Addressing Urban Risk in Buenos Aires

Y mรกs allรก la inundaciรณn A d d ressin g U rb a n Ris k in B u e n o s A ire s GLOBALIZATION STUDIO 2016 MSC URBANISM & LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE TU-DELFT FRANCISCO MARIN NIETO I PANAGIOTA TZIKA KOSTOPOULOU I FRANZISKA UNZNER I KRITIKA SHA I RAHUL DEWAN I KONSTANTINA DANAI KALOGEROPOULOU

Kritika Sha 4505581 Rahul Dewan 4505719 Franziska Unzner 4509269 Francisco MarĂ­n Nieto

4516281

Panagiota Tzika Kostopoulou

4519876

Konstantina Danai Kalogeropoulou

4516443

kritika nagia

rahul nadia

curro

franzi

U niversity: TU Delft, Netherlands

Course: Msc1 Urbanism 2015-2016 Studio R & D Studio: Globalization Tutor: Diego SepĂşlveda Carmona, D.A. Francisco Colombo, Ir. F.F.

Sur / South 1948 San Juan y Boedo antigua y todo el cielo, Pompeya y, más allá, la inundación, tu melena de novia en el recuerdo, y tu nombre flotando en el adiós…

La esquina del herrero barro y pampa, tu casa, tu vereda y el zanjón y un perfume de yuyos y de alfalfa que me llena de nuevo el corazón.

Sur… paredón y después…

Sur… una luz de almacén…

Ya nunca me verás como me vieras, recostado en la vidriera y esperándote, ya nunca alumbraré con las estrellas nuestra marcha sin querellas por las noches de Pompeya.

Las calles y las lunas suburbanas y mi amor en tu ventana todo ha muerto, ya lo sé.

San Juan y Boedo antigua, cielo perdido, Pompeya y, al llegar al terraplén, tus veinte años temblando de cariño bajo el beso que entonces te robé.

Nostalgia de las cosas que han pasado, arena que la vida se llevó, pesadumbre del barrio que ha cambiado y amargura del sueño que murió.

Old San Juan and Boedo street corner, the whole sky Pompeya and farther down, the floods Your bride’s loose hair in my memory and your name floating in the farewell The blacksmith’s corner, mud and pampa, your house, your sidewalk, and the deep ditch and a scent of weeds and of alfalfa that fills my heart all over again.

South, a large wall and then…

South, a light from a general store…

You’ll never see me again, like you saw me, reclined on the glass window and waiting for you.

I’ll never illuminate with the stars our walk without quarrels on the evenings of Pompeya…

The streets and the suburban moons, and my love on your window, all is dead, I know it…

Old San Juan and Boedo street corner, lost sky, Pompeya and reaching the embankment, your twenty years trembling with affection under the kiss I then stole from you.

Nostalgia of things that have past, sand that life swept away, sorrow of the barrio that have changed, and bitterness of a dream that died.

- Translation by Alberto Paz

a t

cknowledgment

his booklet is the collective effort, supported

by Prof. Diego Sepúlveda, TU-Delft. His guidance with Prof. Francisco Colombo has been invaluable, helping us comprehend the complex globalization processes in Buenos Aires. A special thanks goes to our mentors from FADU-Universidad de Buenos Aires, Prof. Flavio Jánchez and Prof. Maria Jesús Huarte. Prof. Markus Vogl and Prof. Antje Stockman from Universität Stuttgart with Prof.

Lisa Diedrich from SLU Malmö also guided us with their expertise and advice. This project would not have been possible without the full cooperation of Buenos Aires Ciudad, Secretaría de Hábitat e Inclusión and SECHI, who helped us gain an insight about Buenos Aires.

t

p

reface

his book documents the Globalization studio, TU-Delft, which studies the inequalities caused by the dynamism of globalization economic drivers in emerging deltaic metropolitan regions. The 10 week studio, includes a 2 week workshop at Buenos Aires, where students from University of Malmo, University of Stuttgart and students from TU-Delft had a chance to explore the area first hand and interact with the local actors involved. This is incorporated in comprehensive strategic framework and guidelines proposed for a globalised Buenos Aires, leading to a critical reflection of the metropolitanization processes.

c

ontents

Acknowledgment Preface Glossary 10-11 The studio progresses 12-13 Chapter 1. ‘Theoretical framework’ 15-29 Chapter 2. ‘Goals’ 31-37 Chapter 3. ‘Desk analysis’ 39-67 Chapter 4. ‘Field analysis’ 69-77 Chapter 5. ‘Strategic framework’ 79-85 Chapter 6. ‘Introducing site’ 87-93 Chapter 7. ‘Strategy’ 95-137 Chapter 8. ‘Space syntax’ 139-143 Chapter 9. ‘Reflection’ 145-155 Bibliography 156

v

illa: It is a type of shanty town or slum found in cities of Argentina. These settlements consist of small houses or informal settlements made with scrap material, and with unfinished brick (whenever affordable); with narrow unpaved streets and internal passages. They are often with poor sanitation services, and no official supply of electricity or water supply. The villas range from small groups of precarious houses to larger, more organized communities with thousands of residents.

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ocial Housing: Several social housing projects were executed by the Buenos Aires government, especially in the 1970s, in Solidati, Lugano and Ciudadela. These were planned to counter act overcrowding and housing shortage. However, there housing complexes have issues integrating themselves into the surrounding urban fabric.

b

uenos Aires Grid: The Buenos Aires urban grid, conceived in 1580, defines the urban form of city, with an approximately 100m x 100m grid, spreading across the pampas. The greater metropolitan region of Buenos Aires has a predominantly low rise, and low density urban grid.

a

MBA: Greater Buenos Aires (AMBA) is the urban agglomeration comprising the autonomous city of Buenos Aires and the adjacent 24 partidos (districts) over the Province of Buenos Aires. Thus, it does not constitute a single administrative unit. The conurbation spreads south, west and north of Buenos Aires city.

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c

ABA: The city of Buenos Aires (CABA) is neither part of Buenos Aires Province nor the Province’s capital; rather, it is an autonomous district. A constitutional amendment granted the city autonomy, hence its formal name: Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (Autonomous City of Buenos Aires).

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pen space: “…open space, meaning the streets parks, plazas and other publicly owned outdoor spaces, as opposed to the private domain of housing and work.”

Hajer R. and Reijndorp A., In search of a new public domain, NAi publishers, Rotterdam, 2000

glossary

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nbuilt Space: space in the urban fabric which is open and with undefined functions and are often inaccessible in nature.

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ublic space: “Public space can therefore be conceived not as the physical space owned by the State according to property regulations, but as a space owned by all, and which, from a socio-cultural viewpoint, is the community expression of contact and communion among individuals.”

Borja, Jordi y Muxi, Zaida, EI espacio publico: ciudad y ciudadanía, Barcelona, Electa, 2003 “...it is the sphere where we encounter the proverbial ‘other’ and where we must relate to ‘other’ behaviour, other ideas and other preferences. This means it is also a domain of surprise and reflection. The public realm is ‘the sphere of social relations going beyond our own circle of friendships, and of family and professional relations. The idea of the public realm is bound up with the ideas of expanding one’s mental horizons, of experiment, adventure, discovery, surprise.”

Bianchini, F. and Schwengel, H., 1991. Reimagining the city.

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ublic Domain: Public domain is defined as the places where an exchange between different social groups is possible and also actually occurs.

Hajer, M. and Reijndorp, A., 2001. In search of new public domain. Rotterdam: NAi.

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19.04.2016

10

“Would you tell me which way I ought to go from here?”, asked Alice.

“That depends a good deal on where you want to get” said the Cat. “I really don’t care where”, replied Alice.

“Then it doesn’t much matter which way you go”, said the Cat. - Lewis Carroll (Alice in Wonderland)

Image Sources: Author

the studio progresses...

30.06.2016

11

Image Source: Author

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hapter 1

Theoretical Framework -Literature Review-Globalization-Urban Risk?-

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Image Source: Author

World cities and territorial states in the conditions of contemporary globalization

World city formation: An agenda for research and action - John Friedmann & Goetz Wolf (1982)

- Peter J. Taylor (2000)

(CC)

(SPC) (PC)

Emergence and number of global cities per country dependent on size of GDP, economic potential and historical political organization (central or federal)

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Core cities

Semi periphery cities

Periphery cities

(CC)

(SPC)

(PC)

Source : Author “Can this typology be applied to the inner dynamics of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan region?�

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w

here has been a rising need to view cities from the perspective of world economic system in-formation. This is illustrated by how trans-national corporations jostle for control of economic space leading to control of urban life. The author classifies these cities into 3 categories. Core cites are already industrialised regions that contain the majority of corporate headquarters and continue to be the major markets for world production. Semiperiphery cities are rapidly industrialising areas whose economies are still dependant on core-region capital and knowledge. On the other hand, periphery cities comprise of what is left of market economies, where they are mainly agrarian, poor, technology and politically weak.

orld cities are often described as the articulators of national economies into the world economy. It has a key characteristic of having a concentration of advanced producer services and a monopoly of knowledge. World cities can be classified on the basis of global capacity of 4 sectors of the advances producer services (Advertisement, Accounting, Law, Banking/Finance) according to presence, size and status of offices. The emergence and number of global cities per country is dependent on size of GDP, economic potential and historical political organization (central or federal). However, few specific cities have knowledge monopolies are for global regions, via transnational networks.

literature review

Global city-regions: an overview. Global City Regions - Scott, A.J., Agnew, J., Soja, E.W. and Storper, M. (2001)

“in the globalised world, global city regions compete with each other. This, reinforced by neoliberalism policies, leads to increased inequalities.”

i

n this text, Scott, Agnew, Soja and Storper expand the concept of the “World City” or “Global city” to “Global city regions” as spatial, economic and political phenomenon that is currently intensifying and challenging traditional planning and policy strategies.

As opposed to routinized production economic activities that are spatially bound to infrastructure and regions of cheap labour, globalisation also goes along with the reinforcement of highly specialized and creative industries. The latter depend on clustering to facilitate encounters, flexibility and creativity.

These clusters are localised in the global

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city regions that now emerge as political and economic actors on the world stage that was previously dominated by national economies.

In many countries, neoliberal currents have established themselves, allowing new private public partnerships and implementing policies to increase the competitiveness between regions. The authors criticize this trade-off between social protection and job creation that widens the gap between rich and poor especially in developing countries. Hence, they argue for a social democratic perspective as governance system and support institution building efforts on regional and supranational levels.

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he idea of a world city can be tested in Buenos Aires. The global, or the core city is manifests itself mainly in Comuna 1. The core service industry and advanced producer services occur mainly in that region. Along with that, gated communities form a part of the core city, as they are directly linked the advanced producer services with privatized infrastructural lines. The semi-periphery areas form a ring around the core city of Buenos Aires. They have a concentration of manufacturing zones and are linked with the core city. They are dependent on the core city for it to function and contribute. The periphery city takes mainly the shape of villa (or slums) in Buenos Aires. These areas are marginalised and lack access to basic needs and services.

They remain excluded from the system and services of the core and semi-periphery city areas

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literature review

APPLICATION OF THE WORLD CITY IDEA IN THE BUENOS AIRES REGION

Core world cities Core: Gated communities Semi-periphery industries Semi-periphery industrial zones Periphery: slums / villas

Source: Open Street Map & Ministerio de Infraestructura, Gobierno de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Septiembre 2007

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Constructing Premium Network Spaces: Reflection of Infrastructure Networks and Contemporary Urban Development

Explorations on socio-spatial integrative strategies based on the transformative potentialities of implementing a polycentric metropolitan model

- Stephen Graham (2000)

- Flavio Janchez and Diego Sepulveda (2009)

Source : Author Extended and poly-nucleated urban regions increase inner-city-fragmentation, further fueling the creation of splintering networks.

Source : Author The challenge of a polycentric model is not to be a collection BUT a network of centralities

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lobalisation has a reciprocal relationship between local and global scales, which boosts local identities and helps find a new position towards the world.

he infrastructural lines of Buenos Aires prior to 1960 was mainly public-monopolistic, social-oriented, standardized, integral and ubiquitous in nature. However, post 1960, due to privatization, the infrastructure has generally become profit-oriented, customized and global in nature and scale.

The goal of the polycentric model, as described by the author, is articulated by main centralities which are, enhancing competitiveness and coping with social needs. On the other hand, there are several challenges of the polycentric model. The polycentric model does not work as a collection of centralities, but as a network of centralities. Also, globally-oriented centralities are often defined under certain spatial configuration, leading to more socioeconomic groups to profit from its services.

The authors suggest to use public space as a tool for social integration, boosting local identities and participatory processes in the new network of centralities.

This has changed the nature of the infrastructure to now give priority to socioeconomic elites and to connect them to global-city-oriented spaces.

It also has the tendency to bypass, filter or isolate low-income groups as less profitable areas. This has led to the intensification of capital’s uneven distribution and fragmented spatial development. Along with this the extended and poly-nucleated urban regions increase inner-city-fragmentation, further fueling the creation of splintering networks.

literature review

CENTRALITIES IN THE METROPOLITAN REGION OF BUENOS AIRES

t Centralities Connection corridor Buenos Aires - Rosario Consolidated areas

Source: Gobierno de la Provincia de Buenos Aires, Ministerio de Infraestructura, Vivienda y Servicios Publicos

he growth of Buenos Aires has been mainly along its infrastructural lines, with consolidated areas of urban growth formed along them.

Until around 1960s, the city grew along these infrastructural lines. However, post 1960, sue to privatization of infrastructural lines, growth was scattered to larger distances. This led to a distinctive pattern of urban fabric in Buenos Aires. The areas in-between the infrastructural lines have become marginalised and have poorer access to basic needs and services.

This leads to highly fragmented areas, which are more unable to cope with urban risks.

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From the specificity of urban risks to the challenges of Spatial analysis of climate change effects on urbanized urban governance in Latin American cities R I S KS TO TH E CHA LLE NG E S O F U R B Adelta N territories as a tool for planning: the case of the lower Parana Delta - Julien Rebotier (2009) C I TI E S - Veronica M.E. Zagare (2012)

o tio n o f k.

Area Type 1

Area Type 2 Risk 1

nd

s t to b e

sful strategy 1

strategy 2

s on Source : Author Successful adaptation policies: new methodologies, consider the spatial impacts of each driver, prepare for possible future scenarios

Source : Author Urban Risk = Hazard + Vulnerability Components: Biophysical + Social + Economical Vulnerability

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his paper presents the spatial implication method, as a way of identifying links between climate scenarios and socio-economic contexts at different scales. It focuses on the area of the Lower Parana Delta, in the coast of Buenos Aires, which is prone to extreme hydrological events. The author identifies the different residential typologies of the area and suggests that the climate events occurring in the Delta region have dissimilar impacts on them. Moreover, she points out that successful adaptation policies regarding climate change and urban growth require new methodologies that should consider the spatial impacts of each factor, while preparing the ground for future possible scenarios. The spatial implication approach could be applied on the decision making level (top-down), but it could also include the participation of the community (bottom-up).

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he author describes the specificity of Latin American cities in terms of decentralization, promotion of democracy and the promotion of local powers, but also in terms of urban risks.

Rebotier uses a broad definition of urban risk as a combination of hazards and vulnerability.

The specificity of urban risk combines biophysical, social and economic vulnerability in nature. To counteract this, strategic and participative planning needs to be part of the global economy and build alliances between different participants. Along with it, urban governance needs to have the ability to include new actors and new interests on local-decision making processes.

literature review

Double exposure: assessing the impacts of climate change within the context of economic globalization - Karen L. O’ Brien, Robin M. Leichenko (2000)

IMPACTS climate change

globalization

DOUBLE EXPOSURE

winners

losers

URBAN AREAS ECOSYSTEMS SOCIAL GROUPS

Source : Author “double exposure suggests linking climate change and globalisation, to better explore and deal with their impacts on urbanized areas around the world”

t

his paper introduces the concept of double exposure as a method for examining the simultaneous impacts of climate change and globalization to urban territories around the world. Double exposure refers to the fact that certain areas, ecosystems and social groups are currently facing or will have to face in the future the impacts of both processes. Until now, few studies have considered the two issues together, especially as far as their impacts are concerned. Special emphasis is also given on how the impacts of each process can influence each other. The authors mention that there are winners and losers associated with both of these global processes. Areas likely to benefit from the continuing processes of climate change or globalization are considered as winners, while the ones disadvantaged by these processes are the losers. By considering the joint impacts of the two processes, new sets of winners and losers emerge, which leads to new sets of possibilities.

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Buenos Aires: Fragmentation and privatization of the metropolitan city - Pedro Pirez (2002)

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he problems associated to insufficient governance structures described in the paper of Scott, Agnew, Soja and Storper becomes very obvious in the case of Buenos Aires.

According to Pirez, the plurality of governments and lack of a metropolitan authority stands in relation to much of the uncontrolled urban development of the last decades in the capital of Argentina.

The CABA (Ciudad AutĂłnoma de Buenos Aires), containing 15 Comunas, and the 24 municipalities of the AMBA Ă rea Metropolitana de Buenos Aires) do not share a mutual authority on a lower level than the National Government. The CABA is similar to a province, with own executive and legislative authorities, whereas the municipalities of the AMBA are subordinated to the Province of Buenos Aires.

Decisions regarding Buenos Aires and its region therefore have to be taken either locally or at national level - or not at all. This results in an inefficient decision making process and inconsistent planning and service structures.

There is no common urban vision and resources are extremely unequally distributed between CABA and AMBA, but also within the different municipalities. As response to this, some municipalities formed associations such as the Metropolitan Northern Region. However, their scope is inter-municipal and not regional, their goals economic and not social, and hence cannot replace the potentially balancing force of a metropolitan authority.

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literature review

UNDERSTANDING THE GOVERNANCE SYSTEM

Capital federal GBA 1st ring GBA 2nd ring GBA 3rd ring

Region metropolitana Norte

Municipal border

Region metropolitana Oeste

District border

Region metropolitana Sur

Source: Modelo Territorial Buenos Aires 2010-2060

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irez describes the impact of the forces of globalisation on Buenos Aires. In the 1990s, neoliberal movements became stronger and a state reform introduced an economic deregulation and privatisation of basic urban services. Hence, the government acts no longer as balancing force but submits to market forces, as enabler and not developer. This lead to the aggravation of social, infrastructural and spatial fragmentation and an increase of urban inequalities.

Furthermore, the state transferred structures like waste disposal, sewage and water provision and public transport to private companies.

Officially still maintaining regulatory functions, the government failed to provide common guidelines which gave rise to a multitude of autonomous providers that make their own decisions regarding coverage, areas of operation and investment. The needs of the –especially poorer- population are not necessarily considered. Deprived areas are even further bypassed and marginalized by a new type of “premium infrastructures� (see Curros text) that directly links up the well-off residential districts with the center.

Especially in the AMBA, there is a predominance of private planning that aims to produce a built environment for the particular needs of the middle and higher class population. In the city center, areas related to globalisation processes are densified; whereas in the periphery, low density gated communities proliferate. Hence, planning decisions are taken by economic actors striving for profit, not social equity and do not take the metropolitan dimension into account.

Pirez argues for the reconstruction of socio democratic policies that promotes equality and integration as stronger responses to the forces of globalisation. Since 2008, the government is in the process of de-privatising certain structures, in an attempt to regain control over them.

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globalization

25

Image Source: http://www.elmundo.es/internacional/2015/10/23/562900a1268e3ee5618b4618.html 13/94

URBAN Rebotier J., (2009), From the specificity of urban risks to the challenges of urban governance in Latin American cities.

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urban risk?

HAZARD

+ VULNERABILITY

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C

hapter 2

Goals -Hazards & Vulnerability-Goals-Research question-

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Image Source: Yi Yu

Contamination

Flooding

HAZARD Physical factors based on environmental, geographic and other conditions (Smith K, 2013, Environmental hazards : assessing urban risk & reducing disaster, Routledge) 30

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nvironmental hazards can be described as the physical factors based on environmental, geographic and other conditions. They manifest mainly as flooding the deltaic region around Tigre and along the Matanza-Riachuelo.

Pollution in the Matanza-Riachuelo is another form of environmental hazard. Mainly caused by industrial waste, it has been compounded by years of neglect and ignorance of illegal duping grounds. This combined with the canalization of the Riachuelo has created a complex system of environmental hazards.

Image Sources: 1 - http://cyt-ar.com.ar/cyt-ar/index. php/Archivo:Riachuelo_contaminado.jpg; 2 - http:// proyectoriachuelo.blogspot.nl/2013/04/planificacion-o-inundaciones.html

hazards & vulnerability

Insufficient income and lacking financial security

Limited access to basic needs

Limited access to power

Social stigmatisation

V UL N E R A B IL IT Y Historic, socio-cultural, economic, political, and other conditions that structure adaptive and coping (in)capacity for individuals and societies (Chambers 1989, Kreimer 1992, Bohle 2001,Cardona 2003).

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ocial vulnerability can be broadly categorized as the historic, socio-cultural, economic, political, and other conditions that structure adaptive and coping (in)capacity for individuals and societies. It is further enhanced by the incapacity and inability to cope with natural and environmental hazards. This is enforced by social, economic and political factors.

Image Sources: 1, 2 - http://faslanyc.blogspot.nl/2010_05_01_archive.html; 3,4 - http://www.buenosairesherald.com/; 5 - Leticia Cagnola

h

ence

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urban risk

s

ocial vulnerability results in a reduced capacity to cope with environmental hazards, reinforced by political and economical systems

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t

he issues of Urban risk (Environmental hazards along with social vulnerability need to be addressed in an integral and multi-scalar approach. The goal would be to understand the complexities of Buenos Aires, and to achieve environmental protection and social integration in a comprehensive and collaborative process.

The process undertaken to achieve these goals has been further elaborated on in the following pages.

Source: Author

goals & research question

W

r

esearch question

here, how and why does urban risk occur in the Buenos Aires metropolitan region?

How can it be locally addressed through a multi-scalar approach?

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C

hapter 3

Desk Analysis -Urban risk in BsAs-Environmental hazards-Social vulnerability-Conclusion-

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Image Source: Author

1890

agriculture to Lima

cattle Centralities

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he history of Buenos Aires dates back to the 16th century, when it started establishing itself as an important trading city for the Spanish conquerors. The city grew over the centuries, becoming federalized and the seat of government in 1880. Because of all the wealth it attracted, Buenos Aires has always been a city for immigrants from all over Europe and South America. The city grew rapidly, expanding radially along the railway infrastructure which stretched across pampas. Several other smaller cities cropped up along these infrastructure, acting as satellite towns to the main city. However, the city sprawl increased

Source: Author

as the city grew...

2016

unsatisfied urban pockets Integrated urban fingers

river pollution

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over the 19th and 20th century, and the smaller towns became engulfed in its growth. It was at this point, when the Riachuelo was canalized and its natural meander was controlled. The last few decades has seen the city grew inbetween the infrastructural lines, starting to fill them out completely. This now threatens the very fertile, flat pampas with urban sprawl.

Along with this, the sensitive Tigre delta is now threatened by gated communities which are encouraged by the premium infrastructure. In this manner, the history of Buenos Aires has shaped how it has formed and functions in its current form.

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XL L

environmental hazard

41

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n the Metropolis of Buenos Aires, the topographic lower areas around the Rio Matanza-Riachuelo, Rio de la Reconquista, the Tigre Delta and the shores of Rio de la Plata are at risk of being flooded. Urban expansion ignored the natural dynamics of riparian corridors – especially delta areas – and marshland. Hence, there is less and less space for flooding.

In Buenos Aires, the waters are bordered by industries and areas for lower income classes.

Especially the spatial coincidence of villas in floodable areas shows well how informal urbanisation took place in these hazardous areas that are less suitable for formal urbanisation.

However, in the recent years, a new form of settlement now occupies growing surfaces especially in the North of the Buenos Aires metropolitan region – Gated Communities, delimited enclaves of the well-off, encroach the Tigre-Delta and alter its hydric behaviour.

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XL

Source: Author

environmental hazard

ENVIRONMENTAL FLOOD RISKS

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Altitude < 5 metres =< 10 metres =< 15 metres Villas Gated communities

Sources: http://floodmap.net/ Elaboracion en base a INDEC (2001); Habitat y programas publicos de inclusion social en el Area Metropolitana de Buenos Aires(2006-2007)

r

ivers transport fertile sediments and depose them at their shores. Hence, an unregulated urban expansion in floodable areas also implies consumption of these very fertile soils.

Another issue is heavy soil and water contamination that occurs in these areas.

These are caused by industrial discharge in the water system, but also informal settlements, where the water system has to replace the lack of basic services.

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XL

Source: Author

environmental hazard

ENVIRONMENTAL HUMAN RELATED RISKS

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Nature reserve Fertile soil Contaminated soil Dumping site Open air dumping site

Sources: http://www.atlasdebuenosaires.gov.ar/ http://www.filo.uba.ar/contenidos/investigacion/institutos/geo_bkp/geocritica2010/185.htm Gobierno de la Provincia de Buenos Aires- Ministerio de Infraestructura, Vivienda Y Servicios Publicos

m

arking the border between CABA and AMBA, the Matanza-Riachuelo river is canalized and framed by streets on both sides.

The level difference between street and water surface can protect the surroundings in times of minor flooding. If Sudestada winds occur, though, they prevent the water from entering into the Rio de la Plata and create a bottleneck situation at La Boca.

A main reason for flooding in the city of Buenos Aires is however not water from the river but rainwater. Due to the density of construction, there are hardly any areas for infiltration within the entire city. Blocks are mostly entirely overbuilt, and streets paved with impermeable surfaces. Hence, heavy rainfalls cause regular flooding, as the cityâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s drainage system is insufficient to cope with these extremes. In villas that often lack a formal drainage system at all, rains cause even heavier problems. The issues of rainwater flooding are expected to be reinforced with climate change.

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L

Source: Author

environmental hazard

ENVIRONMENTAL HAZARDS : FLOODING

Higher altitude

47

Lower areas

Dikes Sudestada direction Original course of the Riachuelo

0

1

2

4 km

Sources: http://floodmap.net/ Elaboracion en base a INDEC (2001); Habitas y programas publicos de inclusion social en el Area Metropolitana de Buenos Aires(2006-2007)

t

he Matanza-Riachuelo River is among the 10 worst toxic threats worldwide (issued by the Blacksmith Institute, 2013). It is highly contaminated of heavy metals and other toxins released by adjacent industries as well as a number of informal dump-sites. This causes severe odour nuisance and health risks of people living near the river such as diarrheal and respiratory diseases and cancer.

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L

Source: Author

environmental hazard

ENVIRONMENTAL HAZARD : CONTAMINATION

Higher altitude

Lower areas

Water with high level of contamination Open air dumping site Areas with high danger of contamination

0

1

2

4 km

Sources: ( http://www.floodmap.net;http://www.filo.uba.ar/contenidos/investigacion/institutos/geo_bkp/185.htm - Gobierno de la Provincia de Buenos Aires)

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XL L

social vulnerability

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52

% OF POPULATION WITH UNSATISFIED BASIC NEEDS

<5.01% 5.01 - 10% 10.01 - 20% 20.01 - 35% >35.01%

XL Source: Buenos Aires Modelo Territorial 2010-2060

social vulnerability

CHRONOLOGY OF URBAN EXPANSION

53

<1892 <1910

o

<1947 <1972

Destandardisation of

<2010

infrastructure

Source: Strategic Perspectives - Metropolitan Region of Buenos Aires

n the metropolitan scale, the distribution of population that lack access to basic needs is a useful criterion of social vulnerability. As the highest percentages are found at the edges of the metropolis as well as in the floodable and contaminated areas, it becomes obvious that vulnerability is spatially related to hazard and the chronology of urban expansion.

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INCOME STRATIFICATION : LOW INCOME %

Less than 7.7 7.8 - 18.8 18.9 - 38.6 38.7 - 72.8 72.9 - 100.0

0

1

2

4 km

L

Sources: (BA modelo territorial 2010 - 2060)

social vulnerability

INCOME STRATIFICATION : HIGH INCOME %

55

i

Less than 3.6 3.7 - 8.9 9.0 - 15.0 15.1 - 23.1 23.2 - 43.0

0

1

2

4 km

Sources: (BA modelo territorial 2010 - 2060)

t is possible to observe a strong correlation between date of urbanization, average income and access to basic needs. The areas of the city that expanded along the infrastructures before the 60s-70s, although they were once outside the city core, were able to integrate and they appear today to be denser and wealthier. The infrastructures built after that following a customized, global-oriented model, generally constitute boundaries and contribute to the isolation, fragmentation and underdevelopment of its surrounding urban fabric

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EDUCATION STRATIFICATION : HIGH EDUCATION %

Higher level

w

ithin the CABA, most areas, apart from the Villas, have access to basic needs. This does not mean, however, that they are not socially vulnerable. Therefore, as criterion for vulnerability, the stratification of income levels and education gives further insights.

Both show the same picture: there are big differences between North and South, the North being wealthier and more educated.

Lower level

0

1

2

4 km

L Source: http://ssplan.buenosaires.gob.ar/webfiles/ mapa_estadisticas_ssplan.php

social vulnerability

ACCESSIBILITY - PUBLIC TRANSPORT

Railway Terminal train station Areas with good bus connection Light rail Main connecting points with AMBA

0

1

2

4 km

Source: hBA Modelo Territorial 2010-2060

t

57

he north of CABA has always had better developed with an interconnected public transport. The radial structure of public transport, visible in the national train lines and the metro system, forces people to make detours via the city center when travelling in-between the North and the South. The connections deterioate in the AMBA and is worse in between the different municipalities.

The Matanza-Riachuelo River acts as major barrier, with only few bridges crossing it. In addition, the lack of coordination between different modes of transports, companies and regulatory authorities on municipal, provincial and federal level complicates the navigation.

o

pen spaces occur in the dense “Spanish grid” that covers the largest parts of the surface of Buenos Aires if one or several blocks are left unbuilt. This offers space for squares, parks, playgrounds and sport fields. Otherwise, life happens on the street – in few pedestrian zones, or else restricted by the heavy traffic that characterizes many parts of the city. In the North of the CABA, the big Palermo Park offers a city wide attraction.

Whereas in the North, all open spaces are used, spaces in the poorer South are more ambiguous. They lack a clear definition and function, or are even inaccessible, fenced off, infrastructural green or industrial brownfields.

In the AMBA, public space is even rarer.

58

L

Source: Author

social vulnerability

TYPOLOGY OF EXISTING PUBLIC SPACE Leisure (Pitch fields) Green / Leisure areas National park / natural reserve Graveyard Industries Education

Sources: (https://www.openstreetmap.org)

59

60

XL L

conclusion urban risk

61

t

he spatial correlation of hazard and vulnerability manifests itself in very different ways in the Buenos Aires metropolitan region.

Three different types of risk can be identified: 1. At the Tigre-Delta, the fertile soil, dynamic water system and rich ecosystem are endangered by continuous urban expansion.

Privatized land and infrastructure cause a highly fragmented and socially segregated pattern of gated communities and low standard neighbourhoods. Both are exposed to similar hazards but possess a very different set of resources to cope with them.

2. In the areas left out between the fingers.

The population living at the edge of the Buenos Aires metropolitan region, or in different words, in between the “integrated urban fingers”(areas close to the infrastructure, which are better consolidated into the urban fabric) suffers mainly from a lack of access to basic needs and services, education and public transport. Being geographically still relatively close to the city, the inhabitants of such areas live in such great social distance from the center that social mobility seems impossible. In addition, an uncontrolled urban expansion in this periphery, fuelled from national and international immigration leads to a further loss of agricultural land.

3. The project area of Comuna 8 and 9 lie in the third “risk zone”: the areas around Buenos Aires’ two small rivers that showcase very complex relations between hazard and vulnerability. As mentioned before, a high risk of flooding and high levels of pollution go along with an increased social vulnerability of the surrounding low income neighbourhoods and Villas.

62

XL conclusion

IDENTIFYING THE RISK ZONES OF BUENOS AIRES Peripheral vulnerability

Risk zone 1

Consolidated areas

Risk zone 2

Infrastructural framework

Risk zone 3

Premium infrastructure Core cities Centralities

Sources: author, derived from previous maps

63

o

n the scale of the CABA, the â&#x20AC;&#x153;risk zoneâ&#x20AC;? around the Matanza-Riachuelo River comes stronger into picture. It shows clearly the dichotomy between the wealthy North and the underprivileged South, facing environmental hazards and social vulnerability. This gradient was already established in the beginning in the 20th century, as the wealthier population preferred the North. This fostered a certain social stigmatisation of the South that continues until today.

Later then, when industries moved to the river, the situation got worse for the local population as the water quality declined. Hence, the potentials of water as recreational space and public domain could never be used. And even more than just not using the potentials, the city turns its back on water. It neglected its natural resources. Historically seen as danger, the water systems in Buenos Aires were canalized or covered and separated from the urban system. This results in the incapacity of the entire city to cope with the flooding issue, but it hits the hardest the most vulnerable social groups who have no insurance or saving and where help might arrive later or not at all. If water always borders such socially stigmatised areas, less resources and willingness are available to invest in related infrastructures and hazard prevention measures. The water quality degrades, more problems occur and the image of water becomes even more negative.

Furthermore, the AMBA is often completely left out of the picture. This stands in relation to the issue of governance described on page 24.

Most maps of the city of Buenos Aires do not even portray the region beyond the MatanzaRiachuelo River and the CABA boundary.

64

L conclusion

SOCIAL VULNERABILITY High social stability (Concentration) High social stability (Region) Low social stability (Concentration) Low social stability (Region) Environmental hazards Division in social vulnerability

0

1

2

4 km

Sources: author, derived from previous maps

65

C

hapter 4

Field Analysis -Ground reality-Tracing impressions-The vicious circle-

66

67

Image Source: Author

t

he initial foray into the city of Buenos Aires included several trips into the project area with local organisations along presentations from professors at FADU, Buenos Aires and the Buenos Aires Ciudad, presented a very wide and polarised image dealing with complex globalisation and metropolisation processes.

These visits, especially, in comunas 8 & 9 showed how social housing, villas, and the urban grid dealt with complexities and urban risk. They exposed the smallest scale of social vulnerability and how people coped with their incapacity to deal with urban risk. These visits also illustrated how grassroots organisations like SECHI and the government (Buenos Aires Ciudad) operate and function at the local level.

68

ground reality

69

Image Source: Author

fenced off private green

sense of recognition in community

barbecue on street corners

bars on windows: sense of insecurity the private green is taken care of

Tracing our first impressions and observation

70

m

ental maps and sketches helped gauge and understand the complex relationships and local structure of areas such as Barrio Inta, Mataderos, etc. The sketches of Barrio Inta highlight characteristics of the sense of insecurity (evident from the heavily barred shop windows); pressure of use which is illustrated the multi-functionality of unbuilt space and negotiation (which involves dealing with conflicting functions by different users in the same space).

Source: Dennis Tilke

tracing impressions

negotiation

insecurity

pressure of use

71

Sources: Author

72

v

illa Solidati and Matederos display distinct characteristics of creative potential and economic activity. Several commercial areas and informal markets function within the urban fabric, leading to a distinctive characteristic.

Evidence of cultural activities are also omnipresent in the area with football fields and graffiti present in several corners. However, the imagery of the south of the CABA stands out clear with the neglect and lack of maintenance evident of many of the areaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s open spaces.

Source: Author, Dennis Tilke

tracing impressions

creative potentials

culture bringing people

imagery of the area

73

Sources: Author

NO USE

74

NEGLECT

t

here is a correlation between open space and risk. This misuse of open space causes or reinforces environmental hazards, which shows very clearly in the flooding and contamination issues in Buenos Aires. On the other hand, difficult socio-economic conditions can lead to a neglect of space. This issue becomes very obvious in the South of the city of Buenos Aires, were problems with security, accessibility, environment and the threat of invasion make many of the open spaces unusable. As these spaces, as a result, are not valued, this opens the door â&#x20AC;&#x201C; again - for misuse. Misuse and neglect thus reinforce each other in a vicious circle.

Source: Author

the vicious circle

75

Sources: Author

C

hapter 5

Strategic Framework -Hypothesis and understanding-Interest-Design framework-

77

Image Source: Yi Yu

h ypothesis U rban

risk, which includes both environmental hazards and social vulnerability, stands in relation with the disuse or neglect of open space.

If this open space is given a functional meaning and allowed to work as an integrative public space, it can help to achieve our goals of hazard prevention and social integration.

This can be explored by using the potential of public space, in a multi-scalar approach.

78

hypothesis & understanding

p

i

mportance

ublic space has the potential of being conceived as embracing “ the notions of integration, sustainability and cultural principles.”

Sepúlveda, D.A., 2003. The role of public space in urban transformation: The Case of Santiago de Chile (Doctoral dissertation, TU Delft)

79

t

he concept of public space with all its potentials can be used as a tool to counteract urban risk. Public space (refer to Glossary, page 10-11) is accessible for all, â&#x20AC;&#x153;owned by allâ&#x20AC;? (Borja, Jordi & Muxi, Zaida, 2003), and scholars underline its characteristics as space for communication, citizenship, integration, sustainability and culture.

Therefore, it can help to attenuate both aspects of risk. But, obviously, the creation of public space cannot solve structural economic and political problems such as poverty, unemployment, lack of access to basic needs and so on. These can only be tackled by changes in the governance system.

However, different groups of people are brought together in a well-functioning public space. That way, social stigmatisation and exclusion of the lower classes from the formal society can be addressed to some extent.

Including people in the decision making process already in the planning stage also reinforces their empowerment and feeling of self-determination. In addition, by locating social and educational institutions within the public space, access to education and other services can be improved.

80

Contamination

Flooding

HAZARD Physical factors based on environmental, geographic and other conditions (Smith K, 2013, Environmental hazards : assessing urban risk & reducing disaster, Routledge)

Image Sources: 1 - http://cyt-ar.com.ar/cyt-ar/index. php/Archivo:Riachuelo_contaminado.jpg; 2 - http:// proyectoriachuelo.blogspot.nl/2013/04/planificacion-o-inundaciones.html

interest

The study of existing open spaces in Buenos Aires also shows that attempts to create public space in socially vulnerable areas is prone to failure, if they are not accompanied by social monitoring. Without support and maintenance, spaces risk becoming unsafe, neglected or invaded again.

By incorporating water in the public space, it is possible to create an awareness of the importance of the water system in the city.

Neglected spaces can be turned into areas we should not turn our back on, but appreciate, preserve and make use of its potentials.

Water should be seen in a positive way, not as potential hazard or threat. Besides, this project can have not only ideological, but material implications of lowering the risk of flooding and pollution.

Insufficient income and lacking financial security

Limited access to basic needs

81

Limited access to power

Social stigmatisation

V UL N E R A B IL IT Y Historic, socio-cultural, economic, political, and other conditions that structure adaptive and coping (in)capacity for individuals and societies (Chambers 1989, Kreimer 1992, Bohle 2001,Cardona 2003).

Image Sources: 1, 2 - http://faslanyc.blogspot.nl/2010_05_01_archive.html; 3,4 - http://www.buenosairesherald.com/; 5 - Leticia Cagnola

82

Source: Author

design framework

t

he vicious circle of “no use” and “neglect” of space can be observed around all waterbordering areas of Buenos Aires, with the Matanza-Riachuelo area being a very extreme case. This concept, however, is also transferable to open spaces in general.

This project attempts to break this cycle by giving meaning to these neglected areas. They need to be given a function within the larger system that is appreciated by the people, who, in return, become aware of their potentials.

As people then can relate to these spaces as something positive, a more positive image emerges. This image can be made use of by adding definition, hence clarifying borders, accessibility, ownership, program and design.

The possibility for programmatic use can then stimulate the feeling of identity. This is the foundation for public space. Yet, a public space only works if it is integrated in its surroundings and valued by the local population. The locals need to have the opportunity to appropriate the space in positive ways. Then, a sense of care and belonging and daily use make the space truly appreciated.

This diagram, however, should not be construed for a timeline. The new positive cyclic relations will not be achieved one after the other, but they have to be started simultaneously. They are interdependent as they influence each other in multiple ways.

83

C

hapter 6

Introducing site -Site (Comuna 8 & 9)-Future projects-Scales of effect-

85

Image Source: Martina Buchs

a

s area of intervention in Comuna 8 and 9, the large unbuilt area along the MatanzaRiachuelo River was chosen. It offers the potential to create an integrative public space with a function in the larger water system.

The area consists of several independent parts: the Parque Indoamericano, Parque de la Ciudad, Parque Roca, a large diamond shaped golf course with its adjacent spaces and the Villa Riachuelo Park with a racing track. Most of these fragments are fenced off and not accessible to the public, with the exception of some spaces in the North border of Parque Indoamericano and the open spaces between the golf course and Villa Lugano. Parque de la Ciudad charges an entrance fee and is rarely used, apart from access to the viewing tower and an event space for an annual rock festival.

The South of Parque Indoamericano lies as big fallow land, risking to be invaded by the adjacent Villas.

Due to these conditions, the green space, fragmented in itself, acts rather as a border within the urban fabric than as binding element.

Because of the size of the area, it is essential to approach the project on different levels.

86

M the site

INTRODUCING THE SITE IN COMUNA 8 & 9

0

0.5

1

87

2 km

Image Sources: https://www.google.nl/maps/place/Buenos+Aires,+Autonomous+City+of+Buenos+Aires,+Argentina/@-34.6629153,-58.4740145,14z/data=!4m5!3m4!1s0x95bcca3b4ef90cbd:0xa0b3812e88e88e87!8m2!3d-34.6036844!4d-58.3815591?hl=en

In addition, the CABA has its own plans for Comuna 8 and 9, such as a bus terminal and the extension of a recently constructed logistics center. Furthermore, it plans to use some of the large open spaces and existing sports facilities to cater for the Youth Olympic Games 2018. In the Parque de la Ciudad, the construction of the Olympic Village for the athletes is about to start. These plans have the scope of the entire city, but the local population is unlikely to profit from such investments.

Also, constructions for the Olympic Games have shown to be â&#x20AC;&#x201C; especially in poorer or developing countries â&#x20AC;&#x201C; short term investments that are left to decay afterwards.

t

Another municipal organisation is active in the area. SECHI (Secretariat for Habitat and Inclusion) tries to improve the living conditions in the most deprived areas with a bottom up, acupuncture approach. Its core principles are territorial presence, personal relations based on trust and the building up of a social infrastructure.

he vision for this place can build on existing interventions and planned projects. In recent years, the river as well as the South of Buenos Aires in general received more attention.

In order to tackle the pollution of the river, ACUMAR (Autoridad de Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo) was founded. The association incorporates authorities of the National Government, CABA and AMBA and is financed by the World Bank. The cleaning of the Matanza-Riachuelo is a project of international top priority, with the ambitious goal of achieving a water quality suitable for no-contact recreation already by 2020.

(Source:http://www.buenosaires.gob.ar/secretaria-de-habitate-inclusion/social-management-habitat)

This project aims to be critical with the plans and propose certain changes. One of the key issues is that all these plans operate on different levels, isolated from each other. A structural vision for the area is needed, to show how the attention and investments of today can be harnessed for long term sustainable improvements from which especially the local population can benefit. The different plans can actually benefit from each other, and especially the efforts of SECHI could be supported by larger structural improvements.

( S o u r c e : h t t p : / / w w w. w o r l d b a n k . o r g / p r o j e c t s / P 1 0 5 6 8 0 / m a t a n z a - r i a c h u e l o - b a s i n - m r b - s u s t a i n a b l e - d e ve l o p m e n tadaptable-lending-program?lang=en)

Therefore, ACUMAR focuses mainly on stopping industrial pollution and raising awareness of the topic.

88

M future projects

FUTURE PROJECTS

89

(Source: Subsecretaria de Planeamiento Urbano, MDUyT)

Redevelopment projects Redevelopment projects Areas for urbanisation Areas for Urbanisation Parks recreational Parks andand recreational facilities facilities River project River Project Olympic Village Olympic village New Bridge New bridge

Bus terminus Bus Terminus

0

0.5

1

2 km

(Source: Subsecretaria de Planeamiento Urbano, MDUyT )

AREA OF INFLUENCE comprises systems and forces that act upon the given site even if they do not take place within its boundaries

AREA OF CONTROL corresponds to the site within its property lines

M S

AREA OF EFFECT defining the domains beyond the given site that are impacted by design

M

L

XL

SITE AS AN AREA OF CONTROL, INFLUENCE, EFFECT (Image derived from: Lisa Diedrich, University of Copenhagen)

90

t

he scales effect, influence and control, help sketch out theories of site in order to elaborate a framework of analysis. Burns and Kahn have elaborated on how the ‘site’ in a design context is the area given to the designer by the client.

However, the designer’s range of interest lies beyond the delineated area, delving into larger systems. The designer’s creative act often introduces elements that have an influence beyond the site boundary. Burns and Kahn describe three distinct areas of site: Area of control, area of influence and area of effect (as described in the image above). These areas of site help define the strategic framework and analysis of the design process.

(Source: Burns, C., Kahn, A.(eds.) 2005. Site Matters: Design Concepts, histories and strategies.

effect

a

reas of effect

in Buenos Aires

XL

L

M

Metropolitan region

CABA and AMBA

City Fabric

a

reas of Effect, influence and control in Buenos Aires: The strategic framework and actions can be derived from the site theories of Burns and Kahn. The terms of area of effect, influence and control can be applied to Buenos Aires. In this strategic framework, each set of strategic actions has been developed within the limits of the large unbuilt space in Comuna 8, which constitutes an area of control in the Medium Scale (M), or in the interphase of each surrounding neighbourhood with the park Small Scale (S). However, their areas of effect ranges across the metropolitan region (XL Scale) in the case of the water system project, the city scale (L) for the metropolitan park and the neighbourhood scale (M) for the local integration of communities.

Sources: Author

91

C

hapter 7

Strategic interventions -Meaning (XL)-Definition (L)-Integration (M&S)-

93

Image Source: Yi Yu

94

Source: Author

metropolitan effect

XL Metropolitan region

o

n this level, the aim of the intervention is to break the vicious circle of misuse and neglect of space in Buenos Airesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; south by giving meaning to the large open spaces of the selected project site.

To prevent further hazards, the site can serve water retention and eventually water cleaning processes. By also developing aesthetic and recreational aspects, the rediscovery of water as a positive element in the city can contribute to an awareness of the importance its structural integration in the urban system.

As the river has two sides â&#x20AC;&#x201C; too often forgotten in the planning departments of Buenos Aires â&#x20AC;&#x201C; both CABA and AMBA have to be involved.

Sources: Author

95

a

ddition of MEANING as a part of an environmental metropolitan system phase 1

Allowing overflow in case of flooding

Creating rainwater retention system phase 2

Adding water cleaning functions

Slowing down water speed by reintroducing meanders

96

Source: Author

strategic actions

Replicating the actions in different locations

97

a

s described in the previous pages, the Matanza-Riachuelo has been plagued by heavy polluting industries along its length.

Over the years, along with the canalization of the river, the pollution the in the river has resulted in the city turning its back to it. This is further aggravated by heavy rainfall, which cannot find enough space to be absorbed into the earth. A large multitude of such problems can only be addressed with a comprehensive long-term river cleaning project.

Sources: Author

t

he first and essential step in the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Water projectâ&#x20AC;? is to provide the city with solutions for the rainwater flooding issue.

based on information sourced during the 10 week studio, and it may differ in reality).

In the built environment, it is necessary to separate rainwater drainage and sewage, and to put in place systems that collect this rainwater and lead it into the lakes. For the villas that lack formal drainage systems, special solutions are proposed on pages 126129.

The large open spaces already function as infiltration areas. This asset should not be obstructed by future developments.

Furthermore, the existing artificial lakes can be used to store excess rainwater that can then be slowly released into the river. For this cause, there needs to be a connection between lakes and river. This can be achieved with pump systems for the lakes along the river, but for the lake in the North in Parque de la Ciudad, an open rainwater canal is propositioned (It is important to note that these proposals are

From the moment on that the flooding issue has improved, effort can go into the building up of a positive image of water in the urban context.

It has to be accessible, clean and incorporate ecologic notions as well. Therefore, the river itself cannot become integral part of these structures as long as it is still too contaminated.

98

XL

Source: Author

strategic action i

WATER SYSTEM PHASE 1

99

Run off Water River flooding Water system Flood protection system

0

0.5

1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

a

s soon as ACUMAR achieves its goal of improving the water quality of the MatanzaRiachuelo River enough to allow no-contact recreation, the next step of the project can be executed. The current separated systems of retention lakes and river can be connected and the river system re-naturalized.

A re-meandering of the river, including the lake system parallel to its course, offers space for flooding and potentials for further biological cleaning of the river water. This is facilitated by extensive wetlands with plants such as Phragmites autralis that furthermore form an ecological habitat.

This step has to be accompanied with intense social monitoring to ensure its execution with successful continuation and to teach people to value this system.

100

XL

Source: Author

strategic action ii

WATER SYSTEM PHASE 2

101

Run off Water Water system

0

0.5

1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

t

hese steps of rainwater drainage, remeandering and biological cleaning will be reproduced along the river. The many brownfields, remainder of industries slowly moving further to the periphery, can be used for that purpose.

Within the urban fabric, more retention spaces have to be found. A double use of sports fields, stadiums, schools and playgrounds as retention basins could be one possible solution.

102

XL area of effect & influence

REPLICATION OF THE VISION

Area of effect

Area of control

Network of interventions

0

1

2

4 km

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

103

104

Source: Author

CABA AMBA effect

L CABA and AMBA

105

t

he new positive image of the open spaces in Comuna 8 & 9, a result of the “Water project” described before, lays the foundation for a public space with programmatic use and identity. The proposal in this level shows how “definition” can be added to create a metropolitan park that is able to attract visitors from CABA and AMBA as well as local users.

Then, the space has the potential to counteract further social stigmatisation.

Sources: Author

106

CHARACTERIZING THE BUILT AND UNBUILT

Public space Semi-public space Unbuilt space Brownfield space

0

0.5

1

2 km

For definitions refer to glossary pages 10-11

M

Sources: author, derived from previous maps

understanding

ACCESSIBILITY

0

107

Fenced area

Highway

Entrance

Main roads

Railway

Metro line

Main pedestrian accessibility

Bridge

Bus terminal

Transit nodes

0.5

1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

t

he lands with the new meaning of drainage and flood protection can be developed as public space at the same time. The size of the areas suggests that a metropolitan park, as counterpart to the Palermo Park in the north, is possible. As place to which people from all over the metropolis are attracted and come together, this metropolitan park can contribute to a more positive image of the South in the context of Buenos Aires. In addition, a wellused park ensures that most of the precious infiltration lands can be preserved from construction also in the long term.

However, drainage ponds or a wetland alone are not enough to create a permanent appreciation of the open space, especially in these problematic socio-economic conditions.

For the space to be taken care of and not being invaded, additional functions and use are essential. As the park is developed from existing uses and the initiatives of the Olympic Games, especially sports and culture related functions will be reinforced.

In contrast to proposals from the government, the aim of this project is not to develop several separate parks based on the existing structures. This would further reinforce the current social segregation. The aim is to rather create an interconnected system of spaces with different qualities. The â&#x20AC;&#x153;Water projectâ&#x20AC;?, especially the rainwater canal leading from north to south, is used as backbone for the internal structure. By activating the center in this way, park transforms from a separating to a bridging element in the urban fabric.

Hence, the two projects of flood protection and the creation of a metropolitan park support each other - use is needed to achieve apprehension of the wetlands and not just create another isolated fragment in the south, and the water story serves as meaning, image and backbone for the park

108

L vision

METROPOLITAN VISION

109

Metropolitan park Wetlands Open rainwater canal Retention ponds Water system Green corridor 0

0.5

1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

a

ddition of DEFINITION as public space in the city scale phase 1

Improving accessibility at metropolitan scale

Defining an integral structure readability, visibility and orientation

Using and enhancing the specific aesthetics of the place

phase 2

Defining shape, size and edges - compactness

Adding functions that work as attractors at city scale

110

Source: Author

strategic actions

111

t

he Olympic Games represent a critical point for the creation of this metropolitan park.

Therefore, the approach is divided in two phases, before and after the event.

As the Games are held already in 2018, not much development can be expected before.

However, the investments in accessibility, sports facilities and the Olympic Village can be directed in order to set the foundations for the park and guarantee its sustainable development.

In addition, the bridge proposed as extension of the Highway Presidente H. Camora next to the logistics center should be moved to the Avenida Escalada. Becoming an important connection between CABA and AMBA, the Avenida can develop as new axis for urban development.

The new sports facilities, such as a swimming pool and several sports pavilions should not be clustered in the Parque de la Ciudad, as envisioned by the municipality, but arranged along the backbone of the canal. The canal, thus, has to be finished as soon as possible.

It will be accompanied by a pathway that acts as the central axis of the Olympic Grounds and later the metropolitan park. This pathway has to be connected to the new bus terminal and could be supported by a bike renting service, in order to facilitate people movement across these large distances.

Then the Olympic Village, on the verge of being another isolated fragment lost in the extensiveness of its surroundings, can develop into an integrated part of the urban fabric. Whether it might be transformed into social or middle class housing, it is necessary to make sure that it will be later well connected to the spine of the park. Therefore, already in construction, the potentials for rainwater collection have to be incorporated.

112

L

Source: Author

stage i

PRE OLYMPIC GAMES VISION

0

113

Metropolitan park

New sports activities

Wetlands

Retention ponds

Green corridor

Existing event space

Open rainwater canal

Proposed Olympic village

Existing sports

Accessibility

0.5

1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

fter the Games, the Olympic terrain can finally turn into a public park. Hoping that the structures prepared during the Games are able to stimulate continued investments, the spaces will not be deserted afterwards.

The canal and pathway form a strong backbone of the park. Together with the areas around it that can be intensely used for sports and recreational activities, they represent the core area. Towards the edges, the designation of the spaces can become more flexible and adapted to the surrounding fabric. Some areas will be labeled as suitable for construction.

Thus, the housing shortage can be managed.

However in a project like this, especially in relation to the Olympic Games, the privatisation of public domain is a critical issue. Also this project relies on private investors to develop sports and recreation facilities. They are in fact needed to attract the population from other parts of CABA and AMBA.

First, it is crucial to overcome internal borders and guarantee general accessibility to the space. Because of general safety issues, it is unlikely that the fences surrounding the park can be removed in the near future. Therefore, more entrances, especially also close to the more problematic neighbourhoods, need to be installed. The bike service from the Olympic Games should be continued and lets visitors experience the park as one entity and not clusters of segregated functions. To facilitate this, a series of crossings over the train line and the Avenida General Fernรกndez de la Cruz have to be put in place.

The regulatory force, however, therefore has to stay with the municipality. It has to guarantee that the majority of the area is open and accessible for everyone. Specialised sports and recreational activities can be charged, but the park entry must be free. Whereas the edges of the park are intentionally left flexible to suit the needs of the local population, also the core area along the backbone must keep the necessary degree of social, cultural and multiusable space to be perceived as truly public and integrative. Furthermore, also social and educational institutions can be placed along the central spine.

a

114

L

Source: Author

stage ii

POST OLYMPIC GAMES VISION

0

115

Metropolitan park

New sports activities

Wetlands

Retention ponds

Green corridor

New water system

Future developments

Open rainwater canal

Social functions

Proposed Olympic village

Existing sports

Flexible functions

Accessibility

0.5

1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

116

Source: Author

city effect

M City Fabric

a

metropolitan park in this urban and social context cannot work without acceptance and appreciation from the people living around it. By involving the residents already in the earliest stages, a sense of care and belonging is sought. The flexible areas around the core can be adapted to the wishes of the adjacent communities, making the huge scale of the area more tangible and ensure apprehension and daily use of the space. Also here, water can play an important role as binding element.

In the following, three prototypical interventions will be proposed. Each addresses one of the urban patterns that are surrounding the park The Villas, Social Housing complexes and the Spanish Grid. The prototype will be applied to one existing situation, but can be replicated elsewhere.

Sources: Author

117

t

he first step for achieving an effective integration in the local level is to understand the different conditions of the communities situated around the perimeter of the metropolitan park.

In terms of social vulnerability, it is possible to analyse the lack of access to basic needs, which results in a map in which the villas stand out as the areas with the most urgent issues. In general, as seen in previous maps, the whole south of the CABA suffers from higher levels of social vulnerability when compared to the north. However, often this social vulnerability is defined by parameters, like stigmatisation, that are hardly measurable and cannot be shown in maps accurately. This is extremely relevant when analysing the situation along the perimeter of the park: not only need those communities suffering from the very evident and urgent issues to be integrated, but also the rest, whose problems might seem less obvious.

118

L understanding

SOCIAL VULNERABILITY

119

>35% 20-35% 10-20% 5-10% <5% Brownfields

0

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1

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

2 km

Source : Author

In this section, three prototypical interventions are proposed. Each addresses one of the urban patterns that are surrounding the park - The Villas, Social Housing complexes and the Grid. Each of these typologies has their own specific issues that need to be considered in the interventions. In the case of the Villas, the main problems are related to the lack of access to basic needs and the absence of public spaces within their urban fabric. In the case of the Social Housing complexes, problems are related to a certain stigma and a feeling of insecurity. Finally, the inhabitants of the Grid need to be effectively integrated within the new system of public spaces and the rest of the communities. These prototypes will be applied to one existing situation, but can be replicated elsewhere.

t

he open space of the project area is surrounded by villas, social housing and the urban grid, where each urban fabric having its distinct characteristics. The villas around the project area have a tendency to capture and occupy the open space around it. On the other hand, social housing has a large extent of open space within its borders, but it does not respond to the open space and its immediate surroundings at all. The urban grid, too, does not interact with the social housing, leading to a highly fragmented project area.

120

L conclusion

SOCIAL VULNERABILITY & TYPOLOGY

Villas Social housing complexes Grid Brownfields

0

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Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

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121

S

timulation of the level of INTEGRATION of the surrounding communities phase 1

Addressing accessibility at the local scale

Conceiving participation and considering stakeholders

Understanding the specific needs of the adjacent communities

phase 2

Increasing the sense of appropriation of the place

Adding functions that are flexible and integrative in nature

122

Source: Author

strategic actions

123

police raids and eviction. A lack of trust towards governmental interventions is therefore strongly present, even though SECHI slowly tries to overcome this issue.

Typologically speaking, the Villas are dense, informal and self-built settlements in a state of permanent construction. There usually is no formal provision of water, electricity, sewage and drainage. Also, narrow alleys and unpaved streets are often the norm and rainfalls tend to flood large parts. Also, there is constant demographic pressure on these areas, and every square meter is valuable. Therefore open space is rare and is in a state of constant negotiation. It can only be maintained if it is highly appreciated and used. An example is the football courts that exist in several Villas and represent the heart of the neighbourhood.

a

round the project site, there are several Villas: 3, 6, 15 and 20. Being places of extreme poverty and crime, the government chose to overlook them for a long time – they were not even indicated on city maps. Recently, the municipal organisation SECHI became active, giving social support, trying to improve the living standards of the residents as well as to promote the regularisation of the Villas.

However, social stigmatisation, criminalisation and insecurity, low social mobility and small social radius, lack of access to basic needs and education are still the reality in these informal settlements.

They form islands within the city fabric.

Regular infrastructures are often blocked and the Villas walled off from their surroundings.

This situation emerges from the desire of both the “regular city” and the Villa to be protected from one another. The city is closing their eyes towards the misery crime, and the residents of the Villas have to live in a constant threat of

In this context, the aim of this intervention is to increase the social radius of the inhabitants of the Villas. Their visibility in the urban space will be increased by giving them space outside of its borders. This gives room for interaction with other groups and represents a stepping stone to slowly integrate the Villas with the metropolitan park in a positive way. However, if the space does not serve an important function and is not appreciated by the locals, it risks getting invaded – or neglected. The goal is hence to link the creation of a public space with the improvement of the living conditions within the district by giving the space also a function within the water system.

It is obvious that this will be a long process that requires lots of negotiation, will have setbacks and needs monitoring over a long time.

124

intervention i

Villa

125

Sources: 1 - Leticia Cagnola; 2 - Martina Buchs; 3 - Author

Addressing accessibility at the local sale

Conceiving participation and considering stakeholders

Understanding the specific needs of the adjacent communities

126

Increasing the sense of appropriation of the place

Adding functions that are flexible and integrative in nature

M

Source: Author

intervention i (area of effect)

STRATEGIC INTERVENTION

i

n order to test the strategic action of stimulating the level of integration around a villa, the site chosen is near villa 20. To increase the social radius and visibility of their urban space, an area across Av. Escalada is chosen. This area also plugs into the backbone of the water system of the metropolitan park (discussed in the previous pages). The process starts with SECHI and ACUMAR playing a large role in informing the local inhabitants, on how this additional urban space (in this case, a rainwater retention pond) can help them deal with additional issues of flooding (when required). The alternate function of the public space is deliberated with close consultation with the local actors involved.

They are also encouraged to appropriate the space to incorporate the alternate function, so that the public space is flexible and integrative in nature.

Sources: Author

127

Today, the state of different social housing complexes in the project area, such as Villa Lugano and Villa Soldati, differs. Where all apartments have been sold to individual parties, maintenance and renovation are more difficult to keep up than in complexes where organisational structures still exist to some extent.

The inhabitants of the Social Housing neighbourhoods may have access to basic needs, but still suffer from low incomes, low social mobility and social stigmatisation.

In addition, safety is a major issue in these areas. SECHI also operates here.

t

he typology of high rise modernist social housing came up in the 1970s. The apartment blocks, arranged around large green spaces, act as isolated fragments within the city. Some of the green spaces are well used but most lie empty and in desolate condition. Often, they are not accessible and fenced off.

128

The goal for this type of intervention is to break the spatial and societal isolation of the Social Housing, and improving their image by taking advantage of their assets. These are, in contrast to the villas, the large amount of space available, the existence of social and education institutions within the complex and the presence of the municipality. This will make it easier to bring forward future development.

To integrate the Social Housing with the environment, a â&#x20AC;&#x153;safe wayâ&#x20AC;? is proposed, lined with activities and usable not only for residents.

A big issue in this typology is that the ground floor is mostly dedicated to car traffic or storage space, making the outdoor space an uncomfortable area for pedestrians.

Some shops could develop over the years.

They break the mono-functionality and are, depending on the complex, located either on the ground or the first floor.

intervention ii

Social Housing

129

Sources: 1 and 2: Dennis Tilke; 3: Author

Addressing accessibility at the local sale

Conceiving participation and considering stakeholders

Understanding the specific needs of the adjacent communities

130

Increasing the sense of appropriation of the place

Adding functions that are flexible and integrative in nature

M

Source: Author

intervention ii (area of effect)

STRATEGIC INTERVENTION

s

ocial housing poses a different challenge than the villa, requiring breaking its social isolation, while enhancing existing features.

To test this in an intervention, the social housing in villa Solidati taken as the test site. The social housing had large tracts of public space within its borders, which did not respond to the outside environment. To integrate the social housing with social-cultural functions in the metropolitan park (across Av. Pergamino), a safe and accessible pathway is encouraged with the help of the municipality and NGOs of the institutions. The participation of the residents is considered paramount, as the functions along the pathway need to be determined in close collaboration. Pockets of spaces along the pathway are defined by tress to set it apart spatially, and the functions are determined by appropriation by the local residents. This leads to a cohesive route connecting the social housing with the outside function, leading to an improvement in its image.

Sources: Author

131

t

he Spanish Grid is the typical fabric of Buenos Aires, spreading endlessly in all directions. The blocks are filled very diversely, ranging from low to high density and income.

Anything that defies the grid is part of the wealthiest or poorest extremes of society â&#x20AC;&#x201C; in comuna 8 and 9, the latter, such as the villas and social housing as described above.

The grid, here, is the typology that the average porteĂąo inhabits. As members of the middle class, they are facing, of course, fewer problems. Still, also they are in need of the qualified public space that the park could provide them with.

In this project, it is not mainly about integrating the residents of this special typology in the open space, but to integrate villa and social housing inhabitants with the middle class. The connection of these two different realities marks a required last step for social integration. The intervention is located in the center of the park, not the edges, and makes use of the structural backbone.

132

`

intervention iii

The grid

133

Sources: Author

Understanding the specific needs of the adjacent communities

Addressing accessibility at the local sale

Increasing the sense of appropriation of the place

134

Conceiving participation and considering stakeholders

Adding functions that are flexible and integrative in nature

M

Source: Author

intervention iii (area of effect)

STRATEGIC INTERVENTION

t

he surrounding grid, mainly towards the north-west of the metropolitan park, especially need to be integrated with a public space with responds to their needs. This would require a cohesive public space that works as an attractor, as well as smoothly integrates the other neighbouring urban fabric. The northwestern area offers an ideal location for functions like urban forming and community agriculture to develop as an integrative function. SECHI and ACUMAR with urban agricultural organisations can collaborate with the residents to develop a detailed program, which can be flexible and appropriated as and when required. This can also involve other functions, which can be educational and cultural in nature, where the municipality can play a larger role, helping to integrate the area to a larger section of the grid urban fabric.

Sources: Author

135

C

hapter 8

Space Syntax -Analysing before & after-

137

Image Source: Yi Yu

138

EXISTING GLOBAL INTEGRATION

a Lowest integration

0

1

venida 9 de Julio forms the core of one of the centers of the city, which is connected to the rest with strong infrastructural lines.

In order to attest this, step depth analysis was performed. The first map illustrated how currently the surrounding urban fabric is connected with the main center. The project area of comuna 8-9 is quite noticeable. The area is quite poorly connected to the center (Av. 9 de Julio) and the neighbouring AMBA is also isolated from it.

Highest integration

2

4 km

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

space syntax

TESTING OF STRATEGIC ACTIONS ON GLOBAL INTEGRATION

Lowest integration

0

1

Highest integration

2

4 km

Sources: Author, derived from previous maps

139

t

he strategic actions propose in creating another axis along the proposed metropolitan park, where the neighbouring areas can plug into. This, along with the new proposed location of a bridge over the Riachuelo changes the global integration of Comunas 8-9 along with the neighbouring AMBA for the better.

140

EXISTING LOCAL INTEGRATION

Lowest integration

0

Highest integration

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space syntax

TESTING NEW CENTRALITIES ON LOCAL INTEGRATION

141

t Lowest integration

0

Highest integration

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2 km

he present area of comuna 8-9 has a limited amount of local centralities present. i.e., areas which are more highly interconnected at the local scale. However, this area has the potential to play a larger role in developing select roads to become new centralities. The new avenue with the bridge features highly as an integrated area (n=3), with a high possibility of future commercial and mixed use functions.

The new connection through the metropolitan park also facilitates the formation of several new centralities in the neighbouring area.

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hapter 9

Reflection -Timeline & stakeholders-Reflection-Epilogue-

143

Image Source: Yi Yu

t

his project takes existing plans and visions into account and involves the stakeholders that are already in place. Today, these different plans and initiatives take course separately, and every stakeholder tries to achieve their individual goals. The aim is thus to bring them together to work for one integrated vision that takes their specific needs and goals still into account.

ACUMAR is one of the most important stakeholders. Being an initiative of even international importance and financed by the World Bank, it has the resources to generate big changes and make the provincial and municipal governments of CABA and AMBA work together.

SECHI is incredibly important for the social aspects of the project, especially to facilitate negotiations between the local residents and larger institutions. SECHI has to be involved in the entire process to make sure the bigger projects of flood protection and the metropolitan park stay socially acceptable and go about in an inclusive manner. On the other hand, by bringing SECHI together with stakeholders like ACUMAR, it gets structural help and support to achieve long term improvements in the socially vulnerable areas.

Private investors are essential for the financing of such big projects. However, they need to be monitored by the government â&#x20AC;&#x201C; local, provincial and national. The past has shown that a withdrawal of the state from such manners increased social inequalities. Therefore, the government has to reclaim its power to act as important balancing force again.

144

timeline & stakeholders

2020

2018

2016

2040

2030 Goal: No contact recreation

CLEANING THE RIVER

Wetlands

Prevention of further pollution Cleaning of the water

World Bank National and Provincial Government Acumar

Meander; Flood space

FLOOD PROTECTION

Rainwater Retention Pathway

OLYMPIC GAMES

Provincial Government Olympic Committee Private Investors

Space for flooding

Retention system

Rainwater Canal

Bridge

Sports Facilities G A Metropolitan Accessibility M E Olympic village S Water Recreation Entrance Gates

Social and other Facilities

METROPOLITAN PARK Provincial Government Social/Cultural Institutions Private Investors

Internal Structure

Villa

LOCAL INTEGRATION

Provincial Government Social/Cultural Institutions Sechi Local Residents

Building projects

Information of the residents Give them possiblity to experience the event

The Pond project Internal Access

Social Housing Grid

The Islands project The Farming project

TIMELINE

P o w e r

145

Interest

RELATIONSHIP OF THE STAKEHOLDERS AND THE PROJECTS

Sources: Author

146

0

REFLECTION ON SITE

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1

2 km

L

Source: Author

reflection

REFLECTION AT CITY

0

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2

147

4 km

Water, the element the city has always turned its back on, ties everything together. It connects the different projects through the scales of intervention and effect. Water gives meaning to the area, when the space is used for flood protection. Water acts as the backbone of the park, and supports the local integration if public spaces are created at the points where local retention systems connect up to the spine. The small prototypical interventions of the “Pond project”, the “Islands project” and the “Farming project”, can be replicated all along the perimeter of the site according to the specific needs of each area, guaranteeing its daily use and apprehension.

In summary, this project aims to rediscover the importance of water in the urban system and the potential of public space as tool for social integration. Therefore, the proposal can be understood as exemplary project that should be applied also elsewhere.

The forces of globalisation that increase fragmentation and urban risk must be balanced out. This can neither be achieved only at national or only at local level. Projects have to take all scales of reality into account. The government should take a leading role again in urban development, but this time, together with its people in a truly democratic process. In the long run, inclusive and sustainable cities will be more successful – cities that acknowledge their natural conditions and do not overlook parts of their population. This project aims to show a few steps in this direction.

In reality, of course, this process is far more complex than the solutions proposed here, and many steps might in the end not be achievable. Still, regarding the nature and extent of the problems examined here, only small scale interventions will not be enough.

Only a combination of small local projects and big structural investments can bring forward the change that is needed.

i

n this booklet, the strategic interventions are presented on three different levels of effect.

In reality, they are highly interconnected and interdependent.

Only with respect to the specific conditions and integration of the local population, the new public space of the metropolitan park can be respected in the long term. In return, the area is too large to be tangible just in the local scale. By maintaining its function over time, the park can act as powerful element to build a new identity for the South. Eventually, maybe, it would counterbalance the current disparity between North, South and the formerly overlooked AMBA. 148

XL reflection

METROPOLITAN REFLECTION

Sources: Author

149

t

he strategic framework, therefore, reflects back to the primary hypothesis of urban risk, in relation with the neglect and misuse of open space. This is addressed by the strategic framework, exploring the potential of public space to cope with urban risk, throughout all scales of effect. Buenos Aires remains a complex city in the midst of a rapidly globalised world. Dealing with urban risk requires a very comprehensive approach involving several aspects beyond urbanism. This project, therefore, only aims to address and target a particular aspect of how public space can contribute to a metropolitan region that is more responsive to urban risk.

150

epilogue

SPATIAL VISION OF THE STRATEGIC FRAMEWORK

0

151

Metropolitan park

New sports activities

Wetlands

Retention ponds

Future developments

Green corridor

New water system

Proposed olympic village

Open rainwater canal

Social functions

Accessibility

Existing sports

Flexible functions

Points of local integration

0.5

Sources: Author

1

2 km

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