Politecnico di Milano FacoltĂ di Architettura e SocietĂ Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Architettura Anno Accademico 2012-2013
ISABELLA FORESTIERI
EMPTinner A shrinking city from South: Montevideo
RELATORE: GENNARO POSTIGLIONE
CONTENTS
ABSTRACT
I. INTRODUCTION |9
II. SHRINKING CITIES |27 * DEFINITION * THREE RESEARCH PROJECTS OF URBAN SHRINKAGE * CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS * GLOBAL PHENOMENON * CAUSES * URBAN SHRINKAGE PATTERNS
III. CASE STUDIES |63 * DESIGN FOR A SHRINKING CITY * SCALE OF INTERVENTIONS * INTRODUCING THE SIX CASE STUDIES * VALPARAISO - LA HABANA - BALTIMORE - LISBOA - BEIRUT - TOKYO
IV. MONTEVIDEO |107 * SUGGESTIONS * FROM ITS FOUNDATION TO '90 * MONTEVIDEO: A SHRINKING CITY. CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
V. MONITOR OF INTERVENTIONS |149
VI.INTERVIEWS |289
VII.CONCLUSION |397
BIBLIOGRAPHY |401
***
More than fifty percent of the world's population now lives in cities, and the figure is expected to increase in the next two decades. However, the common assumption that the global increase in urbanization means that all cities are growing, is false: in every part of the world many cities are actually shrinking. As the city is "context par excellence" where man lives and acts, delineate the trajectories, the
phenomena
and
processes
that
trigger
in
these living organisms, which are the cities, it is essential to understand the anthropology of contemporary life, its its unfolding, and to be able to act consequently to improve the livability
the
unity
and
the
equity
of
its
inhabitants. The
research
project
consists
of
two
parts:
the first deals with the topic of shrinking cities as a global phenomenon, searching for the causes and effects, the second part explores the argument through the case study of Montevideothe capital of Uruguay, which in contrast to other Latin
American
urban
areas,
where
the
trend
is a continuous growth, manifests a loss of population. The phenomenon of shrinking cities is not considered as a problem but rather as a transformation, an ongoing process, trying emphasize how the decrease is also an opportunity, a condition of
possible
otherwise
allows
to
rethink
the
urban space. In addition, the urban shrinkage 6
process is not even understood as the opposite of growthsince can occur simultaneously, as two different sides of the same coin. The urban shrinkage pattern that clarifies the concept is the so-called Doughnut Effect: the empty core and a periphery that at the same time continuing to grow. But the shrinkage process also manifests itself in a contrary manner , stable core and suburbs that have started to contract, or indistinguishably among the parts of the city, as if they were perforated at random. Six case studie are examined as representatives of these patterns of urban shrinkage. In these exemples it was possible to trace the different levels of intervention that dialogue with the transformations put in place, and coming from different parts of the world to emphasize the global scale of the phenomenon. The de-growth occurs in Montevideo as a process, not as a traumatic event, and begins statistically from the 1996 Census but with a complexity of causes that must be traced in the actuality of the city but with roots in the history of the last 50 years of Uruguay. The areas that have lost more population are the central and consolidated ones, a clear example of what is called Doughnut Effect: empty inner city and full to the crown. With
the
collaboration
Arquitectura
of
Udelar
of of
the
Facultad
de
Montevideo,
in
particular the Unidad Permanente de Vivienda, an attempt was made to understand the causes and consequences of the process of shrinkage 7
intrinsically linked to the opposite effectthe expansion out from the edges of the consolidated city. Through
interviews
carried
out
directly,
collection of materials and first hand sources, through the exploration of the city of Montevideo and
research
on
the
fieldinterventions
have
emerged from the Administration that, relieved of the problems associated to the need to manage the growth of a city, has the opportunity to direct its efforts toward the construction of new paradigms of making city: quality versus quantity, concentration versus growth, social cohesion and cohabitation versus fragmentation and
segregation,
trying
to
equality
interact
with
versus the
emptINNERS , voids in the center.
***
8
inequality,
phenomenon
of
Introduction
9
WORLD MAP CITIES
Inhabitants >5.000.000 2.500.000- 5.000.000 1.000.000-2.500.000 500.000-250.000 100.000-250.000 50.000-100.000 <50.000
10
More than 50 per cent of global population now lives in urban areas. This figure is expected to increase as the world is rapidly urbanizing.
Source: Dynamic Maps, World Countries Atlas
11
***
6.1 billion of people currently live on earth 3 billion of them live in citis By 2030, the population of the world will increased by 2 billion This increase will be stem almost exclusively from the growth in urban population In 2030 4.9 billion people will live in citis Every day 190.000 new city-dwellers are added all over the world, 2 in every second.
12
BUT NOT ALL CITIES ARE TAKING PART IN THIS COMPETITION : AROUND THE WORLD MORE THAN 1 IN 4 CITIES IS A SHRINKING CITY
***
Source: www.shrinkingcities.com
13
SHRINKING CITIES MAP Cities over 100,000 inhabitants
Inhabitants >5.000.000 2.500.000- 5.000.000 1.000.000-2.500.000 500.000-250.000 100.000-250.000 50.000-100.000 <50.000
14
Population losses > 75% > 50% - 74% > 25% - 49% 10% - 24%
Source: Dynamic Maps, World Countries Atlas
15
***
”A casual, random change in the cell’s genetic material produces alterations in one or more inherited
characteristics,
provoking
a
break
in the mechanisms of heredity: a mutation is produced;
a
substantial
alteration
affecting
both the morphology and the physiology, not only of the cell or the organ but of the entire organism."
1
Constantly and inexorably, cities keep changing because they are the stage of human life and activities and as long as they are inhabited they express, just like any living organism, an instability caused by behaviours that react to the climatic conditions, the availability of resources, the decisions of those who govern, protect or simply pass through them. Consequently, cities born and die, they develop or empty out, they undergo transformations or they
are
ceasing
artificially to
be
cities
frozen and
in
lime,
becoming
thus
gadgets,
showcase objects, as for instance Venice, or amusement park like Las Vegas. Or
they
may
metamorphoses,
become as
in
the Dubai
stage where
of the
genetic desert
becomes a lagoon and the open sea an archipelago. And like a membrane cities lives, and their transformations are a continuos processes of expansion and contraction, like an organism born and even die. It’s not a new phenomenon in the history: Atlantis, 16
1
Solá-Morales,
and
Futures.
I.,
Present
Architecture
in
Cities, Barcelona: ACTAR, 1996.
Troy,
Pompeii,
Mayaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s
cities.
Catastrophic,
exeptional events. Also today, wars and natural-disasters are still causes of urban shrinkage; just see the events of
contemporary
history
like
the
hurricane
Katrina in New Orleans or the Tzunami in Asia, and the wars in Iraq, where cities have lost huge numbers of inhabitants and large part of physical heritage. But in the last decades several causes have emerged, resulting in the shrinkage of cities. Not
only
shrinking
dramatics cities
sudden
are
events,
increasingly
but a
now
lasting
phenomenon. It
cannot
be
considered
as
a
extra-ordinary
urban contingency, however a common expirience for
the most part of the world: despite all the
expectations created by the scenario of constant growth,
the
number
of
shrinking
cities
has
increased faster than the number of boomtowns.
***
17
*** DOES GROWTH MEAN BEAUTIFUL?
People have difficultly to accept shrinkage. Since the beginning of human history, all have been
focused
on
growth,
expansion,
renewal,
innovation. This goes beyond the capitalistic structure as the chosen model for society. This has to do with the human condition, with wanting to live and not to die, with progressing and not degenerating. Growth is a sign of youth. Even the dominant paradigm among planners and policy makers is planning for growth; looking out the language of planning paradigm is full of words like development, progress, expansion and management of growth. But today the scenario is different: universal shrinkage is manifest. Human populations age, and thus energy levels decrease; money devaluates,
natural resources
are depleted; economies stagnate; rainforests and polar icecaps are getting smaller; budgets and
workforce
shrink;
farmland
is
vacated/
abandoned. And all this is starting to attract quite some attention. Shrinkage is no longer a deniable side-effect of growth, but instead is seen by many people to be an overpowering reality/fact. Can an answer to shrinkage be found that is not inspired by conservatism, fear or shortsightedness, but rather sees the greatest of 18
challenges in shrinkage? Or, more precisely, is it possible to design for shrinkage rather than for growth? No human activity is more estranged from shrinkage than design. In particular, architecture has so identified itself with growth-scenarios in the past hundred years that the idea that the opposite process can also use design is regarded as blasphemy. Population growth, the growth of prosperity, hygiene and production, the growth of velocity and experience, everything had to be accommodated for and stimulated by architecture. Above all: there is money in growth, but not in shrinkage; therefore, growth is much more attractive. A change, then, begins to become apparent in this simple opposition. The small, the miniaturised, the refined, the modest, the slow, they all come to be viewed in a different light. More than that, they begin to acquire something exclusive, a privilege, a quality. The small nestles itself in the aesthetic of things. It returns as a 'clever solutions'. It is itself seen as a new scientific paradigm (nanotechnology). In addition, more recently, there is a growing realisation that more study must be done of the shrinkage process as perhaps not being by definition opposed to growth, but rather, shrinkage being an aspect of the same growth; or more precisely, growth and contraction
2
Martinez
Fernandez,
Chung-
Tong Wu, in AA.VV., Future of
are not two different phenomena, they are two
Shrinking Cities. University of California, Berkeley, 2009.
sides of the same coin.2 19
The
relevant
question
here
is:
Is
this
an
insight into shrinkage as something other than the harbinger of cramp and narrow-mindedness, which is converted into action, into policy, into vision and above all into design. Is shrinkage a domain where there is not only something to be lost, but also precisely something to be gained? Is shrinkage a field in which talent can be better utilised than in the frayed clichĂŠ of growth, and is completely true the paradigm big is beautiful?
***
20
♦ INSIDE DENSITY: THE OVERPOPULATED CITIES OF J.G.BALLARD
The Concentration City (1957) and Billennium (1962) are two short stories written by James Graham
Ballard
who
describes
in
them
two
situations that could actually belong to the same world. While the first one depicts an infinite dense
city
in
which
‘free
space’
and
‘non-
functional space’ are considered as oxymoron and impossible to fathom, the second one dramatized a urban code which forbids anybody to live in more than 3.5 mq. In The Concentration City, the main character travels East in a train looking for the free space that would allow him to test his flying invention and realized after several days spent in this train that he came back to his departure point both in space and in time (the day he came back is the same day that he left). In Billenium the two protagonists finds few extra square meters hidden behind a wall that they use as a clandestine shelter before realizing that they re-created the same density that they were originally running away from. The stories are pervaded by a subtext that makes the reader suspect that this urban structure itself is only the result of the economic exploitation of space, a sort of exaggerated "land limited supply" such as that familiar from Hong Kong. Ballard's description of extreme urban density is
based
on
the
model
of
the
capitalistic
production of things, in this case buildings and the corresponding urban infrastructure. 21
"The surgeon hesitated before opening the door. "Look," he began to explain sympathetically, "you can't get out of time, can you? Subjectively it's a plastic dimension, but whatever you do to yourself you'll never be able to stop that clock"- he pointed to the one on the desk-"or make it run backward. In exactly the same way you can't get out of the City." "The analogy doesn't hold," M. said. He gestured at the walls around them and the lights in the streets outside. "All this was built by us. The question nobody can answer is: what was here before we built it?" "It's
always
been
here,"
the
surgeon
said.
"Not these particular bricks and girders, but others before them. You accept that time has no beginning and no end. The City is as old as time and continuous with it." "The first bricks were laid by someone," M. insisted. "There was the Foundation." "A myth. Only the scientists believe in that, and even they don't try to make too much of it. Most of them privately admit that the Foundation Stone is nothing more than a superstition. We pay it lip service out of convenience, and because it gives us a sense of tradition. Obviously there can't have been a first brick. If there was, how can you explain who laid it, and even more
22
difficult, where they came from?" "There must be free space somewhere," M. said doggedly. "The City must have bounds." "Why?" the surgeon asked. "It can't be floating in the middle of nowhere. Or is that what you're trying to believe?" M. sank back limply. "No" The surgeon watched M silently for a few minutes and
paced
fixation
back
of
to
yours
the
desk.
puzzles
me.
"This
peculiar
You're
caught
between what the psychiatrists call paradoxical faces.
I
suppose
you
haven't
misinterpreted
something you've heard about the Wall?" M. looked up. "Which wall?" The surgeon nodded to himself. "Some advanced opinion maintains that there's a wall around the City, through which it's impossible to penetrate. I don't pretend to understand the theory myself. It's far too abstract and sophisticated. Anyway I suspect they've confused this Wall with the bricked-up black areas you passed through on the Sleeper. I prefer the accepted view that the City stretches out in all direction without limits."
â&#x2013;śFrom The Concentration City by J.G.Ballard
â&#x2122;Ś
23
The Ballard's dystopia comes true: These images were taken in the districts of Sham Shui Po, Yau Tsim Mong and Kowloon City for a campaign -Society for community organizationto raise awareness about the living conditions in Hong Kong.
26
II. Shrinking cities
27
*** DEFINITION OF SHRINKING CITY
“...structural of
jobs
and
economic job
weakness
training
and
a
opportunities;
lack the
departure of the young and the skilled; empty housing; rising poverty; a high percentage of old people; dwindling tax revenue to pay for the increasing costs of social security; a poor image and a reluctance to invest, all of which combine to reinforce the existing structural economic weakness – generates an overall downward spiral encompassing every aspect of urban life in the form of structural shrinkage”.3
The term “shrinking city”, of german coinage Schrumpfende Städte emerges in the 1990s with the collapse of the Soviet Union and partly as a result of the massive, east-west migration that depopulated a large number of Post-Socialist cities. One
of
the
first
pieces
dealing
with
city
shrinkage in a German context and one of the first contributions to a debate on the subject can to be found in the book Neue Urbanität from 1987 by Hartmut Häußermann and Walter Siebel. In this book they elaborate on the declining cities discussing the relation between growing, stagnating and shrinking cities. In recent years, the German Shrinking Cities project has taken the notion of Schrumpfende Städte and translated it into the English term shrinking cities and in that process expanded 28
3 Kaltenbrunner
R.,
The
Other
Citi es/Die anderen Städte, Band 3, IBA Stadtumbau 2010, Verlag GmbH, Berlin, 2006.
Jovis
the debate into a broad context entering the international urban planning scene. "Shrinking cities- a problematic term."
4
First of all , the Architect Philip Oswalt of the project
Shrinking cities, a project of
the Kulturstiftung des Bunders-German Federal Cultural Foundation, declare the nature unclear of the epithet "shrinking" for a city, a world that not explain the complexity of this phenomenon, lead it back to the sphere of decrease, reducing a heterogenic urban transformation into a "simple" decline
of
urban
population
and/or
economic
activity in some cities. Indeed, there is also growth in the process of shrinkage: the most clear pattern of this affirmation is the so-called doughnut effect, metaphor of the mid-1960s continued to be used to characterize the ongoing decline of the inner city and the growth of outlying areas. Therefore,
the
term
shrinking
city
is
a
simplification. A
simplification
can
both
be
positive
and
negative: it can make a complex phenomenon like shrinking cities understandable, while running the risk of being so simple that it does not reflect real life. The advantages of using simplifications is that “it 4
Oswalt
P.,
Shrinking
Cities
Volume I, Hatje Cantz Verlag, Germany, 2006 5 Scott J., Seeing Like a State – How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed,
brings
into
sharp
focus
certain
limited
aspects of an otherwise far more complex and unwieldy reality”
5
,
but that
the risk with
simplifications are that “they do not successfully represent the actual activity of the society
New Haven, Connecticut, 1998.
they depicted”6.
6 Ibidem
Therefore,
shrinking
territories
can
be 29
considered a variation of urbanism that is part of an overall and general transformation of the traditional city-model. Thus, it is not a distinct city-model, but a variation with some similarities and differences in relation to other city-variations.
***
30
*** THREE STUDIES OF URBAN SHRINKAGE PROCESS
Inside
the
debate
about
shrinking
cities,
there are three contemporary projects that have contributed to the research and diffusion of theories, case studies and possible practices: the
Shrinking
Cities
Project,
the
Shrinking
Cities Group and the Iba stadtumbau 2010.
â&#x2013;ś The Shrinking Cities Project "The objective of shrinking cities project is to identify new models of action capable of shaping and qualifying the urban transformation resulting from shrink".7 This is a German project that was initiated by the German Federal Cultural Foundation under the curatorship of Philip Oswalt, in co-operation with the Leipzig Gallery of Contemporary Art, the Bauhaus Dessau Foundation and the magazine Arch+. The research and design project looks at shrink as a cultural challenge. The starting point for the project was the change taking
place
in
the
former
of
East
Germany
after the reunification of Germany. From this, the research extended
the discussion into a
international context , analyzing four cases of shrinkage process in different parts of the world: Halle-Leipzig (East Germany), Manchester and Liverpool ( Great Britain) Detroit (United States of America) and Ivanavo (Russia). Investigating 7 www.shrinkingcities.com
and
documenting
case
studies
undertaken in different parts of the world have 31
shown that what was happening in the east of Germany was happening in other parts of the world, leading to consider the urban shrinkage as a global phenomenon.
â&#x2013;śThe Shrinking Cities Group This is an international
group based at the
Berkeley University of California's Institute of Urban and Regional Development,
composed by
researchers and policymakers from North America, South America , Europe, Asia and Australia. This
group
has
a
more
theoretical
approach
and it is working "in a global perspective, setting the context for in-depth case studies in selected cities and considering specific social, economic, environmental, cultural and land-use issues".
8
The objectives of the research can be listed in four points: 1. to develop a strategic framework for discussion of the shrinking cities phenomenon; 2.to establish a network of experts for the exchange of information and feedback; 3.to find and evaluate successful patterns of revitalization or strategic models that can be applied to other regions; 4.to
communicate
findings
to
policy-makers
around the world. Furthermore, each case study will be looked at through a specific lens in order to understand the role that different approaches, policies and strategies have in the re-generation of shrinking cities. The lens are: innovation, environmental sustainability, culture and creative industries, 32
8
www-iurd.ced.berkeley.edu/scg/
information and communication technologies, land use,
transport
community
and
industry
involvement,
infrastructure,
shrinking
suburbs
and
core cities in large metropolitan regions, postsocialist cities.
â&#x2013;śThe IBA Stadtumbau 2010 This project can be seen like a laboratory where different city re-development tools are tested and applied by the year 2010 in the region of Saxony-Anhalt: cities are finding new profiles, trying
put
new
methods
and
exploiting
new
oportunities.9 For the IBA Stadtumbau is not enough to remove superfluous housing from the market and demolish old buildings, but redefine
shrinking cities need to
themselves
in
order
to
find
the
components to their future profile, functions and identity. "The objective of the IBA 2010 is to build up practical urban re-development expertise at the state and local level, and to devise pilot schemes that will set standards for international urban research and design under the
conditions
of
demographic,
economic
and
social change. (IBA) Nineteen
cities
are
participating
in
this
project, each having a specifi c theme attached, and all of them addressing problems and issues of relevance for them.
The different themes
of the cities can all be categorized into four main spheres of action: architectural-spatial measures, socio-cultural issues, infrastructure and economy. 9
www.iba-stadtumbau.de
33
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORKS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
DRIVERS OF SHRINKAGE
concentration of public/private investments; centripetal forces created by growth poles
concentration of professionals; flow of creative class; technology changes; industrial restructuring
ECONOMIC/ SOCIAL/ ENVIROMENTAL MANIFESTATIONS
rapid development of “centers”; industrial zones free trade zones pollution
downtown decline; inner cities decline; brown fields sites; increase in socio-economic inequality
INDUSTRALIZATION CENTER-PERIPHERY
DE-INDUSTRALIZATION
34
corporatization of cities; gobal city formation; competion between world city regions; shift towards professional services employment; concentration of innovation and knowledge workers; new megalopolis
decline in birth date; ageing of population; loss in population; migration
persistant aridity, floods, natural disasters, hurracanes, tsunamis; corporatization of farming
global cities; Decline/Abandonment of cities/ part of cities/ metro areas; gentrification; increase in socio-economic inequality
high levels of housing vacancy; abandonment of residential areas; wastage of infrastucture; increase in socio-oeconomic inequality
abbandoned farms; destroyed infrastructure; changing coast lines; shrinkage of territories; rapid change of ecosystems; increase of socio-economic inequality; cultural displacement due to relocation
GLOBALIZATION
POPULATION TRANSITION
CLIMATE CHANGE
Source: Martinez Fernandez & Wu, 2007
35
[Source:AMO,WWF The Energy Report] 36
*** A GLOBAL PHENOMENON
Shrinking
cities
are
like
"the
canary
in
a
coal mine"10 , the industrialized worldâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s early warning signal of the global urban crises of deindustrialization,
suburbanization
and
metropolitanization." The
phenomenon
of
urban
shrinkage
is
the
harbinger of the end of the growth era based on cheap fossil fuel; a crisis of cheap mobility, of
ageing
populations
and
of
constantly
new
waves of technological restructuring increase by climate change, which will re-concentrate suburban populations to the urban cores; a crisis of social polarization with social divisions between growing places, globally connected to capital circuits and shrinking places depend on
locally
grown
microfinancing.
Shrinking
processes will ostensibly be so ubiquitous that losing all stigma they will soon become as normal as growth processes. Oswald Philip in â&#x20AC;&#x153;Hypotheses on urban shrinking in the 21st centuryâ&#x20AC;?
present these argument in
six hypotheses:
1.
Shrinking
cities
are
qualitatively
and
quantitatively different from the urban decline experienced in the 20th century. In the 21st century shrinking cities represent the end of a growth era that began with industrialization 200 10 Oswalt
P.,
Shrinking
Cities
Volume I, Hatje Cantz Verlag, Germany, 2006
years ago. In the 21st century industrialized countries will bear the brunt of this change with 37
the largest number of shrinking cities resulting from
de-industrialization,
and metropolitanization;
suburbanization,
Growth and shrinking
will be in a state of equilibrium and mutual determination.
2.
A
culture
of
shrinkage.
City
shrinking
processes will be de-stigmatized and considered as
normal
as
socioeconomic
growth and
processes.
social
equity
However outcomes
the of
these processes will involve conflicts;
3. Shrinking cities, conceived as a component of the process of de-urbanization in the 21 century will
increasingly
affect
suburbs
and
office
districts. Increasing mobility costs and ageing populations will re-concentrate people from the suburbs to the urban cores, while technological restructuring of the service sector will shrink conventional
office complexes;
4. The end of the fossil energy era and climate change
will
exacerbate
the
shrinking
cities
phenomenon due to (a) climate effects related to water resources, flooding and natural hazards; and (b) decline of petroleum rich areas as their stocks deplete;
5.
Shrinking
processes
exacerbate
uneven
development and the emergence of polarized dual regions whereby shrinking ones are increasingly de-capitalized. This will lead to dual societies characterized by growth regions connected to global 38
capital
flows
and
shrinking
regions
locally
dependent
on
leveraging
home
grown
capital for micro enterprises;
6. Urban planning and architecture in shrinking cities
will
face
deconstructing
and
new
tasks
adapting
associated to
no
with
growth
conditions.
***
39
*** CAUSES
Cities shrink for different reasons. Urban
shrinkage
is
not
a
single
process
in
it-self but rather a combination of different conditions, global and local, that impact on cities. Nonetheless , apart from wars, epidemics and natural-disasters, defines the are four causes that can be described as the main reasons for post world War II urban shrinkage In this complexity of causes, there are commons background traceble as the main reasons of post world War II urban shrinkage: changes in the economic
(deindustrialization),
(population
ageing,
and
(suburbanization,
social
low
birth
demographic rate)
urban
gentrification)
changes.
â&#x2013; Economic change
Deindustrialization
â&#x2013; Urban structure
Population ageing
change
â&#x2013; Demographic change
and low birth rate
Suburbanization Gentrification
40
One urban
of
the
shrinkage
most
visible
links
and
economic
changes
between is
the
deindustrialization, the decline of the economic attraction of a city. Cities of the industrial age have been drained by suburbanization driven by an industrialized vuilding sector and increasing private car ownership; and they have undergone process of deindustrialization followed by losses of workplaces and population. Further-more, the increased suburbanization processes constitute a change in the urban structure in which the center of the city is abandoned in exchange for a life in the suburbs. Suburbanization does not imply a complete loss of inhabitants but more a move away from the city-centre to the urban periphery. But in the last years, related decline of suburbs, a new phenomenon is taking place: a opposite flux from suburbs to inner cities. This process can implicate a change in the urban and social structure of a specific area: the gentrification, the replacement of working or lower classes that already live in a part of the city with new and richers individuals. Therefore the loss of population of a city can be caused also for the increase of population ageing and low birth rate, a process already started in the most part of the world.
41
low birth rate
population ageing
DEMOGRAPHIC CHANGES
migrations
suburbanization
gentrification URBAN STRUCTURE CHANGES
NATURAL DISASTERS
POLLUTION
economic supremacy of China
DEINDUSTRIALIZATION
technology
the “service” era
decentralization
_complexitys
■ ■ ■ DEINDUSTRIALIZATION
“Population levels are falling, the industrial base
is
shrinking,
and
the
governmental
and
financial powers and autonomy of the city are being eroded.”
11
Deindustrialization
is
a
process
by
which
a
country or area stops having industry as its main source (= cause) of work or income.12 As a structural process, the deindustrialization particularly affects cities where manufacturing constitutes the largest component of the urban economy.The
urban
fabric
is
a
constantly
changeable structure, influenced by the different capitalist eras, among other things. Edward W. Soja talks about an urban restructuring taking place based on a shift from the industrial capitalist
city
to
the
information-age city.
post-industrial
or
This restructuring is
a fundamental shift away from the structures and logics of what Soja calls urban-industrial capitalism. Thus, in the late 1970s a new era of
capitalism
slowly
emerged
–
the
era
of
globalization. Apart from this general shift from manufacturing industry to knowledge based businesses, historical changes such as the 1970s oil crisis and the fall of the Berlin Wall (the fall of the iron curtain) have influenced the development. Finally, the development of IT made
and
telecommunication
globalization
the
technologies
overall
have
developmental
11 Clark
D.,
Urban
Decline,
Routledge, London, 1989.
guideline for contemporary societies. 44
12 Cambridge Dictionaries Online
Causes of deindustrialization
a shift from manufacturing to service sectors;
the
side
effect
of
globalization
and
development
of
neo-liberalization;
the
increasingly
technology;
the move of industries to areas where the cost of labor is significantly lower;
the supremacy of China economy.
Consequences for industrial cities
cities stop growing
massive unemployment
migration of population
inner cities begun declining
â&#x20AC;&#x153;industrial ruinsâ&#x20AC;?
45
LONG WAVES OF URBAN GROWTH // DECLINE AND INDUSTRIAL CHANGES
transport / infrastructure
port, railways, steamship
system of production
craft based production
key industries
steel, machine tools
leading countries
Germany, United States
path breaking shocks
great depression and World Wars
PRE-FORDIST 1890
46
urban growth
industrial core, early suburbanization
urban decline
aberrant cities
port, railways, highways
cargo airports,highways, rail, standardized containers
mass production
lean production industrial outsourcing
steel, machine tools
aereospace, electronics, computers, telecomunications, producer services
producer services, software, internet commerce
United States
Japan
China
Cold-War, oil crisis
fall of Soviet Union, trade blocs
2008 financial crisis
FORDIST
POST-FORDIST
DIGITAL-ECOLOGICAL
1945
1974
2002
massive suburbanization
edge cities, global cities
networked cities, mega-regions and megalopolis growth
core industrial cities
post-socialist cities, central cities and firt tier suburbs
SHRINKING CITIES
global value chains global service outsourcing
47
■ ■ ■ CHANGES OF URBAN STRUCTURES
Another factor which explains the decline of some areas is the change in urban structures suburbanization and gentrification.
▶SUBURBANIZATION Suburbanization is an ambiguous phenomenon when it’s related to the
phenomenon of shrinking
cities. Indeed,
from
a
physically
view,
experienced suburbanization are
cities
that
grown in the
edges, changing and crumble cities boundaries. The result is that peripheries keep on growing at the same time that inner cities experiencing loss of population. Suburbanization does not imply a complete loss of inhabitants but more a move away from the city-centre to the urban periphery. This means that shrink is embedded in a larger process of growth. This kind of urbanization can be characterized as a doughnut, with the empty city centre surrounded by growing urban sprawl. Urban
sprawl,
a
trend
North American cities,
long
associated
with
is fast engulfing many
developing countries where real estate developers are pushing a “world class lifestyle” .13 However,
the
flows
of
populations
out
of
a
city’s center may not always mean that residents are moving to peri-urban area; the population movement may also be to neighbouring cities with different politico-administrative structures. Many formerly monocentric cities in the developing 48
13 UN
Habitat,
Cities 2010-2011
State
of
the
world
are
developing
becoming urban
increasingly
nucleations
polycentric,
with
their
own
downtowns, employment centres and other features of
independent
cities.
These
adjacent
urban
areas expand their populations, often at the expense of the original city that experiences a decline in population, accompanied by a decline in economic activities and opportunities. But in the last years, especially in the United States,
where
suburbs
have
representing
the
American Dream - a big house with a yard, a pool and a barbecue, a peaceful place to raise a family -
a new phenomenon is taking place: a
opposite flux from suburbs to inner cities. The main causes of this new wave of “back to the city” are the increase of poverty in suburbs, due to the loss of many manufacturing and construction jobs, the decrease of the use of cars ( status symbol of suburbs) since the middle-2000 and the younger generation, a generation that is driving less and is more interest in leaving the
“death
suburbs” to the inner city, the “Pandora’s box”.
49
♦ SPRAWL
They heard me singing and they told me to stop, Quit these pretentious things and just punch the clock, These days, my life, I feel it has no purpose, But late at night the feelings swim to the surface. Cause on the surface the city lights shine, They’re calling at me, “come and find your kind.” Sometimes I wonder if the world’s so small, That we can never get away from the sprawl, Living in the sprawl, Dead shopping malls rise like mountains beyond mountains, And there’s no end in sight, I need the darkness someone please cut the lights. We rode our bikes to the nearest park, Sat under the swings, we kissed in the dark, We shield our eyes from the police lights, We run away, but we don’t know why, And like a mirror these city lights shine, They’re screaming at us, “we don’t need your kind.”
50
“SCENES FROM THE SUBURBS” - short film Director: Spike Jonze, 2011 Music; Arcade Fire
♦
"GENTRIFICATION AND TOURISM SPECULATIONS ARE KILLING OUR HOMETOWN" Outside of the Ufizzi - Florence, Italy
♦
▶GENTRIFICATION “Displacement from home and neighbourhood can be a shattering experience. At worst it leads to homelessness, at best it impairs a sense of community.
Public
policy
should,
by
general
agreement, minimize displacement. Yet a variety of public policies, particularly those concerned with gentrification, seem to foster it."
14
Gentrification” derives from “gentry”, meaning the people of gentle birth, good breeding, or high social position, as in the landed-gentry . Sociologist Ruth Glass coined the term in 1964 to mean the influx of richer individuals into cities or neighbourhoods who replace working or lower-classes already living there: “One by one, many of the working class quarters of London have been invaded by the middle-classes—upper and lower. Shabby, modest mews and cottages— two rooms up and two down—have been taken over, when their leases have expired, and have become elegant,
expensive
residences....
Once
this
process of ‘gentrification’ starts in a district it goes on rapidly until all or most of the original working-class occupiers are displaced and the whole social character of the district is
changed.”
Gentrification
is
therefore
a
process that occurs when new residents, with higher education and income levels, managerial 14 Marcuse
workers, professionals and young, replace older P.,
Abandonment
Gentrification,
and
Displacement:
Connections, Policy City,
Responses Journal
Contemporary 28,
Causes
St.
in
of Law,
Louis,
University, 1985.
and
New
York
Urban
and
Volume Washington
residents,
who
disproportionately
are
low-
income, working-class and poor or minority and ethnic group members, and elderly , from older and previously deteriorated inner-city housing. 53
■ ■ ■ DEMOGRAPHICAL CHANGES
▶POPULATION AGEING Population ageing, "the process by which older individuals become a proportionally larger share of total population"
, become one of the most
15
distinctive demographic changes of the century: after
celebrating
the
young,
fresh
and
new,
the twenty-first century will become ever more mature. Experienced
at
the
beginning
by
the
more
developed countries, the process has recently become manifest in many countries considered less developed: in the next future, the entire world will face population ageing, even though different levels of intensity and time frames. Global population ageing is a by-product of the declining levels of mortality ad fertility, the so-called
demographic
transition :
the
total
fertility rate is below the replacement level in almost all industrialized countries. In the less develop regions, the fertility decline started later and has proceeded faster than in the more developed areas.
Therefore, the shift in age
structure, paired with a declining fertility rate,
means that not only people are living
longer, but society is getting older. Population ageing has a profound impact on a broad range of economic, political and social conditions: an extension in labor participation over time, an increasing competitiveness of global migration a mutation in multi-generational family forms, an increasing demands for health services. 54
15 Population United
Division,
Nations,
DESA, "World
Population Ageing 1950-2050" 16 Definition of Chesnais J.C.
2010
2050
15
youth bulge youth bulge
10
10
temporary migrant-influen ced structure
western baby boomer s
migration to western europe
increased longevity
5
percent
percent
longevity
5
lower fertility
shrinking nations increased life expectanc y
lower life expectanc y
male
male
life expectancy
05
10
15
20
25
30
35
life expectancy
median world age
median world age
age
40
45
50
55
60
65
70
75
80
85
90
95
100+
0age 51
01
52
02
53
03
54
04
55
05
56
06
5
70
75
0
female
female lower life expectancy
lower fertility
migration to western europe
youth bulge
youth bulge
increased life expectanc y
shrinking nations
80
85
90
95
100+
No Babies? from The New York Times Painting of Edward del Rosario
â&#x2122;Ś
â&#x2013;śLOW BIRTH RATE In the 1970s only 24 countries had fertility rates of 2.1 or less, all of them rich. Now there are over 70 such countries, and in every continent, including Africa. Between 1950 and 2000 the average fertility rate in developing countries fell by half from six to threeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;three fewer children in each family in just 50 years. Over the same period, Europe went from the peak of the baby boom to the depth of the baby bust and its fertility also fell by almost half, from 2.65 to 1.42â&#x20AC;&#x201D;but that was a decline of only 1.23 children. The fall in developing countries now is closer to what happened in Europe during 19th- and early 20th-century industrialisation. But what took place in Britain over 130 years (1800-1930) took place in South Korea over just 20 (1965-85). Things are moving even faster today. Fertility has dropped further in every South-East Asian country (except the Philippines) than it did in Japan. The rate in Bangladesh fell by half from six to three in only 20 years (1980 to 2000). In Just in Japan, where the phenomenon is already well established, researchers coined shoshika, meaning a society without children, to evoke the fertility decline. "Socially, the drop was linked to later and lower rates of marriages, prolonged education, and individualized career endeavors."
17
Combined with the prohibitive cost
of child bearing, this entailed a major fertility reduction. 17 Chapple, 2008
*** 57
*** URBAN SHRINKAGE PATTERNS
Population
loss
is
the
most
clearly
and
significant index to detect a shrinking cities but which population? Sometimes as repeatedly stated, shrinkage may also
be
contain
in
growth,
especially
when
dealing with large conurbations. Is possible to identify three kind of patterns of urban shrinkage due to loss or displacement of population: dounghnut effect, perforated city , and stable core.
DOUGHNUT EFFECT ▶ shrink of inner city ▶ growth of suburbs
PERFORATED CITY ▶ shrink of both inner city and suburbs
STABLE CORE ▶ shrink of suburbs ▶ growth/stable inner city
58
â&#x2013; DOUGHNUT EFFECT "The
Doughnut
meanings
and
Effect
has
several
implications,
but
different the
chief
principle is the hole in the center surrounded by a delicious treat around the periphery: this being a metaphor for the centrifugal force of urban abandonment on 20th century cities.
With
the growth of American cities (not just American cities but evidenced most clearly by them) there was a migration to the suburb. This migration in search of newer, larger, and/or more affordable homes left many inner cities "hollow" and devoid of population and vitality".
18
Grow and shrink in the same time: the inner city shrink, undergo population loss and urban decay while suburbs and new peripheral constructions, keep growing. The inner city empty, physically and culturally. The citizens experience a spatial
and cultural
segregation and fragmentation , the richer' s one and the middle class become drift away to the city center preferring the newest suburb, and the poorest inhabitants
remain in the inner
city decaying, paradoxically, they physically live in the city center but
only because they
squatted houses and they have no means
to try
alternatives.
â&#x2013; PERFORATED CITY "Cities grow like a liquid, shrink like a gas, they perforated" Otherwise the doughnut effect, "perforated city" 19 Smith D.A. , www.affordablehousinginstitute.org 18 Adam Ferrari
refer to cities where urban shrinkage occurs in different areas throughout the city, nebulously 59
in the city center , in the peripheries or suburbs. The term "perforate" appears for the first time in relation with an urban structure
with Lutke
Daldrup, that used it to describe "a new era of cities characterized by simultaneous demographic decline and urban sprawl".
Like a pattern of
urban shrinkage the term appears to have first been
used
to
describe
Leipzig,
in
Saxony:"
Leipzig was one of the first cities to regain scope for action by overcoming collective selfdeception, to call a spade a spade, and to find a striking term to describe the situation, the "perforated city".
20
â&#x2013; STABLE CORE This
pattern
is
usually
traceable
in
cities
experienced a deeply and for a long time urban growth, with a process of suburbanization and massive
use
of
the
land
in
the
surrounding
areas. But now a days, with economic crisis and demographical changes, particulary the increase of population ageing that have problems to reach at the inner city where service are located, these huge suburbs will start to shrink: the residential
density
will
drop,
abandoned
houses in the metropolitan suburbs and vacant land
will increase.
The case must study that concerned
this pattern
of urban shrinkage is Japan, especially Tokyo , where the 87 % of citizens lives in the suburbs of Tokyo. But this phenomenon is taken place also in the United States, where suburbs were the "American 60
10 Jessen German
J.,
Urban
Journal
Studies, 2006
of
Renewal, Urban
dream": a house close to the city but not inside the chaos of large cities, a big car, a yard and a barbecue. But with economic crises, above all with the crisis of car industry and petrol, a new generation is growing without the status symbol of the car and young people have begun move from suburbs to city centres.
***
61
62
III. Case studies
63
♦ Island Within an Island Gabriel Orozco ♦
“De-growth does not mean negative growth … A better term to use is a-growth, in the same way
that
we
say
atheism,
because
it
means
precisely that, giving up a faith … the neverending pursuit of growth is incompatible with the planet’s ‘basics’ … There is still time to imagine, quite calmly, a system based upon a different logic, and to plan for a ‘de-growth society’.” SERGE LATOUCHE 64
*** DESIGN FOR A SHRINKING CITY
In relation with shrinking cities, the disciplines of
urban
development,
architecture,
which
urban
planning,
traditionally
have
and been
guided by ideas for managing growth, reach their limits and have to face with the question: how to approach shrinking cities? Lea Louise Holst
in his work "Shrinking cities
or Urban transformation" underline "a need for working both strategically and place-specific with the territory; meaning the need for working both at an overall strategically level and very local at a specificsite. This is suggested because there is both the need to address overall issues like where the eff ort should lie and how to deal with the phasing out of certain areas and to create distinction by developing the resources of the specific site." And as argued by Philip Oswalt "In addition to traditional urban development measures, we must test and explore possibilities for social, cultural, and communicative interventions. The restructuring of cities should be understood as an opportunity." Using the holistic model presented by Lea Louise Holst, it is possible to identify four scales of intervention traceable in actions related to the shrinkage process.
65
▶SCALE OF INTERVENTIONS
■ STRATEGIC SOLUTIONS
> ·map the territory ·local anchors ·political will
■ PRAGMATIC SOLUTIONS
> ·demolition ·prioritazed local development
■ MULTIFUNCTIONAL LANDSCAPE
■ SOFT TOOLS
> · the event and the temporary · the reuse and the transformation
66
■ ■ ■ STRATEGIC SOLUTIONS
The strategic level can be considered an OVERALL POLICY
level that sets up rules, tools
and initiatives which are to be implemented on the local micro level. In the same way that polices are formulated to handle growing areas, polices must be formulated for integrate declining territories: not only plan for growth but also plan for shrink. Furthermore, this strategic level helps organize the local place-based level and makes it possible to work on the local level:
indeed, it is on the
local level that things in the local community can take place. In order
for
them to be so, it is important
to have laws and policies that are flexible in relation to these actors’ needs, because local networks and local people are the keys elements in a urban/local transformation, even more if the strategy is for a declining territory. Several tasks can be used for this kind of intervention, like map the territories, identify possible anchors for a future development and politicians and governments
policies.
▶MAP THE TERRITORIES Mapping is a very important tool for have an overview of the extent and character of decline as well as an idea of what the potentials are in the territory:
map the significant elements
of a territory , both positive and negatives 67
ones, in order to qualify the effort that seems necessary; focus on the existing environmental, cultural, structural
natural,
architectonic
development
and
potentials;
inframap
the
negative and positive developments both according to population, physical appearance, economy and socio-cultural structures.
▶LOCAL In to
the
ANCHORS opperation
of
define/INDIVIDUARE
mappinag
is
possible
geographical, architectonical
important anchors,
or mental, which
can be used in future development , like a starting point for a positive domino effect. This anchors can be related to different things such as landscape, culture, accessibility.. It’s clear that not all areas of territory
a declining
can be transforms for the better; it
is important that some areas stand out from the crowd where interesting spatial narratives can be told and in that way distinguish them from the grey mass of decline.
▶POLITICAL WILL “We have broken the connection with politics and have not been able to find a different domain of legitimacy apart from good and intelligent architecture.
But that would be tremendously
important. Architecture is only legitimate when it formulates a utopia. Since 1945, however, this idea of social task has continually declined. The loss was compensated by a lot of attractive 68
new inventions by architects. Only in the past ten years, however, as the number of project for the public domain has increasingly diminished, and we architects find ourselves serving private interests, has it become very clear that the decline of our theoretical content is also a decline
of
architectural
content.
â&#x20AC;&#x153;
(Rem
Koolhaas) This strategic plan is also a way for politicians and local governments to work with determination in the field. In order to succeed, the politicians have to acknowledge the situation and work both with development and unwinding of particular areas. It â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s essential to use the already existing initiatives, to formulate a set of visions and develop action plans with a basis in the local strengths - and to engage the relevant local actors. On the basis of a new socio-political model is possible
to create new forms of financing, new
models for taxation, new concepts for community politics, new institutions.
69
■ ■ ■ PRAGMATIC SOLUTIONS
The category of pragmatic solutions includes acknowledging to
save
and
all
that
that
it
urban some
is
not
territories will
possible
from
definitely
decline vanish.
This means that renewed growth in some of the territories do not seem a likely possibility in
the
future.
inevitable some
not
of
problem
to
these is
Therefore,
that
discuss
the
territories. the
urban
it
seems
unwinding
of
However,
the
territories
will
not just disappear from one day to the next. Many of them will probably still be here in some form or another 50 or 100 years from now – still suffering from decline. Discussion concerning what
to
do
with
little
with
the
chance
declining
of
territories
survival.
For
that
reason there seems to be a need for discussing demolition and prioritized local development.
▶DEMOLITION “ By undoing a building there are many aspects of the social condition against which i am gesturing: first, to open a state to enclosure which had been preconditioned not only by wphysical necessity but by the industry that [proliferates] suburban and urban boxes as a context for insuring a passive, isolated consumer-a virtually captive audience...The question is a reaction to an ever less viable state of privacy, private property, and 70
isolation.”(Gordon
Matta-Clark,
interview
by Donald Wall “ Gordon Matta-Clark’s Builiding Dissections”, Arts Magazine 50, no9 maggio 1976) In the declining areas there are derelict houses and buildings falling into ruins. This is not a sustainable situation neither for the people living there or for the physical appearance; therefore
demolitions of dilapidated houses
appears also as an instrument for aesthetic and environmental hygiene. Therefore it’s a priority find fertile solutions concerning the surplus of built structures, and demolition of parts of the built structure in declining territories seems inevitable. However,
it
is
important
that
demolition
strategies do not stand alone but are integrated into a bigger overall strategic plan.
▶PRIORITIZED LOCAL DEVELOPMENT Based
upon
different
external
and
internal
criteria, the municipality or city develops a structure that gives the different localities a role in a greater whole, creating in that way a network structure. In practice, a common approach is to increase settlement
in
selected
places,
where
urban
development is mostly concentrated in easily accessible areas with good infrastructure and especially
in
areas
considered
suitable
for
commuting to the next larger city (Tietjen and Laursen 2008). The regulation of the urban pattern is therefore a
decisive
political
instrument
in
the 71
distribution of future urban growth or shrinkage. In generally declining municipalities, the role assigned to a local community with regard to the municipal urban pattern might be the deciding factor regarding survival or death (Tietjen and Laursen 2008).
72
■ ■ ■ MULTIFUNCIONAL LANDSCAPES
The dichotomy of city versus countryside is no longer applicable; landscape cannot be reduce to “natural land” but the term EMBARASSING a more complex theoretical/ racchiudein sé diversi signficati riconosce
. in
landscapeè un
culturaleper la
cioè
determinato
che
un
popolo
luogo
un
valore
counità stessa.
The built is now fundamentally suspect. The unbuilt is green, ecological, popular. If the built – le plein – is now out of control – subject to permanent political, financial,cultural turmoil – the same is not (yet) true of the unbuilt; nothingness may be the last subject plausible certainties!” Koolhaas’s
[Koolhaas, 1995: 974]. words are always provocative but
it’s true that landscape is the new protagonist in the urban development;
landscape must be
considered as a characteristic structure in a transformation process instead of just letting it take over, exploiting landscape potentials and
sources
in
the
improvement
of
declining
territories. Thus, landscape can be seen like a tool , not only like a SCOPO: it’s a medium which contains growth as well as decline. We can use the term landscape urbanism PER INTENDERE PROPRIO
QUESTO
STRUMENTO:
an
hybridization
of architecture and landscape that can unite fragmented urban areas, that can accommodate shrinkage, that can capture the complexity of 73
areas undergoing urban transformation. James Corner says that ““It marks dissolution of old dualities such as nature-culture, and it dismantles classical notions of hierarchy, boundary and centre. Perhaps most importantly, it marks a productive attitude towards indeterminacy, openendedness, intermixing and cross-disciplinarity. Unlike the overly simplified view of the city as a static composition […….] landscape urbanism views the emergent metropolis as a thick, living mat of accumulated patches and layered systems, with no singular authority or control.”
74
■ ■ ■ SOFT TOOLS
Soft tools are related to seeing possibilities in the small, the fragmented and the momentary. This kind of intervention has its starting point in empty buildings and disused sites that go unused for some period of time, whether shorter or longer. What is traditionally regarded as failure on the part of city planners and real estate developers not infrequently represents an opportunity and a resource when seen from the perspective of other actors. Empty and disused spaces can be considered urban reserves for testing collective dreams. It is a micro-level of
planning, and
in soft
tools category it's possible to individualize more
frequently
kind
of
processes
transformation,: the events, the
in
urban
temporary, the
reuse and transformation.
▶THE EVENT AND THE TEMPORARY The event and temporary
refer to a wide range
of short-term actions that to test new ideas and different development alternatives for urban environments. Temporary
uses
are
unplanned,
but
they
are
present in every larger city. Often, they play an important role in a city’s public and cultural life as well as in its urban development, but they have thus far been almost completely ignored in official policymaking and city planning circles. Former
industrial
areas,
waterfront
areas, 75
railroad stations and airports, unused commercial parks,
empty
residential
neighborhoods
and
public institutions, as well as vacant lots of various sizes constitute seemingly functionless zones that linger for years and often decades in a state of transition between their old uses and new ones. Temporary uses can explore and illuminate various accounts of a city’s past and create compelling narratives that are grounded in the physical environment and the cultural geography of a specific place. Stories are good for cities. They help people come to terms with the past and build optimism about the future. Urban storytelling can also increase tourism, which in turn can help support the local economy. Temporary services are a way to create shortterm, portable places of inclusion. Traditional real
estate
desirable
development
market
niche,
typically
targets
excluding
those
a
who
don’t fit the picture of ideal consumers. Temporary projects can provide opportunities and amenities for all, fostering social interaction and engaging residents in playful and unexpected ways.
▶REUSE OR TRANSFORMATION Thus,
the
constant
process
of
change
and
redevelopment in cities leads to a kind of urban three-field crop rotation system: urban spaces now “lie fallow” from time to time during the transition from one
use
to
transformed 76
another: or
reused
existing for
new
structures and
are
different
purposes. This reuse and transformation can, thus, be seen as a reuse of place-based resources taking its point of departure in the place and its social, cultural, physical and economical capitals and in an ecological and sustainable approach, concerned with reuse of material and processes. By working with a transformation of existing structures,
new
and
previously
unseen
possibilities are rendered visible, when the non-economical, cultural and moral resources are in focus. In cases like these, a thematic
overview
of
the
productive
and
constructive potentials of a society can render visible the positive dimensions and qualities of a declining city, which can bring the local actors and their capacity into play and thereby activate and develop the local resources. This can be combined with using cultural strategies. It could be a goal to create a vibrant cultural life for the population, business, tourism etc., in which culture can contribute to a re-definition of the identity and mental environment of the cities.
77
* * * INTRODUCING THE SIX CASE STUDIES
Following, are presented six case studies of cities very different for geography position and history: Valparaiso, La Habana, Baltimore, Lisbon, Beirut and Tokyo. The choice of telling about these cities results from several factors: first of all the will to demonstrate how the phenomenon of urban shrinkage is a global process, not restricted to the Old Europe and to the crisis of suburbanization of American cities.
For this reason every city comes from distinct geopolitical
areas,
South
America,
Central
America, NorthAmerica, Europe, Middle East and Asia. Two other factors of the case studies were the number of inhabitants of the cities, more than 100,000 inhabitants, as suggested by the research team Shrinking Cities : " All known shrinking cities with populations larger than 100,000 were taken into consideration for the international comparison and the worldwide cartography".
This choice it was made for understand what happens in densely populated areas in the past have experienced a great expansion and now find themselves questioning the paradigm of growth. And
other
possibility
discriminating of
finding
important actions,
was
the
policies,
projects, studies that have in their intentions 78
to try to give an answer to the changes put in place by the process of urban shrinkage.
The
order
in
which
they
are
presented
for
simplicity goes from the city further to the west, Valparaiso, to most eastern city, Tokyo, to give more sense of this cross with a quick look at this phenomenon all over the world.
* * *
79
♦
Baltimore
♦ La Havana
Valpariso ♦
80
Lisboa ♦
Beirut ♦
♦ Tokyo
81
REPUBLIC OF CHILE
VAL PA RA ISO
Just 90 minutes from the capital Santiago, the Unesco World Heritage site was a stopover for ships sailing from Europe to California via the Magellan Straits in the 19th century. Straddling a series of hillsides that form a natural amphitheatre along the Pacific coastline, its cobbled streets twist
sharply
upwards
from a
narrow
waterfront
strip,
scaling gulleys and ravines towards the higher mountains behind. In places, the ravines are so steep that footpaths resemble staircases; i n others, they give way entirely to ascensores, whose tiny wooden cabins and clanking were constructed a century ago.
POPULATION LOSS
282.840 275.982
1992
2002
[INE -Chile]
Particularly busy during the California Gold Rush o f the late 1 840s and 1 850s, ValparaĂso declined following the construction of the Panama Canal. Numerous immigrants from all over Europe gave i t an international character that eased its transition to a tourist economy and many of the neighborhoods that were settled in have now been preserved as
National
Historic
Districts. I n
the
late
twentieth
century, activists lobbied for the government to apply for UNESCO world heritage status, which was finally given in 2003
which
gave
rise t o
a
new
wave o f
real
estate
speculation.
SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN DOUGHNUT EFFECT
VALPARAISO
ATLAS CIUDADANO
Valparaiso
map the territory
“Atlas Ciudadano_Valpariso” was developed as a workshop under the auspices of “Valparaíso Aula
Permanente”
(Permanent
Classroom
Valparaíso) which is an open research project planned a s a process o f building a learning community across the city and its current culture scene. The project encompasses three facets: an exhibition, a workshop and public sessions.
“Notes for a People Atlas” invites participants to fill in the blank outline of the political border of
their
city o r
region
with
individual
and
collective local knowledge, forgotten histories, ongoing debates, and changing definitions of urban space. “Notes” generates dialogue and open-ended imagining about urban space and history, taking seriously
the
expertise
and
ideas
of
“nonspecialist” community members. When archived, it
presents
information i n
a
form
that
is
accessible, well-designed, and visually rich.
the blank map
Sitesize first learned o f the NPA approach through
their
Transductores:
participation i Spatial
n
Politics
the and
Collective Pedagogies seminar at Centro José Guerrero i n mapping
southern
Spain i n
workshops a bout
the
Granada were being developed.
which
province
NPA of
REPUBLIC OF CUBA
LA HA BA NA
Havana
Viejaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s
historical,
cultural
and
architectural
heritage is unquestionable. Neglected, however, through the course of its history, starting in the middle of the XIX. century and accelerated after the Triumph of the Revolution in 1959, the city core has turned into a mere ghost of its once splendid stature. Not indifferent t o the ruinous condition o f this city segment,
the
international
community,
with
the
Cuban
authorities at the lead, has been taking drastic measures in order to delay, and further, to reverse the progressing deterioration of Havana Vieja.
POPULATION LOSS
2.201.610
2.135.498 2.129.013
2002
2010
2011
[ONE-Cuba]
The fundamental philosophy that defines the program of rehabilitation of Havana Vieja is to promote a synthesis of two already available factors: the local population and the surrounding cultural domain with a third one, indispensable to the holistic process: the tourism. To improve the social dimension and benefit its local population, the cultural heritage is perceived as a resource, The locals play a vital part in supporting the architectural legacy -employed in the service of physical repair and maintenance of the historical center as well as through their sheer presence keeping the spirit of the place alive.
SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN PERFORETED
LA HABANA
FOTOTECA DE CUBA
Plaza Vieja
reuse and transformation
The Fototeca de Cuba was created to preserve, study and promote the country’s photographic patrimony and
create a
international archive with a
space
for
photography.
the The
promotion Fototeca i s
of an
vast and valuable collection of
The
public
room, a
couple o f back offices,
most valuable collection of Cuban photography known
public
and i t
equipment
gallery
with
rooms
for
the
a lobby and a generous upper floor
accessed
a
occupies
which hosts one large exhibition
documents; it is also a museum with the widest and
functions a s
part
front and consists of two levels:
from a
toilets.
balcony
and
Laboratory
rooms
are
and
stations
temporary exhibitions i n which works that d o not
half-way between
belong t o the permanent collection are generally
the ground and the first floor.
exhibited.
Fototeca i s meant t o serve not only
the
cultural/commercial
goals, but also the social ones. The building o n the back side of the courtyard was destined t o be an old people’s home after the renovation
has
been
complete.
With time, the seniors’ families came to live with them to care for them, many of the old people have passed away and the families have stayed behind. Now they raise their own children in the very same rooms. The
building
took
its
natural
course. Today i t cannot assume a role of a social institution anymore. A
co-existence o f
private
and
public spaces under a single roof seems to function very well. Both parts
benefit
from
each
other
insofar the use o f the generous common space, the social aspect and
security o f
the
individual
privacy. T o dwell i n an artistic environment raises the quality of life
for
the
presence o f neighbour
inhabitants; such a n
ennobles
the
unusual
their
daily
life and offers high level social activities directly at the door.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
BAL TI MO RE
This urban field o f the Northeast Seaboard, with the
cities o f
Baltimore
and
Boston,
New
Washington
York,
DC, i s
Philadelphia, an
excellent
picture of the development of American urbanism. It tells a
story o f an urban America that has
changed since the end of World War II. Looking further into the Baltimore metropolitan area i s like looking a t all other Metropolitan areas exploding outwards at an extraordinary rate. Single-family houses are popping up like mushrooms
POPULATION LOSS
939,024
651.154 631.366 621.342 1960
2000
2006 2010
[City of Balti more, Department of Planning]
placed near big infrastructural links and shopping centers. But Balimore is a city of dualism: on the one hand a growing metropolitan area and on the other a decaying city center; is a Doughnut city. Urban growth and decline are situated right next to each
other,
suggesting
they
can b e
linked i n
complex interplay.
SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN DOUGHNUT EFFECT
a
BALTIMORA
PARKS & PEOPLE
Inner city
reuse and transformation
The purpose is to develop a â&#x20AC;&#x153;comprehensive strategy for revitalizing neighborhoods that suffer from population
loss,
vacant
housing,
inadequate
maintenance of vacant land and small parksâ&#x20AC;? (Parks & People 2000). The goal is also to transform the vacant lots in Baltimore into valuable green space and
thereby
themselves.
help
neighborhoods
revitalize
Parks & People is a nonprofit organizations that work with declining terrtories and operates a t a local level, attempting t o make changes a t the community level. This group works with recreation and park issues, where a lot of work is put into neighborhood greening i n declining territories. Parks &
People
want t o improve the quality o f life i n Baltimoreâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s neighborhoods, helping to better the physical, social and environmental quality o f neighborhoods through greening
activities
and
forming
networks
among
communities to sustain natural resources.
The adopt-a-lot program i s a proactive approach to land use management and according t o the Parks & People foundation, this kind of approach is essential in order to cope with the changing urban landscape. It i s a local, place-based bottom-up strategy: a strategy o f how t o use vacant lots o n a temporary basis, b
y
using
the
areas t
o
improve
the
neighborhoods, while being in a transiti on period.
PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC
LI S BO A
Lisbon is the westernmost large city located in Europe, as well as its westernmost capital city and the only one along the
Atlantic
coast. I t
lies i n
the
western
Iberian
Peninsula on the Atlantic Ocean and the River Tagus. It is also one of the oldest cities in the world, and the oldest city in Western Europe. Lisbon i s recognised a s a global city because o f its importance i n finance, commerce, media, entertainment, arts, international trade, education and tourism. But since the 80s the city has begun t o have a slow and progressive decline.
POPULATION LOSS
807.937 663.394 564.657 547.631 1981
1991
2001
2011
[INE-Portugal]
Today the famous neighbourhoods o f its historic centre, which include Chiado, Baixa, Alfama, Graça and Alcántara, are full of empty houses. Even the most expensive areas are not fully occupied, and streets that are home t o luxury shops, hotels, banks and multinationals also have their share of decrepit buildings. Lisbon and Porto top the European Union’s list o f cities where the population is in decline . In spite of its declining glory, the beauty of Lisbon with its seven hills and omnipresent river Tagus continues to enthral foreign visitors.
SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN PERFORETED
LISBOA
2012EDIFICIO MANIFESTO
Mouraria
In ArtĂŠria's "script" for the Manifesto Building, they reflected o
n
a
rehabilitation. T o
model achieve
for a this
n
integrated
holistic
urban
approach,
the
community has to be involved in the process. But also from the architect's perspective, they think, it's important to try t o understand the dynamics o f each area i n order to understand what can b e the function o f the architecture there, and the architect has to establish a connection with the place he or she is designing for.
Lisbon-based studio Artéria's reflections on the goals and limits of rehabilitation led to systematic approach that
materialised i n
(Manifesto
Building),
its
2012
renovated
Edifício
Manifesto
in
heart
the
of
Mouraria, a dilapidated neighbourhood at the centre of the city. The development of the Edifício Manifesto took
place i n
partnership
with
the
neighbourhood
association. The studio has continued to reflect on a model for urban rehabilitation that encompasses social, cultural and economical interventions, i n a range of projects including a map o f old buildings t o buy and renovate in Lisbon.
Maquette 2012-Edificio Manifesto
To bring the involvement o f the community even further Artéria developed activities with children from a
local
elementary school, who accompanied the Manifesto Building's construction development with weekly activities. This workshops aim to raise awareness of the importance of caring for the city a s our heritage, knowing that the children
will
grandparents.
pass o n
this
message t o
parents
and
LEBANESE REPUBLIC
BE I RU T
Beirut is the capital and largest city of Lebanon. Beirut is the capital and largest city of Lebanon. Located on a peninsula at the midpoint of Lebanon’s Located on a peninsula at the midpoint of Lebanon’s coastline with the Mediterranean Sea, Beirut serves coastline with the Mediterranean Sea, Beirut serves as the country’s largest and main seaport and also as the country’s largest and main seaport and also forms the Beirut Metropolitan Area, which consists forms the Beirut Metropolitan Area, which consists of the city and its suburbs. After Lebanon achieved of the city and its suburbs. After Lebanon achieved independence i n 1943, Beirut became its capital independence i n 1943, Beirut became its capital city. I t remained a n intellectual capital o f the city. I t remained a n intellectual capital o f the Arab world and quickly became a financial center Arab w orld and quickly became a financial center for much o f the Arab world and a major tourist for much o f the Arab w orld and a major tourist destination. destination.
POPULATION LOSS
~1.100.000
403.337
1970
2001
[UN data + Hamdan; the informations ares inexact since the last census for Lebanon was conducted in 1932]
This era o f relative prosperity ended i n 1975 when the Lebanese Civil War broke out. During most of the war, Beirut was divided between the Muslim west and the Christian east. The downtown area, previously the home of much of the cit y’s commercial and cultural activities, “Green
became
Line”.
a
Many
no-man’s
land
inhabitants
known a s
fled t o
the
other
countries. Thousands of others were killed throughout the war, and much of the city was devastated. Since the end o f the war i n 1990, the people of Lebanon have been rebuilding Beirut.
SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN DOUGHNUT EFFECT
after and before bombardments
BEIRUT
SOLIDARE
Inner city
The Beirut city center Master Plan aims to direct the ongoing transformation o f the formerly war-ravaged heart o f
Beirut
mixed-use
city
unique
into a center.
geographic
Lebanese
and
capitalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s
vibrant The
plan
historic
core,
and
sustainable,
builds
upon
the
setting o f
reflecting
the
the
The
main
drivers o
Involves
the
The parts which Masterplan is compose are:
public
domain,
Public
Heritage;
Domain;
Residential
The
Conservation
Neighborhoods;
Area;
The
Souk
The of
Beirut; New development areas; The New Waterfront; A vibrant city center.
master
site
topography and natural characteristics. The
f
planning Beirutâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s city center: recovery o f
the
with
installation o f
a
the
complete
modern infrastructure. Provides a
n
urban
design
framework for new construction and
for
the
restoration
preserved
and
buildings
with a
integration
between
of
historic good old
and
new, tradition and innovation Creates public spaces including gardens,
squares,
belvederes,
promenades and trails. Unearths
layers o f
the
city
fabric
and
center's history. Reestablishes
the
neighborhood
structures
accommodating a
broad
mix
of
land uses ranging from business
Solidare Masterplan
and
institutional
residential,
to
cultural
and
recreational facilities. Offers a
flexible,
market-oriented framework,
development
encouraging
emergence o f
a
the
sustainable
environment. Creates poles of attraction for city center renewal. Creates a
vibrant,
active downtown
24-hour
STATE OF JAPAN
TO K YO
This statement aptly suggest that i f you are to search the divine or cosmic order in city of Tokyo, probability i s that you might not find any kind of visible
order
which
your
eye i s
conventionally
familiar with. Tokyo defies order o n its own way. While Tokyo appears unplanned, i t possess a hidden sense of order, but this is the order of fragmented unity,
village-like
areas
stapled
together,
possessing a feeling o f chaos that many architects have found inspiring. Tokyo has long been criticised for
its
lack o f
greenery
and
its
poor
disaster
mitigation efforts.
POPULATION LOSS
13.500.000 13.160.000 12.780.000
2010
2020
2035
Security Research has warned that there will be a mere 49.59 million Japanese by 2100, a decline of more than 61 percent on the 2010 figure [Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications- Japan]
As a n economic construct Tokyo has only experienced the kind of growth that goes with enormous land prices, and therefore urban planning that would lead to more open land i n the Tokyo area has hardly ever b een considered. So, we might say the reduction in demand for properties caused b y the expected shrinkage of population will b e an excellent opportunity t o gain more open space in Tokyo; an idea that has been coveted for a long time but until now has been too difficult to
implement.The
challenge
will b e
to
direct
the
ongoing development towards a desirable end for the citizens of Tokyo in the 21st century.
SHRINKAGE URBAN PATTERN STABLE CORE
TOKYO
FIBER CITY TOKYO 2050
Tokyo 2050
A fiber can be understood as an organizing grain or thread. In terms of city form it is a linear space. In Japanese cities the western type o f urban plaza never developed, but in stead there was the street. The intrest in the concept of the fiber lies not only in its formal clarity, but also in its persistent ubiquity as a form, one that can be found in both contemporary and the traditional cities in Japana. In terms of pratical application, a straighforward comparison of two parks of the same area,one square and the other
linear,
opportunities
reveals for
that a
interaction
fibrous between
form the
offers park
people who live nearby.
Exhibition â&#x20AC;&#x153;Tokyo2050 // 12 Visions for the Metropolis UIA TOKYO 2012
and
more the
106
III. MONTEVIDEO
107
MILAN
108
MONTEVIDEO
109
BUENOS AIRES
MONTEVIDEO
RIO DE LA PLATA
ATLANTIC OCEAN
Resbalo por tu tarde como el cansancio por la piedad de un declive. La noche nueva es como un ala sobre tus azoteas. Eres el Buenos Aires que tuvimos, el que en los años se alejó quietamente. Eres nuestra y fiestera, como la estrella que duplican las aguas. Puerta falsa en el tiempo, tus calles miran al pasado más leve. Claror de donde la mañana nos llega, sobre las dulces aguas turbias. Antes
de
iluminar
mi
celosía
tu
bajo
sol
bienaventura tus quintas. Ciudad que se oye como un verso. Calles con luz de patio.
Jorge Luis Borges
* * * From "Montevideo narrated from bars and kitchens" by Ilona Murcia Ijjasz
Montevideo
is
an
alluvial
city
(Sposito,
2010), made almost at random and inhabited by the descendants of those European adventurers arrived at the opposite border of the Rio de la Plata. It is the result of multiple waves of immigration that left as overlying layers, traces of various ways of living, eating, talking and loving. In Montevideo the issue of identity is complex. There is no Uruguayan but "Oriental", a reference to its geographical position at the shore of the Uruguay River. However, neither Oriental completely defines a Montevidean. If you ask to any resident of the Old City, answers will reflect the immigration processes: they may say that they are half Italians, with a quarter of Galician and a little French, without missing a Hungarian or Polish grandmother. Others some people will be more accurate and indicate that they are Basque, or Neapolitans or
Piedmontese
despite
several
generations
were born, raised and died in Latin American territory. If
at
this
traditional
neighbor
you
are
cuisine,
the
only
asked
for
reference
its is
the asado, but nothing more Montevidean exist than
go to a bar to eat frankfurter or chivito,
characteristic of the city. The heritage of Montevideo, particularly of the 114
Ciudad Vieja and its subsequent extensions in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, is of such importance, beauty and magnitude that tends to overshadow other narratives. However, the history of the Uruguayan society, particularly and multicultural, is daily basis in the old cafes and shops that, despite being disappearing, are irreplaceable part of the spirit of the city. Therefore, in order to understand this complex society, begins an expedition from the pots and recipes through bars and bakeries, guided by memories of the old pensioners or the wonderful chroniclers of the city, Hugo Robles GarcĂa
and
Anibal Barrios Pintos.
* * *
115
* * * Montevideo: from its foundation to the '90s
The City of San Felipe y Santiago de Montevideo was founded ex novo, between the years 17241730 by the Spanish military Bruno Mauricio de Zabala, with about two centuries of difference from most major American cities. Montevideo arises for strategic reasons, as the main defensive bastion of the border between the extensive colonial spaces Lusitanian and Spanish. It became a military stronghold, through a system walled, and due to its natural conditions naval station of the Spanish crown South Atlantic. Montevideo is thus built in the strategic key of the RĂo de la Plata. Three
major
implantation:
geographic The
Bay,
elements which
framed
offered
the
best harbour in the region, the Hill, which characterizes the enclave, and the peninsula where it was made the first urban layout. The
type
of
urban
structure
followed
the
guidelines of Indian laws, "city territory." The urban core structure was based on a uniform checkerboard
blocks
separated
with
streets,
ignoring the topographical particularities of the site of implantation. In
the
last
quarter
of
the
XVIII
century,
Montevideo complements its military functions with a growing business, whose economic and sociocultural exchanges modified life and physical characteristic of the city. The colonial urban 116
fabric extremely open is consolidated from the impact of buildings for defensive, religious and Administratively order. In the first decades of the XIX century and after the "British invasion", there were the fights for
independence
of
the
Banda
Oriental
from
Spanish rule. The battles culminate on August 25, 1825 with the "Declaration of Independence "and the August 28, 1828 with the signing of the "Preliminary Convention of Peace" establishes the independence of the Provincia Oriental. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Montevideo suffered a demographic boom: in just over fifty years, the population increased nine fold, due vegetative growth, internal migration from
the
rural
areas
to
the
capital
and
a
sustained immigration flow from Europe, mainly from Spain and Italy. This
substantial
increase
in
population
was
accompanied a transformation of the physical structure of the city, and the rapid extension of the urban sprawl, which went from 330 acres that formed the central area in middle of the nineteenth to a Montevideo's surface six decades later occupied a sector inscribed into a circle of over 10 kilometers radius. Simultaneously the number of constructions of Montevideo was multiplied by almost seven. With the advent of the twentieth century and the development of the Plan Fabini 1928, was put into practice some of the ideas that had been
developing
in
Montevideo
from
the
last
decades of the nineteenth century. its approach 117
urban fragmentary, focused essentially on the aesthetic, circulatory and monumental aspects. In this period the southern coastal and port Ramblas are made,
with the expansion of the
avenues. From the '30s, urban planning will be strongly influenced by the renovator thought that was developed in Europe with the Modern Movement. Start
to
appear
the
themes
of
"functional
specialization of the city", hygiene, recreation, and the idea of exempted blocks of collective housing. The image of the city begins to change, as a result of the incorporation of these new figurative languages in the architectural definition. In
1973
is
established
in
the
country
a
military dictatorship, which encourages private development, from a purely financial perspective, which turns to the construction of tall buildings implanted all over the city. The '70s in Montevideo is characterized, as in many Latin American cities, of indifference to the values of existing tissue, which leads to indiscriminate demolition of excellent examples of national architectural heritage. Then arise professional groups that pressed and promoted the public awareness of this phenomenon. This led to the formation of a working group at the municipal level, in the early 80s, who initiated a process that had the goal of protect heritage. The expansion of the city of Montevideo beyond its administrative boundaries started since the early nineties. Small towns and villages near 118
the capital that in the past maintain a separate dynamic, they were merged into a larger region. However,
the
evolution
of
this
metropolitan
region has been a process disorganized
and
spontaneous
responding
to
different situations and contexts. inside of the Metropolitan Area range of situations are implicated, in a scenario that can be defined as "fragmented landscape."
* * *
119
120
121
Montevideo in numbers
3.286.314 >TOTAL POPULATION OF URUGUAY
3.112.139 >LIVE IN CITIES
1.319.108 >POPULATION OF MONTEVIDEO
122
1.389.740 >TOTAL HOUSES IN URUGUAY
520.538 >HOUSES IN MONTEVIDEO
48.525 >EMPTY HOUSES
[CENSUS DATA 2011] 123
* * * MONTEVIDEO: A SHRINKING CITY
The phenomenon of urban shrinkage appears in the city of Montevideo as a process, "every succession of phenomena that present a certain unity or takes place homogeneously and regular, and generally every aspect of reality as it is the expression of a becoming "11, and not as an extraordinary event caused by catastrophic events. The loss of population in the last decades of the XX century up to the latest official data from the Census 2011 which confirm this phenomenon, has its origin in different interlinked causes, which cannot be delimited to the actuality of the country. Political from
the
and early
economic 70s
issues
have
dating
greatly
back
influenced
the conformation of the complex status quo of Montevideo. The city represent a paradox: on the one hand censuses underline a decrease of the population, especially in the central and consolidated areas, on the other hand there has been a remarkable expansion of the city outside the territorial limits of the urban fabric, which began already in the 90s . "The
paradoxa
talking
about
expansion
of
a
city to which detect a process of shrinking, can
be
resumed
in
the
fact
that
the
urban
territorial expansion is not the result of an increase in population neither for population 124
11 Treccani Dictionary
growth neither for for international migration, neither for a significant rural-urban migration, but is the result of dynamics displacements.",says
of population
Edgardo
Martinez,
"Montevideo, unlike other Latin American capitals, has not gained the rural population; Montevideo is not like Lima, San Paolo, Mexico City, where there is a processes of urban expansion by new rural residents [...] . Therefore is ongoing a phenomenon that we call intra-urban migration." It 'a clear example of the urban shrinkage pattern called Doughnut Effect: Growth and shrink in the same time: the inner city shrink, undergo population loss and urban decay while suburbs and new peripheral constructions, keep growing. Which people and what causes have led to this "displacement"? And which causes can be identified for the phenomenon of loss of population in absolute terms? It is not easy to analyze crystallizing the causes that led to the current transformations of the city, but it is possible to trace some of the phenomena that have most influenced this process of urban shrinkage. Reaffirming
the
fact
that
shrinkage
is
not
intrinsically linked to the economic situation of a country or a city, definitely the "big waves"
of
experienced
economic during
crises the
that
second
Uruguay half
of
has the
twentieth century have influenced the social and spatial conformation of the city, as well as the radical political changes, with culmination in the military dictatorship instated in the early '70s until 1983. 125
But
especially
the
demographic
changes
and
changes in urban structure are the causes more incisive of this
doughnut effect.
The absolute loss of population in Montevideo, although still limited, has become a trend: in the graph we can see that since 1996 the city is not growing, rather at least it decreases constantly up to date, as the census of 2011 confirmed. The reason of this phenomenon must be sought especially in the processes of aging population, low birth rate and the waves of migration from the country to the "first world" that
have
affected
not
only
Montevideo,
but
Uruguay in general. Although it is not negative, the annual average rate of population growth has been declining steadily, and the country is below the minimum threshold to ensure the replacement level.
***
126
POPULATION OF MONTEVIDEO
1.350.000 1.344.839
1.340.000
1.330.000 1.325.968
1.319.108
1.320.000
1.310.000 1996
2004
2011
ANNUAL AVERAGE RATE OF POPULATION GROWTH (PERCENT)
0,7 0,6 0,5 0,4 0,3 0,2 0,1 0 1963-1975
1975-1985
1985-1996
1996-2004
2004-2011
[INE DATABASE]
127
♦
Periódico "El Pais" del 14.01.2012 "Pocos, viejos, egoistas" de Miguel Arregui
"Uruguay es un país que bordea la catástrofe demográfica:
población
pequeña
y
concentrada
en el extremo sur, bajísima tasa de natalidad, emigración
constante
durante
al
menos
medio
siglo, que ni siquiera se detuvo durante el gran ciclo de auge económico iniciado en 2003-2004, pese a que mermó.
En general, tener pocos hijos y emigrar constituyen síntomas
de
desconfianza
y
pesimismo
en
la
suerte de un país. En ciertos sectores sociales, urbanos, educados y de buenos ingresos, además puede denotar egoísmo: los hijos molestan, son caros e impiden el pleno goce de la libertad. En resumidas cuentas, la población más envejecida de
América
Latina
pone
una
presión
firme
y
sostenida sobre el sistema de seguridad social, que tarde o temprano deberá ser revisado.
El
Censo
2011,
del
que
se
conocen
cifras
preliminares, no hizo otra cosa que confirmar estas
tendencias
agravan.
También
históricos,
como
e,
incluso,
ratificó la
mostrar ciertos
decadencia
que
se
cambios
relativa
de
Montevideo, ciudad cada vez menos atractiva, la retención de habitantes por el interior del país en su conjunto y el auge duradero del área metropolitana de Maldonado." 128
♦
â&#x2122;Ś
Newspaper"El Pais" of 14.01.2012 "Few old and selfish"
"Uruguay is a country bordering the demographic catastrophe: small population concentrated in the
south,
very
low
birth
rate,
emigration
constant for at least half a century, that not even
stopped
during
the
great
economic
boom
cycle began in 2003-2004, despite that shrank.
In general, having fewer children and migration are symptoms of distrust and pessimism on the fate of a country. In certain social, urban, educated and good income can also denote selfishness: the children are expensive and prevent the full enjoyment
of
freedom.
In
short,
the
oldest
population in Latin America puts a strong and sustained pressure on the social security system, which sooner or later must be revised.
The Census 2011 confirmed these trends and even showed that they are worse. It also ratified some historical changes: the relative decline of Montevideo, city less and less attractive, the inhabitants retention inside the entire country and the lasting boom of Maldonado metropolitan area."
â&#x2122;Ś
129
130
â&#x2013;śMIGRATION FLOWS Uruguay is considered an emigration country. Since the beginning of Independence and for a century and a half, dominated European immigration and border. Flows of immigrants from European countries had a fundamental impact on population growth and on the country's cultural formation and
the
integration
of
its
workforce,
trade
unions and in general, its political tradition. In the sixties he settled in Uruguay persistent economic
crisis,
deterioration.
followed
Then
by
started
a
large
a
social
reversal
of
flows, migration Uruguayan population outflows intensified especially to Argentina, but also to Brazil;
at the same time, start the migration
to developed countries. Like
what
happened
in
other
Latin
American
countries, these flows are directed first to the United States of America and then to Australia and
Canada,
but
also
to
European
countries,
mainly Spain and Italy, the origin of much of the immigration of the second half of the nineteenth and twentieth first century. The intensification of the crisis was creating a climate of violence and repression which led the coup d'ĂŠtat of July 1973 and the subsequent installation of a military dictatorship that lasted twelve years. The
economic
situation,
coupled
with
the
consolidation of authoritarian rule provoked a flow of emigration that reached very significant levels.
From
the
seventies,
international
migration rates reached the highest levels known in Uruguay. 131
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION
200.000 180.000 160.000
E M I G R A N T S
140.000 120.000 100.000 80.000 60.000 40.000 20.000 0 1970
1975
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
MILITARY DICTATORSHIP ECONOMIC DECLINE ECONOMIC GROWTH
132
[INE DATABASE]
The end of the military dictatorship in 1985, had
as
a
consequence
a
movement
of
return
migration stimulated by programs support aimed at reintegrating in Uruguayan society. However, the emigration was installed as a structural element of society. During the early years of XXI century the country went
through
a
severe
economic
crisis
which
has been considered one of the most important in history. Unemployment reached 17% in 2002, previously unimaginable level. In this context, migration is presented as a rapid response to adversity. The presence of previously installed Uruguayan groups in other countries was essential support for the consolidation of the new migration flows. From the census data, the accumulated stock of Uruguayan residents survive and did not return to Uruguay, was estimated to be 15% of the total resident population in 1996. Also, is estimated at 117,000 the number of immigrants from 1996-2004. The
average
age
of
Uruguayan
migrants
is
relatively young and this has an impact on the country's population. Migration has a special impact on the "aging" of the remaining resident population, resulting in major pressure on the countryâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s social health and security system
133
In
recent
economic
years, growth
in
conjunction
accompanied
by
with a
strong
very
low
unemployment rate (5.4% in February 2011) in terms of historical comparison, begin to show signs of increased immigration and an accelerated return of Uruguayan emigrants. This is a very recent trend, so it is still too early to determine the scale and consequences of this process.
134
STOCK OF PEOPLE BACK TO URUGUAY IN PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL POPULATION (1986-2000 AND 2006-2010)
3
2,5
2
1,5
1
0,5
0 1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2006
2008
2010
[INE DATABASE]
135
â&#x2013;śPOPULATION AGEING Uruguay
has
the
largest
population
in
Latin
America. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC), "... the aging population will,
without
doubt,
the
most
important
demographic process for societies in the next century, particularly in the case of Uruguay, a country that has the more elderly demographic structure of the region ". People over 65 account for 14% of the total population. There are various circumstances that explain this aging process: the decline in total fertility rate, from 2.9% to 2.03% in 2006 (according to
demographic
Institute
of
indicators
Statistics
from
(INE)
the
National
combined
with
higher life expectancy (71 years for men and 76 for women). Another important factor is the increase in the percentage of youth migration, this
determines
that
the
rate
of
population
replacement, approximately 17%, is neutralized by
the
emigration
percentages.
136
as
they
present
similar
[INE 2011]
PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION OVER 65
14,5 14 13,5 13 12,5 12 11 10,5 10 9,5 9 8,5 8 7,5 7 6,5 6 5,5 5 1963
1975
1985
1996
2004
2011
[INE DATABASE]
137
â&#x2013;śLOW BIRTH RATE Therefore,
in
conjunction
with
aging
of
population, Uruguay suffers a strong decrease of fertility. The low birth rate is the result of a very long process and in Uruguay started earlier than in other countries of the continent, which, however apart from a few exceptions, the phenomenon is present. In Brazil, it has gone from an average of 5 children in the 70s, to a birth rate similar to that of Uruguay, with 2 children on average. Equally, the fertility rate in Uruguay is higher than in some European countries, including Spain and Italy, which have about 1.4 children on average. But in the context of Latin America, Uruguay, along with Chile, are the countries with the lowest birth rate in all of Latin America. This
phenomenon
is
closely
connected
with
migration flows. They are mainly young people to leave the country in the last decades and therefore the women who migrate are generally young and in the age of reproduction. A woman who emigrates Uruguay and that does not come back to live at home involves the loss of two generations, his own and that of her children. In addition, the economic crisis of 2002-2003 has affected the younger population, accentuating somehow this tendency to have fewer children. In the view of the economist and demographer Juan
JosĂŠ
Calvo,
Uruguay
nowadays
does
not
have an annual number of births that reach the population replacement. 138
BIRTHS PER YEAR
55.000 54.000 53.000 52.000 51.000 50.000 49.000 48.000 47.000 46.000 45.000
0
1999
2005
2010 2011
[INE DATABASE]
139
*** THE DOUGHNUT EFFECT
"I think when we talk about historical centers and heritage defense not necessarily we talk about colonial buildings, places where Heroes lived or where the Independence was declared, neither about Old Towns, which cities grew around. They are also centers and historical the old consolidated areas of cities, the traditional neighborhoods."12
In Montevideo has been developing in the last Decades a process of horizontal expansion to the periphery and its metropolitan area.Extended urban limits, began a process of saturation of these same new urban fabrics, dispersed form and diffuse, which can be called a wild colonization of the territory., An internal mobilitacion of a population that fled from the consolidated areas. Adding a decrease in the population, this prooces has caused the so-called Doughnut Effect and a significant degradation in the central areas, accompanied of underutilization of infrastructure and services. As defined by the Municipality of Montevideo's Territorial Management Plan, Consolidated Urban Land is composed of the urbanized areas served by public utilities, such as the drinking water grid, rainwater drainage, paved road networks, sewage, electrical power and street lights.
12 Nahoum
B.,
"Pobres
y
zonas
centrales: poblema y solucion", Revista Vivienda Popular no.20, Semptember 2010, Montevideo
140
♦
CONSOLIDATED URBAN LAND ♦
141
VARIATION OF POPULATION 1996-2004 - CONSOLIDATED AREAS 0% 1. AGUADA 2. BARRIO SUR 3. BRAZO ORIENTAL 4. CAPURRO 5. CASTRO CASTELLANO 6. CENTRO 7. CERRITO 8. CIUDAD VIEJA 9. CORDON 10.FIGURITA 11.FLOR DE MAROÑAS 12.ITUZAINGO 13.LA BLANQUEADA 14 LA COMERCIAL 15.LARRAÑAGA 16.LAS ACACIAS 17.MALVIN NORTE 18.MAROÑAS PARQUE GUARANI 19.MERCADO MODELO Y BOLIVAR 20.PALERMO 21.PARQUE BATLLE VILLA DOLORES 22.REDUCTO 23.UNION 142
24.VILLA ESPAÑOLA
-5%
-10%
-15%
-20%
16
12
7 5
3
19 4
22
10 14
1
8
6 2
9
15 13
24 23
11 18 17
21
20
[SOURCE:LOS INMUEBLES VACANTES DE MONTEVIDEO-FARQ]
143
▶SUBURBANIZATION The changes more strictly linked to the urban structure
of
the
city
are
the
main
cause-
effect of the dynamic of "displacement" of the Montevideo's
population.
In
this
process
of
urban expansion, can be identified two different "ways" of suburbanization: a formal expansion to the east coast, a "rich suburbanization", where are located the most expensive neighborhoods of the whole city, as Carrasco, and more modest neighborhoods formed initially of holiday homes that have been turned into homes for the whole year; and an expanding informal to the north and west, a "poor suburbanization", driven by the expulsion of the population "undesirable" by the military regime began in the 70s and worsened with the economic crisis that has hit the country around 2002-2003. The
data
in
the
report
Socio
Demographic
Atlas and Inequality of Uruguay confirms this spatial division. The group of neighborhoods on the periphery of Montevideo present values of population in critical deficiencies between 40% and 60% of its total population and all neighborhoods of the east coast have values less than 14%: neighborhoods like Punta Gorda and Carrasco do not reach 4% of its population with critical deficiencies.
144
***
The scenario that is presented to us by exploring Montevideo, therefore, is a city with "recent characteristics" related to the concept of Latin Americanization: territorial expansion informal, illegal occupation of agricultural land, illegal market of this land, growing violence, perceived rather than real,that
has led to a growing
insecurity of the inhabitants . This fear is also explicit in the architecture: houses have iron bars on all windows and doors, alarm systems and often there are barbed wire or wires of high voltage over the fences.
Fear
is
also
derived
from
the
feeling
of
abandonment that transpires from the city: while the suburbs look like "refugee camps" (Eduardo Alvarez Pedrosan), the center is a ghost town: residential districts with strategic positions to one hundred meters from the beaches are left to themselves, with many abandoned houses decadent or often walled to prevent some "adventurer" who wants to enter. In the words of Noemi Alonso, these abandoned houses are like "holes that cause prejudice to the the entire city." Sidewalks
and
street
furniture
in
very
bad
condition and many waste everywhere. And then the east coast, which seems a graft between Miami and Monte Carlo, where rich people take refuge in private neighborhoods, closed and live their lives in their parallel Uruguay: what is known as the "Switzerland of South America".
***
148
IV. MONITOR OF INTERVENTIONS
149
***
"Today you may notice a common denominator in the arguments of the actors that have to do with the city, in the faculty and administration, and this I believe is not a coincidence: there are some conceptual frameworks that are shared and that are at least in the discourse, not necessarily in practice."
As
the
architect
Raul
Valles
emphasizes,
director of the Unidad Permanente de Vivienda of the Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR, it is possible to observe an effort by the Administration as well as within the Academic context, to incorporate new paradigms in how they view the situation and came to delineate a guideline of actions and programs that try to interact with the phenomenon of the Doughnut Effect as a form of urban shrinkage. Properly the Faculty of Architecture of Udelar in 2011 has placed attention on this phenomenon, raised the issue of the impact that the loss of population in the central areas of the city and has the physical consequences: the high number of abandoned buildings. The research is indeed entitled "Vacant buildings of Montevideo: a reserve for inclusive urban development", developed by the Department of Sociology and the Institute of Theory and Urban Planning-ITU,
and
is
an
investigation
in
26
neighborhoods of the consolidated urban land, registering vacant properties existing there. 150
As vacant lots they have considered empty lots, unoccupied properties, industrial and commercial establishments with no activity.
"The study summarizes the work of more than 200 students from and allows to identify areas of opportunity for the localization of housing solutions
that
serve
as
saturation
of the urban fabric requalifying
elements
damaged or
stagnant city's areas. The repopulation, which has impacts on other sensitive
aspects
security,
while
of
social
reactivation
life of
such
as
consolidated
areas with all services, supposed to slowdown in the urban sprawl, the irrational use of land and the multiplication of services involved. This results in huge savings in public money, to use the equipment, services and existing infrastructure, preserving tangible and intangible heritage of those areas. This research then intended as input both for decision makers of public housing and for private developers, and be sample of the commitment by Farq-Udelar to combine teaching and research function with the real problems of our society." [From the presentation of the research- Farq, Udelar, Montevideo]
As in the university context, the Administration has
also
initiated
a
policy
of
pro-active,
especially with the start of the new millennium, by starting up a series of interventions, plans, programs and projects that seek to relate to the
changes
that
the
city
of
Montevideo
is 151
experiencing. Precisely because they are recent, it is difficult to understand the real impact or otherwise of such interventions, especially from the point of view of social cohesion and improvement of city life. But the fact that they were wanted and put into practice by the administration means that the phenomenon has been recognized and decisions regarding
the
city
and
its
community
are
starting to be not only focused on the paradigm of growth, but they are trying to shift the focus on quality, improving what already exists, recognizing in some way the process of shrinkage also as an opportunity, beyond the problems that it involves. In recent years there have also been introduced two important new tools at the national level that are part of that "shared conceptual frameworks" mentioned
by
the
Architect
Raul
Valles:
the
creation of an Agencia Nacional de Vivienda in 2007 and the Ley de Promocion de la Vivienda de Interes Social of August 2011. The
Agencia
Nacional
de
Vivienda
Housing Agency ] tries to give a effective
response
to
the
problem
[
National real and
of
public
housing stock on the one hand and on the other aims to elaborate and implement new ways of management
of
housing
policies,
developing
financial instruments that act as a stimulus for private investment, public investment and public-private partnerships. The Ley de Promocion de la Vivienda de Interes Social [Law for the Promotion of Social Housing] 152
is a stimulus for redirecting investors in housing to social media sectors and consolidated urban areas
but not coastal, which usually occurs the
majority of investments by high profitability in the housing market. In Montevideo the law acts with a zonification, identifying
priority
areas
where
private
investment are facilitated, for example through the tax exoneration, considered as the highest priority zone of central areas of the city. It
is
important
to
mention
another
powerful
tool that is put in place : the cooperative system, which has a long and rich experience in Uruguay, with its peculiarity to promote social production of habitat intended as a participatory, interdisciplinary and evolutionary process with which to respond to the housing problem.
The
Monitor
of
interventions
that
follows,
is a collection of six active actions put in place by the Administration to try to deal with the issue of the loss of population and the changes that the phenomenon of urban shrinkage involves, especially in relation to the Doughnut Effect, trying to give possible solutions to the deterioration and abandonment of consolidated areas of the city. This work does not pretend to be a complete and comprehensive picture of the policies and actions implemented in Montevideo, but seeks to identify and study the interventions with higher impact that, implicitly or explicitly, are approaching to the phenomenon of urban shrinkage. Are presented, therefore, the Program RenovĂ 153
Goes, the Park Project Liber Seregni, The Special Plan for Ciudad Vieja and the one for the Barrio Sur, the Oficinas de Rehabilitacion Program and finally the Plan Realojo de los Asentamientos Irregulares. The latter intervention was taken into
analysis
even
though
it
is
relates
to
areas closest to the periphery of the city to emphasize the importance of maintaining a link between center and periphery, "the other side of the coin"13 of the Doughnut Effect, which has in
itself
both
shrinkage
and
expansion,
and
considering that the population shift is not reversible but can be restrained.
"Talk of the regeneration of cities involves at least three different perspectives on the nature of the urban experience: the need to encourage community and citizen participation, strengthening innovation and dynamism associated with urban life and culture; arrest physical and economic decay. Regeneration does not refer to a limited area within the city but to the welfare of the city as a whole."14
The
other
key
aspect
which
connects
the
intervention reported is the active participation of the inhabitants, sometimes minimal, sometimes essential for the success of the action. This "common ground" does not emerge from a choice of presenting only the cases that involved the active participation of the inhabitants, but rather suggests that there is a shared vision by the Administration: the need to involve the 154
14 Hill
D.,
Cities:
Urban
Citizenship Policy
and
in
the
1990's, Harvester, London, 1994
13 Schelotto Periferia. misma
S., 多Dos
moneda?,
Montevideo, 2012
Centro caras Toboso
de
y la
Srl.,
community, a vital resource for do an improve quality of life, based on the principle and aspiration towards equity.
"There is a long and important tradition of Municipal
culture
in
the
country
and
a
low
proportion of informality compared to the Latin American context. This is an important resource for any process of planning . Having a centralized IMM [ Intendencia Municipal de Montevideo] power becomes at the same time an opportunity and a threat. The opportunity refers to the possibility of treating the city as a whole in a planning process, preventing unequal competition between neighborhoods that hinder the implementation of actions based on regulations and incentives. The risk could result to the mechanical imposition of policies without a real interest from the private sector to follow these guidelines, or could result to not consider weak and sensitive sectors or groups that could be lost on the way "
The work of
monitoring the interventions is the
result of two approaches: one more objective, through the systematized collection of and
first-hand
sources,
the
study
material of
plans,
programs or projects, trying to give a complete view through a easy communication design; and a more subjective approach, outcome
from the
interviews conducted in Montevideo to the main actors who directly have worked, followed or led 15 Morel
G.,
Re-dise単ar
el
stock, Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR, Montevideo, 2006
the interventions and from the direct exploration of places where actions were carried out, in 155
order to understand the context for which they were intended and capture the first impressions of actions still in progress. For each of the six interventions have been proposed possible implementations, suggestions of what could be done, always looking for an approach which has a bottom-up perspective, since the Administration should endeavor to involve the users and at the same time the great resource that the city has: the inhabitants.
***
156
Renovaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Goes Program
157
SITE
BARRIO GOES
158
IMAGES FOR GOES
1
3 2
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
ACTION
SCALE OF INTERVENTION
ACTORS
ECONOMICAL CAPITAL
TIMELIFE
PHYSICAL APPROACH
SOCIAL APPROACH
PRUPOSE
program
REPORT
pragmatic solution + soft tools
Banco Interamericano de Desarollo + Ministerio de la Vivienda + Intendencia de Montevideo + Residents of the neighborhood
HIGH
2008-2013
New housing projects and new pubblic spaces + Riqualification of existing buildings and improvement of existing space
actions in community and social services loans and subsidies to residents who want to renovate the facade of their house
Retain existing population and attract new people and activities + improve the quality of life of Goesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inhabitants
167
RENOVA’ GOES MAP
168
VIVI’ GOES PROGRAM
The
Program
Renová
Goes
is
part
of
the
Program
Vivì
Goes,
articulated in various components and general objective is to reverse the process of urban decay, recovering spaces to live and work in conditions that allow to strengthen elements of current neighborhood identity, enabling new possibilities of realization for its inhabitants in terms of their individual, family and collective trajectories. In this program come together various sources of national and international financing to make it look like a real possibility the recovery of
neighborhoods, but that also allow to develop the
tools necessary for social and urban intervention. PLANS, PROGRAMS AND PROJECTS OF VIVI’ GOES Area of action of the program Urbana de Goes
socio-urbana y articulación de politicas hacia Priority area
la
integración
social
en
areas
centrales
degradadas
Mercado Agricola
Vivì Goes
socioeconómico de Goes
Reus Norte
convenio con la Escuela Nacional de Bellas Artes
Movilidad Urbana
169
â&#x20AC;&#x153;What happened, happenedâ&#x20AC;?
"At a time the neighborhood was rated as red zone" reminded Carlos Curbelo, who lives i n Goes. Working families also made their suitcases expelled b y insecurity. For a long time i t
was
the
kingdom o f
"The
Tuman"
which
were
responsible for robberies and extortion of traders and, as another
neighbor
reminded ,
Furman
Charma
"they
had
terrorized the neighborhood" . The panorama was completed with the famous manzana861 between the streets AmĂŠzaga, Porongos, Libres
and Valle Inclan,
which housed an
informal settlement and points of cocaine's sales.
170
>>
The
basic
â&#x20AC;?
goals o f
the
program
are
the
recovery and improvement o f a long-abandoned neighborhood, vulnerable peripheral
and
and areas,
that
the
potentially can
find
population installable adequate
most on
housing
offers or have an incentive to be installed in central areas like Goes. <<
â&#x20AC;?
Adriana
Berdia
RenovĂ Goes coordinator
171
THE FOUR ACTION LINES OF RENOVA’ GOES
1
2
”
”
>> considering that to requalify a space you
have t o
have a
public space. <<
good
quality
of
>> start from the idea that an increased supply o f housing is not
going t
o
eject
more
population: where you can not correct
the
market,
you
according to its rules. <<
172
act
THE FOUR ACTION LINES OF RENOVA’ GOES
>> w e
3
4
”
”
act
also
with
>> recognizing the Mercado Agricola
funds that are called
as a
Strengthening
neighborhood <<
and
dynamic
center o
f
the
Community Development, grants
for
activities i
cultural n
the
neighborhood. <<
173
POSITIVE ASPECTS
â&#x2122;Ś
Improve: despite the loss of population, even massive, we don't talk about cities completely abandoned by humans: someone still lives there. Lacking the issues related to population growth is
a
unmissable
opportunity
to
shift
the
research, design and policies into an improvement of the urban space and thus of the life of the inhabitants who live there. To give quality to urban life, first is necessary to improve and generate public spaces, places of aggregation and interaction between the inhabitants. Second, reactivate and improve the housing stock. The change must be wanted, supported and carried on
also
by
the
inhabitants
themselves.
The
administration should ensure rights and try to cope with problems arising from the processes of population loss and consequent degradation, but the formula of loans and small grants is persuasive because it determines the will of the owners themselves to change their situation.
â&#x2122;Ś
Participation and iteration of the inhabitants: believing strongly that actions on the city cannot be separate from who composes the city, the citizens. Even when the intervention is by the administration, it is essential to maintain a constant link with the inhabitants and make them
participate
in
the
process
of
change,
otherwise the risk is to have a transformation that remains on the surface and does not go into 174
depth to the socio-urban structure.
POSITIVE ASPECTS
♦
Act to the neighborhood scale: the phenomena and processes of shrinking, despite the components of a global nature, occurs in different ways at the local level, even within the same city. Interventions should be planned in each case. It is also important to have a holistic view of the entire city, but a real efficiency in economic conditions unfavorable is possible delimiting the area of action thus having tangible results.
♦
Recognize
an element of the area as dynamizer,
like the Mercado Agricola, whose regeneration has resulted in: an important flow of people by
the
whole
city
attracted
of the historical market;
by
the
rebirth
new employment;
a
redevelopment not only of the building itself but
of
the
entire
surrounding
space.
From
this it follows also a component of increased perceived safety, in an area that was previously called “red zone”.
♦
Redensification:
create
more
housing
supply
in the market for prices to decrease so that the
option
of
having
a
home
is
taken
into
neighborhoods like Goes.
♦
Support and grant land to cooperatives: a great tool that combines self-building, participation, community values , as well as valuable tool for fighting a possible phenomenon of gentrification of an area that wants to be repopulated.
175
CRITICAL ISSUES
â&#x2122;Ś
Interventions that the administration carries forward
believing
necessary,
proper
and
desirable, do not always be perceived by users as such. The Mercado Agricola, opened in July this year, had a great publicizing, on TV, on the posters on the streets, on the radio, in newspapers, presenting the reopening of the Market almost as unmissable event of the year. But the inhabitants of Goes and who daily went to the market to buy fruit and vegetables is not so enthusiastic. The the restyling will also returned to its ancient splendor, but what was a typical direct selling market of fruits and vegetables, today seems like a big shopping center, with a few food stands and lots of space to other commercial and recreational activities.
â&#x2122;Ś
The expiration date of the Program: How Adriana Berdia, coordinator of the Plan Goes Renova, points out, the plan has a real risk: a fiveyear plan that will not be replicated in Goes precisely because it has completed with positive results
all
the
objectives
of
the
the
plan
itself. The risk of a short-term plan is that the "whole structure falls" a few years later. So it is essential leave a legacy,a certain motor that has the strength to continue on its own after the completion of Plan.
176
CRITICAL ISSUES
♦
The
plan
is
focused
on
the
construction
of
new homes and the renovation of the existing stock, but does not go into the specifics of another important aspect: the rented house. is a necessary option for young students or young couples, especially because in that age group, it is still a distant goal afford to buy a house.
♦
In
the
area
called
"Barrio
de
los
Judios"
Most of the buildings are used for commercial services
on
the
ground
floor
and
the
upper
floors for deposits, with all that comes with it: degradation, the possibility of a structural collapse, presence of rats ... The plan does not express some chance of reviewing this part of the neighborhood, which is a problem but at the same time can be a resource.
♦
In the plan is not exploited the participation of
the
inhabitants
also
for
the
design
and
construction of public spaces. There
are
also
no
incentives
to
strictly
bottom-up actions, actions that come from the inhabitants, rather than interventions in which they are included.
177
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
RENOVA' GOES
178
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
ACT TO THE NEIGHBORHOOD SCALE
PARTECIPATION OF INHABITANTS
RECOGNIZE A DYNAMIZER ELEMENT
179
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
In the barrio Judio,an area of Goes, there are a problem that can be turned into a resource. Most
of
these
buildings
are
part
of
the
architectural and cultural heritage of the city. The ground floor. for the majority of these buildings, is intended to commercial activities SUGGESTION
and the floors above to deposits, leaving them in such a manner to degrade slowly. It's
necessary
buildings,
a
policy
freeing
them
to
regularize
from
the
these
warehouse
function and recovering them, giving back to the city. The upper floors can become apartments, cafes as well as spaces for community activities in the neighborhood.
ACTION
TOOLS
180
Reuse and transformation of upper floors largely used as deposits.
POLICY
181
182
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
The Agricola Market is one of the strategic points for the redevelopment of the neighborhood, but the domino effect should be helped. The market should open up to the exterior around and be a continuation of its activities. It SUGGESTION
could therefore facilitate activities related to agriculture. Next to the market are under construction the new complex of cooperatives that may be to intergrate a system put in motion by the Agricola market. Stimulate the formation of urban vegetable gardens and direct sale of products, promote small commercial activities related to the market but out of the market, public spaces where you can eat outside and create an open-air extension of the market.
ACTION
TOOLS
Urban regeneration through the Mercado Agricola: bring the Market out from its walls.
SMALL COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES
COMMUNITY GARDENS
OPEN AIR MARKET
183
184
Liber Seregni Park_ multifunctional pubblic space
185
SITE
BARRIO CORDON
186
ACTION
SCALE OF INTERVENTION
ACTORS
ECONOMICAL CAPITAL
TIMELIFE
PHYSICAL APPROACH
SOCIAL APPROACH
PURPOSE
program
REPORT
pragmatic solution + soft tools
Intendencia de Montevideo + Junta de Andalucia
MEDIUM-HIGH
2007- 2009
Demolition of existing sheds Project and realization of a multifuncional pubblic space
Through the Participatory Budget neighborhood residents have allocated all the economic resources available for the demolition of existing sheds, expressing their desire of requalification of that space
Project a public space able to give a boost to the redevelopment of the neighborhood and able to give added value to the city
187
LIBER SEREGNI MAP
188
LIBER SEREGNI ACTIVITIES
Park Area: in the sector on corner of D.
Mu単oz
developed
and a
M.
C.
major
Martinez park
is
area,
abundantly forested, wild and natural character.
Community
Activities
Area:
on
the
street J. Requena is grouped communal activities,
developed
from
the
Neighbor's House (the only building maintained) outdoor
and
installations,
playgrounds, elderly,
complemented
table
sports
games space
multipurpose
court
roller-skate
park),
and plus
with
such
as
for
the
(equipped skate a
and "Wall
Graffittis" to channel this youthful expression modality.
Area Plaza: located on the corner of E. V. Haedo and M. C. Martinez, this area forms an access-sector with a large open
space
where
is
possible
to
contemplate the entire space due to its greatest height above the rest of the park. This space continues with soft steps on a platform where they can develop cultural activities of various kinds, limited with a pond.
189
â&#x20AC;&#x153; PATRICIA ROLAND
They
were
old
deposits
that
had
been
going
deteriorating: few offices, dirt, rats etc ... At
the
time
the
Municipality,
which
was
proprietary, gave the area in concession to a private enterprising who tried to find private resources to invest. The Banco Hipotecario was in a very complicated moment, and the project was originally a large housing estate intervention and public space
2000
remaining. It was not possible to sell it to anyone because powerful private investment wants the coast, where
it
has
resale
value,
and
no
one
was
interested at this area. The project came to nothing for a few years. Is good to have that kind of private investment but you have to give it value; then what we had to do there was a public space that would also value the rest of the city. We came to the conclusion that we had to give it value, we are the owners of this land, in an area
2001
that has deficit of public spaces. And of course the neighbors were in complete agreement with this idea. At that time, that we were taking these
decisions,
Participativo that
pubblic
started
the
Presupuesto
(Participatory Budgeting), and consultation
assigned
all
the
budget to the demolition of the sheds of the whole block. And that was not a small push . Participatory Budgeting involved neighbors. interest.
190
Was
a
beautiful
very much the conjunction
of
2003
â&#x20AC;?
PATRICIA ROLAND
And the topic was how to finance that public space, which needed a significant work. And we, the Municipality, in that right period, we had some
land
in
Carrasco,
which
is
the
most
expensive area per square meter in Montevideo, and
we
promoted
a
departmental
board
decree
authorizing us the sale that land and with the derived of the sale we did the park . And I think that, about the speech we do and we
2007
want to do, this is, the Liber Seregni Parkthat , a intervention that closes very well. The
project was done with the neighbors , of
course;
a
first
project
was
made
in
the
Municipality and then was discussed with them, debating about the thing they did not like, discussing the playground area, the skate park area... In addition the project had a plus, the decision to dedicate this to Liber Seregni public space, which was a leader of the left ,of the Frente
2009
Amplio,, who was in prison for all the time of the dictatorship, a person very dear to the entire political spectrum. There is also a Liber Seregni Foundation, there is the family and then all of that had been transformed into a big popular debate, everyone wanted to comment on the project ... but then you realize that this process, while you're there seems to be too much, is super rich, d with many people who have other views that are as valid as yours, and
2013
always
you finish learning on the
one hand and other.
191
POSITIVE ASPECTS
â&#x2122;Ś
Demolish: the paradigm of preservation at all costs must be questioned, even more in front of a shrinking process, for which the immediate physical consequence is the increasing number of spaces and abandoned buildings. It's almost impossible to say what is right to keep and what not, but sometimes it is essential to make a radical act of tabula rasa. And this is the case of the Park Liber Seregni, from seriously degraded and abandoned space has become a place of aggregation, iteration, fun, and sport.And the decision to demolish the existing deposits is triggered by the inhabitants themselves of the
neighborhood
through
the
instrument
of
Participatory Budget (Presupuesto Participativo) , thus manifesting the need to give a complete new life to that black hole in the city. Considering space as an organism whose meaning is given by the same life that flows, intervene with a demolition is sometimes necessary to give back to that space lifeblood, rather than freeze it for posterity.
â&#x2122;Ś
Domino Effect: the project of the Park boosted a regeneration of the neighborhood. Residents have been recovering the facades of their homes and fixed sidewalks, and small shops nearby have increased their sales. The environment of the park was very degradated but today there are a continuous action by neighbors, recycling and
192
recovering.
POSITIVE ASPECTS
♦
Presupuesto Participativo : the Participatory Budget
ensure to the inhabitants of Montevideo
the universal participation right to propose and then decide, through secret vote, the execution of works and social services of local interest, which
are
financed
from
the
budget
of
the
Municipality of Montevideo. The inhabitants therefore have a double active role: propose what they think is missing or should be implemented in the district and once collected all the proposals, they vote. It's a great tool that strengthens the link between inhabitant and the city, which helps to democratize the choices that are often considered exclusively the competence of the technicians, forgetting that it is much more difficult to “guess” what the citizens want rather than asking them directly.
♦
Participatory
design:
the
participation
of
the inhabitants was not only crucial to the project as an impulse through the participatory budget,
but
also
during
the
design
process.
The administration has maintained a continuous dialogue
with
the
neighborhood,
discussing
how and what to include in the design of this multifunctional space.
193
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
LIBER SEREGNI PARK
194
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO
DEMOLITION
PARTICIPATORY DESIGN
195
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
The project area is not a unique case in the inner city. The effects of de-industrialization and
dislocation
of
services
has
generated
a
series of abandoned areas, such as can be found in the Barrio Capurro, a traditional residential SUGGESTION
neighborhood of the city. These areas could be included in the online database of Impossible Living, "the first global community born to map and give new life to abandoned buildings". Once mapped, anyone of us can register on the site and present his idea, his project for a transformation of the area or building concerned, so thus forming project groups. This resource could be used to "open up the imagination"
and
give
a
wider
spectrum
of
possibilities the powerful tool already exists, the participatory budget, generating new ideas redevelopment of neighborhoods.
ACTION
TOOLS
196
Mapping of abandoned areas and buildings in the global community Impossible Living
INTERNET
WORKSHOPS
PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO
197
198
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
"A plaza Liber Seregni is really what we should have in all neighborhoods" ( Carlos Varela, Mayor of the Municipality B where the park is located) In view of the very positive results of an action such as to transform abandoned areas in the heart SUGGESTION
of the city in public spaces multifunctional, you could create a program that manages and promotes this type of detailed action in other abandoned spaces, creating a network of projects throughout the city, and who acts from time to time according to the particularity of the place but with the background of previous experiences. Without forgetting the fundamental resource that has had Liber Seregni project: the participation of the inhabitants.
ACTION
TOOLS
Liber Seregni Program: reuse and transformation of abandoned spaces
PROGRAM
DEPOSITS
PRESUPUESTO PARTICIPATIVO
199
200
Plan Especial Ciudad Vieja
201
SITE
CIUDAD VIEJA
202
IMAGES FOR CIUDAD VIEJA
2
1
3
203
210
ACTION
SCALE OF INTERVENTION
ACTORS
ECONOMICAL CAPITAL
TIMELIFE
PHYSICAL APPROACH
SOCIAL APPROACH
PURPOSE
planning
REPORT
strategic solution
Intendencia de Montevideo + Junta de Andalucia
-
2003 - Ongoing
-
improve the quality of life of residents and users + promoting repopulation
Create technical and institutional tools for a urban management able to order, protect and improve the Ciudad Vieja 211
>> At the Symposium organized by UNDP and UNESCO in Quito in 1977, Old Town was defined those
human
settlements
alive,
as "all strongly
conditioned by a physical structure coming from the
past,
recognizable a s
representing
the
evolution of a community. " Hardoy and De Los Santos (1981) argue that "(...) this formulation raises as one of the essential requirements of historical centers that include a
social
and
(Therefore) " A defined
only i n
cultural historic terms o f
alive center its
core can
(...) not
monuments
be but
essentially it can be defined in function of its inhabitants, who are the priority recipients of cultural recovery (...) In a Old Town may be lacking
absolute
archaeological
ruins
or
monuments ". There can not be Old Town, however, in this conception, devoid of people. <<
[ Benjamin Nahoum in Vivienda Popular n.20 ]
212
â&#x20AC;?
>> I n my Master thesis I
worked a
lot with
Ignacio B. Kunz, a Mexican Professor who makes a series o f
definitions, i n
addiction t o
we
already know well of gentrification. He defines the
process o f
gentrification i n almost
all
Latin
"succession" reverse, American
replacement i s for a
which i s
what
like
happened
centers:
when
to the
lower-income population,
which leads to a degradation process throughout the environment. He speaks also about a process of "declination", when population i s lost, n o replacement, and values d o
not
fall. I
think
that's
the
phenomenon in Montevideo and specifically in the Ciudad Vieja. <<
â&#x20AC;?
Patricia
Roland
Directora Espacios Publico y Edificaciones-IMM
213
PLAN ESPECIAL CIUDAD VIEJA MAP
214
PRIORITY AREAS AREAS OF INTEGRATED REHABILITATION [AREAS DE REHABILITACIÓN INTEGRADA]
Piedras- Las Bovedas Solis Perez - Castellano Plaza I.Gradin Mercado Chico
DETAIL URBAN PROJECT [PROYECTOS URBANOS DE DETALLE]
Acceso Norte Atarazana - Puerto
Acceso Sur
Escollera 215
PECV FRAMEWORK MODES OF ACTION STRATEGIC ISSUES
Heritage and urban quality
Centrality and economic development
REGULATIONS AND INCENTIVES
COMUNICATION
New image Area Ciudad Vieja Public access to the Inventory Heritage Divulgation of heritage values Safe Routes and Heritage Tours divulgation Divulgation of the rotating fund for rehabilitation of facades
Zone and Catalog regulation Heritage Catalog Damages for padron Design guidelines for public spaces and buildings Incentives for conservation and recovery of high heritage value buildings Rotating fund for rehabilitation of facades
Promoting cultural district Promoting financial district Emblematic operations the urban scale
Economic promotion Service Quality Standards at
Housing and local development
Renovation of residential image Promotion of the Ciudad Vieja residential value
Building regulations territorialized housing policies Investment incentives Demand subsidies
Accessibility and mobility
Image revaluation of Ciudad Vieja pedestrian use New image of collective transport
Traffic and parking regulations New rules of public transport
216
PECV FRAMEWORK
QUALIFICATION AND REHABILITATION Existing building interventions, aids to rehabilitation Qualification and maintenance of public spaces in general Integrated actions in peculiar public space, sections and tours
REESTRUCTURING
Deconstructed urban fabric suture Valorisation of geography Valorisation of traces of urban history Contributions to the modern heritage
MM-MVTOMA-BHU agreement
Urban furniture in the Cultural District and the Financial District Agreements with privates for improvement the public space
Infrastructure upgrade Detail projects as elements of attraction to the area, affirmation of centrality
Actions of Integrated Rehabilitation: qualification of public space, recycling and new housing, improvement of equipment, promotion of social development MM-MVTOMA-BHU agreement
Establishment of new areas for housing construction in the context of Detail Projects
Pedestrian streets and sidewalk extensions, vehicular traffic domestication New transport system
Redesign access system and internal mobility Adequacies of the main road 217
POSITIVE ASPECTS
♦
Preserve
and
strengthen
the
value
of
Ciudad
Vieja: architectural heritage historic, cultural city of Montevideo, trying also to establish and maintain a relationship between historical and contemporary heritage.
♦
Identification of areas where work with projects of
integrated
Rehabilitations
and
areas
for
urban projects. The
complexity
and
diversity
within
the
the
district lead to the necessity to act in a manner diversified and customized in some areas of the district.
♦
Inventory of architectural and urban heritage of the Ciudad Vieja, accessible online to everyone. Contains all the updated registers of the Ciudad Vieja information, as well as all the squares and public spaces and streets and all sections of the Heritage Area. The area considered is the Ciudad Vieja Heritage Area defined in the Plan. With
the
through
the
possibility Web,
the
of
universal
inventory
counts
access among
its innovations a register of archaeological heritage and a record of intangible heritage associated with each file. At the same time, contains a photographic record of the facade, of significant elements and the urban section of each property in its current state <http://inventariociudadvieja.montevideo.gub.uy/> 218
CRITICAL ISSUES
â&#x2122;Ś
"Ciudad Vieja has not been yet attractive for the families sector, there is not a clear offer that promotes the installation of families." As pointed out by Adriana Berdia in this area experiences of interventions aimed at improving and expanding the housing supply were isolated and today there are not policies in this regard.
â&#x2122;Ś
From studies carried out for the drafting of the Plan, it was observed that, despite the loss of population, the Ciudad Vieja has an important diurnal flow of workers and young people. But it is not yet been introduced any policies directed
precisely
to
this
sector
of
the
population, workers and young people.
â&#x2122;Ś
"Why have an assembled and recovered scenary but empty?" . As outlined by Patricia Roland, the Plan works highly on the physical aspects of the area, acting on the historical, architectural and urban heritage, which has on its merit but lack a number of aspects that have to do with socioeconomic processes,cultural and commercial. It remains to understand what can work and what not, in order to carry out not only the regeneration of the area from the physical point of view but also from a social perspective, for example creating housing policies. And
the
resource
of
the
inhabitants
of
the
neighborhood is left completely in the background. 219
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
PLAN ESPECIAL CIUDAD VIEJA
220
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
PUBLIC ONLINE ACCESS TO THE INVENTORY
OF
ARCHITECTURAL
AND URBAN HERITAGE
PROJECTS OF INTEGRATED REHABILITATION
221
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
The Ciudad Vieja is the favorite place for one of the deepest traditions by the inhabitants of the Uruguayan coast: go fishing. The Sarandì cliffs every day, especially during holidays, are full of people who are not professional fishermen but who enjoy this sport / hobby since they were children. Around the Rambla Sur and Sarandì cliff there is not any service or activity, expecially related to this particular tradition. At the beginning of the cliffs there is an SUGGESTION
abandoned building like a bunker where they find shelter some homeless. And it is precisely this part of the Ciudad Vieja where recovery efforts have not yet arrived. The theme of the fishery could be the leitmotif for a regeneration of this area of the historical city, with markets, small commercial activities, café and meeting spaces not only for residents but also for this daily flow of people who go to the cliffs for fish.
Services ACTION
for
fishermen
and
small
commercial
activities also linked to fishing as starting point
for
improvement
of
this
part
district.
TOOLS
222
FISHING
PROGRAM
SMALL COMMERCIAL ACTIVITIES
of
the
223
224
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
The Ciudad Vieja is the district that has lost more
population
in
the
city.
The
physical
consequences are obvious: many buildings have completely
abandoned
and
are
in
a
state
of
serious deterioration. The plan for the Ciudad Vieja is very conservative, rightly because this SUGGESTION
area the ancient core of the city, but does not go into detail about what to do with this heritage "lost." Recovering these buildings is an important resource to be able to establish housing rents.
policies, The
especially
Ciudad
Vieja
with
regard
maintained
to
despite
everything a good daily flow of people who go to work in the financial district and a flow of young people who go out at night in these areas. These are the users on which to focus. Could be set up a program and workshops on the recovery of these buildings so that the same users participate in the design and implementation of projects, lowering costs.
ACTION
TOOLS
Recovery of heritage "lost"
PROGRAM
INHABITANS
SELF CONSTRUCTION
WORKSHOPS
225
226
Plan Especial Barrio Sur
227
SITE
BARRIO SUR
228
IMAGES FROM BARRIO SUR
2
1
3
229
236
ACTION
SCALE OF INTERVENTION
ACTORS
ECONOMICAL CAPITAL
TIMELIFE
PHYSICAL APPROACH
planning
REPORT
strategic solution
Intendencia de Montevideo + Junta de Andalucia
-
2003 - Ongoing
-
SOCIAL APPROACH
Public consultation among residents of Barrio Sur and the various actors who work there
PURPOSE
Recover and reinforce Barrio Sur features protecting its cultural, architectural, urbanistic and environmental value 237
PLAN ESPECIAL BARRIO SUR MAP
238
PLAN ESPECIAL BARRIO SUR The Plan Especial Barrio Sur, twin o f the Plano Especial Ciudad Vieja, general objective is to recover and re-affirm the typical characteristics of Barrio Sur , protecting its cultural, architectural, urbanistic heritage and rescuing the social environment values. In detail, the Plan proposes to: defend
and
deepen
character o recovering URBAN PROJECT AREA N.3
promoting
f
the
the
existing best
recidential neighborhood
buildings
use
for
areas
and or
destinations obsolete. improve, qualify and create public space where needed protect the
the
heritage
neighborhood
character
through
of
balancing
recoveries management and insertion of new projects promote
social
equilibrium
of
different socioeconomic sectors and multiculturalism, typical elements of URBAN PROJECT AREA N.2
the Barrio Sur. In the Plan Especial Barrio Sur there are three areas of intervention that will be the subject of Urban Projects in function o f their potential and expectations o f transformation that represents its current use. The idea i s that these three urban projects work a s driving forces for the
URBAN PROJECT AREA N.1
rehabilitation o f
the
entire
neighborhood.
239
URBAN PROJECT 1
240
URBAN PROJECT 1
241
URBAN PROJECT 2
AREA PROYECTO N.2
-In the first section, from street Carlos
Objectives:
Quijiano t o street Paraguay
Affirm the centrality of the street Carlos
to reduce the circulation o f cars t o a
Gardel, as a place representative of local
single lane, prohibit parking, enlarge the
identity and heritage value area for the
sidewalks, treat similary the paving in
whole city.
the sidewalk and street, highlighting the vehicular
lane
through
urban
equipment
Will:
elements;
-improve pedestrian circulation and limit
-In
of the cars, favoring its use as a walk;
Paraguay t o street W.Ferreira Aldunante
-improve
buildings
is proposed to prohibit parking on one of
bordering, creating a special program for
the two sidewalks, enlarge the sidewalk
improving facades;
that would remain free, and incorporate
-equip it with necessary urban facilities
natural elements;
Proposals:
Throughout all the project sections, it
The
the
image o f
project d istinguishes
with d
ifferent
the
two
sections
characteristics
and
therefore different treatment is proposed.
242
is proposed
the
second
section,
from
street
will be pushing a process of renovation of facades,
installing a
n
Office
Rehabilitation of the Barrio Sur.
of
URBAN PROJECT 2
243
URBAN PROJECT 3
AREA PROYECTO N.3
Proposals:
Objectives:
Step 1: preparation of the current space,
The
recovery o f
exceptional l comprehensive
the
ocation, use
area
n.3,
for a
for
an more
recreational
with p lay areas protected from winds and urban equipment Step 2 : refunctionalization vacant area;
activities linked to the sea, open to the
may
include
recycling
sheds
and
open
neighborhood and to the city.
spaces to the sea;
Will:
which i s now there l ocated, i s moved to
Step 3: In the case that the gas company,
Recovery
and
refurbishment o f
Plaza
another another l ocation, its facilities
Reupublica Argentina and Mauรก Beach for
may b e
generating public space that integrates
projects or new plant ones.
with the Rambla Sur.
244
the
subject o f
rehabilitation
URBAN PROJECT 3
245
POSITIVE ASPECTS
♦
Identification of three different areas on which to act with detailed projects, recognizing in this manner the complexity of the neighborhood and the need to manage it at a more micro-scale, trying to exploit the potential of each area of urban project.
♦
Incentive and support the cooperative system. The land where there were old facilities owned by the Intendencia has been granted to cooperatives, thus emphasizing the idea that cooperatives are a great tool that combines themes such as self construction, active participation, the value of community. furthermore,
the
cooperative
system
is
an
excellent tool against a possible process of gentrification of an area that will get new residents.
♦
Public consultation between neighbors of Barrio Sur
and
different
groups,
associations
and
institutions that act in the district. It was presented an itinerant exhibition of panels explaining the different activities programmed. The
study,
the
processing
of
opinions,
criticisms and suggestions that have emerged from the public consultation, were taken into consideration in the process of preparation of the Plan Especial Barrio Sur. Therefore, there is in the preparation of the preliminary project 246
a concept of participatory planning.
CRITICAL ISSUES
â&#x2122;Ś
Except the first urban project, the cooperatives are under construction, other interventions in priority areas 2 and 3 to the present 2013, have not yet been developed. Also the Cemetery, for which it was planned to be integrated in the green system of the city is under conditions of high decline. The plan was drawn up in a situation of strong economic crisis, from which only in recent years the country is recovering. These
projects
are
interventions
by
the
Intendencia and then public subsidized, and in a difficult economic situation they did not have the strength to become a reality as it has been able to do cooperatives, which have as resource the people.
â&#x2122;Ś
Despite the plan is proposed to improve and recover
existing
buildings,
there
is
no
a
clear policy or a plan for the recovery of many abandoned buildings of the Barrio Sur. According to the report Inmuebles Vacantes de Montevideo of the Faculty of Architecture of the Udelar in the neighbourhood nearly 14% of the built is vacant.
247
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
PLAN ESPECIAL BARRIO SUR
248
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
URBAN SURGERY
PUBLIC CONSULTATION
COOPERATIVE SYSTEM
249
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
The problem with many abandoned buildings is of a legal nature: owners who have disappeared, infinite inheritance, embargoes, and so on. It must circumvent the problem. In the meantime that the administration tries to recover this heritage and save it from irreversible degradation, it may make temporary legal occupations of those SUGGESTION
buildings, waiting to decide what to do with it. What to make with them could be the result of workshops with Barrio Sur's residents in order to understand their desires and try to realize someone,
with
the
help
of
the
inhabitants
themselves, for at least "cure" these buildings and bring back them to the city, waiting for a real project of its planned destination.
ACTION
TOOLS
250
Temporary
reuse
of
abandoned
buildings
"testing collective desires"
INHABITANTS
WORKSHOP
TEMPORARY OCCUPATION
for
251
252
Rehabilitation Offices
253
SITE
CONSOLIDATED AREAS
254
ACTION
SCALE OF INTERVENTION
ACTORS
ECONOMICAL CAPITAL
TIMELIFE
PHYSICAL APPROACH
SOCIAL APPROACH
PURPOSE
program
REPORT
strategic solution + soft tools
MVOTMA [Ministerio de Vivienda, Ordenamiento Territorial y Medio Ambiente] + Junta de Andalucia [Spain] + Intendencia de Montevideo + Inhabitants
LOW - MEDIUM
Ongoing
Improvement, rehabilitation and renovation of houses located in consolidated neighborhoods and centralities of the city
The program gives financial aid, grants and technical assistance to inhabitants who access a loan for improvement, recovery and rehabilitation of individually owned homes and condos common spaces
recover the neighborhood" 255
OFICINAS DE REHABILITACION ACTIVATED
8
6
9
7
5 1
256
10
2 3
4
OFICINAS DE REHABILITACION POSTERS
1
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Ciudad Vieja
2
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Centro
3
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Barrio Sur
4
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Palermo
5
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Aguada
6
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Capurro
7
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Cerro
8
Oficina d e
Rehabilitacion d e
Lavalleja
[Pe単arol] 9
Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Union
10 Oficina de Rehabilitacion de Villa Dolores
257
WO WILL BE THE RECIPIENTS OF THE LOANS? Owners, beneficial owners, tenants, inheritance rights holders, with family incomes between 30 and 100 UR. Buildings or houses must have like main destination the family housing.
258
REPAYMENT OF LOAN An
agreement
will b e
signed
between
the
Municipality of Montevideo and the owner of the house which sets out the rights and obligations of both parties. The amount to be refunded will be monthly and consecutive fees to agree in each case according t o the socio-economic situation of the recipient.
REVOLVING FUND The loan repayment constitute a revolving fund intended t o continue financing loans t o other residents o f Montevideo. The Municipality has the support and funding from the Ministry of Housing,Territorial Planning and Environment and the Junta de AndalucĂa.
AND ONCE ONE IS SELECTED? After
the
Social detailed
technical
worker,
the
budgets o f
according t
o
what
visit b y Owner
Architect
and
present
two
must
works t o was
agreed
be
carried, with
the
technicians.
259
THE BEFORE AND AFTER OF SOME FACADES RECOVERED
Before
260
After
THE BEFORE AND AFTER OF SOME FACADES RECOVERED
Before
After
261
POSITIVE ASPECTS
♦
"Stariting with your home we will recover the nieghbourhood". As stated in the slogan of the Oficinas de Rehabilitacion,
the
idea
that
the
residents
themselves, expressing their desire to improve the situation by restructuring their homes, they give a boost to the regeneration of the district.
♦
The
revolving
fund
is
an
excellent
for
monitoring
and
for
stimulating
tool mutual
responsibility between citizens. In this way you create a virtuous circle and an economically sustainable
system
in
order
to
provide
more
loans as possible.
♦
On basis of the program carried out by the Administration, there is a desire to improve the living conditions of their citizens, but there is also a position that considers every single house and every single person essential for a concrete birth and not a surface treatment of a neighborhood. The program analyze and act whenever someone asks for a loan in sufficiently precise detail, studying the problems and the best solutions for each individual case.
♦
The program attempts to raise public awareness about the importance of the maintenance of the buildings, a topic highly underestimated and with very evident effects throughout the city.
262
CRITICAL ISSUES
â&#x2122;Ś
The program provides for the granting of loans, with limited subsidies and to whom has received a loan and carried out the work properly and paid the loan consistently, but there is a part of the citizens who can not afford a loan, even if low and the interest is equal to zero, as that provided by the program. But for the moment the program has a very specific nature, grant loans to improvement and renovation of houses and facades of the consolidated city inhabitants, areas that have been abandoned by the administration for a long time. Having
a
goal
so
specific,
working
very
concretely and being well managed, the Oficinas de Rehabilitacion program has no significant critical issues.
263
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
REHABILITATION OFFICES
264
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
FROM YOUR HOUSE TO THE NIEGHBORHOOD
REVOLVING FOUND
265
266
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
One of the positive aspects of the program is the creation of a revolving fund. But some people can not afford the loan that finances the program to renovate their homes. Those who are unable to pay the full amount SUGGESTION
may partially pay in time and labor to lower the costs of the renovation. Not only of their own home, but using the system of revolving fund used by Oficinas de Rehabilitacion, there may be in the same way a revolving fund of hours of work. “You neighbors help me and then I help you in your renovation.”
ACTION
Revolving fund of “working hours”
TOOLS
TIME
MANPOWER
267
268
Realojo Asentamientos Irregulares [Slums]
269
SITE
MONTEVIDEO
270
ACTION
SCALE OF INTERVENTION
ACTORS
ECONOMICAL CAPITAL
TIMELIFE
PHYSICAL APPROACH
SOCIAL APPROACH
PURPOSE
program
REPORT
strategic solution + pragmatic solution
MVOTMA [Ministerio de Vivienda, Ordenamiento Territorial y Medio Ambiente] + Intendencia de Montevideo
MEDIUM
Ongoing
New housing construction or purchase of housing used for relocation of slum dwellers
Social Assistance and Psychology aproach from those aspects of social vulnerability detected at different stages of diagnosis + Participation of future users to the construction of houses
Dignified housing solution for each family (new housing construction or used) + projects in the public space recovered (linear parks, squares...)
271
ASENTAMIENTOS IRREGULARES IN MONTEVIDEO
In Montevideo the irregular settlements are 332 with a total of 165.271 inhabitants.
272
ASENTAMIENTOS IRREGULARES IN MONTEVIDEO
â&#x20AC;?
>> You go to the suburbs and there is where you find
all
[downtown].
the
people
The
you d o
biggest
not
see
challenge i s
periphery. Has been generated a
here the
situation of
consolidated unpopulated areas with big holes and simultaneously peripheries full of people , metaphorically, thrown like trash, as a general model at the territorial level. It's like throw the garbage without looking back t o where it falls: use the territory as people deposits, sas a spatial storage. And i n those areas i s where d e majority of children born. <<
â&#x20AC;?
Eduardo
Alvarez Pedrosian Antropologo
273
CENTROS COMUNALES DE ZONAS MAP [CCZ]
10
12
18
13
9
11
14
17
274
6
A.I. OF THE PROGRAM [2011]
COMPLETED
LOCATION CCZ
PHASE OF THE PROGRAM
MALVINAS
14
COMPLETED
LA BOYADA
17
COMPLETED
PARQUE AMBIENTALISTA
12
COMPLETED
NUEVO COLMAN
11
COMPLETED
SEBASTOPOL
9
COMPLETED
CERRO NORTE
17
COMPLETED
LAS HIGUERITAS
18
COMPLETED
LA CARRETA
18
COMPLETED
9
COMPLETED
TRES PALMAS
11
COMPLETED
NUEVO COLON-NUEVA ESPERANZA
12
COMPLETED
NUEVO ALMANECER
17
COMPLETED
JARDINES DE LAS TORRES
18
WORK IN PROGRESS
BARRIOS UNIDOS
11
WORK IN PROGRESS
6
WORK IN PROGRESS
17 METROS
10
WORK IN PROGRESS
SAN ANTONIO
13
WORK IN PROGRESS
19 de ABRIL-LAS RETAMAS
13
WORK IN PROGRESS
LA FALDA
13
WORK IN PROGRESS
25
12
WORK IN PROGRESS
14
WORK IN PROGRESS
ASOC.CIVIL LA ESPERANZA
BOIX Y MERINO
de AGOSTO-SANTA MARIA DE COLON
6 de DICIEMBRE LA ESPERANZA
9
ON PROJECT
NUESTROS HIJOS
11
ON PROJECT
PERNAMBUCO
17
ON PROJECT
JUVENTUD 14
17
ON PROJECT
EL APERO
12
ON PROJECT
ASOCIACION CIVIL ESPERANZA
8
ON PROJECT
SANTA MARIA PIEDRAS BLANCAS
9
ON PROJECT
MAHILOS EL TANQUE-VILLA PROSPERIDAD VILLA LIBRE-PARQUE CAUCEGLIA-
18
TO PLANNING
9
TO PLANNING
17
TO PLANNING
14
TO PLANNING
-NUEVO CAUCEGLIA CAMPICHUELO-ITAPE
275
GOALS AND
276
APPROACHES
DIFFICULTIES
”
>> One of the biggest problems w e have i s that when w e want t o integrate the asientamentos’s people i n a neighborhood, the people o f the neighborhood fight against us in every way. Recently they picked up, in half a day more than 500 signatures i n order that w e did not carry "those" people in the neighborhood. And i t is a n asientamiento that i s located in that neighborhood, o n Aroyo Miguelete, s o they are already neighbors! In addition we work with the people, choosing
who want really change
their situation, who works ... but it is a total rejection. It's a very big fight. <<
Noemi
”
Alonso
Directora Tierras y Habitat-IMM 277
THE SIX PROGRAM PHASES
1
3
Project Profile
Preliminary Integral Project
comprehensive diagnostic approach of
The
the intervention's area, where made
Draft
explicit and justify the reasons for
comprehensive
action.
and participatory, which implies
preparation o f
raise
will b e
the
the
Preliminary
conducted
intervention
integration o f
perceptions
and
contributions
from a approach different promoting
collective
work
and
community development. 2
In this sense, the multidisciplinary team
must
retake
the
population
together with the needs and problems identified b y
the
diagnosis
and
conduct a collective analysis process with this population and with other institutional actors on the proposals and alternatives that emerge in this process. In
conjunction
with
the
population
the team must work both in the design of infrastructure (streets, lighting, public
spaces,
social
facilities,
etc..) A s well a s social dimensions that
respond t o
problems
the
discussed
needs
(health,
education, employment, etc.)..
278
and
THE SIX PROGRAM PHASES
4
5
Approval of the Preliminary Integral
Execution of the project Once
Project
the
project
is
declared
This will be approved collectively by
financeable and documents have been
the different actors involved in the
approved, start the tender process.
process
■phase of support during the tender
(competent
organizations,
process:
neighbors, etc).
▶Development
and
strengthening
of
organizational and planning skills.
5 Executive
Project
contains
the
final drawings o f the infrastructure and
the
social
project
for a
neighborhood improvement . Includes
calculation
descriptions, construction
reports,
technical
and
specifications,
budget
and chronogram. It also includes official approvals offeasibility by appropriate agencies and
documentation
call.
for
the
and
execution
participatory
design
of
a
communication,
inter-intra neighborhood.
Executive Project The
▶Development
tender’s
▶Continue
to
activities
promote
integration
between
and
within
neighborhood. ▶Continue and
to
deepen
dissemination
integrated
the
of
project,
the
knowledge
its
proposed scope
and
results for encourage the participation and collective discussion. ▶Promotion
of
activities
aimed
at
prevention and health education. ▶Execution of a plan to prevent new occupations. ■ phase of construction ■ post construction ▶Will
be
carried
development strengthening
out
activities the
community aimed
at
integration
and
guarantee sustainability of the works and services. It will run for a period of 12 months. 279
POSITIVE ASPECTS
♦ It is a program that has in its purpose to be multi and inter disciplinary. In fact they work
together
sociologists,
psychologists,
social workers, architects and planners, trying to embrace as much as possible all aspects and problems which implies the objectives of the plan.
♦ The will of the administration to improve the conditions
of
life
of
all
its
inhabitants,
including dealing problems less noticeable to the rest of the city but unfortunately exist. The plan also attempts to "bring back" within the limits of the consolidated city this vulnerable part of the population, through providing them new houses or used ones in areas where services and infrastructure already exist.
♦ The program attempts to contain the expansion of the city beyond the limits of the consolidated areas, and therefore try to restrain the use of
agricoltural
and
rural
land
for
illegal
residential purposes.
♦ The collective work: users participating in all phases of the Program, from the diagnostic to the drawing up and the approval of the preliminary project.
♦ The 280
design
of
green
areas
in
those
"liberated" once the slums are dismantled.
lands
CRITICAL ISSUES
â&#x2122;Ś In the Program, one of the greatest difficulties observed
is
the
integration
with
the
new
neighbors. It is not possible define if it's strictly a critical aspect of how the program has been set up, since the issue of accepting the "other" is a complex theme and it is difficult to find a solution with policies "from above." But it is important that the administration, in this case, play a role of mediator,for exeple bringing to the district also some advantage from the arrive of new residents.
â&#x2122;Ś Despite the long tradition in Uruguay of self construction, the program have not yet succeeded to integrate the inhabitants of asentamientos irregulares
in
the
construction
of
their
home, also in this case due to the refusal by companies to allow these people to work in their construction yards.
281
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
REALOJO ASENTAMIENTOS IRREGULARES
282
EXPORTABLE ACTIONS FOR SHRINKING CITIES
CONTAIN
THE
EXPANSION
OF THE CITY
COLLECTIVE WORK
MULTI
AND
INTER
DISCIPLINARY WORK
283
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
The problems that emerged in the program are: 1. the construction companies d o not want that the
inhabitants o f
asentamientos
irregulares
work in their construction; SUGGESTION
2. the neighbors that "host" the new inhabitants often have a total rejection. In addition, the relocation program i s totally subsidized, so why not pay back with
time and
manpower?
self-construction o f ACTION
playground o r
equipped
pubblic space with recycled materials takes from their “old house” dismantling
TOOLS
284
TIME
MANPOWER
RECYCLED MATERIALS
285
286
POSSIBLE IMPROVEMENTS
If schools do not go to the suburbs, the suburbs goes to the schools. As
underlined b y
Edgardo
Martinez
what
the
administration tries to do today is to bring the services after that these areas are occupied, with all accidents of the case. But some of these services already exist in consolidated areas and are under-utilized: schools for example, that in SUGGESTION
the suburbs are few and full of children. Instead of building new schools within suburban areas degraded you could make a transport system for these children to get them out daily by the realities
where
they
live t o
go t o
school
central neighborhoods of Montevideo. One way to start an integration and to make more and more smaller social and spatial division between the inhabitants o f the city, starting with the generations who will be the future.
Transport system to take the kids from degraded ACTION
peripheral
areas t
o
schools i
n
central
neighborhoods.
TOOLS
SCHOOL BUS SYSTEM
287
288
V. INTERVIEWS
289
290
#1 ADRIANA BERDIA
p.291
#2 PATRICIA ROLAND
p.309
#3 NOEMI ALONSO
p.323
#4 EDGARDO J. MARTINEZ
p.339
#5 SALVADOR SCHELOTTO
p.353
#6 EDUARDO ALVAREZ PEDROSIAN
p.363
#7 RAUL VALLES
p.381
291
#1
Adriana Berdia Asistente Social Coordinadora del Plan "RenovĂ Goes" Intendencia Municipal de Montevideo
***
Renovà Goes Plan ►
Cuales son los objetivos de Los
objetivos
básicos
del
Plan “Renovà Goes? programa
son
la
recuperación y mejoría de un barrio abandonado por
mucho
tiempo,
y
que
esa
población
más
vulnerable y potencialmente instalable en zonas periféricas, pueda encontrar ofertas de vivienda adecuada o un incentivo
para que se instalen en
zonas como Goes. A partir de qué? de una recuperación del barrio con
el
riesgo
de
que
en
la
medida
que
vos
recalificabas el barrio podrías tener un proceso de sustitución de población, justamente de la población que querias mantener. gentrification ►
Sería un proceso de gentrificación. Creo que Montevideo nunca va a tener claramente ese proceso de gentrification porque no es su escala,
la
escala
de
Montevideo
no
llega
a
generar ese tipo de proceso. En la Ciudad Vieja, que hace mucho que se viene trabajando, es una opinión personal, ha pasado que realmente en algunas zonas puede haber habido algún cambio en la población, que las clases de intelectuales y jóvenes se hayan instalado , sí hay algunos núcleos, pero las partes duras de la Ciudad Vieja siguen siendo partes de pobreza dura, o sea, no hay un fenómeno muy claro, creo que pueda ser por la cultura del este y porque además realmente no tenemos una historia de nuestro patrimonio nuevo, no hay un sector de población que puedan venir y sustituirse a otro , no creemos
en
esos sectores, o sea, me parece que no es un riesgo claro el proceso de gentrificación. y sí hay procesos de un sector que no puede sostener los alquileres en la medida que suben, pero no una sustitución clara, directa, de una clase 294
superior a la otra. Bueno, pero en Goes el riesgo
era ese. Esta parte del programa “Renova Goes”, es la parte de prevencion. ¿Porqué està asociada
a
las areas perifericas? Porque los fondos son de componente de prevencion, de lo que es el programa de mejoramento del barrio dos , que es el programa de regularizacion de los asentamientos precarios mas conocido como PIAI. Hasta este último préstamo siempre se había dado un 2% para estudio de la parte de prevención. Este es el único préstamo que nos han dado, que estamos cerrando ahora
el 15%.
De ese 15% en el
interior del país se hicieron programas (no se con qué servicios) y en Montevideo se seleccionò una
área
para
trabajar
territorialmente
y
generar un modelo piloto de actuación, eso es Goes, Programa Goes.
◄ pilot model of action
En realidad este modelo piloto hoy podríamos decir
que
estamos
tentando
de
replicarlo
en
otras zona pero podemos decir que llegamos a la conclusión que hay cuatro líneas de actuación del modelo piloto: 1. espacio
publico: considerando justamente que
◄ pubblic space
para dotar, recalificar un espacio tenés que tener una buena calidad de espacio público y allì hicimos, ya terminamos, una peatonal que queda en una manzana que era un callejón que daba
al fondo de un conjunto de cooperativas
que se estaban haciendo. Se hizo también un espacio público vinculado al mercado agrícola que se inaugura ahora y que fue una actuación muy vinculada , incluso porque
teníamos un préstamo
para la parte parte productiva. Se hizo todo lo que es las plazas, estacionamiento del mercado sobre la calle Martín García,( fue parte del programa también esto), y dentro de espacios públicos la obra mas grande que vamos a hacer es una manzana, que es una manzana que está ipertugurizada, visualizada como “zona roja”,
295
zona de peligro, que fue vaciada, o sea realojamos población, población que está integrada en la cooperativa
que
se
está
construyendo
en
el
frente, las familias integradas van a permanecer en el barrio, la idea también era esa, y se les diò un subsidio de alquiler transitorio por parte del ministerio para poder desalojar la manzana y participar
a la construcción hasta
que la vivienda estuviera terminada. Y ahora lo último que nos quedaba era un local , un club de bochas que ya estaba en la zona para demoler; ya nos entregaron las llaves para empezar la demolición para poder empezar la construcción de eso. Ahí iríamos a lo que es una media manzana con toda una plaza pública y la otra media manzana van a ir cooperativas de vivienda de ahorro previo que ya está conformada una y que se hizo también como una promoción nuestra ni exclusiva ni excluyente, de vecinos de la zona pero con vecinos de la zona y trabajando con la comisión de vivienda (regional?) y ya hay otro grupo para otra cooperativa , asì que vendrían dos conjuntos habitativos de edificios en altura de 5-6 niveles, más o meno unas 100 viviendas entre los dos conjuntos. O sea esa manzana es lo que nos queda para hacer todavía, vivienda y plaza. residential ►
2.residencial:
que
tiene
que
ver
con
estos
conjuntos residencial , que es construcción de vivienda nueva y la otra parte que tiene que ver con lo residencial es el mejoramiento del stock construido. Nosotros
tenemos
mantenimiento préstamos
que
del son
un
fondo
para
mejoras
stock
construido,
hasta
20.000
y
damos
dólares
a
determinadas franjas. A partir de 6.000 es con hipoteca , se les da asesoramiento técnico, se controla que todo se haga dentro el marco de 296
lo regular, permiso de construcción , se les
exonera el costo de las tasas del permiso de construcción y llevamos tres llamados más, con un total de 77 préstamos erogados , creo que llegaremos a los 80 y ya estamos planificando de hacer otro llamado, pero estamos tratando de modificar el reglamento porque pensamos que tal vez podemos llegar a más población porque cuando hacemos el estudio nos damos cuenta que donde corta el banco hipotecario… … hasta ahora no tenemos morosidades, toda la gente viene pagando sus préstamos,
todas las obras se
han hecho y están acabadas. Y què tipo de obra son? Se
trata
de
obras
de
mantenimiento
,
de
reciclaje, de construcción de baños y cocinas nuevos,
de
apuntalamiento
estructural,
de
impermeabilización, dependiendo un poco de la escala del préstamo.
Muchas veces la gente
pone más plata, entonces contribuye a las obras estructurales o hacen una obra de mantenimiento pero siempre dependiendo del amonto del préstamo. Nosotros
trabajamos
con
ellos,
se
hace
un
estudio de lo que pueden pagar, y también lo que quieren pagar, y lo que quieren hacer, eso se define, ese trabajo de definición se hace juntos , personalizado. Y después se define más , ellos tienen que traer dos o tres presupuestos y de ahì se elije y ellos tienen que seguir . La parte de asesoramiento técnico, yo creo que es lo más rico que tiene este programa porque la gente muchas veces no sabe qué hacer, o no sabe cómo como puede hacer . Eso la verdad que ha sido bastante exitoso, porque en tres años que se organizó en una zona no demasiado grande , 80 préstamos, es un dato bastante importante. dentro de este préstamo se hizo la construcción en un edificio, de las partes comunes del
edificio, bueno no
todos los habitantes del edificio participaron, pero 7 propietarios pidieron el préstamo para
297
realizar
todo
lo
que
era
espacios
comunes,
fachadas, azotes etc.. y el préstamo lo pagan individualmente. Ahora dentro de esta línea, estamos viendo la posibilidad de dar màs, porque existen otras experiencias asì, como nos quedaban fondos, dar subsidio para fachadas, o sea eso sì, a nivel de subsidio; en la medida que la casa la arreglaste , pidieron un préstamo, hicieron bien la obra y están pagando en día el préstamo , darles un subsidio para que eso mejore el entorno barrial. Estamos esperando la aprobación, asì que esto todavia no lo hemos hecho. Y
en
tema
residencial,
visto
que
teníamos
gastos de funcionamiento que no fueron usados, pensamos en una acción más , y asì surgieron las primeras experiencias que se hicieron con ocupantes, residentes de las zonas que estaban supertugurizadas hace más de 20 años, cuando se hicieron viviendas de calidad de construcción baja con un préstamo muy chico, y con evidentes dificultades en el mantenimiento. Nosotros para arreglarles
las
viviendas
no
nos
daban
los
recursos pero, para tratar de hacer algo que los incluyera, por lo menos desde el punto de vista de la imagen con el resto del entorno, sì, entonces estamos también haciendo una línea en la cual vamos a arreglar todo lo que es fachada de esas cooperativas. Community services ►
3. servicios comunitarios: y ahì lo que hicimos fue una amplición de una guarderia que es de la intendencia (Chalà) que se terminò hace tiempo, e hicimos el arreglo del techo de la plaza de deportes número 2 que es del ministerio del deporte y que està sobre General Flores, pero que nunca inauguramos porque estamos esperando que termine todo el resto de la obra ya que lo que nosotros hicimos es sólo el cambio de la
298
cobertura.
4. Apoyo al Mercado: reconociendo el Mercado
◄ Agricola Market
como centro dinamizador del barrio. Y ahora se hizo un llamado para hacer toda la central de reciclaje de residuos del mercado que lo vamos hacer con el programa nuestro. Asì
que
espacios
las
líneas
sería
basicamente
estas,
públicos, lo residencial, servicios
y actividades comunitarias. Ah, me olvidè de una cosa, Se trabajó de una manera a nivel territorial con un área de actuación prioritaria que eran todas las manzanas que estaban entorno al mercado y un área de actuación en toda la zona delimitada del programa Goes, que es mucho más amplia que esa. Con qué se actúa en la área grande? con el fondo que atiende toda la zona, y unos fondos que se llaman de Fondos Concursables para el Fortalecimiento y Desarrollo Comunitario", que
son
fondos
que
atiende
a
proyectos,
a
organizaciones pequeñas, son a fondo perdido, y
son
para
realizar
actividades
culturales.
Han llevado a cabo, cuatro proyectos, uno de niños, otro que es de tv con adolescentes y que trabajan para consolidar la idea de barrio. Otro proyecto que es de género, con la comisión de las mujeres de la zona, y otro proyecto que es de tercer edad, que trabaja con gente de la tercera
edad, dándoles también equipamiento
y
recursos. En realidad teníamos otro proyecto más que no logramos hacer pero ahora lo repropusimos e hicimos otro nuevo llamado. Se nota que el plan se caracteriza por algunos elementos bastantes puntuales, como el “efecto domino” , pongo esto bien hecho aquí en la esperanza
que
esto
me
genere
un
proceso
de
mejoría del alrededor. Pero quisiera saber si están haciendo algo máss en la malla, en el tejido más social del barrio, no sólo en estos casos asì “puntuales” . En realidad nosotros tenemos acciones basicamente
299
de carácter territorial y aparte partimos de la idea que una mayor oferta de alquileres no va a expulsar más población, esa es la hipótesis de trabajo, ahì donde no podés corregir el mercado, actúas según sus reglas. partecipation ►
Con respecto a la actividad que tengan que ver más con la participación, son todas las actividades que tienen que ver con los fondos, trabajando a nivel comunitario, de gente joven, con niños y tercera edad. Y los próximos proyectos, hay un
proyecto
de
...infantil,
de
bibliotecas,
esa es el área en que estamos trabajando con las organizaciones,
que ellos mismos hagan un
trabajo en esos aspectos. Pero Habitar Goes Program ►
paralelamente
a
este
proyecto,
se
ha
realizando “Habitar Goes” , un proyecto de la Unión Europea y de Urbal-III
y ese proyecto
trabajaba sobre aspectos más vinculados a los temas de coexión social, culturales, son dos proyectos
paralelos
pero
en
algunos
lugares
nos juntamos, tampoco nos sobraponíamos. ellos tenían la línea de coexión social, trabajaron en el consejo Goes en manera articulada, ellos ya
cerraron
el
proyecto,
hicieron
el
centro
cultural, hicieron actividadedes; y también el mercado tiene actividades productivas. Ustedes
actuando
estos
planes
tenian
bien
presente (estaban concientes de) del fenómeno de un vaciamento? es conciente o inconciente el hecho que se està planificando/trabajando no para un crecimiento , no sólo para un crecimento, si no que puede ser que las cosas se quedan asì, shrinkage process in Goes ►
que la población no va a crecer etc... Goes es una zona que en la década de los 50 fue vinculada al fenómeno de transformaciòn urbana con fábricas y con gente trabajando vinculada a las fábricas. Habìa una cantidad de fábricas, estaba Alpargatas, la Ford y otras màs,
300
A partir del ‘55-’60 cuando empieza a entrar
en crisis ese modelo y empiezan a cerrar las fábricas, de
y
empieza
aglomeración
a
cambiar
entorno
a
la
la
concepción
fábrica
que
tenía un valor en sí mismo, empieza a cambiar por todo el fenómeno de la delocalización y desindustrializacion, estas zonas son zonas que
◄ deindustrialization
empiezan un proceso de degradación . En Goes se consolida un mayor proceso de degradación porque hay una serie de activadades de la intendencia que tienen que
ver con el mercado agrìcola, que
tambièn empieza a deteriorarse, y que expropria una cantidad de territorio, manzanas enteras que sirven para funciones legadas al Mercado que nunca se llevaron a cabo. El Mercado asì se va deteriorando y perdiendo uso, y el entorno también,
empezando
a
generarse
una
zona
de
tugurios y ocupación. Las primeras acciones, y es un proceso en la década de los 70, surge con la ley de liberalización de los alquileres, según mi opinión, se va acentuando el fenómeno de expulsión o autoexpulsión, porque los sectores de mayor poder aquisitivo se van hacia la costa este de la ciudad, sectores medios que se van a la costa de oro, y los sectores que no pueden elejir que van a los territorios periféricos, los que nadie usa. En
ese
fenómeno
que
afecta
todas
las
áreas
centrales, Goes es uno de los lugares que se ven más afectados, con esta caraterística particular de la centralidad del Mercado Agrícola que se detoriora, las fábricas que se funden y quedan contenedores vacíos, y una amplia cantidad de manzanas que quedaron expropiadas y tugurizadas. Cuando la intendencia, con el primer mandato frenteamplista de la historia (izquierda), se decide a hacer algunas acciones entorno a Goes fundamentalemente lo hace entorno a lo que era la tierra municipal ocupada. Y se plantean estas primeras cooperativas como forma de concentrar
301
población
sin
expulsar,
tambièn
vaciando
terriorio y dándoselo a otras cooperativas de vivenda de sectores medios, para que el barrio se
fuera
recuperando.
Basicamente
inician
actividades públicas o privadas como lo que es lo que ahora se llama patio del libertador
y
Alpargatas , que era la fábrica de calzado que en parte quedò para la facultad de quimica, y otro local quedò para actividad residencial. La empresa constructora se funde con la crisis del 2002, lo vuelve a tomar el banco hipotecario
y
ahora con inversiones privadas están tentando de promocionarlo y ahì van 400 y pico de viviendas. Yo creo que no son fàciles de revertir los fenòmenos estos de expulsiòn, mucho màs difìcil son de revertir en una lògica que implique un link directo periferia-centro. Eso no existe. Lo que sì, hay una poblaciòn joven, de parejas jòvenes, que son vulnerables a poder seguir (aquesendando) la precariedad territorial y es a esos sectores de poblaciòn que vos tenes que generar una oferta que pueda hacerlos consolidated areas ►
permanecer
en
las
centralidades.
Porque para mi las centralidades tienen , otra caracterìstica de Goes, la misma que tienen las àreas centrales, poblaciòn envejecida, multiples hogares multi familiares, y en la periferia es donde crecen los menores; yo soy Profesora de Faculdad en Ciencias Sociales, vos tenès que estàs en un ìndice de pobreza que ahora bajò del 14 al 11% y tenès un ìndice de niños que nacen abajo de la lìnea de pobreza casi del 50%, ahì se nota un fenòmeno claramente demogràfico y de clase social, la distribuciòn clasista del espacio se està dando muy claramente. Asì que uno va apuntando a generar una oferta en ese sentido, pero creo que hasta que no se toca el tema de los alquileres, porque no todo el mundo
302
puede comprar, y como no todo el mundo puede
comprar,
la oferta no permite permanecer .
Las àreas centrales historicamente desde los años 50’, vos tenìas, por lo menos en el imaginario, barrios multiclasistas, màs integrados . La gente no necesariamente era propietaria, alquilaban. Este pais nunca logrò crear un mercado afuera del Banco Hipoticario, en primera cosa porque habìa monopolio del BHU, no es como ahora que hay prèstamos privados. Los que tenìan casa de propiedad eran empleados pùblicos y poco màs, pero el privado, el que trabajaba en fàbrica, no necesariamente era propietario. Fueron las cooperativas de vivienda en la dècada de los 70’ las que dieron ofertas a ese sector (refirièndose a los obreros). A pesar de todo esto, creo que vos podes ir recuperando zonas de la ciudad que es fundamental recuperar y atender a que no se sigan tugurizando, a que se redensifiquen.
Acà en Goes,si se
hace toda la vivenda que està prevista , estamos hablando de 600-700 viviendas en ocho manzanas, es muchisimo para nuestro paìs y màs para un àrea como Goes. Eso te cambia la zona, como va a cambiar el Barrio Sur con todas las cooperativas que se estàn instalando; esa zona va a cambiar , porque en la medida que llegan personas,
el
espacio
va
va
cambiando,
el
residencial
te
cambiando la zona. En
la
Ciudad
Vieja
lo
que
pasa
es
que
las
◄ Ciudad Vieja
experiencias de residencia han sido bastante aisladas, pero sin embargo,
hoy hay capital
privado que està invirtiendo en esa zona. Todavìa Ciudad
Vieja
no
ha
sido
un
sector
bastante
atractivo para las familias; recièn ahora hay un colegio, no habìa habido una oferta clara que favoreciera la instalaciòn de familias. Ademàs un
de
fenòmeno
las de
àreas
centrales,
hoy
àreas
intermedias,
que
tenès son
igualmente barrios històricos consolidados, que
303
estàn tambièn cayendo en procesos de deterioro, zonas como Uniòn, Villa Española, Cerrito de la Victoria, barrios històricos que estàn en el
medio
entre
las
zonas
màs
perifèricas
y
precarizadas de la ciudad y las àreas centrales, donde tambièn estàn pasando todos estos fenòmenos y donde ademàs coexisten estructuras tìpicas de las periferias como los asentamientos y las residencias consolidadas. En Goes se encontraron con pèrdida de identidad barrial fuerte? No, en Goes hay todavìa un fenòmeno de pertenencia, hay clubes deportivos con mucha hinchada, hay algo que sigue resistiendo. Es ub barrio con mucho extranjeros, no? (en el sentido que es muy heterogèneo). Barrio Judio ►
Bueno, hay toda una zona donde hay una fuerte comunidad judìa, se llama justamente barrio de los judìos,
que allì tienen los comercios pero
que fundamentalmente viven pocos; o sea que allì fue una zona donde se instalò una sinagoga, na escuela, te estoy hablando de un proceso de inmigraciòn despuès de la segunda guerra mundial, y donde los que vinieron eran judìos, que en la medida que se fueron enriqueciendo, la residencia la tienen en otras partes de Montevideo. Tiene sòlo allì los comercios pero no viven allì, y arriba de los comercios tiene los depòsitos; esa zona tiene el problema de estar toda agujereada por dentro como una ratonera, llena de vacìos y depòsitos y eso en una zona que es patrimonial. Y este barrio es parte del Plan Goes?. Sì, es parte del Plan Goes. expiration date ►
El plan es muy extenso, muy interesante, hay mucho movimiento y mucha actividad en la zona, que es positivo, pero todo eso tiene su riesgo. Cuando venìs con estos programas que tiene una “fecha de vencimiento”, si no dejàs algun motor
304
que siga por sì mismo, se te viene abajo, porque
es un plan a cinco años, que no se va a renovar en Goes, que ha sido altamente exitoso en Goes, pero que no se va a renovar propiamente en esta zona porque justamente se llegò a los objetivos planteados. En las zonas que no son atractivas para el capital
◄
partecipation
si no hay intervenciòn estatal, no vas a obtener que venagn los privados a actuar. Despuès que vos generàs algunas cosas, puede ser que a algùn privado le interese, como està pasando en Ciudad Vieja, pero de primera no se pueden dejar estos asuntos sin la intervenciòn del estado. Esta zona es una zona donde la sociedad civil tienebastante Goes,lo
fortaleza,
vinimos
todo
trabajando
esto,
siempre
Renovà con
los
Consejos Vecinales, todas las actividades que se hicieron, la definiciòn de còmo se hacìa la plaza, la definiciòn de què hacer con el club de bochas, la asignaciòn de un local para vecinos, o sea que estos trabajos se hicieron siempre con el Consejo Vecinal. La cooperativa de vivienda se hace con la Comisiòn de Vivienda del cenro comunal, hemos trabajado siempre con el Municipio B, por màs que no tiene nada que ver con la Intendencia, siempre se trabajò a ese nivel.Vos sos un tècnico que va a actuar allì por un perìodo con un programa, y que la zona de intervenciòn tambièn
se definiò
con ellos, no es que todo le vino de arriba, no llegamos desde arriba a decirles que nosotros vamos a hacer esto acà, asì y allì. La propuesto fue: “hay este capital para hacer esto, dònde lo ponemos?”.
***
305
*** ADRIANA BERDIA INTERVIEW IN
7 POINTS
■Adriana Berdia is the coordinator of the plan “Renova Goes” which is part of a larger program of recovery and redevelopment of the neighborhood Goes: an area that is part of the consolidated city selected to work on a redevelopment at 360 degrees, generating a pilot model implementation.
■The four action lines of the implementation of the pilot model can be summarized as: ▶Public space: a good quality of the public space is required for the recovery of a neighborhood. ▶Residential: construction of new residences by using the instrument of cooperatives so accessibility is guaranteed to the people of medium-low income. Improvement
and
preservation
of
existing
housing stock with the active participation of owners themselves. ▶Community services: the need to involve neighbors and strengthen the identity of the neighborhood. ▶Support to the Agricola Market: the domino effect. Recognize an element like engine dinamizador
for
the
redevelopment
of
a
neighborhood.
■Parallel to the Plan “Renova Goes” was the project “Habitar Goes” who worked focusing more 306
on the field of social and cultural cohesion of the district. Habitar Goes is a program ended but left the community cultural center Terminal Goes, in addition to being the redevelopment of a disused space, includes the administration of the district, the public library, a center for social care, and the management and space for cultural events.
â&#x2013; The Goes district has been hit hard by the process
of
de-industrialization,
since
there
were many industrial structures, thus beginning a long process of degradation, aggravated by some operations of the Municipality of Montevideo: to restore the district they planned to restart the
Agricola
bordering
Market,
areas
to
expropriating
use
as
lands
functions
of
in the
Market. This project, however, has not started and the Market and the expropriated lands are left to themselves. The Most evident consequence was the loss of population, as has happened in all central areas of Montevideo, a phenomenon also due, according to Adriana Berdia, to the law of liberalization of rents implemented by the military dictatorship in the 70s, which has resulted in a phenomenon of expulsion or self-expulsion of those who could no longer afford the rent.
â&#x2013; The phenomena of expulsion are very difficult to reverse, especially in a logic which implies a direct link with the periphery. The one on which you can work, according to Berdia, it is about giving a chance to the new generations, 307
young couples, for example, to have a house in the central areas and consolidated of
the city,
trying to stop the phenomenon of expulsion to the periphery.
■The construction of new housing on the one hand
combat
with
the
market,
according
to
the rule of the same market for which there is more supply the lower the price, and the other part triggers a tentative re-densification process, careful not to generate phenomena of gentrification. Therefore most new buildings are part of the cooperative system, trying to act non-exclusionary policies neither exclusive for the Goes inhabitans.
■“Renova Goes” is therefore an action plan very large and complex, with different activities and movements that also involve risks. These programs, however, have a fixed term (5 years) and an expiration date. And then what? Adriana Berdia argues that it is necessary to be able to leave a “certain motor” that can work alone once the program has ended. Because this program of redevelopment will not be renewed in Goes, due to its positive results: it has achieved its objectives, and has no reason to be repeated.
***
308
309
#2
Patricia Roland Arquitecta Directora de la Division Espacios Publicos y Edificaciones Intendencia de Montevideo
***
En
frente
al
fenòmeno
de
vaciamiento
y
degradaciòn de las areas centrales, cuàles son sus preocupaciones? Ciudad Vieja ►
A mi lo que màs me preocupa de todo esto es la gestiòn, la Ciudad Vieja pierde poblaciòn, una vez cuando yo dije se vacìa un profesor mexicano me dijo que esa palabra le parecia muy impactante como si algo estaba relamente vacio y no es totalemente asì. Aunque yo creo que es muy importante lo que pasa en la Ciudad Vieja respecto a la residencia. La Ciudad Vieja tiene la particuaridad que si bien pierde poblaciòn, no pierde toda las otras actividades, si parte de la Ciudad Vieja no està tan abandonada y tugurizada es porque hay muchas actividades y basicamente la City financiera nunca se mudò; despuès tenès conexo con eso, oficinas, comercio, casi todas la casas matricez de los Bancos estàn en Ciudad VIeja, hoy en dia hay muchos estudios importantes que no se fueron al nuevo World Trade Center; ese es otro tema de còmo la Ciudad Vieja compite con las
nuevas centralidades de la ciudad, sobre
todo en un Pais y en una ciudad como esta, donde la poblaciòn no crece, lo que hay te lo estàs compitiendo, no es que crece porque la poblaciòn crece; en difinitiva, los usarios son los mismos que se van moviendo. succession process ►
En mi tesis de maestrìa trabajé mucho con Ignacio Kunz, un profesor mexicano. que hace una serie de definiciones, ademàs de la que ya conocemos bien de “gentrificaciòn”, èl define el proceso de suseciòn, que es como la gentrification al revès, que es lo que ha pasado a casi todos los centros latinoamericanos: cuando la sustituciòn es por una poblaciòn de menor ingreso, lo que
312
lleva a un proceso de degradaciòn en
todo el
entorno. Y èl habla de un proceso de declinaciòn,
◄ declination process
que es cuando se pierde poblaciòn, o sea no hay sustituciòn, y los valores no bajan. Yo creo que eso es el fenòmeno en Montevideo, bueno mi tesis de maestrìa iba a apoyar esta teoria!. En
esas
distinciones
que
èl
hace,
hay
tres
variantes que estàn en juego permanentemente: el cambio de poblaciòn, la base socio-econòmica de la poblaciòn, de los usos y del valor inmobiliario. Es claro que en la Ciudad Vieja, siendo muy comercial
como
zona,
todos
los
valores
los
tironea el mismo mercado que los sube o los deprecia. Y ademàs es un puzzle, porque hay zonas no recuperadas residenciales que son baratas y otras zonas carisimas, como la parte de la City y la parte comercial. Y ni que hablar desde que se invirtiò en espacios pùblicos, como el sistema de calles peatonales, etc... Desde del ‘82 hasta hoy dirìa que hay polìticas activas, se empieza con el primer inventario, con la instalaciòn de la comisiòn permanente de la Ciudad Vieja. En el ‘90 gana el Frente Amplio la Intendencia, que puede tener que ver o no, pero segùn mi parecer tiene que ver, porque tiene una visiòn muy proactiva. nonostante que la izquierda sea una coalisiòn y por lo tanto tiene sus distintas voces al mismo interno, yo creo que ha habido una polìtica sostenida de la misma lìnea que es de intervenir, hacer un Plan Especial (PECV), comprar tierra para
vivienda,
mejorar
el
espacio
pùblico,
◄ Special Plan Ciudad Vieja
invertir en cultura. Hacerse, se han hecho muchas cosas, desde el Teatro Solis, que concentra en sì mismo una grande cantidad de inversiòn, el sistema peatonal, que es del ‘90 para acà, la sistemaciòn de las plazas patrimoniales,
se
comprò
mucha
tierra
para
vivienda y eso sì que es una polìtica realmente
313
activa al tema que tu estàs planteando, que es cooperatives ►
el tema de la pèrdida de poblaciòn. Y despuès el tema de las cooperativas. Antes del ‘90, el problema era que, el crèdito ya existìa para la vivienda, pero antes tenìas ya que tener la tierra. O sea para acceder a un prestamo para vivienda tenìas que tener previamente una tierra donde construir, un proyecto, un equipo tècnico etc...ahì estaba la dificultad, la Intendencia te daba la tierra pero antes la cooperativa tenia que invertir, y no tenian esa capacidad de ahorro. Entonces lo que hizo la Intendencia desde el ‘90 fue crear una Cartera de Tierras: la Intendencia compraba o aprovechava las tierras no utilizadas, se las daba en custodia a las cooperativas
que
sobre
esa
tierra
hacìan
un
proyecto, los tràmites de solicitud de prèstamo y cuando tenìan el prèstamo le pagaban a la Intendencia. Y asì ponìas a girar una rueda que te permite ir comprando tierras y seguir dando a las cooperativas. En eso el problema era que seguìa una lògica de construcciòn de nueva planta. Junto al Arquitecto Raùl Vallès, como arquitecto externo, y nosotros como “institucion”, en los años
‘90,
hicimos
esas
nuevas
experiencias,
que en Ciudad Vieja son COVICIVI I y COVICIVI II y MUJEFA, con la intenciòn de demostrarle al Ministerio de Vivienda que eso era viable y entonces que tambièn se abriese una lìnea de crèdito para cooperativas de reciclaje que hasta ese momento no existìa. De hecho eso funcionò, hay otras cooperativas en costrucciòn o ya hechas con tierras que la Intendencia fue comprando. Ahora hace bastante que no se compra, no porque no estemos interesados sino porque no nos ofrecen; nosotros 314
para
comprar
tenemos
que
hacer
una
licitaciòn pùblica, pero ultimamente no estamos
teniendo ofertas en las àreas centrales que la verdad son las que màs nos interesan. Entonces yo creo que esa es una polìtica bien importante, si uno ve la Ciudad Vieja donde la variaciòn
demogràfica
es
negativa,
el
ùnico
“cuadradito” (enclave) que ganò poblaciòn es el de las cooperativas. Eso te dirìa que es una polìtica activa, para un sector de la poblaciòn, y ademàs para mi tiene la bondad que a ser cooperativa es bien comùn, es propiedad colectiva, y eso en alguna manera funciona como regulador de los precios, porque si es verdad que rije un sistema capitalistico no controlado, sì hay un cierto control interno. Y la otra polìtica activa es la intervenciòn en los espacios pùblicos. Lo que pasa es que ha traìdo mucha intervenciòn privada y extranjera,
◄ private and foreign investment
y sobre este tema tengo mis dudas...cuàl es el lìmite para que no se produzca propiamente ese proceso de gentrificaciòn.¿Porque tener la escenografìa montada y recuperada pero vacìa ?! No es lo que queremos. La necesidad
de la participaciòn activa de los
mismos habitantes. Con respecto a la participaciòn real, Montevideo ha procesado un camino de descentralizaciòn desde el ‘90 hacia acà, y en las ùltimas elecciones, hace
dos
años,
se
creò
el
tercer
nivel
de
gobierno. Ahora Montevideo tiene 8 Municipios. En Montevideo parecìa màs un tema administrativo que un tema de cercanias. Pero bueno, nosotros con el alcalde trabajamos codo a codo. El que
ùltimo fue
programa
con
el
que
BID(Banco
llevamos
adelante,
Interamericano
de
Desarrollo), de renovaciòn en la Ciudad Vieja, donde nos planteamos como meta, despuès de los diagnòsticos de pèrdida de poblaciòn, hacer como un actualizaciòn del Plan.
315
El POT de Montevideo se redactò en el 1998 y el Plan de Ciudad Vieja en el 2003, en un perìodo Special Plan Ciudad Vieja ►
donde
estàbamos
saliendo
de
una
crisis
muy
profunda; la realidad era distinta y entonces creimos que habìa que hacer una actualizaciòn del Plan. Ademàs era muy fìsico, muy de lo patrimonial, cosas que no desmerezco, pero le faltaba justamente todo lo que tenìa que ver con los procesos socio-econòmicos, culturales, las actividades comerciales, còmo una cosa atrae a otra,etc...hicimos unos estudios interesantes, por ejemplo un censo de actividades econòmicas y ahì supimos que casi 30.000 personas entran en la Ciudad Vieja a trabajar, en un barrio en que viven alrededor de 10.000. Ademàs tenemos una poblaciòn flotante que va durante el dìa para tràmites etc... Nosotros veìamos eso como una fuente posible, hacer
polìticas
habitacionales
para
esos
sectores, trabajadores y sector joven. Pero en esa parte todavìa no hemos logramos tener un diseño màs asociado a la participaciòn, para entender què quiere esa poblaciòn, si hay interès o no. Vivir en la Ciudad Vieja no es para calquiera, (el imaginario de “deseo comun” es vivir en la costa con un parillero etc...) o es para una etapa de la vida. Entonces nosotros querìamos saber a què poblaciòn o con què base nosotros podemos dibujar una polìtica habitacional, porque el gran desvelo es que la Ciudad Vieja no se cayò, los Bancos siguieron, los comercios se quedaron, se recuperò en muchas partes, el gran desvelo es que vuelva a vivir gente pero que no se produzca ese proceso de gentrificaciòn, o sea que siga siendo lo màs policlasista que se pueda, esa es como nuestra meta. 316
Bueno despuès està tambièn el tema del turismo,
que es una cosa que se ha instalado mucho... Esos estudios nos dieron cosas interesantes, sobre todo como pautas para diseñar polìticas activas que nos permitan entonces revertir ese proceso. Y otra cosa que para mi es una de las claves de
◄ management
todo esto, es la gestiòn. Nosotros (la Intendencia) nunca logramos hacer entender colectivamente a lo que deciden que es necesaria una gestiòn particularizada, la Ciudad Vieja se puede gestionar con gente que se dedique exclusivamente a la Ciudad Vieja, un grupo de tècnicos
aunque
sea
sòlo
pùblicos,
vista
la
dificultad de asociaciòn pùblico-privadas. Hay como tres sedes de ministerio instalada, agencia
estatales,
asociaciòn
entonces
pùblico-privada,
màs hay
que
una
como
una
necesidad de una estrategia pùblico-pùblico, el Estado mismo es propietario de muchos bienes, tiene
algunos
baldìos.....necesariamente
requiere un dispositivo donde
se
haya gente que
piense sòlo a la Ciudad Vieja por almenos 15 años. Porque todas estas posibilidades que van surgiendo despuès quedan diluìdas en el tema de la vivienda en general, con toda la problemàtica que tiene, desde la costa a los asentamientos. Estamos en la direcciòn de Espacios Pùblicos y
◄ Liber Seregni Park
Edificaciones. Un proyecto que puede aparecer como ejemplo positivo es la Plaza Liber Seregni. Eran
viejos
talleres
de
la
Intendecia,
de
òmnibus; aquello se habìa yendo deteriorando, pocas
oficinas,
momento,
por
el
mugre,
ratas
1998-99
la
etc...En
su
Intendencia
que
era proprietaria se lo diò en conceciòn a un emprendedor privado para que tratara de encontrar recursos privados para invertir ahì, el Banco Hipotecario estaba en un momento muy complicado, y el proyecto originariamente era hacer como una gran
intervenciòn inmobiliaria de vivienda y un
317
remanente de espacio pùblico. Eso no se logrò venderlo a nadie porque la inversiòn potente privada quiere la costa, donde tiene valor de reventa, y nadie estaba interesado a esa manzana. El proyecto se quedò en nada de concreto por unos años. Està bueno que haya ese tipo de inversiòn pero hay que dotarlo de valor; entonces lo que habìa que hacer allì era un espacio pùblico que derame como valor al resto de la ciudad, pero el valor tenemos
que
dàrselo
nosotros,
que
somos
los
propietarios de esta tierra, en una zona que tiene
dèficit
de
espacios
pùblicos...
y
por
supuesto que los vecinos estaban completamente de acuerdo. participatory budget ►
En
ese
momento
decisiones,
que
empieza
estàbamos a
ponerse
tomando en
esas
activo
el
Presupuesto Participativo (*tengo que explicar que es en una nota), y ese Presupuesto Participativo destinò todo el dinero a la demoliciòn de los galpones de la entera manzana. Y ese empujòn no fue poco. El Presupuesto Participativo involucrò mucho
a
los
vecinos,
fue
una
conjunciòn
de
intereses. Y
el
tema
era
como
financiar
ese
pùblico, que era una obra importante.
espacio Nosostros
justo en ese perìodo manejàbamos unos terrenos en Carrasco, que es la zona màs cara al metro cuadrado de Montevideo, y promovimos un decreto en la junta departamental que nos autorizaba la venta de esos terrenos y con la venta de esos terrenos hacìamos el parque. Y creo que es una cosa que, en el discurso que hacemos y queremos hacer, es una operaciòn, la de la Plaza Liber Seregni, que cierra muy bien. Por supuesto que el proyecto se hizo con los vecinos,
se
hizo
un
primer
proyecto
en
la
Intendencia que discutimos con ellos, cosas que 318
no les iban bien, discutiendo de la parte del
juego, el skate park... Ademàs tuvo un plus, la decisiòn de dedicar este espacio pùblico a Liber Seregni, que fue un lider de la izquierda, del Frente Amplio que estuvo en prisiòn por todo el tiempo de la dictadura, una persona muy muy querida por todo el espectro polìtico. Hay una fundaciòn Liber Seregni, hay una familia y entonces todo eso se habìa transformado en un grande debate popular, todos querìan opinar sobre el proyecto ... pero despuès uno se da cuenta que ese proceso que mientras estas ahì parecìa ser demasiado, es super rico, discutìs con mucha gente que tiene otras miradas que son tan vàlidas como la tuya, que te aportan y siempre se termina aprendiendo, de acà y de allà.
***
319
*** PATRICIA ROLAND INTERVIEW IN
â&#x2013; Roland
argues
that
the
7 POINTS
central
areas
of
Montevideo, and in particular the Ciudad Vieja, suffer from a process of declination, following the definition of the term given by Professor Ignacio B. Kunz: loss of population with no decrease in the values in real estate market.
â&#x2013; For
Patricia
Roland
cooperatives
are
an
important tool, which has a long tradition in Uruguay. Are there examples of successful pilot recycling in the Ciudad Vieja for mutual aid cooperatives. The Municipality has given abandoned buildings to cooperatives that were renovated and became a residence for the same cooperativists. The Municipality also provided technical support, psychological and social assistance throughout the process. The
cooperativists
who
have
participated
in
the "experiment" had an active and protagonist role, both in the design phase, both in the construction / renovation of the building. Investing and supporting cooperatives, especially in consolidated areas of the city, is an active policy for a sector of the population who could not otherwise afford a home. Furthermore, as a common ownership, the cooperative acts as a "regulator" of prices without the risk of falling into market speculation. 320
â&#x2013; On the other hand, there is a movement of private and foreign investment in the Ciudad Vieja but may become limiting and risky interventions: to have the scenography restored and mounted but empty is certainly not the desire of the Municipality.
â&#x2013; It is important underline that the Municipality has faced and is trying to cope with the loss of
population
and
consequent
degradation
of
the city, with the aim / desire that the new generations come back to live in neighborhoods as the Ciudad Vieja, without producing phenomenon of gentrification but keeping those particular characteristics
of
the
neighborhoods
of
Montevideo: the coexistence of different social classes, the multiculturalism and the multiethnicity. 5. Another active policy concerning the Ciudad Vieja was the actualization of the POT of 1998 and the Plan Especial Ciudad Vieja 2003, drawn up during a political-economic situation different from what is now the country is experiencing. From research carried out for the actualization, have emerged as potential users to look up the workers and youth that every day go to the Ciudad Vieja, that despite the loss of population has not lost its commercial and financial character. But it was not possible yet to have a design project involving more actively these potential users.
â&#x2013; One of the key elements for Roland is the management: talking about the Ciudad Vieja is 321
necessary, for example, a detailed management which is dedicated exclusively to the Ciudad Vieja, and more than a solution of cooperation between public and private, Roland considers necessary a strategy
public-public, who works
for at least fifteen years in the same area. Otherwise the risk is that the problems and the possibilities of a peculiar area as the Ciudad Vieja, end up in the pot of the general theme of housing.
â&#x2013; A positive example of active participation of population and intervention of Municipality: the Liber Seregni Park. It was a large area in the heart of the city occupied by old and unused deposits property of Municipality. There was the idea to redevelop the area, transforming it into a public space capable of giving value and boost the neighborhood itself. At the same time he was active the consultation of Presupuesto participatory, and votes of the local residents came out of the proposal to allocate all the budget available for the demolition of the deposits. So on both sides, Municipality and inhabitants, there was the will to turn that emptiness into a good for the community.
***
322
323
#3
Noemi Alonso Arquitecta Directora de la Division Tierras y Hรกbitat Intendencia de Montevideo
***
Estamos en la Division que concentra todo lo que Habitat and housing division ►
tiene que ver con la vivienda, Division Vivienda y Habitat: hay varias dependencias, uno es el servicio de Tierras y Vivienda, donde existen tres
sectores:
revitalizacion
de
las
areas
centrales, vivienda, tierras. El sector tierras trata todo lo que tiene que ver con ir manteniendo la cartera de tierras. El sector Vivienda se ocupa de todos los programs de vivienda como el plan de realojo de poblacion que habita areas perifericas
contaminadas
con
el
intento
de
hacerlos volver a la ciudad existente. Este programa de realojo prioritiza entonces las areas consolidadas de la ciudad? Los
tres
lugares
donde
mas
trabajamos,
propriamente con unos Planos, fueron el Barrios sur, la Ciudad Vieja y el Barrio Goes. En el Barrio Sur , en el lugar donde era el vacio cooperatives ►
mas
grande
del
barrio,
que
habia
un
galpon , se tirò abajo toda la manzana y ahì se pucieron varias cooperativas que ahora se estan construyendo. Vendrian ser: UFAMA, que es un reciclaje, dos torres de FECOVI, otras dos cooperrativas de FUCVAM, adelante del predio hay otras cooperativa queya
estan bastante avanzadas. Esto ya està en
camino todo. Y se trabajo mucho tambien sobre lo existente con la recuperacion del barrio. De Goes ya sabes bastante, y el tercer Plan que teniamos era en la Ciudad Vieja. Programas mas generale que vamos teniendo no solo 326
en las areas centrales si no tambien en las que se pueden llamar centralidades locales, barrios como la Union, la Ciudad Vieja, Penarol, Cerro, Aguada...ya vamos trabajando en doce barrios. Y estos planes como actuan? Se trata de planes de mejoramento de vivienda. Es un programa que eredamos de los andalusos: Prestamos
◄ Rehabilitation Offices
pequenos, a muy bajo interes, praticamente nulo y tambien en forma de subsidio, para areglar las cosas fundamentales para la salubridad de la vivienda, osea cocinas, banos, serramientos todo lo que es motivo de infiltraciones de agua que deterioran las viviendas, mejoras estructurales, y ademas areglos de fachadas, siguiendo el slogan "comenzando por nuestra casa, vamos a recuperar el barrio". Tambien hay que decir que ahora nos ayuda una situacion socio-economica diferente de hace 10 anos, no hay tampoco que exajerar pero no se puede negar que tenemos una situacion socioeconomica
mejor
respecto
a
antes.
Osea
que
venimos recuperando de una crisis muy grande en un momento en el cual estamos con mejores recursos de todo tipo. El otro programa que te nombrè antes es el realojo de pobladores de areas contaminadas, que
◄ relocation of slums's inhabitants
tiene dos objetivos: mejorar las condiciones de vivienda y de vida de las personas que vivien allì
,
construyendo
nuevas
habitaciones
con
las premisa de no llevarlos muy lejos de donde estan,
mantenerlos
en
el
mismo
municipio,
y
tener diferentes programas: uno de estos es la vivienda "usada", osea les compramos viviendas existentes, y es lo mejor porque entrando en una 327
vivienda nadie tiene porque saber que antes vivias en un asientamiento y se integran como cualquier vecino nuevo. Pero tampoco hay tanta oferta de viviendas como las que buscamos nosotros que son de muy bajos recursos. Como funciona? es una forma de subsidio? Si, es totalmente subsidiada. Yo creo que en determinado momento se podria regularizar en otra manera. Por ahora es digamos un permiso de
habitar
lo
que
se
les
da,
estan
con
la
autorizacion de la Intendecia de vivir en ese lugar , permiso que es oviamente revocable , por ejemplo nos pasò que prendieran fuego a un apartamento por peliarse y eso fue motivo de expulsion de la vivienda. integration ►
Unos de los problemas mas grandes que tenemos es que cuando queremos integrar la gente de los asientamentos en un barrio,
la gente del barrio
se arma contra nosotros en todas las maneras. Hace poco recojieron en un medio dia mas de 500 firmas para que nosotros no llevaramos "esa" gente al barrio. Y esto que es un asientamiento que està en ese barrio, sobre el aroyo Miguelete, asì que son los mismo vecinos, ademas se hace todo un trabajo con la gente, se elije quien quiere
realmente
cambiar
su
trabaja, huvo un rechazo total.
situación
,que
Es una lucha
muy grande. La gente con la cual trabajan participa a la construccion de su propria casa? Bueno, en principio ellos parteciparon en la construcción.Tenemos por cuestiones de tiempo contrsuir tramite empresas, y el problema es que las mismas empresas no quieren tener estas 328
personas trabajndo con ellos. Entonces invetamos una formula que por ahora diò resultados, osea la fabricacion de losetas de ladrillo, que se construyen en cualquier lugar y podes trasladarlas una vez echas. En el mismo asientamento hay un lugar
donde
ellos
fabricaron
estas
losetas.
Despues logramos que contribuyeran por ejemplo con
los
sercados
de
los
predios,
con
la
terminaciones de los apartamento, de los pisos... No mucho mas porque hay un rechazo muy grande de parte de las empresas y no podemos trabajar solo por ayuda mutua porque estariamos por cada edificios demasiados anos. No es lo mismo de una cooperativa, que son persona que decidieron ser una cooperativa, que eligieron de construirse su propria habitacion, y que tienen un nivel socioeconomico distinto, aun sea bajo . Estas personas tienen voluntad de partecipar a este cambiamento? En general sĂŹ, se entusiasman cuando entiende las mejorias que van a tener en su vida, aunque sea
â&#x2014;&#x201E;
improvements
no mas salir del charco, porque viven realmente en lugares invivibles. Se
hace
tambien
un
trabajo
social,
antes,
durantes y despues de la mudanza. Se trata con esto de hacer entender lo mas posible las cosas, las mejorias que van a tener, a ser responsables tambien; porque en un asientamiento ellos no pagan nada, no pagan la luz, el agua etc... entonces hay como que acostubrarlos, educarlos tambien . A nosotros nos parece raro, pero por ejemplo no saben manejar una cisterna, que de repente se te tranca , o pierde augua, antes no pagando si perdiĂ augua no les importaba, ni se 329
enteraban, pero ahora sì. A nivel territorial este plan de realojo de linear parks ►
poblaciones
que
viven
en
areas
contaminadas
es que, liberando estas zonas estamos haciendo parques lineares a lo largo de los arroyo para que la ciudad tambien ganè de todo esto. Ademas no estamos hablando de zonas perifericas, estos
arroyos
se
encuentran
en
zonas
muy
centrales, areas consolidadas. Ahora estamos trabajando con Malvin, MIgueletes Duranas, la Manchega..... Tratamos ademas de llevar los servicios basicos, como gardineria, porque suele haber muchos ninos pequenos, en general son zonas zonas que tienen servicios alrededor pero que no està urbanizada, entonces tenemos que hacer la urbanizacion y ahì mezclamos distintos proyectos, cooperativas, plan lote, que son lotes con servicios que la gente autocostruye con financiacion... Con
este
plan
se
estan
costruyendo
nuevas
viviendas. Hablando con otros actores, algunos de ellos me han planteado una paradoja: se sigue construyendo pero la poblacion no crese. Usted cree que es realmente asì? O que la necesidad de una casa no està satisfecha para la majoria de los habitantes? Creo que es una gran mentira. La demanda de vivienda no esta satisfecha.
Hicimos muchos
estudios, adentro de la facultad de arquitectura abandoned spaces ►
como en la Intendecia ; es cierto que hay muchos lugares abandonados en la ciudad, pero eso no es porque sobre vivienda, eso es porque hay problemas juridicos en esas viviendas. Es el problema mas grande que tenemos acà. Por ejemplo
330
si un inmueble es de una sociedad anonima que desapareciò, para
lograr espropriar ese bien es
muy difficil. No hay una cuantificacion oficial digamos de
◄
legal problem
estè patrimonio vacio, sobre todo porque no es facil identificarlo. La vivienda que no està usada no quiere decir que estè a disposicion; siempre es movil, se vende, desaparece, aparece otra, es una "cartera movil" de viviendas, y hay una cantidad de viviendas que tienen que estar vacias para que la genete pueda moverse. Esas no son vivenda vacantes, son viviendas que fluctuan en el mercado. Otras, que son las que desideramos mas que todo que entren en el mercado, son las que tienen problemas juridicos, muchos embargos, succesiones muy largas sin terminar. Puede ser que allà una cantidad mayor a la que deberia haber, pero repito ,por problemas juridicos. Por eso nosotros estamos muy enteresados a que pasè una ley que permitiera que las vivienda que estan en estos casos complicados, el Estado pudiera
tomar
poseso
de
estos
inmuebles.
Es
una ley que estamos tratando de promocionar en muchas personas pero tambien ahì otras tantas persona que la ven como un ataque a la propriedad privada. Para mi es la unica cosa que podria favoreser a que nosotros empezaramos a recuperar esa cartera perdida , sobre todo porque estos inmuebles se encuentran en la mas grande mayoria en las areas centrales de la ciudad. Ahora se ha echo en algunos edificios muy emplebaticos de la ciudad, con muchas asociasiones y actores diferentes, se
ha
logrado
desalojar
estos
edificios, 331
paralelamente trabajando en los aspectos legales, un trabajo multidisiplinario muy grande, y asĂŹ se lograron recuperar algunos edificios. Pero muy pocos respecto a la candidad de edificios que se encuentran en estas situaciones. Por esto luchamos para obtener herramientas que nos permitan actuar en estos casos. Porque , hago una comparacion muy fuerte pero, si tu eres una mala madre pierdes la patria podesta , pero si tu eres un mal proprietario ahĂŹ
sigues
dejando
el
abujero,
se
llena
de
ratas, causa perjuisio a toda la ciudad pero nadie
puede
proprietario.
decirte
nada
Enotonces
porque
se
tu
necesita
eres
el
agragar
a algunas leyes que ya pusieron deberes a la propriedad, el deber de usar, de mantener... inerentes al proprietario. Muchos lo entienden como algo muy revolucionarios, pero en realidad todos los derechos tienen sus deberes, sobre todo cuando hablamos de la comunidad. Yo
personalmente
creo
que
tu
puedes
tratar
de enfrentar algunos casos muy exepcionales, poniendo una cantidad de esfuerzos muy grande concentrados en ese lugar, con algun resultado medio incierto; para poder ganarle en cantidad y en calidad se precisa tener armas legales para poder tener que los proprietarios pierdan la propriedad en caso que no se enteresen, que no se puedan hubicar por mucho tiempo...y el Estado abandoned spaces â&#x2013;ş
toma esa propriedad para ponerla en la cartera de tierras para vivienda social. Es a lo que auspicamos pero todavia no ha habido mucho. Lo mismo es lo que pasa con las fabricas, que tambien muchas veces estan en el centro urbano,
332
son enormes y completamente abandonadas, y han dejado ademas de las estructuras , una serie de complicaciones legales infinitas. ( en realidad dice una lista infinita de embargantes?); los duenos no aparecen, son sociedades anonimas. Entonces esas fabricas, que todo el mundo dijo vamos
a
recuperar
fabricas,
pero
ante
todos
tienen que resolver las cuestiones juridacas para poder tener acceso a estos inmuebles! Para mi este es el problema que tenemos, sobre todo para el urbanismo, osea para poder tener las herramientas que te permitan hacer en la ciudad. En algunos casos se logrò rematar estos bienes, y cuando se remata solitamente el que remata vende quitando las deudas. Pero es un camino dificl y no siempre se da. La otra cosa que tratamos de hacer es tener una gran diversidad de programas, que se ajustan a
distintas
(Intendecia)
realidades; si
no
no
tambien
solo el
◄
extended range of programs
nosotros
Ministerio
;
actualmente, hay una bateria. Yo creo que lo que no hay todavia es que cada una de esas lineas tenga una difucion y un siguimiento muy bueno. Mucha gente no se entera, o cuando quiere concretar resulta todo muy dificil. Porque en realidad se estan haciendo muchas cosas buenas, por ejemplo aquì nunca habia habido subsidio de alquileres y ahora existen. Volviendo al tema del "otro" y de las dificultades
◄
the "other"
que tenemos a integrar la gente que viene de un asientamiento en sus nuevas casas, que se encuentran en el mismo barrio que estaban antes!, estaba pensando como es dificl entender este sentimiento de rechazo tan fuerte. En Uruguay 333
no son problemas de racismo, porque somos todos una gran mezcla, hijos de immigrantes de todo el mundo. illegal drugs trade ►
Pero te otra parte, yo entiendo que siempre mas en
estos
asientamientos
se
esta
infiltrando
el trafico de drogas. Han echo muchos avances en nuestro pais los traficantes de drogas, y han utilizado mucho a los jovenes como armas para el trafico de drogas. Hay una violencia bastante
grande
en
esos
lugares,
cada
vez
las acciones son mas violentas y dificiles de comprender porque no son mas los robos, si no que matan a cualquiera...es gente muy joven. Esto es un gravissimo problema. Y ademas la television aumenta y aumenta todo esto creando mas diferencias y incomprensiones. La gente està terrorizada. Y esto no ayuda en las relacciones entre la gente.
Pero no estamos todavia en una
situacion limite. Montevideo sigue siendo una ciudad relativamente tranquila, ahì ciudades en latinoamerica que despues de las seis-siete de la tarde no podes salir en la calle. Por esto, hablando de lo que està pasando en estos dias, yo estoy de acuerdo
con la ley que està
por entrar en funccion sobre la liberalizacion de la marijuana. Porque hoy lo que nos esta afectando mas de todo es el trafico de drogas que nos esta robando los jovenes que nacen en estos asientamientos. Las madres mismas con las cuales hablamos nos dicen: "no quiero seguir criando malandros". Yo creo que, es una esperanza mia, si lograramos tener algunos mas anos de gobierno progressista como el que tenemos ahora, se podria lograr a 334
tener
una
gran
bateria
de
programa
sociales
para enfrentar y dar soluciones a todos estos problemas que estuvimos hablando.
Los programas
tienen que tener amplitud, no pueden durar los cinco anos de un mandado politico, porque ante
â&#x2014;&#x201E;
expiration date
todo para cambiar , no solo en superficie, se precisa tiempo. Hace vente anos que trabajo en la Intendencia y de algunos programas se ven solo hoy los efectos.
*** 335
*** NOEMI ALONSO INTERVIEW IN 7 POINTS
■Programs, plans and projects implemented by the Division of Habitat Tierras y ' Intendencia seeking to address the changes due to population loss and degradation of the central areas on the one hand , and the consequent problems of the suburbs on the other : ▶Incentive
to
cooperatives
to
settle
in
consolidated areas of the city, considering the system cooperativista a fundamental tool for the physical and social recovery of the city.
▶Oficinas de Rehabilitacion. Loans and grants for the recovery and improvement of existing homes: renovations of bathrooms, kitchens, windows, resolution of water infiltration, structural improvements. Loans and subsidies for the renovation of the facades: "Starting from our home, the neighborhood will recover"
▶Program
of
relocation
of
residents
of
peripheral areas contaminated or at risk of flooding. Has two modes of operation: construction of new homes with the active participation of future users, or buying used apartments. The latter is a kind of legalized occupation: the Municipality gives permission to live in an apartment at zero cost, but the permission can be dismissed 336
for "misconduct".
â&#x2013; One of the most difficult problems concerning the relocation program is to be able to integrate the people that come from a "asentamiento irregular" (slum) in a consolidated neighborhood, although there is a "selection" of those who will be part of this program, through social work with the slum dwellers to understand who really wants to change their situation assuming the duties that will ensue, there is a total rejection by potential new neighbors.
â&#x2013; The rejection is not only by future neighbors but also construction companies find it hard to accept people from slums: the program also would
include
participation
the in
self-construction,
the
construction
of
active their
future home. To circumvent the problem, as it is impossible not to rely on construction companies for matters of timing and efficiency, they managed to ensure that the "losetas de ladrillo" are fabricated by future residents, since they do not necessarily have to be done on site. They also contribute to the final phases of construction.
â&#x2013; Throughout the process of change, people are supported by social assistants, sociologists and psychologists who assist and work with them to integrate them to city life, which has privileges but also duties. In fact, people are habituated to having everything as free (illegally), the house,
light,
drinking
water
...
there
is
therefore a work of empowerment. 337
â&#x2013; This relocation program has also an impact at territorial level: the lands recovered from slums are used as public spaces and linear parks. So not only trying to give a dignified home to many people as possible, reabsorbing the population expelled
by
the
"edges"
of
the
consolidated
city, but rehabilitating those lands and making public spaces the city itself and its citizens regain ground.
â&#x2013; Regarding
the
issue
of
the
central
areas,
according to Noemi Alonso the biggest problem that
does
not
allow
the
reuse
of
abandoned
housing stock is a legal problem: often abandoned properties have complicated legal situations, owners
disappeared,
endless
inheritances,
embargoes .. . In this regard, they are trying to promote a law that allows to the State take possession of those goods abandoned in complex situations, but many people see this proposal as an attack on private property. Alonso believes that be an owner is a right but must also include duties, duties to the community,
because
an
abandoned
building
is
damage to the whole city. This argument also applies to several abandoned factories in the heart of the city. it is therefore crucial to be able to tap into that "lost folder" of abandoned buildings that are concentrated in the central areas of the city, where action is needed.
338
â&#x2013; To get some result is also important to have a great diversity of programs that befits the different realities: to act both in consolidated areas deteriorated as much as in the peripheral areas poor. According to Alonso are in place today many programs that try to deal these issues, but it lacks information and dissemination. In addition, these programs have an expiration date: instead should have durability, they can not last as long as a political mandate of five years, because to try to improve the situation, not
only
on
the
surface,
before
any
other
instrument, it takes long time.
***
339
#4
Edgardo J. MartĂnes Arquitecto Analista y Planificador urbanoterritorial Prof. agregado del Instituto de TeorĂa y Urbanismo de la Faculdad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR
***
Este fenòmeno que tu describes como shrinking city, en realidad en Montevideo se puede renominar shrinking-expanding city ►
“expanding city”. El fenòmeno de perder poblaciòn en las àreas consolidadas y ganar residentes en las periferias, si por un lado habla de una desaspareciòn de poblaciòn en el centro, hay un shrinking process, tambièn tiene un impacto en el expanding process. Y ahì hay un fenòmeno instalado en Montevideo que no es una parte muy latinoamericana, en una ciudad que por mucho tiempo no tenìa ese tipo de problemàticas, o sea Montevideo a diferencia de otras capitales latinoamericanas,
no
ganò
mucha
poblaciòn
rural, los desplazamientos de poblaciòn rural a urbana, entre que era muy poca la poblaciòn rural para desplazarse y entre que muchos de los corrimientos de poblaciòn rural-urbana no sòlo vinieron a Montevideo si no a otras ciudades del interior no e dieron, Montevideo no presenta como Lima, San Paoblo, Ciudad de Mexico, procesos de expansiòn por nuevos pobladores rurales. En cambio Montevideo y Buenos Aires, presentan population shift ►
un
fenòmeno
de
de
barrios
consolidados
el
desplome
urbanizaciòn, barrios
desplazamiento
econòmico, los
son
poblaciòn
periferias,poque
porque
costos
consolidados
a
de
los
costos
de
vivienda
en
de
la
muy
altos
y
no
se
absorben en los salarios convencionales. Por lo tanto se ha instalado un fenòmeno que llamamos de migraciones intra-urbanas: un fenòmeno muy fuerte en el caso de Montevideo. 342
Nuestro trabajo acadèmico - "Transformaciones urbanas y sus pobladores metropolitanos 19851996-2004" - fue llevado adelante con la idea de informar a las autoridades que hay que hacer algo,que hay que trabajar en la regeneraciòn, revitalizaciòn de las àreas que pierden poblaciòn pero
que
tienen
todas
las
infrastructuras
necesarias. Los ejemplos europeos son muy ejemplares: yo vivì en Rotterdam....programa de densificar, de agregar màs unidades habitacionales pero tambien de requalificar con espacios publicos etc... Acà hay un principio de revitalizaciòn con lo que es el Barrio Goes, es lo primero que se està haciendo, muy lento y muy complejo pero està en una buena direcciòn. Ese es el tema general, las transformaciones y
còmo
abarcarlas,
porque
tu
planteas
una
intervenciòn en un barrio para revitalizarlo (repito, como ùnico ejemplo concreto por ahora tenemos el Barrio Goes), pero no puedes dejar
◄ link inner cityperiphery
de trabajar conjuntamente en las periferias, porque ahì està la gente ahora, hay que poner las infrastructuras que no tienen...Yo tengo estimado en este estudio que una manzana de Montevideo que tiene agua potable, saneamiento, calles pavimentadas, recolecciòn y tratamiento de basuras, alumbrado pùblico, drenaje de agua de
lluvia,
conexiòn
elàtrica,
conexiòn
◄ infrastructure
de
comunicaciones, en este paìs, colocar estos 8 subsistemas, sin costruir nada, sòlo urbanizar con estos 8 elementos, sale entre los 180.000 y 240.000 dòlares. Pero en las periferias se estàn poniendo esos 343
servicios despuès que los terrenos se han ocupado y autocostruidos. Es un mecanismo que no tenemos presente en Europa, còmo una persona puede elegir un terreno, ocuparlo ilegalmente y ademàs que las autoridades en vez de condenar este "mètodo", termina poniendo en esos lugares las infrastructuras nesesarias y bàsicas: es como legalizar una violencia. Es todavia peor. En el otro estudio paralelo que tengo con los estudiantes, estamos estudiando las ciudades intermedias del Uruguay: en estas ciudades la autoridad, la Intendencia, aprueba un
fraccionamento
de
suelo
sin
que
esté
la
infrastructura, o sea la autoridad pùblica le da la espalda a lo que la ley dice, que cuando se vaya a formar una urbanizaciòn, la misma tiene making the city upside down ►
que tener los servicios bàsicos. Y las infrastructuras se ponen con todos los accidentes geogràficos que puedan darse. Entonces como te decia, si una manzana en el àrea consolidada de Montevideo cuesta entre 180240 mil dòlares, cuando los servicios se ponen despuès llega hasta 500 mil dòlares:es carisimo, y ademàs es el Estado mismo que paga todo esto, osea la sociedad toda, paga este sistema, de hacer ciudad al reves. Es muy grave todo esto. Y hay un tema fundamental, que es que hacer en las àreas consolidadas. Personalmente, en las conclusiones mismas de este libro, planteo la necesidad de una gestiòn urbana dando prioridad a intervenciones en àreas centrales, consolidades. En estas àreas hay un patròn de vivienda tìpica de la zona, que es la vivienda zaguan....
344
por medio de mecanismos de mercado, sin mayor intervenciòn pùblica, lo que ha habido es que esta vivienda zaguan, fachada con gran puerta y
◄ recycling
generalmente con dos grandes ventanas que dan a la calle, y luego cuando tu entras hay un patio con una claraboya y las habitaciones estàn todas alrededor, como eran construidas por italianos y españoles que en la època habian traido la tecnologia, lo que tienen estas casas son techos muy altos: entonces en los ùltimos años se han hecho
muchos
reciclajes
de
esas
estructuras
utilizando esa altura y poniendo un entrepiso, creando de esta manera màs viviendas. Esto ha empezado como iniciativa privada pero en este caso el Estado sì reaccionò , dando apoyo para que se hacieran màs trabajos de reciclajes. Ahì tienes una pequeña medida echa desde el Estado en apoyo a la densificaciòn de lo que ya existe, porque ya estàn todas las infrastrcuturas y las casas. La otra intervenciòn es demoler y poner un edifcio
◄ demolition
alto, que es otra forma de inversiòn privada que ahora tambièn tiene un apoyo a travès de la Agencia Nacional de Vivienda, que les ofrece a los inversores privados que si construyen en lugares no solo convencionales (pocitos, la rambla...) donde el sector privado no precisa ningun tipo de apoyo, el estado los apoya para que inclusive, el costo despuès de venta sea màs barato para los pobladores que vayan a vivir ahì. Es una medida, pero parcial, predio a predio, no es una polìtica general, de planificaciòn. El paso
◄ regeneration
siguiente a esto es el Plan Goes, o sea a una escala màs grande de planificaciòn, a una escala 345
de barrio y no de proyecto en proyecto, de caso en caso, promoviendo no sòlo la densificaciòn sino tambièn la recalificaciòn de los espacios pùblicos, de lo existente etc... Entonces, los dos apoyos que hasta hoy hay son: el apoyo a los reciclajes de viviendas en àreas centrales y el apoyo de la costrucciòn en altura con menores costos para ser disponibles a la poblaciòn, en lugares que no son los "clàsicas" del sector privado, y el paso siguiente es este Plan Goes. perimetral collector ring
►
Yo particularmente, estoy muy preocupado con este tema, y tengo dicho en la facultad y a las autoridades, un tema que es fundamental: al norte de Montevideo se acaba de construir (2009)un anillo colector perimetral que conecta las rutas que como dedos salen desde Montevideo, el palmo de la mano, hacia el resto del Pais: mi propuesta es que la Municipalidad haga una gestiòn urbana en barrios donde estàn colocados la logistica de transporte que estàn saliendo desde Montevideo hacia el Pais y afuera del Pais, que hoy estàn en los barrios, grandes espacios, proponerles un lugar cercano al anillo colector vial y esos espacios
utilizarlos
para
la
revitalizaciòn
urbana. Es una oportunidad històrica: el haber construido este anillo, con una de las inversiones de las màs fuertes de los ùltimos años,y que ahora se utilice urbana
para
mejorar
utilizando
la
o
renovar
logistica
la que
situaciòn hoy
està
en los barrios, las grandes edificaciones que tienen
de
oficinas
y
depòsitos,
sacarlos
de
esos barrios, llevarlos hacia afuera donde està 346
el anillo colector vial y en esos lugar hacer viviendas y espacios pùblicos. Concretamente de que barrios estamos hablando y de que tipologia de estructuras? Se
trata
por
ejemplo
de
galpones
que
estàn
en muchos barrios de Montevideo, que son de transporte
de
camiones;
hay
tambièn
muchas
◄ large facilities
fàbricas que ya no funcionan... Y hablando de barrios, por ejemplo se acaba de publicar un libro sobre el Barrio Capurro, barrio donde se pueden notar claramente grandes instalaciones, algunas de ellas ya estàn vacias, otra por ejemplo es de una compania de transporte de pasajeros que viaja hacia todo el pais y que en este barrio tiene sus dèpositos, en el medio de un barrio central, en un espacio que es privilegiado porque està cercano de la bahia de Montevideo, una vista muy tìpica de la ciudad. Usted cree que la soluciòn es construir màs viviendas? No, no solo. Hay necesidad de trabajar en un replanteo de renovaciòn urbana, o sea sirven todos los componentes: vivienda sì, pero tambièn plazas, mercados, guarderias, escuelas, lo que sea necesario para ganar terreno como para que los lugares que hoy en barrios tan bien ubicados como estos y con toda la infrastructura puedan pelear contra el shrinking process. Y de la Ciudad Vieja? Hay unos planes, se ha hecho algo, pero es màs
difìcil
el
espacio.
Se
han
hecho
cosas
muy interesantes, como las cooperativas de las
◄ Ciudad Vieja
bòvedas llevadas adelante por el arquitecto Raul Valles, que son un estupendo ejemplo de reciclado 347
de edificio en la Ciudad Vieja. Yo
vivì
en
uno
de
"esos"
barrios
que
se
recalificaron, en Rotterdam. Rotterdam
►
Vinieron 4 tècnicos de la municipalidad y entre los vecinos del barrio habia que elejir a 5 vecinos. Primer cosa, tu tenias que el plan se iba a hacer con 9 persona, de las cuales cinco eran vecinos y cuatro tècnicos. Asì vos tenias màs fuerte el poder de los vecinos sobre los tècnicos. El territorio definido, una componente de decisiòn con màs poder decicional a los vecinos sobre los tècnicos y un plan riguroso, con tres tipologias de interevnto, demoler - reciclar - construir, o sea el comitè vecinos+tècnicos eligiò edificio por edificio cuales tenian que ser demolidos, cuales reciclados y donde costruir o no construir. La idea era de hacer un plan no sòlo de màs vivienda, sino de mejor vivienda pero ademàs poniendo plazas, hospitales, escuelas, canchas de basket. Mejores
còmo?
por
ejemplo
de
tres
viviendas
hicieron dos, o sea las casas eran màs grandes; para dejar los mismo vecinos que vivian ahì tenian que agregar. Estaba el desafio arquitectònico de
còmo
agregar
màs
vivienda
a
la
vivienda
tradicional holandesa. Un desafio tècnico que se resolviò, se agregaron màs niveles, se reciclò lo ya existente. Dentro de que marco? de un marco del gobierno holandès
que
habia
vivienda
fuera
de
entendido la
ciudad
que le
hacer
las
costava
màs
dinero. Todo el suelo holandès es artifical: la infrastructura es costosisima. Yo acà estoy demostrando que hacer ciudades en 348
las afueras, y hacièndolas sobretodo despuès (por lo que hemos dicho antes) es costosisimo y por lo tanto no tiene sentido tampoco a nivel econòmico. Creo que el tema es entender que el suelo urbano implica un acondicionamento, las 8 subsistema, y que en realidades como la de nuestro paìs, es muy costo. Puede ser que en otros paìses sea màs sencillo, pero hasta en Holanda, que es un pais notoriamente muy rico, pusieron en acto un plan de renovaciòn urbana, que no es casual! Era una visiòn polìtica que se diò cuenta que era mas costo construir en las afueras que mejorar los barrios existentes. Vivì en Rotterdam todo el tiempo que durò este programa, 20 años, y al ver que la ciudad se renueva, se mejora
y cambia, aparecen nuevos
espacios pùblicos y de agregaciòn donde antes no
habia
nada,
nuevas
edificaciones,
es
una
experiencia como poblador lindisima. Yo quisiera vivirla en esta ciudad.
***
349
*** EDGARDO J. MARTÍNEZ INTERVIEW IN 7 POINTS
■The phenomenon of shrinking regarding Montevideo is
intrinsically
linked
with
an
expansion
process: the central areas have lost population and the suburbs have gained residents. Unlike other Latin American capital, Montevideo has not gained massively rural population and therefore has not undergone a process of strong expansion due to new rural inhabitants as can be seen in cities like Lima, Sao Paulo or Mexico City. Instead Montevideo has a very strong phenomenon of population shift from consolidated districts to
suburbs,
a
phenomenon
called
intra-urban
migration.
■"Transformaciones Metropolitanos
urbanas
y
1985-1996-2004"
sus is
Pobladores the
study
published by Martinez and his team with the belief
that
it
is
necessary
to
inform
the
authorities about what is happening in order to work in regeneration and revitalization of the central areas that lose population but have all the necessary infrastructure, without ceasing to work simultaneously in the suburbs, because it is there where people live now and are deprived of basic infrastructure.
■For comparison, Martinez has estimated the cost of urbanization of a block in a consolidated area of the city and peripheral areas. 350
For
urbanization
Martinez
refers
to
the
construction and installation of 8 subsystems: clean
water,
sanitation,
garbage
collection,
waters
drainage,
public
street
pavement,
lighting,
electrical
pluvial
connection
and
communication connections. In the central areas the cost is between $ 180,000 and $ 240,000. In the suburbs where the infrastructure are placed after the land has been occupied and self-built, with all the geographical and geological accidents that may be encountered, reaches up to $ 500,000. It 'a way of making the city upside down.
■Martinez raises the need for prioritizing urban management
interventions
in
the
central
and
consolidated areas. He delineates three support modalities / interventions by the State for this purpose: ▶Support recycling in the central areas: the
typical
housing
typology
is
called
Zanguan, a courtyard- house with a with a large amplitude in height.. In recent years have been recycling many of this structure utilizing the big height advantage, putting a mezzanine floor and creating more housing. ▶Support
demolitions
for
construction
of
high-rise buildings in the central areas: private investment looks only to the east, to
neighborhoods
Carrasco,
then
like
the
Pocitos,
state
help
Malvin, with
tax
exemptions who invest in neighborhoods like Sur, Palermo, Ciudad Vieja, Centro, Aguada ...
351
▶At the level of districts, for now there is only the example of the program of renovation of Goes, but it's a good starting point. ▶Program
of
relocation
of
residents
of
peripheral areas contaminated or at risk of flooding. Has two modes of operation: construction of new homes with the active participation of future users, or buying used apartments. The latter is a kind of legalized occupation: the Municipality gives permission to live in an apartment at zero cost, but the permission can be dismissed for "misconduct".
■In the north of Montevideo was recently built (2009) a perimetral collector ring connecting the main roads that depart from Montevideo like the fingers of a hand. Martinez believes that this intervention is a historic opportunity. The Municipality should make a urban management in the area where today there is the logistics of transportation from Montevideo to the rest of the country and outside the country, large spaces that are located in the central areas and instead could be relocated to nearby the new perimetral collector ring, reusing those spaces for urban revitalization.
■According to Martinez the solution lies not only in building more houses in the central areas, but it's necessary a program of urban renewal, which contains all components: houses, squares, shops, kindergartens, schools, public spaces, 352
all that is necessary so that the neighborhoods
that have a strategic location and have all the infrastructure can fight against the shrinking process.
â&#x2013; Martinez
has
redevelopment
lived of
a
and
participated
district
of
long process that lasted 20 years both
professionals
and
in
the
Rotterdam,
a
that involved
inhabitants
of
the
neighborhood; the city has been renewed, improved and changed and appeared new public spaces and spaces of aggregation, new construction and a remarkable improvement of the existing... an all-encompassing experience as a citizen that Martinez hopes to also live in Montevideo.
***
353
#5
Salvador Schelotto Arquitecto Coordinador del Programa de Desarrollo y GestĂon Subnacional Oficina de Planeamiento y Presupuesto Presidencia de la Republica Prof.Titular Taller Schelotto Ex-Decano de la Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR
***
Creo que hay lecturas como simplista o lineales, que
no
dejan
sovraponerle
de
ser
varias
ciertas,
pero
explicaciones
hay
que
porque
hay
varios procesos conjuntos. No es un proceso que nace ahora. Doughnut Effect ►
La expansiòn a "rosquilla" se explica con el vaciamiento de las areas centrales e intermedias. Pero no es tan asì. Si uno estudia la conformaciòn de la poblaciòn de esa periferia, vemos que tiene muy variada composiciòn: hay gente que abandonò, o fue expulsada de las àreas centrales, pero tambièn tenès procesos que estàn vivos en ese propio espacio perifèrico, que es el espacio donde se da la reproducciòn biològica de la sociedad, donde hay màs niños, las generaciones son muy cortas...Tambièn reciben poblaciòn de barrios pròximos; y tambièn la poblaciòn que se recibe de migraciones internas, que tuvo una significaciòn mucho màs importante dècadas
pasadas
en
el
proceso
hacia varias
de
transiciòn
demogràfica campo-ciudad, proceso que ya està cerrado, la poblaciòn que tenìa que urbanizarse se urbanizò, bien, el principal aporte ya se tuvo, Pero microscopicamente este fenòmeno sigue existiendo. mixed periphery ►
Ademàs tienes que la corona de periferias de Montevideo
es
heterogènea:
partes
precarias,
parte que es formal, otras de sectores populares y parte tambièn de sectores medios: claramente las zonas màs al este. Ademàs tienes unas mixtura 356
de tejidos urbanos nuevos, con nuevo entiendo de los años '50 para adelante, por ejemplo la Ciudad de las Piedras, o las Villas del àrea de Barrios Blancos, algunos de los cuales son territorios muy antiguos, la Ciudad de las Piedras es del 1780, es una ciudad colonial. Otros no son tan antiguos pero son del siglo XIX, como Pando, La
Paz,
que
tienen
su
propio
casco
antiguo
consolidado y que han venido conurbàndose con la ciudad de Montevideo. Asì que tienes una suma de distintas realidades. Y la otra cosa que surge en el estudio que hicimos - Schelotto Salvador et al., Centro y Periferia. Dos caras de la misma moneda?, ed. Toboso Srl Montevideo, Uruguay, 2012 - , un trabajo que en parte se apoyo en una investigaciòn de Patrica Roland (ver entrevista*), trabajando con datos hasta el 2004. Pero podemos decir que los datos del
2011
(el
ultimo
censo*)
confirman
esa
tendencia, que ya se habìa dado con el censo anterior del 2004. Una de las cosas que suceden en las zonas centrales, no tanto en centro històrico, la Ciudad Vieja,
◄ changes in demographic patterns
sino en las àreas de expansiòn, es que si bien la poblaciòn dismiuye, aumenta el nùmero de vivienda y aumenta el nùmero de hogares. Hay entonces cuestiones que no se explican por expulsiòn, si no por el cambio en los patrones demogràficos y en las estructuras familiares. Tiene que ver con lo que los demògrafos llaman la "segunda transiciòn demogràfica", es una sociedad siempre màs moderna y global, hay personas que vivien solas o en hogares unipersonales o de tamaños màs reducidos, la "crisis" del nùcleo familiar, 357
que tiende a ser minoritaria, entonces esto se manifesta
sobretodo
en
las
àreas
donde
vive
gente de nivel medio y medio-alto. Eso tambièn ocurre en los barrios centrales e intermedios de la ciudad. En frente a problematicas tan complejas de las que estamos hablando, hay politicas que tienen en cuenta precisamente este fenòmeno? La planificaciòn siempre tratò de tenerlo en cuenta. La conciencia màs clara de este proceso se tomò cuando se procesaron los datos del censo census ►
del 1985. El
Uruguay
tuvo
un
momento
muy
especial
a
principios de los años 60 cuando se hizo el proceso de la CIDE (nota di che cos'è il CIDE*); a raìz de esa comisiòn surgen unas series de demandas de estudio y de trabajo y entre muchos de sus subproductos sale el censo del 1966, antes habìa habido un censo en el 1908. Este nuevo censo marcò como un momento de modernizaciòn de todo lo que es la informaciòn sobre el Paìs; con esos datos se empezaron los estudios sociològicos, econòmicos, de planificaciòn etc... Al finalizar de los años '60, empieza el perìodo de decadencia, con la instauraciòn de la dictadura militar, y recièn con la abertura democràtica se hace un nuevo censo (1985): tenemos una mediciòn que lleva 20 años, y recièn ahora tenemos una serie que va mostrando màs un proceso. Por esto es que desde el año '85 es que se empezò a tener mas conciencia del fenòmeno, y ahì es cuando se empieza a diseñar politicas para enfrentar este problema, porque se lo ve como un problema. 358
Y esas polìticas, algunas de esas politicas, nosotros
en
el
estudio
que
hicimos
(Centro
Periferia) las calificamos como "adecuadas pero insuficientes": van en la direcciòn correcta pero no tienen la posibilidad de impactar sobre el proceso de manera de modificarlo, tanto a nivel
de
planificaciòn
como
de
polìticas
de
intervenciòn concreta. ◄ policies
Y hoy? Bueno, yo creo que hoy hay un cambio. No te lo puedo evaluar porque es un cambio de estos mismo meses. Hay como dos grandes lìneas: el estìmulo al sector privado, que es el programa de vivienda social
desarollado por la Agencia Nacional de
Vivienda,
que està basado en la cobmbinaciòn de
la inversiòn privada y la intervenciòn del sector pùblico, como por ejemplo con la exoneraciòn de cargas impositivas. A eso hay que sumar en un sector màs complejo, intervenciones del sector pùblico en viviendas en las àreas centrales. Quizàs, si se pudiera medir la suma de esas dos lìneas de intervenciòn, por lo menos a nivel de producciòn de viviendas, se està priorizando las àreas centrales. ( Agencia Nacional de Vivienda, divisiòn in zone prioritarias, etc...). Esto està bien a nivel teòrico, hay que ver despuès còmo realmente impacta o no impacta en algnos sectores de la sociedad. La planificaciòn urbana viene considerada como sinònimo de crecimiento de la ciudad; de tal manera
un
decrecimiento/shrinkage
lo
miramos
como un fenòmeno negativo?. En realidad puede ser una oportunidad. 359
Yo
estoy
de
acuerdo
contigo.
Creo
que
en
Uruguay como en otros paìses de Amèrica Latina, estamos en problemas frente a este cambio de paradigma porque vivimos una època de "euforia", de
gran
prosperidad
econòmica
basada
en
una
actitud que algunos especialistas han llamado "extractivista":
los
precios
de
nuestros
productos y sobre todo de nuestras materias prima han sido muy buenos, entonces con gran euforia hemos promovido y estimulado que esto ocurriera. Entonces se ha estimulado la explotaciòn de los economic boom ►
recursos mineros, promovido y intensificado la producciòn agrìcola, deforestando o forestando, lo
cual
ha
generado
seguramente
cosas
muy
positivas pero con un costo muy grande que no siempre se pone en el platillo. Muy francamente, los dos gobiernos del frente amplio, sobre todo el actual, en ese sentido es muy permisivo, los problemas ambientales a veces son vistos como el peaje, el costo necesario para reducir la pobreza o mejorar el empleo. No siempre se prioriza una visiòn un poco màs compleja, holìstica. Y lo mismo puede ocurrir con el caso de la vivienda: si necesito dar respuestas y sobre todo respuestas ràpidas, tengo que permitir que un programa que es bastante poco eleborado como es el programa de vivienda sindical construya algunos barrios en zonas muy alejadas, perfèricas sin algùn servicio, siguiendo esa lògica de dar una respuesta ràpida a una demanda. Hay argumentos, factores polìticos y sociales que implican esto: el corto-plazismo, hay una demanda insatisfecha, hay intereses econòmicos. 360
Y segùn usted què se puede hacer? Primero, los problemas de la ciudad y de la vivienda no son superables en corto plazos, son proceso muy largo. Capaz es una ingenuidad lo que te digo, pero està un poco sujerido en el trabajo nuestro,que esa eccesiva necesidad que sienten los gobernantes, los poderes polìticos, de mostrar resultados en un perìodo de gobierno mcuhas veces es un elemento contraproducente respecto a las acciones que habrìa que plantear. Una de las cosas es de "estacionar" las polìticas de vivienda, que no sean polìticas quincenales en tèrminos de resultado, si no que los resultados sean acumulativos en el tiempo. Y que no se midan tambièn en tèrminos de cantidades de viviendas, sino resultados en tèrminos de ciudad. Dentro de la Facultad hay debate sobre estos temas? No, no hay debate. Yo creo que en parte porque
◄ accademic debate
somos parte, còmplices y protagonistas de esa fiesta;
hay
mucho
dinero,
hay
mucho
trabajo
para los arquitectos, no nos cuestionamos mucho como colectivo, què es lo que està sucediendo. Los perìodos de crisis son màs productivos. Te lo puedo decir en carne propia: hace diez años estàbamos en plena crisis, de miseria absoluta, no habìa trabajo profesional para los arquitectos, entonces la facultad era una verdadera usina de pensamientos, de debates... ahora no hay debate, no hay debate en el debate pùblico. Hay otros debates que no hablamos en la sociedad, que estàn muy mal dados, un caso concreto es el
tema
de
de
drogas,
la
seguridad;
delitos,
violencia,
etc...muchas
tràfico
veces
esas 361
problemàticas son vistas de un punto de vista solamente
policial
o
de
seguridad,
cuando
tambièn son consecuencia de todo esto que venimos hablando, de un proceso de redistribuciòn de la poblaciòn en el territorio, de pèrdida de la heterogeneidad de la poblaciòn, las formas de convivencia....lo que se trata de solucionar son los "epifenòmenos", los fenòmenos emergentes como picos de violencia o desorganizaciòn social, cuando en realidad el origen de estos problemas està en otro lado.
362
363
#6
Eduardo Alvarez Pedrosian Antropologo-Sociologo Docente Investigador de la UdelaR
***
Para empezar a ver lo que pasò y donde estamos ubicados hoy hay que ir por lo menos a los años 50, cuando empieza a caer ese modelo del Uruguay Switzerland of Latin America ►
desarrollista, de la "Suiza de Amèrica" como se le decìa al Uruguay, era el modelo del desarrollo de Amèrica Latina, y a partir de ahì es que empieza toda la deblaque social, cultural que recièn ahora, ponèle desde que entrò el gobierno de izquierda al poder, la cosa empezò a cambiar; hubo como un cambio, un cambio de rumbo radical, un freno a todo esa tendencia que ya llevaba 40 o màs años, que llega un momento que se hace estructural, la pobreza, la emigraciòn, el despoblamiento de la ciudad, empiezan a pasarse
change of trend ►
estos y
problemes
llega
un
de
generaciòn
momento
que
se
en
generaciòn
convierte
en
lo
estructural, porque se reproduce socialmente, y ahì es donde es màs difìcil cambiar algo, cuando se establece como una màquina; no es automàtico pero logra un cierto tipo de automastismo que la reproducciòn social tiende a ese lado, si no hacès nada, las cosas tienden a ir para allì, eso es cuando decimos que se ha convertido en estructural. Cambiar algo asì es muy difìcil porque obliga a
tener
que
romper,
por
usar
una
metàfora
arquitectònica, y tratar de construir de todo esto, y lleva mucho tiempo a su vez, capaz que lleva màs tiempo de el que te llevò que eso se consolide y se convierta en algo asì. Por esto es tan complicado, por eso en estos dìas que 366
estamos recordando los 40 años de la instauraciòn de la dictatura, del golpe, se està pensando tanto a los efectos que tiene todavia todo esto, porque once años genera efectos a 60-100 años, en el fondo por siempre, las huellas quedan para siempre, pero cuando vos
podès decir que
todavìa eso tiene vida, cuando eso tiene todavìa esa reproducciòn estructural y todavìa hay cosas estructurales de la dictadura, en el miedo, en la fragmentaciòn, en la polarizaciòn, blanco/negro, buenos/malos, esas cosas tìpicas de un gobierno fascista, estàn. Y todo esto explica tambièn, a partir de los años cincuenta que comience a
◄ slums
aparecer todo esto que llamamos "cantegriles", despuès se agrava a partir de la dictadura, ahì empezò una polìtica sistemàtica de expulsiòn de poblaciòn, en el año 74, un año despuès del golpe, liberan los precios de los alquileres. Esa es una de las primeras medidas, antes el Estado controlaba de alguna manera el precio del alquiler. Lo liberan completamente, y los alquileres subieron hasta el 80%, la gente empezò a irse, desesperada, a la periferia, porque no habia manera. Concretamente el Barrio Palermo es el que mas sintiò eso, porque habia mucha poblaciòn
de
sectores
populares,
inmigrantes
italianos y afro-descendientes. Se eliminò la vieja
imagen
del
"conventillo",
espacios
de
vida colectiva tìpica de los inmigrantes, tan valorado culturalmente a nivel de patrimonio, porque ahi es donde se creò el candombé, y todo lo que implica desde un punto de vista cultural(patrimonio de la humanidad); fueron los que primero sufrieron eso, justamente la idea de 367
esta gente (militares) era que ahì eran focos peligrosos
porque
habìa
mucha
estaba prohibido hablar a
socializaciòn,
la misma vez con mas
de dos personas. Tenìas que mandar una lista de las personas que se iban a reunir en tal cumpleaños para que te dieran el permiso. Imaginate eso a nivel social lo que implica y màs general tambièn a nivel arquitectònico lo que implica, y empezaron a subir los precios de los alquileres, y bueno pequeños grupos de poder, aunque el paìs sea chico, vinculados a la càmara de la construcciòn, se aprovechan de la situaciòn, y empiezan a concentrar y empiezan a levantar edificios en el centro con bajisima calidad
arquitectònica,
cajas
de
vidrio,
y
toda esa arquitectura monumental tìpica de una dictadura. Y eso que acà dicen que fue blando respecto a otros paìses como Chile y Argentina; pero igual tuvo efectos enormes, màs en un paìs pequeño como Uruguay, y recièn en el 2007 (controllare in qualche fonte!), por primera vez, se revirtiò esta tendencia a la expulsiòn de gente, està entrando màs gente al paìs de la que se va. Son datos muy recientes, estamos en ese momento de transiciòn. Pero esto te hace entender cuànto costò
revertir
esa
tendencia
estructural
de
que todo el tiempo la gente se vaya, se vaya, cuando culturalmente era al revès, italianos o españoles todos habìan venido, venido, venido, claro,
culturalmente,
antropologicamente
la
estructura del migrante, que es bien del Rio de la Plata, tambièn de Buenos Aires es que vos te vas y venìs, no sentìs las raìces en un lugar 368
fijo, son màs nòmades. Tiene esa cosa nòmada de decir yo me llevo mi valija, me voy a un lugar nuevo, el mundo es uno solo y como dice un dicho "donde es tu tierra?" - " mi patria es donde yo como"; donde yo vivo, trabajo, y me alimento , ahì està mi patria. No esas estructuras màs tradicionales que igual donde estès mantenès la cabeza en tu Pais de origen. Y ademàs lo joven que es todo esto. Estamos en un momento de cambiamento, lo que
◄ population loss
se ha significado que por fin se invierta esa tendencia y ahora sea que cada vez entra gente todo el tiempo, es màs la gente que entra al pais de la que se va. Pero al mismo tiempo los demògrafos nos han dicho otra vez que por esta configuraciòn que tenemos, nos vamaos a mantener ahì, o bajando un poquito, en negativo, es como quedarte ahì, y tiene que ver con todo esto tambièn, porque la gente de clase media no tiene hijos o tiene hijos tan tarde o pocos, porque tiene miedo de no tener, de no tener como sustentar a su familia, y porque en las ùltimas dècadas siempre se iba para atràs. Siguiendo lo que dice Pierre Boudrie, una cosa es el capital econòmico y otra es el capital cultural, entonces hay gente con mucho capital cultural pero no tiene capital econòmico, ahì està el punto, tenès que adaptarte y esto pasò mucho con la clase media del Uruguay. Y por eso mismo es en los sectores bajos donde hay poco capital econòmico y poco capital cultural donde està la mayorìa de los nacimientos. Todo esto se agravò con la dictadura y terminò 369
agravàndose
con
la
crisis
del
2000-2002,
en
la crisis del "neoliberalismo maduro", porque podemos decir que ya la dictadura instaurò el neoliberalismo pero lo que llamamos propiamente dicho
neoliberalismo
tiene
que
ver
con
las
polìticas màs de los fines años '90 primeros 2000, ese modelo. (Imaginàte los ninos que nacieron en esa crisis son los que ahora tienen 12-13 años, en el 2005 todavia la cosa estaba difìcil, y recièn los màs chiquititos estàn ahora en un contexto culturalmente
que
quiere
ser
diferente,
no
es todavìa totalemtne diferente, pero quiere cambiar.) periphery ►
Vas a las periferias y es allì que encontràs toda la gente que no ves acà; parece un campo de refugiados, hay gente, gente y màs gente. Y la periferia es el grande desafio, yo estoy trabajando ahì y estoy tratando de denunciarlo, como se ha estropiado, como se ha generado esta situaciòn tan tètrica y terrible en la cual estamos, o sea que està lo que se llama àrea consolidada despoblada con grandes agujeros y al mismo tiempo tenemos una periferia llena de gente,
que
es
como
basura,los
desechos
como
modelo general a nivel de territorio. Es como el que tira la basura para atràs sin mirar dònde cae, es como usar el territorio como depòsitos de gente, depòsitos espaciales. Casavalle ►
Yo trabajè especialmente en un barrio que se llama Casavalle, que es el centro de la periferia, en la zona norte, en un sentido es lo màs cerca al "centro" de la ciudad y al mismo tiempo es la zona màs crìtica. Està aislado por el cementerio
370
que
es
gigante,
es
como
una
necròpoli,
hay
batallones militares en algunas partes, todo eso rompe con la continuidad del tejido urbano, y ademàs està el Cerrito, que historicamente fue marcado desde
ahì,
por batallas,la ciudad se sitiaba entonces
es
un
lugar
patrimonial
de lo màs interesante en ese sentido, y en el barrio del Cerrito hicieron lo mismo que en el Cerro, pusieron una retìcula, un damero arriba de lo que es un cerro. El resultado es muy raro, esos frutos de las ideas, de los paradigma racionalistas. Bueno, al norte del cementrio es la zona donde esta Casavalle, que fué una zona de chicas quintillas, la chacritas, tambièn hay mucha tradiciòn rural italiana y española, gente que tiene su pequeña huerta, plantaba tomates, trabajo de campo tambièn como estilo de vida. Hay un barrio, que es el primero, que se llama Jardines del Borro, que se convirtiò en los años '80, en plena dictadura, en la "zona roja", el Borro era sinònimo de violencia, asesinatos, cantegriles, basura, el otro que no querès, la discriminaciòn por excelencia. Cuando vas, lo que te encontràs es propio esto. En realidad, en una determinadad època hacia los '20, acà tambièn llegò la idea de los barrios jardìn, de Howard etc...y entonces surgieron varios loteamientos de ese tipo; y llegò Francisco Piria, un personaje històrico muy importante en la costrucciòn de la territorialidad, Piria tuvo muchos emprendimientos y muy importantes a nivel de urbanizaciòn, multimillionario y alquimista, era todo un personaje. El hizo el barrio Jauri que es un gran "chorizo" con macro manzanas, pero 371
este Jardin del Borro se hizo posteriormente, como en el '27, pero a lo largo de los años 50 todo eso que se habìa proyectado, te lo estoy contando como ejemplo de la periferia, como esa zona de barrios jardindes, de interfaz entre lo rural y lo urbano, esa idea de un "degrade" entre la ciudad y el campo, con estas zonas de baja densidades que al mismo tiempo non son rurales, son semi rurales, todo eso no logra tener la calidad que estaba proyectada, esos terrenos empiezan a perder valor y empiezan a hacer lugar para que las personas que no tenìan recursos puedan encontrar un lugar, y esas macromanzanas daban lugar a muchos espacios "vacìos" , tierra de nadie; y esto se agrava despuès de los años 50 cuando con muy buena voluntad, desde la ONU, desde la SEPAL, empieza la idea desarollista de armar estos complejos racionales, para estas poblacioens carenciadas, generando nuevos barrios con comunidad, con sentido de apartenencia, no era tirarlos asì en un depòsito, pero a partir de los años '60 y todo lo que vino despuès (dictadura) eso se ha completamente abandonando. Y se le suman complejos de bajisimos costos pensados como transitorios que terminan siendo permanentes, ocupando los viejos espacios verdes de esos antiguos barrios jardines, y entre esos complejo habitacionales y esos antiguos barrios de
chacras,
todos
los
intersticios
fueron
ocupados por cantegriles. Este es el collage de la perifera. Viejos
barrios
jardines,
tradicionales
complejos
como
habitacionales
tipos, y asentiamento irregulares. 372
barrios de
estos
Estas tres
tipologìas componen una especies
de pachwork, que està como bordeando toda la ciudad y al interior està con agujeros, es un desastre.
Estamos
tratando
de
poner
el
tema
sobre la alerta, sobre la mesa, porque algo hay que hacer. Y lo que està pasando de "ocupar" un terreno en la periferia, lotizar y vender a otros ese mismo terreno y desde ahì crear un asentamiento irregular que se ha transformado en un business, se ha convertido en algo estructural del modo de apropriarse del espacio? Exactamente, y sin servicios, estructuralmente
◄ exclusion
costosisimo. Que los poderes pùblicos vuelvan a "colonizar" esos espacios, convertirlos en urbe, cuesta carìsimo, tenès que llevar todo, cuando acà en el centro hay todo pero no hay gente. Sì hay cosas que han ido cambiando, este fenòmeno todavìa no. Y ahì, en esas zonas es dònde nacen la mayoria de los niños hoy. Son todos efectos de estas polìticas de exclusiòn, dominaciòn, algunas totalmente fascista, otras no, otras de mercado neoliberales, y ahì Uruguay es que se ha "latinoamericanizado", pero en un
◄ latinamerizanization
sentido negativo. Se
"latinoamericanizò"
pero
tiene
algunas
caracteristicas todavia relacionadas a Europa. Las ciudades latino americanas sufren de estos problemas pero porque tienen un explosiòn de poblaciòn que no para, no hay màs lugar en las àreas "consolidadas" , la ciudad no logra absorber
el
flujo
de
poblaciòn
entrante
y
entonces es asì que nacen esos fenòmenos como favelas, barracas...Pero en Montevideo no pasa 373
esto. Yo
creo
que
contradictorio,
se
puede
tener,
es
un
poco
una visiòn bien crìtica y al
mismo tiempo ser optimista, como jugar entre estas dos visiones. Siempre nos da esa sensaciòn que acà todo es posible, porque es pequeño, porque es manejable, porque te lo permite la escala, las condiciones. Uruguay as a possibile utopia ►
Achugarry,
que
estuvo
en
el
Ministerio
de
Educaciòn y Cultura, un catedràtico de letras, que escribiò mucho sobre los imaginarios sociales, colectivos,
tiene
una
expresiòn
que
dice
:
"Uruguay, el tamaño de la utopia"; y es eso, es como si acà la utopia fuera posible; esto se traduce que lo que uno planifica puede llegar a tener viabilidad, (no es como, me cuentan amigos arquitectos de San Pablo, me dicen que ellos perdieron toda la esperanza de poder manejar San Pablo, al màximo trabajamos en algun sector, pero màs de eso no, no logramos tener una visiòn holìstica de la mancha/ciudad) Yo tengo una especie de utopìa en el fondo, que es la que me mueve a hacer todas estas investigaciones, (que yo la pensaba en Barcelona, que me sirviò mucho porque ellos tambièn tenìan asentamientos, lo que ellos llaman barracas en el Monjiuc que los fueron sacando durante al franquismo. Y que la ciudad no es tan grande, tiene una dimensiòn simil a Montevideo) entonces nosotros podemos hacer algo como una utopìa realista: jugar en doble direcciòn, hacer polìticas de repoblamiento de las àreas consolidadas de la ciudad, dando a elejir a aquellas poblaciones que sì lo quieran, y por otro lado calificando esa periferia de 374
alguna manera y reconvirtièndola en algo con cualidades estèticas que a vos te permita de tener como una multiplicidad de pequeñas localidades, pequeños pueblitos, donde ahora hay esos barrios "perifericos"; porque en relidad allì hay una diversidad muy interesante, pero claro marcada por la pobreza, pero tienen el lado positivo, por donde uno puede llegar a encontrarle la soluciòn. Si vos querès eliminarlo, no lo vas a eliminar. Pero
esta
poblaciòn
"perifèrica"
depende
de
Montevideo, o sea viene diariamente a trabajar a
Montevideo,
o
estos
barrios
tienen
"vida
propria"? Muchos vienen a trabajar, pero algunos tienen miedo
de
venir
directamente,
no
al
centro,
saben
no
moverse
lo
◄ fear of the city center
conocen
afuera
del
proprio barrio/asentamiento. Habìa, por ejemplo, algunas discusiones sobre poner una escuela en Casavalle: algunos decìan que era malo, porque los jòvenes no se iban a mover afuera de esa realidad, se quedan en el barrio y asì aumenta el aislamiento, la segregaciòn. Toda la poblaciòn afro del centro està en las zonas perifèricas ahora, del Cordòn, Barrio Sur y Palermo sobre todo, que vivìan en esas casa antiguas del siglo IX, estàn todos allà, se multiplica por 3 o por 4 la presencia de afros en las periferias. Esto es lo que està pasando y no hay una reacciòn
◄ Plan Juntos
como tendria que haber; ahora estoy trabajando sobre
un
Plan
especìfico
que
se
llama
Plan
Juntos, que va en esta lìnea; resulta que el proprio Presidente Mujica declarò que en Uruguay 375
hay una crisis real, fragante, de todo esto que decimos, vamos a decretar que hay crisis sociohabitacional, hagamos una ley, y hagamos un plan socio-habitacional para tratar de revertir todo esto. Esto en el 2011; incluso èl dona su sueldo para el Plan Juntos. Es extraño que nadie me haya hablado sobre este plan. Tiene un porquè; porque el Plan nunca ha logrado desarrollarse, quedò en el voluntariado, quedò en la expresiòn de deseo del Presidente, se financia con lo que es el aporte del sueldo del presidente y lo que donan. No tiene apoyo de ningun lado, no es estructural, y entonces està declarado a nivel legal que hay una crisis socio-habitacional pero no tiene la infrastructura para aplicar la ley. El
Plan
es
una
cosa
defragmentada,
abierta,
hay de todo, desde algunos nuevos barrios que producen este mismo modelo de "cosas tiradas" en la periferia, lotizados en el medio de la nada, a intervenciones bien puntuales como hacerles baños
y
cocinas
a
gente
que
vive
en
algun
asentamiento. El Plan quedò muy en el nivel de la sobrevivencia. Yo estoy trabajando tambièn en el Cerrro Norte donde se concentra otra gran parte de la poblaciòn expulsada del centro, muchos afro descendientes, ahì es donde empezò el Plan. La gente està muy agradecida por lo que hizo el Presidente, es muy querido, pero la situaciòn es muy dura y piden màs apoyo. (Acuña, catedràtico de la Facultad de Arquitectura, no a caso, su plan de investigaciòn, es ser 376
el presidente del Plan Juntos, dirigirlo. Es un desastre, y los otros de la facultad estàn enojadisimos). Y ya estàn decretando el fin del Plan, terminado el mandato del Presidente terminarà tambièn el Plan. No logrò el efecto que querìa.... ha generado malos entendidos.....por ejemplo cuando inauguararon un nuevo barrio en una ruta perdida, el Pepe (elPresidente) dijo que “tengo que convencer a los arquitectos de la facultad que se puede costruir màs barato”. Se enfrentò con la universidad de la Repùblica. eso fue un fraentendimiento .... era un modo para dar chispa al debate interno que debe haber en la misma Universidad.) El
Plan
en
algunos
sentidos
ha
sido
anti-
producente, porque han reproducido los mecanismos estructurales existentes de que estamos hablando (barrio periferico segregado etc..) en lugar de combatirlos. En el Cerro Norte empezò el Plan porque en una de las antiguas fàbricas ocupadas, se derrumbò una pared y se muriò un muchacho, y a partir de esto , de esa muerte, mirà que simbòlico, parte el Plan). Y a quièn le gustarìa vivir en estos barrios centrales? Es real y tan fuerte el esteriotipo de la casita a las afueras, con fondo y parrillero? No todos, es un tema que siempre se va discutiendo pero creo que no todos la piensan asì. Ese es un discurso del imaginario de la clase media, bueno es difìcil hablar de clases porque en realidad una cosa es lo real y otra
es lo imaginario,
muchos se imaginan de clase media, pero no es 377
clase media! Es cierto que hay un poco de ese imaginario, pero no tanto en los sectores populares no es asì esactamente con esa visiòn. Pero por ejemplo, en el cooperativismo, ahì sì se ve este tema, tenès clases populares, lo que se viene llamando clase medio-baja, ahì sì el paradigma es un poco esto, es lo que se discute con los cooperativista, con esa
visiòn que
tienen. gentrification ►
El
tema
de
la
gentrificaciòn
:
pero
a
què
poblaciòn vas a afectar si estàn vacios? Porquè se esconden atràs de este miedo? La idea de hasta dònde puede llegar la esclusiòn, la concepciòn excluyente y discriminatoria del ser humano, (tambièn no es tan conciente es toda una dinàmica inconciente) como para preferir que quede todo vacìo antes de tener a los “otros”, es mejor nadie que otros, ese otro con el cual tenès que convivir; y hay gente que tiene miedo. En
algunos
lugares,
como
el
Barrio
Reus,
hay todavia ocupaciones y los vecinos siguen queriendo que los echen. Yo no digo que no sea cierto que se puedan generar conflictos en el caso hipotètico que efectivamente se realizara una polìtica de repoblamiento, que hayan momentos criticos, es inevitable, hay que cuestionarlos, y todos,
colectivamente, salimos
adelante. La opciòn no puede ser seguir asì, en este caso de repoblaciòn y està el que quiera quedarse en esa zona, en el territorio màs en general, porque hay mucho valor en realidad tiene mucho potencial, por ejemplo en Casavalle hay un potencial paisajìstico grande, està el Cerrito . 378
Es esa especie de dejadèz, que vos podès llegar a sentir, que tiene que ver con nuestro territorio que no termina de ser del todo colonizado, que somos pocos, hay espacio de sobra, esa idea del gaucho, eso es màs antiguo todavia. Es
dejadèz,
es
civilizatorio, adomesticar,
como
un
como
primitivismo,
decir
colonizar,
no
hace
diseñar,
pre-
◄ laziness
falta
controlar,
planificar; y esto lo ves simplemente con el tema de la basura, Montevideo es desde siempre una ciudad sucia, y pasa por esa visiòn de decir "total hay lugar", hasta que no te coma la basura no hacès nada. Las crònicas de las colonias hablan de Montevideo del siglo 18-19 narran lo sucia que era la ciudad. La
crisis
de
neoliberalismo
la de
"Repùblica la
modelo",
dictadura,
la
el
crisis
econòmica del 2002 y estamos ahora. Es historia muy reciente, no hay màs. Y
està
esa
cosa
que
en
tèrminos
generales
culturales se traduce tambièn en dejadèz. (la experiencia en Barcelona fue muy interesante tambièn
por
esto,
porque
es
exactamente
lo
opuesto, es una ciudad donde el diseño està en todo. te tenìas que ir de la ciuadad para poder sentir la libertad......, ese sistema de retìcula que te absorbe completamente). Acà es al revès, es todo muy "salvaje". Entonces tiene esa ambivalencia, esa cosa de Nuevo Mundo, Amèrica , la idea de la pampa, el gaucho , que vive en la soledad, mata a una vaca, se come un pedazo y el resto de la vaca que se pudra , no le interesa porque tanto hay millones de vacas. Es esa cabeza, ese anarquismo 379
rural, hago todo lo que quiero. Pero despuès choca cuando estàs con otros, cuando estàs en la sociedad, en el sistema urbano. Es un poco remar contra una corriente porque a nivel estructural persiste esa dejadèz.
Y màs
en esta era, globalizada o llamàla como quieras, de contacto entre las culturas, que ves otros modelos posibles y quisieras aplicarlos aquì, te sentìs solo, es difìcil remarla. Y esa “dejadèz" se transforma en evidencia en la ciudad, las casas quedan abandonadas, o aunque estèn habitadas no estàn mantenidas, las calles todas rotas, la basura por todos lados... Y sì, estàn chocando estos modelos. Y hay cambios generacionales
como
es
natural
que
haya,
la
generaciòn que ahora tiene entre los 30-40 vé otra cosa respecto a la generaciòn precedente; hay cambios, pero lleva tiempo, y eso genera como choques fuertes con estos modelos, estos paradigmas que estamos contando. Y todo esto no tiene nada que ver con una visiòn evolucionista, serìa un antropòlogo del siglo pasado si te hablara de salvajes-barbarismocivilizaciòn...tambièn respecto a otras formas de vida, hay que ser relativistas. community ►
Hay que ver todas las opciones, pero estamos hablando de opciones que son violentas, son un lìmite a la convivencia (esto de la basura...) porque aunque sean otras formas, hay un lìmite para que la convivencia se pueda dar. Es
pensar
en
tèrminos
màs
colectivos,
das lugar a la diversidad en el colectivo,
còmo la
cohabitaciòn . Vivimos todos juntos, es bueno que lo sepamos, asumamos la diversidad, pero 380
estamos todos juntos. Y esto es algo que te choca en un paìs que es chico, pero a veces falta propiamente de colectivismo, chico pero està fragmentado, esa cosa que se diò antes pero seguramente fue acentuada durante la dictadura. Son todavìa los efectos que se estàn viviendo. Una estrategia como màs allà, màs de guerrilla, màs de lo micro sin perder esa visiòn de lo macro, pero tàctico. Esa combinaciòn entre el micro y el macro. Y lo que no se da en Montevideo, es el movimiento
◄ Okupa movement
“ocupa”, que es otra opciòn. Pero para este paìs este "cambio" serìa como mucho, muy radical, muy distinto a lo que hubo hasta ahora, muy revolucionario, muy caòtico. Y ademàs esto de la dejadèz, hay que militar para obtener derechos, este tema tendrìa que ser militado,
y no es solo ocupar y ya està, tiene
todo un sentido màs amplio de lugar cultural, para y desde el barrio mismo , dialogar con el barrio, tener un buen vìnculo con la comunidad. Ellos
mismos
pueden
ser
como
la
chispa
que
despierte el resto del barrio. Las condiciones no son hoy como para que el movimento “ocupa” se dè. Pero el cooperativismo es la opciòn , y es una muy buena opciòn!
*** 381
#7
RaĂşl VallĂŠs Arquitecto Coordinador de la Unidad Permanente de Vivienda Facultad de Arquitectura de la UdelaR
***
Què, segùn usted, habrìa que hacer o se podrìa hacer, se ha hecho y considera exitoso, què falta como polìticas, planificaciòn, proyectaciòn que tengan como prioridad el tema del despoblamiento , del vaciamento de la ciudad, no sòlo para una mera densificaciòn, si no para una "cualificaciòn", considerando que el decrecimiento no tiene que ser negativo en si mismo, si no que puede dar vida a nuevas posibilidades? Primero parece que hay un esfuerzo importante que ya lleva diversos años, que la Universidad y el contexto de la investigaciòn en el àmbito acadèmico, ha tenido mucha insidencia y mucha responsabilidad en incorporar conceptos o nuevos paradigmas en la forma de ver la situaciòn. Hoy por hoy se puede notar un comùn denominador en los argumentos de los actores que tienen que ver con la ciudad, adentro de la facultad como afuera, y esto creo que no sea casualidad, que hay unos marcos conceptuales que se comparten y que por lo menos estàn en el discurso, no necesariamente en la pràctica. Esto tiene que ver con la cuestiòn sobre todo por ejemplo, hablando de vivienda, hoy hablamos de sistema habitacional, hoy hablamos de habitat, de sistema urbano-habitacional, es decir esto de relacionar el residencial con el urbano, la escala del domèstico hoy por hoy no se lo entiende si no se lo acosta a la cuestiòn urbana. La escala de la ciudad, la escala de la convivencia, la escala 384
del barrio. Se
entiende
que
es
un
sistema
complejo
que
requiere una mirada multidimensional y que ademàs necesita de una intersectorial para poder ser resuelta, multidimensionalidad y del encuentro multidisciplinario alcanza
la
para
disciplina
poderlo de
la
enteder.
No
arquitectura,
nonostante personalmente tenga una fé tremenda en el valor del proyecto como un elemento clave para la habitabilidad de las personas. Pero
para
sucediendo
poder como
diagnosticar para
proponer
lo
que
està
soluciones
es
necesario la concurrencia de distintas miradas que expliquen el fenòmeno. A travès de esta cuestiòn, explìcita o implìcita, se han generado una serie de lìneas de acciòn y se han desarollado programas que van en esta direcciòn. Creo que se ha trabajado bastante bien en general algunas bases instrumentales. Por ejemplo, el instrumento de la cartera de inmuebles es un instrumento clave para generar oportunidades de acceso a poblaciòn de ingreso bajo que en otra manera no podrìa llegar, por medio del mercado nunca podrìan llegar; que el Estado està cumpliendo un rol de mediador y facilitador para colocar algunas cuestiones que el mercado nunca podrìa solucionar, porque por definiciòn el rol del mercado representado por las empresa es el màximo beneficio con la menor inversiòn posible. Entonces es el Estado que tiene que jugar un rol de mediador y limar esas cuestiones. Lo que aparece es que hay una limitante importante en los instrumentos para acceder a la compra de 385
suelo y la limitante de lo presupuestal. Otro tema asociado con esto, es la integraciòn socio-territorial y esto de la ciudad que ya no es una ciudad central si no que es una ciudad multicèntrica, y donde hay porciones de territorio que empiezan a jugar un rol, o deberìan empezar a jugar un rol diferente;
aceptar que hay una
multi-centralidad, una multi-culturalidad, que hay una movilidad en el territorio que genera emergentes bastantes complejos, en el tema de la expansiòn metropolitana es bastante claro aceptar todo esto y actuar para que en alguna manera estas cuestiones se empiecen a equilibrar desde el punto de vista de los servicios y de las infrastructuras, generando mejores condiciones de vida, identidades barriales, en definitiva mejores calidades. Es un desafio grande, el reconocimiento de estas centralidades que no son la de la ciudad cèntrica si no poli-cèntrica. En
un
contexto
planificador
esto
serìa
por
ejemplo, reforzar las transversalidades, por que si bien es cierto que estas estructuras existen, seguimos con un esquema radial, monocèntrico, bien claro en el sistema de trasporte. Tambièn es cierto que la ciudad se ha expandido propiamente a lo largo de estos corredores urbanos, de estos tentàculos [la mano con los dedos ]. Pero en los intersticios de estos corredores empiezan a verse una malla urbana y habitacional, muy signada por la precariedad, en donde es necesario trabajar en lo que es la adoptaciòn de infrastructura, de servicios y de servicios de calidad, que en alguna manera reconoscan eso y 386
contribuyan a su consolidaciòn de la manera mejor posible en el entendido que hay una cuestiòn de irreversibilidad de ese fenòmeno. Hay una fantasìa que dice que la ciudad perdiò poblaciòn en sus àreas centrales , se expandiò geograficamente, no expansiòn demografica, hay esta fantasìa que lo que se moviò para allà (otras nuevas centralidades) vuelva para acà ( àreas consolidadas) mediante un mecanismo de densificaciòn de las àreas centrales. Yo soy de los que creen que una vez que esa poblaciòn
se
moviò,
se
generan
pautas
de
localizacion, pautas culturales, vìnculos con el propio territorio y con la propria cultura de ocupar un lugar, un sitio en la malla, que son muy difìciles de revertir. Lo que se puede hacer es frenar y congelar el fenòmeno. Eso sì. Lo que tenemos que hacer hoy es frenar el fenòmeno expansivo, que ya se està frenando por distintos factores, en los ùltimos años ha habido una recuperaciòn de la formalidad del empleo, estamos con un muy bajo percentual de desempleo, y eso ha incidido mucho en el proceso expansivo que se ha producido en un contexto totalmente
diferente.
Cuando
està
al
20%
el
desempleo, la gente pierde piè con el tema del alquiler, que fue un proceso que empezò en los ùltimos años de los setenta, y que provocò una expulsiòn importante de poblaciòn. Ese fenòmeno se frena. Hoy las àreas intermedias de la ciudad estàn recuperando sus capacidades de absorber los hogares nuevos y los que ya existìan. Lo que me parece que hay que reforzar fuertemente es la posibilidad de que la formaciòn de nuevos 387
hogares y que las opciones posibles que hoy se estèn haciendo, generar la posibilidad que esas opciones
se tomen en las àreas
consolidadas de
la ciudad. En este sentido sìhay que reforzar algunos
mecanismos:
hay
que
trabajar
en
la
cartera de inmuebles, que es un tema central, lo de las mejores calidades de equipamientos, de servicios, de infrastructuras, y tambièn hay que trabajar en utilizar los mecanismo que hoy existen de mejor manera. Creo que hay que puntar fuertemente a la calidad de las intervenciones. Y la calidad la dà la localizaciòn, el proyecto y la partecipacion de la poblaciòn: la localizacion porque debe ser adecuada a las necesidades, no cualquier lugar libre;
el proyecto porque tiene que aportar
calidad en la arquitectura y en lo urbano y tiene que aportar una calidad de materialidad, porque uno de los problemas que tenemos nosotros es que en las àreas màs lejanas, en las periferias degradadas
cuando se hacen intervenciones se
hacen intervenciones pobres, de pobre disegno, de pobre materialidad, en fin de pobre arquitectura. Es como si se hiciera una arquitectura pobre para pobre. Yo creo que hay que hacer al revès. En esos sitios hay que colocar la mejor calidad, hay que hacer un esfuerzo para intervenir con la mejor calidad de proyecto y con la mejor calidad material. Es
como
una
generaciòn
de
doble
entrada.
centralidades,
Por de
un
lado
servicios
la y
equipamientos de calidad, deber que lo tiene que tomar la administraciòn del territorio en funciòn ademàs 388
de los acuerdos socio-territoriales que
hay que hacer con la poblaciòn,
y en este
sentido existe la herramienta, del Presupuesto Participativo, pero esta herramienta hay que en alguna manera ilustrarla, invocarla, abrir el panorama a la imaginaciòn, hay que ayudar en eso. Es la misma poblaciòn que plantea los dèficit , las necesidades y las soluciones. Es justo que sea asì, pero si todo esto se hiciera adentro de un marco de una acciòn participativa potente, que para que sea eficaz y potente tiene que contar con una buena calidad de informaciòn y tiene que contar con un espectro importante de
cosas
posibles,
que
abra
la
imaginaciòn.
Si a esos colectivos que tienen la voluntad de
juntarse
para
discutir
como
mejorar
el
proprio habitat urbano, su barrio, los apoyas con un asesoramiento capaz de informar, ayudar y abrir la imaginaciòn a soluciones posibles, esas ideas propuestas adquieren una visiòn màs completa, saliendo de las ideas de la placita, del semàforo, yendo a una mirada màs eficiente tambièn en largo plazo. La herramienta es buena, pero no està explotada ... Hay que trabajar mucho, porque es un instrumento muy
bueno
pero
tiene
que
ser
potenciado
propiamente para tener una eficacia mayor. Hay
algunos
casos
dònde
se
estàn
generando
comisiones intersectoriales en los barrios, en Casavalle por ejemplo, que ahora invitaron a la universidad a participar. Esto por lo que tiene que ver con espacio pùblico, servicios e infrestructuras. Por el lado de lo residencial, sin duda, el tema 389
de facilitar el acceso en una buena localizacion al suelo y a la vivienda pasa por una intervenciòn del Estado decidida, en la compra de suelo, en la obtenciòn de suelo, porque el Estado muchas veces tiene suelo en propiedad que èl mismo desconoce y que son propiedades a las cuales falta poco para poder pasar de vacantes
y abandonada a ser
utilizada para y por la comunidad. Noemi
Alonso me hablò de este tema, de los
problemas juridicos que blocan esta situaciòn. Los mecanismo existen
pero no estàn siendo
aplicados. Por ejemplo, la ley de ordenamiento territorial del año 2008 habla de los derechos de propiedad y de las obligaciones: obligaciones de usar, de cuidar, de mantener, y si es un bien patrimonial màs todavìa. Si tu no estàs cumpliendo con tus obligaciones de propietario, podrìa
actuar la sociedad contra alguien que no
està cumpliendo sus deberes de ciudadano. El caso de una persona que tiene una vivienda abandonada: està generando problemas ambientales, de riesgo de derrumbes, problemas de roedores y acumulaciòn de basura, etc... Sin
embargo
si
las
istituciones
empiezan
un
proceso de expropiaciòn del bien, despuès de mucho tiempo se logra expropiar y todavìa se da un premio a ese propietario que no estaba cumpliendo sus deberes, porque se le paga la expropriacion del bien! Hay que dar vuelta a este concepto. Hay que tener tambièn otros mecanismos, como por
ejemplo
la
toma
inmediata
de
posesiòn:
cuando se hace el acta de inizio del proceso de expropiaciòn que lleva muchos años, tendrìa que 390
existir la posibilidad de parte del Estado de apropiarse inmediatamente del bien si se trata de una soluciòn irreversible, sin esperar que se termine todo el proceso de expropiaciòn . Porque hasta que el estado legalmente no entra en poseciòn del bien, no lo puede destinar a nada. Hay una figura que se propuso cuando se hizo la cartera de inmuebles al cual partecipé y fuè propiamente la toma urgente de posesiòn, que una vez empezada la expropriaciòn, un juez pueda determinar que se tome posesiòn y que se pueda utilizar inmediatamente. Porque por ejemplo, en las polìticas pùblicas de vivienda, si tu no tienes la propiedad no lo puedes poner en juego ese bien. Este seria un instrumento para agilitar todo el proceso. Es importante entonces que el Estado , en el rol de facilitador, pueda operar sobre el suelo para asignarlo a los programas que entienda mas adecuados. Otro instrumento es lo que se està haciendo con la nueva ley de promocion de inversiones, que designa zonas y àreas prioritarias. Creo que desde el punto de vista del efecto densificador sin duda va a tener impacto. Podemos discutir si la asignaciòn de recursos de parte del Estado o la renuncia fiscal que el Estado hace para la promociòn privada es una buena decisiòn o no. Hay que contar lo que se renuncia, lo que se subsidia, pero todavìa estamos en el medio del proceso y no podemos evaluar los efectos del programa. 391
Puede resultar ambiguo el discurso cuando ves que empresas privadas, que no precisan digamos ayudas economicas, construyen semejantes torres exoneradas de impuestos, o sea con ayuda de parte del Estado. Y los precios al metro cuadrado de esos apartamentos no corresponden a la poblaciòn que necesita. El argumento que està atràs de eso es que esa empresa nunca irìa a construir en ese lugar si no tuviera esa exoneraciòn. Es la otra cara de la moneda. Al mismo tiempo, la otra cosa que me parece ir junta con esto, es una clara visiòn de ciudad que tiene que tener la administraciòn. Porque todo esto del manejar suelo, no tendria sentido si no tendrìamos idea de què hacer con ese suelo. Una de las cosas que me parece estar pasando es que se maneja suelo pero no se tiene una idea clara de còmo se ocupa ese suelo, còmo se densifica ese suelo, còmo se contribuye a la
conformaciòn
construye
del
ciudad.
espacio
La
urbano,
sensaciòn
que
còmo
se
tengo
es
que se otorga suelo, por ejemplo al sistema cooperativo, pero no se marca claramente cuàles son las condiciones de uso de ese suelo, o si se marca, se marcan en manera muy tìmida. Seria capaz una buena herramienta a utilizar, el sistema de concursos pùblicos... Ese es otro de los mecanismos que no hay y que deberìa haber.
Este instrumento tiene que
ser impulsado por puntos de vista que entiendan que
el
proyecto
lamentablemente,
es
importante.
tanto
en
la
Y
creo
que
administraciòn
central como en las administraciones locales, el 392
rol del proyecto està en un sitio muy relegado, porque
no
se
entiende
la
importancia.
O
lo
peor lo se asocia con que las arquitecturas de calidad son caras, son para sectores que no son los sectores de la vivienda social, o son para utilizarlos para otros programa, y no para vivienda colectiva. En este sentido creo que hay un dèficit importante de una visiòn: hay que priorizar la cuestiòn del proyecto. Para priorizar la cuestiòn del proyecto pueden darse distintos mecanismos, uno es el que tu dices, los concursos, concursos de anteproyecto , desarrollos de proyectos ejecutivos... Tambièn me parece que no hay una promociòn de parte de los programas pùblicos justamente para obtener calidad en las propuestas. Esto se hace priorizando alternativas a lo que hoy tenemos. Hay tres elementos que son claves: localizaciòn, el proyecto y la participaciòn. Dejo
afuera
el
argumento
del
financiamento
porque eso siempre se arregla y creo que el factor del subsidio y de la dotaciòn de recursos es inevitable. Porque en definitiva entre la cuestiòn de la ciudad, del habitat urbano residencial, que es esta conexiòn entre la ciudad , la calidad de dotaciòn urbana, y la residencia, en definitiva, la calidad de las intervenciones son claves. Ir en esa direcciòn tiene que ver con priorizar unas miradas que hoy no se estàn priorizando. El sistema cooperativista , a nivel teòrico, incluye o puede incluir estos tres elementos 393
claves: y
buena
localizaciòn,
partecipaciòn
activa
buen de
proyecto
los
mismo
cooperativistas... El instrumento, el programa que està integrado en el cooperativsimo es un programa que tiene una potencialidad enorme para impulsar estas cosas, pero creo que allì tambièn hay problemas grandes de concepciòn , de alcance, de falta de potenciar esa herramienta, hay un dèficit importante en la cuestiòn del proyecto que es responsabilidad de la administraciòn tanto cuanto de los tècnicos que estàn trabajando adentro de este sistema. Si
se
quiere
potenciar
por
ejemplo,
la
rehabilitaciòn de las àreas màs centrales, en donde la estructura fìsica tiene una potencialidad muy
grande,
hay
que
tratar
de
sacar
esas
experiencias del plan de lo "experimental" para que los mismo tècnicos que trabajaron en eso, que no sea solamente una experiencia muy interesante pero casi irrepetible, por las condiciones en que hoy se puede trabajar. Si tu realmente como administraciòn quieres potenciar este proceso tienes que generar otras condiciones, desde de lo que se puede invertir en el predio. Hoy està topiado en un 20% lo que se puede invertir en el edificio o en tierra: creo que es claramente insuficiente para reciclajes. Tambièn està muy limitada la remuneraciòn de los tècnicos que pueden trabajar en esto. Si no se sigue trabajando con esta idea, en un contexto de restricciòn de recursos, se sigue con la convicciòn que se hace lo que se puede, llegamos otra vez a la cuestiòn de lo pobre para los pobres. 394
Pero los instrumentos estàn, a nivel urbano, a nivel jurìdico, y a nivel de lo que es programas de financiamiento pùblico. Sin embargo, hay allì cuestiones a mejorar, a ajustar.
***
395
396
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