esta ciudad.

***

349


*** EDGARDO J. MARTÍNEZ INTERVIEW IN 7 POINTS

■The phenomenon of shrinking regarding Montevideo is

intrinsically

linked

with

an

expansion

process: the central areas have lost population and the suburbs have gained residents. Unlike other Latin American capital, Montevideo has not gained massively rural population and therefore has not undergone a process of strong expansion due to new rural inhabitants as can be seen in cities like Lima, Sao Paulo or Mexico City. Instead Montevideo has a very strong phenomenon of population shift from consolidated districts to

suburbs,

a

phenomenon

called

intra-urban

migration.

■"Transformaciones Metropolitanos

urbanas

y

1985-1996-2004"

sus is

Pobladores the

study

published by Martinez and his team with the belief

that

it

is

necessary

to

inform

the

authorities about what is happening in order to work in regeneration and revitalization of the central areas that lose population but have all the necessary infrastructure, without ceasing to work simultaneously in the suburbs, because it is there where people live now and are deprived of basic infrastructure.

■For comparison, Martinez has estimated the cost of urbanization of a block in a consolidated area of the city and peripheral areas. 350


For

urbanization

Martinez

refers

to

the

construction and installation of 8 subsystems: clean

water,

sanitation,

garbage

collection,

waters

drainage,

public

street

pavement,

lighting,

electrical

pluvial

connection

and

communication connections. In the central areas the cost is between $ 180,000 and $ 240,000. In the suburbs where the infrastructure are placed after the land has been occupied and self-built, with all the geographical and geological accidents that may be encountered, reaches up to $ 500,000. It 'a way of making the city upside down.

■Martinez raises the need for prioritizing urban management

interventions

in

the

central

and

consolidated areas. He delineates three support modalities / interventions by the State for this purpose: ▶Support recycling in the central areas: the

typical

housing

typology

is

called

Zanguan, a courtyard- house with a with a large amplitude in height.. In recent years have been recycling many of this structure utilizing the big height advantage, putting a mezzanine floor and creating more housing. ▶Support

demolitions

for

construction

of

high-rise buildings in the central areas: private investment looks only to the east, to

neighborhoods

Carrasco,

then

like

the

Pocitos,

state

help

Malvin, with

tax

exemptions who invest in neighborhoods like Sur, Palermo, Ciudad Vieja, Centro, Aguada ...

351


▶At the level of districts, for now there is only the example of the program of renovation of Goes, but it's a good starting point. ▶Program

of

relocation

of

residents

of

peripheral areas contaminated or at risk of flooding. Has two modes of operation: construction of new homes with the active participation of future users, or buying used apartments. The latter is a kind of legalized occupation: the Municipality gives permission to live in an apartment at zero cost, but the permission can be dismissed for "misconduct".

■In the north of Montevideo was recently built (2009) a perimetral collector ring connecting the main roads that depart from Montevideo like the fingers of a hand. Martinez believes that this intervention is a historic opportunity. The Municipality should make a urban management in the area where today there is the logistics of transportation from Montevideo to the rest of the country and outside the country, large spaces that are located in the central areas and instead could be relocated to nearby the new perimetral collector ring, reusing those spaces for urban revitalization.

■According to Martinez the solution lies not only in building more houses in the central areas, but it's necessary a program of urban renewal, which contains all components: houses, squares, shops, kindergartens, schools, public spaces, 352

all that is necessary so that the neighborhoods


that have a strategic location and have all the infrastructure can fight against the shrinking process.

â&#x2013; Martinez

has

redevelopment

lived of

a

and

participated

district

of

long process that lasted 20 years both

professionals

and

in

the

Rotterdam,

a

that involved

inhabitants

of

the

neighborhood; the city has been renewed, improved and changed and appeared new public spaces and spaces of aggregation, new construction and a remarkable improvement of the existing... an all-encompassing experience as a citizen that Martinez hopes to also live in Montevideo.

***

353


#5


Salvador Schelotto Arquitecto Coordinador del Programa de Desarrollo y GestĂ­on Subnacional Oficina de Planeamiento y Presupuesto Presidencia de la Republica Prof.Titular Taller Schelotto Ex-Decano de la Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR


***

Creo que hay lecturas como simplista o lineales, que

no

dejan

sovraponerle

de

ser

varias

ciertas,

pero

explicaciones

hay

que

porque

hay

varios procesos conjuntos. No es un proceso que nace ahora. Doughnut Effect ►

La expansiòn a "rosquilla" se explica con el vaciamiento de las areas centrales e intermedias. Pero no es tan asì. Si uno estudia la conformaciòn de la poblaciòn de esa periferia, vemos que tiene muy variada composiciòn: hay gente que abandonò, o fue expulsada de las àreas centrales, pero tambièn tenès procesos que estàn vivos en ese propio espacio perifèrico, que es el espacio donde se da la reproducciòn biològica de la sociedad, donde hay màs niños, las generaciones son muy cortas...Tambièn reciben poblaciòn de barrios pròximos; y tambièn la poblaciòn que se recibe de migraciones internas, que tuvo una significaciòn mucho màs importante dècadas

pasadas

en

el

proceso

hacia varias

de

transiciòn

demogràfica campo-ciudad, proceso que ya està cerrado, la poblaciòn que tenìa que urbanizarse se urbanizò, bien, el principal aporte ya se tuvo, Pero microscopicamente este fenòmeno sigue existiendo. mixed periphery ►

Ademàs tienes que la corona de periferias de Montevideo

es

heterogènea:

partes

precarias,

parte que es formal, otras de sectores populares y parte tambièn de sectores medios: claramente las zonas màs al este. Ademàs tienes unas mixtura 356


de tejidos urbanos nuevos, con nuevo entiendo de los años '50 para adelante, por ejemplo la Ciudad de las Piedras, o las Villas del àrea de Barrios Blancos, algunos de los cuales son territorios muy antiguos, la Ciudad de las Piedras es del 1780, es una ciudad colonial. Otros no son tan antiguos pero son del siglo XIX, como Pando, La

Paz,

que

tienen

su

propio

casco

antiguo

consolidado y que han venido conurbàndose con la ciudad de Montevideo. Asì que tienes una suma de distintas realidades. Y la otra cosa que surge en el estudio que hicimos - Schelotto Salvador et al., Centro y Periferia. Dos caras de la misma moneda?, ed. Toboso Srl Montevideo, Uruguay, 2012 - , un trabajo que en parte se apoyo en una investigaciòn de Patrica Roland (ver entrevista*), trabajando con datos hasta el 2004. Pero podemos decir que los datos del

2011

(el

ultimo

censo*)

confirman

esa

tendencia, que ya se habìa dado con el censo anterior del 2004. Una de las cosas que suceden en las zonas centrales, no tanto en centro històrico, la Ciudad Vieja,

◄ changes in demographic patterns

sino en las àreas de expansiòn, es que si bien la poblaciòn dismiuye, aumenta el nùmero de vivienda y aumenta el nùmero de hogares. Hay entonces cuestiones que no se explican por expulsiòn, si no por el cambio en los patrones demogràficos y en las estructuras familiares. Tiene que ver con lo que los demògrafos llaman la "segunda transiciòn demogràfica", es una sociedad siempre màs moderna y global, hay personas que vivien solas o en hogares unipersonales o de tamaños màs reducidos, la "crisis" del nùcleo familiar, 357


que tiende a ser minoritaria, entonces esto se manifesta

sobretodo

en

las

àreas

donde

vive

gente de nivel medio y medio-alto. Eso tambièn ocurre en los barrios centrales e intermedios de la ciudad. En frente a problematicas tan complejas de las que estamos hablando, hay politicas que tienen en cuenta precisamente este fenòmeno? La planificaciòn siempre tratò de tenerlo en cuenta. La conciencia màs clara de este proceso se tomò cuando se procesaron los datos del censo census ►

del 1985. El

Uruguay

tuvo

un

momento

muy

especial

a

principios de los años 60 cuando se hizo el proceso de la CIDE (nota di che cos'è il CIDE*); a raìz de esa comisiòn surgen unas series de demandas de estudio y de trabajo y entre muchos de sus subproductos sale el censo del 1966, antes habìa habido un censo en el 1908. Este nuevo censo marcò como un momento de modernizaciòn de todo lo que es la informaciòn sobre el Paìs; con esos datos se empezaron los estudios sociològicos, econòmicos, de planificaciòn etc... Al finalizar de los años '60, empieza el perìodo de decadencia, con la instauraciòn de la dictadura militar, y recièn con la abertura democràtica se hace un nuevo censo (1985): tenemos una mediciòn que lleva 20 años, y recièn ahora tenemos una serie que va mostrando màs un proceso. Por esto es que desde el año '85 es que se empezò a tener mas conciencia del fenòmeno, y ahì es cuando se empieza a diseñar politicas para enfrentar este problema, porque se lo ve como un problema. 358


Y esas polìticas, algunas de esas politicas, nosotros

en

el

estudio

que

hicimos

(Centro

Periferia) las calificamos como "adecuadas pero insuficientes": van en la direcciòn correcta pero no tienen la posibilidad de impactar sobre el proceso de manera de modificarlo, tanto a nivel

de

planificaciòn

como

de

polìticas

de

intervenciòn concreta. ◄ policies

Y hoy? Bueno, yo creo que hoy hay un cambio. No te lo puedo evaluar porque es un cambio de estos mismo meses. Hay como dos grandes lìneas: el estìmulo al sector privado, que es el programa de vivienda social

desarollado por la Agencia Nacional de

Vivienda,

que està basado en la cobmbinaciòn de

la inversiòn privada y la intervenciòn del sector pùblico, como por ejemplo con la exoneraciòn de cargas impositivas. A eso hay que sumar en un sector màs complejo, intervenciones del sector pùblico en viviendas en las àreas centrales. Quizàs, si se pudiera medir la suma de esas dos lìneas de intervenciòn, por lo menos a nivel de producciòn de viviendas, se està priorizando las àreas centrales. ( Agencia Nacional de Vivienda, divisiòn in zone prioritarias, etc...). Esto està bien a nivel teòrico, hay que ver despuès còmo realmente impacta o no impacta en algnos sectores de la sociedad. La planificaciòn urbana viene considerada como sinònimo de crecimiento de la ciudad; de tal manera

un

decrecimiento/shrinkage

lo

miramos

como un fenòmeno negativo?. En realidad puede ser una oportunidad. 359


Yo

estoy

de

acuerdo

contigo.

Creo

que

en

Uruguay como en otros paìses de Amèrica Latina, estamos en problemas frente a este cambio de paradigma porque vivimos una època de "euforia", de

gran

prosperidad

econòmica

basada

en

una

actitud que algunos especialistas han llamado "extractivista":

los

precios

de

nuestros

productos y sobre todo de nuestras materias prima han sido muy buenos, entonces con gran euforia hemos promovido y estimulado que esto ocurriera. Entonces se ha estimulado la explotaciòn de los economic boom ►

recursos mineros, promovido y intensificado la producciòn agrìcola, deforestando o forestando, lo

cual

ha

generado

seguramente

cosas

muy

positivas pero con un costo muy grande que no siempre se pone en el platillo. Muy francamente, los dos gobiernos del frente amplio, sobre todo el actual, en ese sentido es muy permisivo, los problemas ambientales a veces son vistos como el peaje, el costo necesario para reducir la pobreza o mejorar el empleo. No siempre se prioriza una visiòn un poco màs compleja, holìstica. Y lo mismo puede ocurrir con el caso de la vivienda: si necesito dar respuestas y sobre todo respuestas ràpidas, tengo que permitir que un programa que es bastante poco eleborado como es el programa de vivienda sindical construya algunos barrios en zonas muy alejadas, perfèricas sin algùn servicio, siguiendo esa lògica de dar una respuesta ràpida a una demanda. Hay argumentos, factores polìticos y sociales que implican esto: el corto-plazismo, hay una demanda insatisfecha, hay intereses econòmicos. 360


Y segùn usted què se puede hacer? Primero, los problemas de la ciudad y de la vivienda no son superables en corto plazos, son proceso muy largo. Capaz es una ingenuidad lo que te digo, pero està un poco sujerido en el trabajo nuestro,que esa eccesiva necesidad que sienten los gobernantes, los poderes polìticos, de mostrar resultados en un perìodo de gobierno mcuhas veces es un elemento contraproducente respecto a las acciones que habrìa que plantear. Una de las cosas es de "estacionar" las polìticas de vivienda, que no sean polìticas quincenales en tèrminos de resultado, si no que los resultados sean acumulativos en el tiempo. Y que no se midan tambièn en tèrminos de cantidades de viviendas, sino resultados en tèrminos de ciudad. Dentro de la Facultad hay debate sobre estos temas? No, no hay debate. Yo creo que en parte porque

◄ accademic debate

somos parte, còmplices y protagonistas de esa fiesta;

hay

mucho

dinero,

hay

mucho

trabajo

para los arquitectos, no nos cuestionamos mucho como colectivo, què es lo que està sucediendo. Los perìodos de crisis son màs productivos. Te lo puedo decir en carne propia: hace diez años estàbamos en plena crisis, de miseria absoluta, no habìa trabajo profesional para los arquitectos, entonces la facultad era una verdadera usina de pensamientos, de debates... ahora no hay debate, no hay debate en el debate pùblico. Hay otros debates que no hablamos en la sociedad, que estàn muy mal dados, un caso concreto es el

tema

de

de

drogas,

la

seguridad;

delitos,

violencia,

etc...muchas

tràfico

veces

esas 361


problemàticas son vistas de un punto de vista solamente

policial

o

de

seguridad,

cuando

tambièn son consecuencia de todo esto que venimos hablando, de un proceso de redistribuciòn de la poblaciòn en el territorio, de pèrdida de la heterogeneidad de la poblaciòn, las formas de convivencia....lo que se trata de solucionar son los "epifenòmenos", los fenòmenos emergentes como picos de violencia o desorganizaciòn social, cuando en realidad el origen de estos problemas està en otro lado.

362


363


#6


Eduardo Alvarez Pedrosian Antropologo-Sociologo Docente Investigador de la UdelaR


***

Para empezar a ver lo que pasò y donde estamos ubicados hoy hay que ir por lo menos a los años 50, cuando empieza a caer ese modelo del Uruguay Switzerland of Latin America ►

desarrollista, de la "Suiza de Amèrica" como se le decìa al Uruguay, era el modelo del desarrollo de Amèrica Latina, y a partir de ahì es que empieza toda la deblaque social, cultural que recièn ahora, ponèle desde que entrò el gobierno de izquierda al poder, la cosa empezò a cambiar; hubo como un cambio, un cambio de rumbo radical, un freno a todo esa tendencia que ya llevaba 40 o màs años, que llega un momento que se hace estructural, la pobreza, la emigraciòn, el despoblamiento de la ciudad, empiezan a pasarse

change of trend ►

estos y

problemes

llega

un

de

generaciòn

momento

que

se

en

generaciòn

convierte

en

lo

estructural, porque se reproduce socialmente, y ahì es donde es màs difìcil cambiar algo, cuando se establece como una màquina; no es automàtico pero logra un cierto tipo de automastismo que la reproducciòn social tiende a ese lado, si no hacès nada, las cosas tienden a ir para allì, eso es cuando decimos que se ha convertido en estructural. Cambiar algo asì es muy difìcil porque obliga a

tener

que

romper,

por

usar

una

metàfora

arquitectònica, y tratar de construir de todo esto, y lleva mucho tiempo a su vez, capaz que lleva màs tiempo de el que te llevò que eso se consolide y se convierta en algo asì. Por esto es tan complicado, por eso en estos dìas que 366


estamos recordando los 40 años de la instauraciòn de la dictatura, del golpe, se està pensando tanto a los efectos que tiene todavia todo esto, porque once años genera efectos a 60-100 años, en el fondo por siempre, las huellas quedan para siempre, pero cuando vos

podès decir que

todavìa eso tiene vida, cuando eso tiene todavìa esa reproducciòn estructural y todavìa hay cosas estructurales de la dictadura, en el miedo, en la fragmentaciòn, en la polarizaciòn, blanco/negro, buenos/malos, esas cosas tìpicas de un gobierno fascista, estàn. Y todo esto explica tambièn, a partir de los años cincuenta que comience a

◄ slums

aparecer todo esto que llamamos "cantegriles", despuès se agrava a partir de la dictadura, ahì empezò una polìtica sistemàtica de expulsiòn de poblaciòn, en el año 74, un año despuès del golpe, liberan los precios de los alquileres. Esa es una de las primeras medidas, antes el Estado controlaba de alguna manera el precio del alquiler. Lo liberan completamente, y los alquileres subieron hasta el 80%, la gente empezò a irse, desesperada, a la periferia, porque no habia manera. Concretamente el Barrio Palermo es el que mas sintiò eso, porque habia mucha poblaciòn

de

sectores

populares,

inmigrantes

italianos y afro-descendientes. Se eliminò la vieja

imagen

del

"conventillo",

espacios

de

vida colectiva tìpica de los inmigrantes, tan valorado culturalmente a nivel de patrimonio, porque ahi es donde se creò el candombé, y todo lo que implica desde un punto de vista cultural(patrimonio de la humanidad); fueron los que primero sufrieron eso, justamente la idea de 367


esta gente (militares) era que ahì eran focos peligrosos

porque

habìa

mucha

estaba prohibido hablar a

socializaciòn,

la misma vez con mas

de dos personas. Tenìas que mandar una lista de las personas que se iban a reunir en tal cumpleaños para que te dieran el permiso. Imaginate eso a nivel social lo que implica y màs general tambièn a nivel arquitectònico lo que implica, y empezaron a subir los precios de los alquileres, y bueno pequeños grupos de poder, aunque el paìs sea chico, vinculados a la càmara de la construcciòn, se aprovechan de la situaciòn, y empiezan a concentrar y empiezan a levantar edificios en el centro con bajisima calidad

arquitectònica,

cajas

de

vidrio,

y

toda esa arquitectura monumental tìpica de una dictadura. Y eso que acà dicen que fue blando respecto a otros paìses como Chile y Argentina; pero igual tuvo efectos enormes, màs en un paìs pequeño como Uruguay, y recièn en el 2007 (controllare in qualche fonte!), por primera vez, se revirtiò esta tendencia a la expulsiòn de gente, està entrando màs gente al paìs de la que se va. Son datos muy recientes, estamos en ese momento de transiciòn. Pero esto te hace entender cuànto costò

revertir

esa

tendencia

estructural

de

que todo el tiempo la gente se vaya, se vaya, cuando culturalmente era al revès, italianos o españoles todos habìan venido, venido, venido, claro,

culturalmente,

antropologicamente

la

estructura del migrante, que es bien del Rio de la Plata, tambièn de Buenos Aires es que vos te vas y venìs, no sentìs las raìces en un lugar 368


fijo, son màs nòmades. Tiene esa cosa nòmada de decir yo me llevo mi valija, me voy a un lugar nuevo, el mundo es uno solo y como dice un dicho "donde es tu tierra?" - " mi patria es donde yo como"; donde yo vivo, trabajo, y me alimento , ahì està mi patria. No esas estructuras màs tradicionales que igual donde estès mantenès la cabeza en tu Pais de origen. Y ademàs lo joven que es todo esto. Estamos en un momento de cambiamento, lo que

◄ population loss

se ha significado que por fin se invierta esa tendencia y ahora sea que cada vez entra gente todo el tiempo, es màs la gente que entra al pais de la que se va. Pero al mismo tiempo los demògrafos nos han dicho otra vez que por esta configuraciòn que tenemos, nos vamaos a mantener ahì, o bajando un poquito, en negativo, es como quedarte ahì, y tiene que ver con todo esto tambièn, porque la gente de clase media no tiene hijos o tiene hijos tan tarde o pocos, porque tiene miedo de no tener, de no tener como sustentar a su familia, y porque en las ùltimas dècadas siempre se iba para atràs. Siguiendo lo que dice Pierre Boudrie, una cosa es el capital econòmico y otra es el capital cultural, entonces hay gente con mucho capital cultural pero no tiene capital econòmico, ahì està el punto, tenès que adaptarte y esto pasò mucho con la clase media del Uruguay. Y por eso mismo es en los sectores bajos donde hay poco capital econòmico y poco capital cultural donde està la mayorìa de los nacimientos. Todo esto se agravò con la dictadura y terminò 369


agravàndose

con

la

crisis

del

2000-2002,

en

la crisis del "neoliberalismo maduro", porque podemos decir que ya la dictadura instaurò el neoliberalismo pero lo que llamamos propiamente dicho

neoliberalismo

tiene

que

ver

con

las

polìticas màs de los fines años '90 primeros 2000, ese modelo. (Imaginàte los ninos que nacieron en esa crisis son los que ahora tienen 12-13 años, en el 2005 todavia la cosa estaba difìcil, y recièn los màs chiquititos estàn ahora en un contexto culturalmente

que

quiere

ser

diferente,

no

es todavìa totalemtne diferente, pero quiere cambiar.) periphery ►

Vas a las periferias y es allì que encontràs toda la gente que no ves acà; parece un campo de refugiados, hay gente, gente y màs gente. Y la periferia es el grande desafio, yo estoy trabajando ahì y estoy tratando de denunciarlo, como se ha estropiado, como se ha generado esta situaciòn tan tètrica y terrible en la cual estamos, o sea que està lo que se llama àrea consolidada despoblada con grandes agujeros y al mismo tiempo tenemos una periferia llena de gente,

que

es

como

basura,los

desechos

como

modelo general a nivel de territorio. Es como el que tira la basura para atràs sin mirar dònde cae, es como usar el territorio como depòsitos de gente, depòsitos espaciales. Casavalle ►

Yo trabajè especialmente en un barrio que se llama Casavalle, que es el centro de la periferia, en la zona norte, en un sentido es lo màs cerca al "centro" de la ciudad y al mismo tiempo es la zona màs crìtica. Està aislado por el cementerio

370


que

es

gigante,

es

como

una

necròpoli,

hay

batallones militares en algunas partes, todo eso rompe con la continuidad del tejido urbano, y ademàs està el Cerrito, que historicamente fue marcado desde

ahì,

por batallas,la ciudad se sitiaba entonces

es

un

lugar

patrimonial

de lo màs interesante en ese sentido, y en el barrio del Cerrito hicieron lo mismo que en el Cerro, pusieron una retìcula, un damero arriba de lo que es un cerro. El resultado es muy raro, esos frutos de las ideas, de los paradigma racionalistas. Bueno, al norte del cementrio es la zona donde esta Casavalle, que fué una zona de chicas quintillas, la chacritas, tambièn hay mucha tradiciòn rural italiana y española, gente que tiene su pequeña huerta, plantaba tomates, trabajo de campo tambièn como estilo de vida. Hay un barrio, que es el primero, que se llama Jardines del Borro, que se convirtiò en los años '80, en plena dictadura, en la "zona roja", el Borro era sinònimo de violencia, asesinatos, cantegriles, basura, el otro que no querès, la discriminaciòn por excelencia. Cuando vas, lo que te encontràs es propio esto. En realidad, en una determinadad època hacia los '20, acà tambièn llegò la idea de los barrios jardìn, de Howard etc...y entonces surgieron varios loteamientos de ese tipo; y llegò Francisco Piria, un personaje històrico muy importante en la costrucciòn de la territorialidad, Piria tuvo muchos emprendimientos y muy importantes a nivel de urbanizaciòn, multimillionario y alquimista, era todo un personaje. El hizo el barrio Jauri que es un gran "chorizo" con macro manzanas, pero 371


este Jardin del Borro se hizo posteriormente, como en el '27, pero a lo largo de los años 50 todo eso que se habìa proyectado, te lo estoy contando como ejemplo de la periferia, como esa zona de barrios jardindes, de interfaz entre lo rural y lo urbano, esa idea de un "degrade" entre la ciudad y el campo, con estas zonas de baja densidades que al mismo tiempo non son rurales, son semi rurales, todo eso no logra tener la calidad que estaba proyectada, esos terrenos empiezan a perder valor y empiezan a hacer lugar para que las personas que no tenìan recursos puedan encontrar un lugar, y esas macromanzanas daban lugar a muchos espacios "vacìos" , tierra de nadie; y esto se agrava despuès de los años 50 cuando con muy buena voluntad, desde la ONU, desde la SEPAL, empieza la idea desarollista de armar estos complejos racionales, para estas poblacioens carenciadas, generando nuevos barrios con comunidad, con sentido de apartenencia, no era tirarlos asì en un depòsito, pero a partir de los años '60 y todo lo que vino despuès (dictadura) eso se ha completamente abandonando. Y se le suman complejos de bajisimos costos pensados como transitorios que terminan siendo permanentes, ocupando los viejos espacios verdes de esos antiguos barrios jardines, y entre esos complejo habitacionales y esos antiguos barrios de

chacras,

todos

los

intersticios

fueron

ocupados por cantegriles. Este es el collage de la perifera. Viejos

barrios

jardines,

tradicionales

complejos

como

habitacionales

tipos, y asentiamento irregulares. 372

barrios de

estos


Estas tres

tipologìas componen una especies

de pachwork, que està como bordeando toda la ciudad y al interior està con agujeros, es un desastre.

Estamos

tratando

de

poner

el

tema

sobre la alerta, sobre la mesa, porque algo hay que hacer. Y lo que està pasando de "ocupar" un terreno en la periferia, lotizar y vender a otros ese mismo terreno y desde ahì crear un asentamiento irregular que se ha transformado en un business, se ha convertido en algo estructural del modo de apropriarse del espacio? Exactamente, y sin servicios, estructuralmente

◄ exclusion

costosisimo. Que los poderes pùblicos vuelvan a "colonizar" esos espacios, convertirlos en urbe, cuesta carìsimo, tenès que llevar todo, cuando acà en el centro hay todo pero no hay gente. Sì hay cosas que han ido cambiando, este fenòmeno todavìa no. Y ahì, en esas zonas es dònde nacen la mayoria de los niños hoy. Son todos efectos de estas polìticas de exclusiòn, dominaciòn, algunas totalmente fascista, otras no, otras de mercado neoliberales, y ahì Uruguay es que se ha "latinoamericanizado", pero en un

◄ latinamerizanization

sentido negativo. Se

"latinoamericanizò"

pero

tiene

algunas

caracteristicas todavia relacionadas a Europa. Las ciudades latino americanas sufren de estos problemas pero porque tienen un explosiòn de poblaciòn que no para, no hay màs lugar en las àreas "consolidadas" , la ciudad no logra absorber

el

flujo

de

poblaciòn

entrante

y

entonces es asì que nacen esos fenòmenos como favelas, barracas...Pero en Montevideo no pasa 373


esto. Yo

creo

que

contradictorio,

se

puede

tener,

es

un

poco

una visiòn bien crìtica y al

mismo tiempo ser optimista, como jugar entre estas dos visiones. Siempre nos da esa sensaciòn que acà todo es posible, porque es pequeño, porque es manejable, porque te lo permite la escala, las condiciones. Uruguay as a possibile utopia ►

Achugarry,

que

estuvo

en

el

Ministerio

de

Educaciòn y Cultura, un catedràtico de letras, que escribiò mucho sobre los imaginarios sociales, colectivos,

tiene

una

expresiòn

que

dice

:

"Uruguay, el tamaño de la utopia"; y es eso, es como si acà la utopia fuera posible; esto se traduce que lo que uno planifica puede llegar a tener viabilidad, (no es como, me cuentan amigos arquitectos de San Pablo, me dicen que ellos perdieron toda la esperanza de poder manejar San Pablo, al màximo trabajamos en algun sector, pero màs de eso no, no logramos tener una visiòn holìstica de la mancha/ciudad) Yo tengo una especie de utopìa en el fondo, que es la que me mueve a hacer todas estas investigaciones, (que yo la pensaba en Barcelona, que me sirviò mucho porque ellos tambièn tenìan asentamientos, lo que ellos llaman barracas en el Monjiuc que los fueron sacando durante al franquismo. Y que la ciudad no es tan grande, tiene una dimensiòn simil a Montevideo) entonces nosotros podemos hacer algo como una utopìa realista: jugar en doble direcciòn, hacer polìticas de repoblamiento de las àreas consolidadas de la ciudad, dando a elejir a aquellas poblaciones que sì lo quieran, y por otro lado calificando esa periferia de 374


alguna manera y reconvirtièndola en algo con cualidades estèticas que a vos te permita de tener como una multiplicidad de pequeñas localidades, pequeños pueblitos, donde ahora hay esos barrios "perifericos"; porque en relidad allì hay una diversidad muy interesante, pero claro marcada por la pobreza, pero tienen el lado positivo, por donde uno puede llegar a encontrarle la soluciòn. Si vos querès eliminarlo, no lo vas a eliminar. Pero

esta

poblaciòn

"perifèrica"

depende

de

Montevideo, o sea viene diariamente a trabajar a

Montevideo,

o

estos

barrios

tienen

"vida

propria"? Muchos vienen a trabajar, pero algunos tienen miedo

de

venir

directamente,

no

al

centro,

saben

no

moverse

lo

◄ fear of the city center

conocen

afuera

del

proprio barrio/asentamiento. Habìa, por ejemplo, algunas discusiones sobre poner una escuela en Casavalle: algunos decìan que era malo, porque los jòvenes no se iban a mover afuera de esa realidad, se quedan en el barrio y asì aumenta el aislamiento, la segregaciòn. Toda la poblaciòn afro del centro està en las zonas perifèricas ahora, del Cordòn, Barrio Sur y Palermo sobre todo, que vivìan en esas casa antiguas del siglo IX, estàn todos allà, se multiplica por 3 o por 4 la presencia de afros en las periferias. Esto es lo que està pasando y no hay una reacciòn

◄ Plan Juntos

como tendria que haber; ahora estoy trabajando sobre

un

Plan

especìfico

que

se

llama

Plan

Juntos, que va en esta lìnea; resulta que el proprio Presidente Mujica declarò que en Uruguay 375


hay una crisis real, fragante, de todo esto que decimos, vamos a decretar que hay crisis sociohabitacional, hagamos una ley, y hagamos un plan socio-habitacional para tratar de revertir todo esto. Esto en el 2011; incluso èl dona su sueldo para el Plan Juntos. Es extraño que nadie me haya hablado sobre este plan. Tiene un porquè; porque el Plan nunca ha logrado desarrollarse, quedò en el voluntariado, quedò en la expresiòn de deseo del Presidente, se financia con lo que es el aporte del sueldo del presidente y lo que donan. No tiene apoyo de ningun lado, no es estructural, y entonces està declarado a nivel legal que hay una crisis socio-habitacional pero no tiene la infrastructura para aplicar la ley. El

Plan

es

una

cosa

defragmentada,

abierta,

hay de todo, desde algunos nuevos barrios que producen este mismo modelo de "cosas tiradas" en la periferia, lotizados en el medio de la nada, a intervenciones bien puntuales como hacerles baños

y

cocinas

a

gente

que

vive

en

algun

asentamiento. El Plan quedò muy en el nivel de la sobrevivencia. Yo estoy trabajando tambièn en el Cerrro Norte donde se concentra otra gran parte de la poblaciòn expulsada del centro, muchos afro descendientes, ahì es donde empezò el Plan. La gente està muy agradecida por lo que hizo el Presidente, es muy querido, pero la situaciòn es muy dura y piden màs apoyo. (Acuña, catedràtico de la Facultad de Arquitectura, no a caso, su plan de investigaciòn, es ser 376


el presidente del Plan Juntos, dirigirlo. Es un desastre, y los otros de la facultad estàn enojadisimos). Y ya estàn decretando el fin del Plan, terminado el mandato del Presidente terminarà tambièn el Plan. No logrò el efecto que querìa.... ha generado malos entendidos.....por ejemplo cuando inauguararon un nuevo barrio en una ruta perdida, el Pepe (elPresidente) dijo que “tengo que convencer a los arquitectos de la facultad que se puede costruir màs barato”. Se enfrentò con la universidad de la Repùblica. eso fue un fraentendimiento .... era un modo para dar chispa al debate interno que debe haber en la misma Universidad.) El

Plan

en

algunos

sentidos

ha

sido

anti-

producente, porque han reproducido los mecanismos estructurales existentes de que estamos hablando (barrio periferico segregado etc..) en lugar de combatirlos. En el Cerro Norte empezò el Plan porque en una de las antiguas fàbricas ocupadas, se derrumbò una pared y se muriò un muchacho, y a partir de esto , de esa muerte, mirà que simbòlico, parte el Plan). Y a quièn le gustarìa vivir en estos barrios centrales? Es real y tan fuerte el esteriotipo de la casita a las afueras, con fondo y parrillero? No todos, es un tema que siempre se va discutiendo pero creo que no todos la piensan asì. Ese es un discurso del imaginario de la clase media, bueno es difìcil hablar de clases porque en realidad una cosa es lo real y otra

es lo imaginario,

muchos se imaginan de clase media, pero no es 377


clase media! Es cierto que hay un poco de ese imaginario, pero no tanto en los sectores populares no es asì esactamente con esa visiòn. Pero por ejemplo, en el cooperativismo, ahì sì se ve este tema, tenès clases populares, lo que se viene llamando clase medio-baja, ahì sì el paradigma es un poco esto, es lo que se discute con los cooperativista, con esa

visiòn que

tienen. gentrification ►

El

tema

de

la

gentrificaciòn

:

pero

a

què

poblaciòn vas a afectar si estàn vacios? Porquè se esconden atràs de este miedo? La idea de hasta dònde puede llegar la esclusiòn, la concepciòn excluyente y discriminatoria del ser humano, (tambièn no es tan conciente es toda una dinàmica inconciente) como para preferir que quede todo vacìo antes de tener a los “otros”, es mejor nadie que otros, ese otro con el cual tenès que convivir; y hay gente que tiene miedo. En

algunos

lugares,

como

el

Barrio

Reus,

hay todavia ocupaciones y los vecinos siguen queriendo que los echen. Yo no digo que no sea cierto que se puedan generar conflictos en el caso hipotètico que efectivamente se realizara una polìtica de repoblamiento, que hayan momentos criticos, es inevitable, hay que cuestionarlos, y todos,

colectivamente, salimos

adelante. La opciòn no puede ser seguir asì, en este caso de repoblaciòn y està el que quiera quedarse en esa zona, en el territorio màs en general, porque hay mucho valor en realidad tiene mucho potencial, por ejemplo en Casavalle hay un potencial paisajìstico grande, està el Cerrito . 378


Es esa especie de dejadèz, que vos podès llegar a sentir, que tiene que ver con nuestro territorio que no termina de ser del todo colonizado, que somos pocos, hay espacio de sobra, esa idea del gaucho, eso es màs antiguo todavia. Es

dejadèz,

es

civilizatorio, adomesticar,

como

un

como

primitivismo,

decir

colonizar,

no

hace

diseñar,

pre-

◄ laziness

falta

controlar,

planificar; y esto lo ves simplemente con el tema de la basura, Montevideo es desde siempre una ciudad sucia, y pasa por esa visiòn de decir "total hay lugar", hasta que no te coma la basura no hacès nada. Las crònicas de las colonias hablan de Montevideo del siglo 18-19 narran lo sucia que era la ciudad. La

crisis

de

neoliberalismo

la de

"Repùblica la

modelo",

dictadura,

la

el

crisis

econòmica del 2002 y estamos ahora. Es historia muy reciente, no hay màs. Y

està

esa

cosa

que

en

tèrminos

generales

culturales se traduce tambièn en dejadèz. (la experiencia en Barcelona fue muy interesante tambièn

por

esto,

porque

es

exactamente

lo

opuesto, es una ciudad donde el diseño està en todo. te tenìas que ir de la ciuadad para poder sentir la libertad......, ese sistema de retìcula que te absorbe completamente). Acà es al revès, es todo muy "salvaje". Entonces tiene esa ambivalencia, esa cosa de Nuevo Mundo, Amèrica , la idea de la pampa, el gaucho , que vive en la soledad, mata a una vaca, se come un pedazo y el resto de la vaca que se pudra , no le interesa porque tanto hay millones de vacas. Es esa cabeza, ese anarquismo 379


rural, hago todo lo que quiero. Pero despuès choca cuando estàs con otros, cuando estàs en la sociedad, en el sistema urbano. Es un poco remar contra una corriente porque a nivel estructural persiste esa dejadèz.

Y màs

en esta era, globalizada o llamàla como quieras, de contacto entre las culturas, que ves otros modelos posibles y quisieras aplicarlos aquì, te sentìs solo, es difìcil remarla. Y esa “dejadèz" se transforma en evidencia en la ciudad, las casas quedan abandonadas, o aunque estèn habitadas no estàn mantenidas, las calles todas rotas, la basura por todos lados... Y sì, estàn chocando estos modelos. Y hay cambios generacionales

como

es

natural

que

haya,

la

generaciòn que ahora tiene entre los 30-40 vé otra cosa respecto a la generaciòn precedente; hay cambios, pero lleva tiempo, y eso genera como choques fuertes con estos modelos, estos paradigmas que estamos contando. Y todo esto no tiene nada que ver con una visiòn evolucionista, serìa un antropòlogo del siglo pasado si te hablara de salvajes-barbarismocivilizaciòn...tambièn respecto a otras formas de vida, hay que ser relativistas. community ►

Hay que ver todas las opciones, pero estamos hablando de opciones que son violentas, son un lìmite a la convivencia (esto de la basura...) porque aunque sean otras formas, hay un lìmite para que la convivencia se pueda dar. Es

pensar

en

tèrminos

màs

colectivos,

das lugar a la diversidad en el colectivo,

còmo la

cohabitaciòn . Vivimos todos juntos, es bueno que lo sepamos, asumamos la diversidad, pero 380


estamos todos juntos. Y esto es algo que te choca en un paìs que es chico, pero a veces falta propiamente de colectivismo, chico pero està fragmentado, esa cosa que se diò antes pero seguramente fue acentuada durante la dictadura. Son todavìa los efectos que se estàn viviendo. Una estrategia como màs allà, màs de guerrilla, màs de lo micro sin perder esa visiòn de lo macro, pero tàctico. Esa combinaciòn entre el micro y el macro. Y lo que no se da en Montevideo, es el movimiento

◄ Okupa movement

“ocupa”, que es otra opciòn. Pero para este paìs este "cambio" serìa como mucho, muy radical, muy distinto a lo que hubo hasta ahora, muy revolucionario, muy caòtico. Y ademàs esto de la dejadèz, hay que militar para obtener derechos, este tema tendrìa que ser militado,

y no es solo ocupar y ya està, tiene

todo un sentido màs amplio de lugar cultural, para y desde el barrio mismo , dialogar con el barrio, tener un buen vìnculo con la comunidad. Ellos

mismos

pueden

ser

como

la

chispa

que

despierte el resto del barrio. Las condiciones no son hoy como para que el movimento “ocupa” se dè. Pero el cooperativismo es la opciòn , y es una muy buena opciòn!

*** 381


#7


RaĂşl VallĂŠs Arquitecto Coordinador de la Unidad Permanente de Vivienda Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR


***

Què, segùn usted, habrìa que hacer o se podrìa hacer, se ha hecho y considera exitoso, què falta como polìticas, planificaciòn, proyectaciòn que tengan como prioridad el tema del despoblamiento , del vaciamento de la ciudad, no sòlo para una mera densificaciòn, si no para una "cualificaciòn", considerando que el decrecimiento no tiene que ser negativo en si mismo, si no que puede dar vida a nuevas posibilidades? Primero parece que hay un esfuerzo importante que ya lleva diversos años, que la Universidad y el contexto de la investigaciòn en el àmbito acadèmico, ha tenido mucha insidencia y mucha responsabilidad en incorporar conceptos o nuevos paradigmas en la forma de ver la situaciòn. Hoy por hoy se puede notar un comùn denominador en los argumentos de los actores que tienen que ver con la ciudad, adentro de la facultad como afuera, y esto creo que no sea casualidad, que hay unos marcos conceptuales que se comparten y que por lo menos estàn en el discurso, no necesariamente en la pràctica. Esto tiene que ver con la cuestiòn sobre todo por ejemplo, hablando de vivienda, hoy hablamos de sistema habitacional, hoy hablamos de habitat, de sistema urbano-habitacional, es decir esto de relacionar el residencial con el urbano, la escala del domèstico hoy por hoy no se lo entiende si no se lo acosta a la cuestiòn urbana. La escala de la ciudad, la escala de la convivencia, la escala 384


del barrio. Se

entiende

que

es

un

sistema

complejo

que

requiere una mirada multidimensional y que ademàs necesita de una intersectorial para poder ser resuelta, multidimensionalidad y del encuentro multidisciplinario alcanza

la

para

disciplina

poderlo de

la

enteder.

No

arquitectura,

nonostante personalmente tenga una fé tremenda en el valor del proyecto como un elemento clave para la habitabilidad de las personas. Pero

para

sucediendo

poder como

diagnosticar para

proponer

lo

que

està

soluciones

es

necesario la concurrencia de distintas miradas que expliquen el fenòmeno. A travès de esta cuestiòn, explìcita o implìcita, se han generado una serie de lìneas de acciòn y se han desarollado programas que van en esta direcciòn. Creo que se ha trabajado bastante bien en general algunas bases instrumentales. Por ejemplo, el instrumento de la cartera de inmuebles es un instrumento clave para generar oportunidades de acceso a poblaciòn de ingreso bajo que en otra manera no podrìa llegar, por medio del mercado nunca podrìan llegar; que el Estado està cumpliendo un rol de mediador y facilitador para colocar algunas cuestiones que el mercado nunca podrìa solucionar, porque por definiciòn el rol del mercado representado por las empresa es el màximo beneficio con la menor inversiòn posible. Entonces es el Estado que tiene que jugar un rol de mediador y limar esas cuestiones. Lo que aparece es que hay una limitante importante en los instrumentos para acceder a la compra de 385


suelo y la limitante de lo presupuestal. Otro tema asociado con esto, es la integraciòn socio-territorial y esto de la ciudad que ya no es una ciudad central si no que es una ciudad multicèntrica, y donde hay porciones de territorio que empiezan a jugar un rol, o deberìan empezar a jugar un rol diferente;

aceptar que hay una

multi-centralidad, una multi-culturalidad, que hay una movilidad en el territorio que genera emergentes bastantes complejos, en el tema de la expansiòn metropolitana es bastante claro aceptar todo esto y actuar para que en alguna manera estas cuestiones se empiecen a equilibrar desde el punto de vista de los servicios y de las infrastructuras, generando mejores condiciones de vida, identidades barriales, en definitiva mejores calidades. Es un desafio grande, el reconocimiento de estas centralidades que no son la de la ciudad cèntrica si no poli-cèntrica. En

un

contexto

planificador

esto

serìa

por

ejemplo, reforzar las transversalidades, por que si bien es cierto que estas estructuras existen, seguimos con un esquema radial, monocèntrico, bien claro en el sistema de trasporte. Tambièn es cierto que la ciudad se ha expandido propiamente a lo largo de estos corredores urbanos, de estos tentàculos [la mano con los dedos ]. Pero en los intersticios de estos corredores empiezan a verse una malla urbana y habitacional, muy signada por la precariedad, en donde es necesario trabajar en lo que es la adoptaciòn de infrastructura, de servicios y de servicios de calidad, que en alguna manera reconoscan eso y 386


contribuyan a su consolidaciòn de la manera mejor posible en el entendido que hay una cuestiòn de irreversibilidad de ese fenòmeno. Hay una fantasìa que dice que la ciudad perdiò poblaciòn en sus àreas centrales , se expandiò geograficamente, no expansiòn demografica, hay esta fantasìa que lo que se moviò para allà (otras nuevas centralidades) vuelva para acà ( àreas consolidadas) mediante un mecanismo de densificaciòn de las àreas centrales. Yo soy de los que creen que una vez que esa poblaciòn

se

moviò,

se

generan

pautas

de

localizacion, pautas culturales, vìnculos con el propio territorio y con la propria cultura de ocupar un lugar, un sitio en la malla, que son muy difìciles de revertir. Lo que se puede hacer es frenar y congelar el fenòmeno. Eso sì. Lo que tenemos que hacer hoy es frenar el fenòmeno expansivo, que ya se està frenando por distintos factores, en los ùltimos años ha habido una recuperaciòn de la formalidad del empleo, estamos con un muy bajo percentual de desempleo, y eso ha incidido mucho en el proceso expansivo que se ha producido en un contexto totalmente

diferente.

Cuando

està

al

20%

el

desempleo, la gente pierde piè con el tema del alquiler, que fue un proceso que empezò en los ùltimos años de los setenta, y que provocò una expulsiòn importante de poblaciòn. Ese fenòmeno se frena. Hoy las àreas intermedias de la ciudad estàn recuperando sus capacidades de absorber los hogares nuevos y los que ya existìan. Lo que me parece que hay que reforzar fuertemente es la posibilidad de que la formaciòn de nuevos 387


hogares y que las opciones posibles que hoy se estèn haciendo, generar la posibilidad que esas opciones

se tomen en las àreas

consolidadas de

la ciudad. En este sentido sìhay que reforzar algunos

mecanismos:

hay

que

trabajar

en

la

cartera de inmuebles, que es un tema central, lo de las mejores calidades de equipamientos, de servicios, de infrastructuras, y tambièn hay que trabajar en utilizar los mecanismo que hoy existen de mejor manera. Creo que hay que puntar fuertemente a la calidad de las intervenciones. Y la calidad la dà la localizaciòn, el proyecto y la partecipacion de la poblaciòn: la localizacion porque debe ser adecuada a las necesidades, no cualquier lugar libre;

el proyecto porque tiene que aportar

calidad en la arquitectura y en lo urbano y tiene que aportar una calidad de materialidad, porque uno de los problemas que tenemos nosotros es que en las àreas màs lejanas, en las periferias degradadas

cuando se hacen intervenciones se

hacen intervenciones pobres, de pobre disegno, de pobre materialidad, en fin de pobre arquitectura. Es como si se hiciera una arquitectura pobre para pobre. Yo creo que hay que hacer al revès. En esos sitios hay que colocar la mejor calidad, hay que hacer un esfuerzo para intervenir con la mejor calidad de proyecto y con la mejor calidad material. Es

como

una

generaciòn

de

doble

entrada.

centralidades,

Por de

un

lado

servicios

la y

equipamientos de calidad, deber que lo tiene que tomar la administraciòn del territorio en funciòn ademàs 388

de los acuerdos socio-territoriales que


hay que hacer con la poblaciòn,

y en este

sentido existe la herramienta, del Presupuesto Participativo, pero esta herramienta hay que en alguna manera ilustrarla, invocarla, abrir el panorama a la imaginaciòn, hay que ayudar en eso. Es la misma poblaciòn que plantea los dèficit , las necesidades y las soluciones. Es justo que sea asì, pero si todo esto se hiciera adentro de un marco de una acciòn participativa potente, que para que sea eficaz y potente tiene que contar con una buena calidad de informaciòn y tiene que contar con un espectro importante de

cosas

posibles,

que

abra

la

imaginaciòn.

Si a esos colectivos que tienen la voluntad de

juntarse

para

discutir

como

mejorar

el

proprio habitat urbano, su barrio, los apoyas con un asesoramiento capaz de informar, ayudar y abrir la imaginaciòn a soluciones posibles, esas ideas propuestas adquieren una visiòn màs completa, saliendo de las ideas de la placita, del semàforo, yendo a una mirada màs eficiente tambièn en largo plazo. La herramienta es buena, pero no està explotada ... Hay que trabajar mucho, porque es un instrumento muy

bueno

pero

tiene

que

ser

potenciado

propiamente para tener una eficacia mayor. Hay

algunos

casos

dònde

se

estàn

generando

comisiones intersectoriales en los barrios, en Casavalle por ejemplo, que ahora invitaron a la universidad a participar. Esto por lo que tiene que ver con espacio pùblico, servicios e infrestructuras. Por el lado de lo residencial, sin duda, el tema 389


de facilitar el acceso en una buena localizacion al suelo y a la vivienda pasa por una intervenciòn del Estado decidida, en la compra de suelo, en la obtenciòn de suelo, porque el Estado muchas veces tiene suelo en propiedad que èl mismo desconoce y que son propiedades a las cuales falta poco para poder pasar de vacantes

y abandonada a ser

utilizada para y por la comunidad. Noemi

Alonso me hablò de este tema, de los

problemas juridicos que blocan esta situaciòn. Los mecanismo existen

pero no estàn siendo

aplicados. Por ejemplo, la ley de ordenamiento territorial del año 2008 habla de los derechos de propiedad y de las obligaciones: obligaciones de usar, de cuidar, de mantener, y si es un bien patrimonial màs todavìa. Si tu no estàs cumpliendo con tus obligaciones de propietario, podrìa

actuar la sociedad contra alguien que no

està cumpliendo sus deberes de ciudadano. El caso de una persona que tiene una vivienda abandonada: està generando problemas ambientales, de riesgo de derrumbes, problemas de roedores y acumulaciòn de basura, etc... Sin

embargo

si

las

istituciones

empiezan

un

proceso de expropiaciòn del bien, despuès de mucho tiempo se logra expropiar y todavìa se da un premio a ese propietario que no estaba cumpliendo sus deberes, porque se le paga la expropriacion del bien! Hay que dar vuelta a este concepto. Hay que tener tambièn otros mecanismos, como por

ejemplo

la

toma

inmediata

de

posesiòn:

cuando se hace el acta de inizio del proceso de expropiaciòn que lleva muchos años, tendrìa que 390


existir la posibilidad de parte del Estado de apropiarse inmediatamente del bien si se trata de una soluciòn irreversible, sin esperar que se termine todo el proceso de expropiaciòn . Porque hasta que el estado legalmente no entra en poseciòn del bien, no lo puede destinar a nada. Hay una figura que se propuso cuando se hizo la cartera de inmuebles al cual partecipé y fuè propiamente la toma urgente de posesiòn, que una vez empezada la expropriaciòn, un juez pueda determinar que se tome posesiòn y que se pueda utilizar inmediatamente. Porque por ejemplo, en las polìticas pùblicas de vivienda, si tu no tienes la propiedad no lo puedes poner en juego ese bien. Este seria un instrumento para agilitar todo el proceso. Es importante entonces que el Estado , en el rol de facilitador, pueda operar sobre el suelo para asignarlo a los programas que entienda mas adecuados. Otro instrumento es lo que se està haciendo con la nueva ley de promocion de inversiones, que designa zonas y àreas prioritarias. Creo que desde el punto de vista del efecto densificador sin duda va a tener impacto. Podemos discutir si la asignaciòn de recursos de parte del Estado o la renuncia fiscal que el Estado hace para la promociòn privada es una buena decisiòn o no. Hay que contar lo que se renuncia, lo que se subsidia, pero todavìa estamos en el medio del proceso y no podemos evaluar los efectos del programa. 391


Puede resultar ambiguo el discurso cuando ves que empresas privadas, que no precisan digamos ayudas economicas, construyen semejantes torres exoneradas de impuestos, o sea con ayuda de parte del Estado. Y los precios al metro cuadrado de esos apartamentos no corresponden a la poblaciòn que necesita. El argumento que està atràs de eso es que esa empresa nunca irìa a construir en ese lugar si no tuviera esa exoneraciòn. Es la otra cara de la moneda. Al mismo tiempo, la otra cosa que me parece ir junta con esto, es una clara visiòn de ciudad que tiene que tener la administraciòn. Porque todo esto del manejar suelo, no tendria sentido si no tendrìamos idea de què hacer con ese suelo. Una de las cosas que me parece estar pasando es que se maneja suelo pero no se tiene una idea clara de còmo se ocupa ese suelo, còmo se densifica ese suelo, còmo se contribuye a la

conformaciòn

construye

del

ciudad.

espacio

La

urbano,

sensaciòn

que

còmo

se

tengo

es

que se otorga suelo, por ejemplo al sistema cooperativo, pero no se marca claramente cuàles son las condiciones de uso de ese suelo, o si se marca, se marcan en manera muy tìmida. Seria capaz una buena herramienta a utilizar, el sistema de concursos pùblicos... Ese es otro de los mecanismos que no hay y que deberìa haber.

Este instrumento tiene que

ser impulsado por puntos de vista que entiendan que

el

proyecto

lamentablemente,

es

importante.

tanto

en

la

Y

creo

que

administraciòn

central como en las administraciones locales, el 392


rol del proyecto està en un sitio muy relegado, porque

no

se

entiende

la

importancia.

O

lo

peor lo se asocia con que las arquitecturas de calidad son caras, son para sectores que no son los sectores de la vivienda social, o son para utilizarlos para otros programa, y no para vivienda colectiva. En este sentido creo que hay un dèficit importante de una visiòn: hay que priorizar la cuestiòn del proyecto. Para priorizar la cuestiòn del proyecto pueden darse distintos mecanismos, uno es el que tu dices, los concursos, concursos de anteproyecto , desarrollos de proyectos ejecutivos... Tambièn me parece que no hay una promociòn de parte de los programas pùblicos justamente para obtener calidad en las propuestas. Esto se hace priorizando alternativas a lo que hoy tenemos. Hay tres elementos que son claves: localizaciòn, el proyecto y la participaciòn. Dejo

afuera

el

argumento

del

financiamento

porque eso siempre se arregla y creo que el factor del subsidio y de la dotaciòn de recursos es inevitable. Porque en definitiva entre la cuestiòn de la ciudad, del habitat urbano residencial, que es esta conexiòn entre la ciudad , la calidad de dotaciòn urbana, y la residencia, en definitiva, la calidad de las intervenciones son claves. Ir en esa direcciòn tiene que ver con priorizar unas miradas que hoy no se estàn priorizando. El sistema cooperativista , a nivel teòrico, incluye o puede incluir estos tres elementos 393


claves: y

buena

localizaciòn,

partecipaciòn

activa

buen de

proyecto

los

mismo

cooperativistas... El instrumento, el programa que està integrado en el cooperativsimo es un programa que tiene una potencialidad enorme para impulsar estas cosas, pero creo que allì tambièn hay problemas grandes de concepciòn , de alcance, de falta de potenciar esa herramienta, hay un dèficit importante en la cuestiòn del proyecto que es responsabilidad de la administraciòn tanto cuanto de los tècnicos que estàn trabajando adentro de este sistema. Si

se

quiere

potenciar

por

ejemplo,

la

rehabilitaciòn de las àreas màs centrales, en donde la estructura fìsica tiene una potencialidad muy

grande,

hay

que

tratar

de

sacar

esas

experiencias del plan de lo "experimental" para que los mismo tècnicos que trabajaron en eso, que no sea solamente una experiencia muy interesante pero casi irrepetible, por las condiciones en que hoy se puede trabajar. Si tu realmente como administraciòn quieres potenciar este proceso tienes que generar otras condiciones, desde de lo que se puede invertir en el predio. Hoy està topiado en un 20% lo que se puede invertir en el edificio o en tierra: creo que es claramente insuficiente para reciclajes. Tambièn està muy limitada la remuneraciòn de los tècnicos que pueden trabajar en esto. Si no se sigue trabajando con esta idea, en un contexto de restricciòn de recursos, se sigue con la convicciòn que se hace lo que se puede, llegamos otra vez a la cuestiòn de lo pobre para los pobres. 394


Pero los instrumentos estàn, a nivel urbano, a nivel jurìdico, y a nivel de lo que es programas de financiamiento pùblico. Sin embargo, hay allì cuestiones a mejorar, a ajustar.

***

395


396


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