From Iberian Romani to Iberian Para-Romani Varieties (Ukázka, strana 99)

98

‘eight’ > oto (Borrow), but ophtó (Sentmenat), ojtó (Cat), hafthó (Cat); Rom. sovnakaj/ somnakaj ‘gold’ > sanacay (Coelho), sonacay (Coelho), sonacai (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. baxt ‘luck’ > bají (Usoz, Trujillo), baji (Cat, Borrow); Rom. nasvaló ‘sick’ > nasaló (Conde, Usoz, Coelho), nasalo (Basq, Borrow), nessaló (Cat), but nasvaló (Trujillo); Rom. řomní ‘(Gypsy) woman, wife’ > rumí (Trujillo, Coelho, Cat), miruni (Basq), romí/romi (Sentmenat, Conde, Borrow, Trujillo, Coelho, Cat), erromi (Basq); Rom. lubní/lumní ‘prostitute, whore’ > lumí (Conde, Coelho), lumi (Borrow, Trujillo), luni (Basq); Rom. khabní/khamní ‘pregnant’ > camí (Román), cami (Cat), but also cambrí (Usoz, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. grasní ‘mare’ > grañí (Conde, Usoz, Coelho), gañí (Coelho), but grasña (Trujillo).

Another reason for the syncope of consonants is the already mentioned weakening of the plosives /b/, /d/, /g/ in the intervocalic position that in the languages of the Iberian Peninsula are pronounced in a relaxed way as fricatives and in the South Spanish dialects often vanish: Rom. love ‘money’ > *loβe > lua (Trujillo), luas (Borrow); Ib. Rom. úga*/ova ‘yes’ > ua (Cat, Basq, Coelho), but unga (Conde, Usoz, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. dukh ‘pain’, dukha PL > duga (Usoz, Borrow), dua (Usoz, Borrow).

4.3.5 apocope of consonants and syllables In some Romani dialects, the apocope of -s occurs, in particular in some words or forms such as in the Romani noun divés ‘day’, further in nominative of nominal masculine loanwords ending in -os, -is, -us, e.g. fóros ‘town’ (these loanwords come from Greek or other European languages and are adapted through the athematic morphology of Greek origin). The preservation of the final -s is considered a conservative feature.

In Iberian (Para-)Romani varieties, the final -s rather tends to be preserved, but the apocope is documented as well: Rom. divés ‘day’ > dzibes (Cat), zibezi (Basq), chivés (Conde), chibés (Borrow, Usos), but chivé (Trujillo), chibé (Coelho). Sometime the change of final /s/ > /r/ occurs: zibér, sibér (Sentmenat), chivér (Conde).113 The occurrence of the final -s varies in loanwords too: foros (Usoz, Borrow), foro (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo, Coelho); Rom. sapunis ‘soap’ > sampuñí (Usoz, Borrow, Trujillo), sapuñé (Conde), sapuñes (Coelho); Rom. trupos ‘body’ (of Slavic origin) > trupos (Cat), drupos (Borrow), trupo (Conde, Bright, Borrow, Trujillo, Coelho); Span. cielo ‘sky, heaven’ > cielos (Sentmenat).

Further, in some Romani dialects, the apocope of -n appears in the nominal suffix for abstracts (-pén/-bén). This tendency is also sporadically documented in the Iberian varieties: Rom. čačipén ‘truth’ > chachipén (Cat, Usoz, Trujillo), chachipé (Conde, Borrow); Rom. učharibén/učharipén ‘blanket, cover’ > charivé (Conde), charipé (Borrow), txariben (Basq), chariben (Hill).

113

I assume that this change could be a result of a loss, weakening or aspiration of the final -s, a phenomenon common in South Spanish dialects, and the subsequent erroneous etymological re-interpretation of this sound as a weakened /r/.

Ukázka elektronické knihy, UID: KOS206842

4. linguistic description of iberian para-romani varieties

99

The apocope of other consonants (and syllables) is quite common in Iberian (Para-) Romani varieties, but it is not a systematic change: Rom. deš ‘ten’ > dé (Usoz), but deque (Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. řom ‘(Gypsy) man, husband’ > ro (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. džov ‘barley’ > cho (Conde, Borrow); Rom. džuv ‘louse’ > xu (Basq), but chube (Borrow); Rom. but ‘a lot’ > bu (Cat, Trujillo), but but (Cat, Conde); Rom. dand ‘tooth’ > danes (PL) (Conde, Coelho), but bredant (Sentmenat), dant (Cat); Rom. grast ‘horse’ > gra (Basq, Usoz, Borrow, Trujillo). It is also documented in cases when the adaptation to the Spanish phonological system does not require it: Rom. sástri ‘iron’ > sas (Conde, Borrow), sat (Trujillo), sast (Cat); Rom. lil ‘sheet of paper’ > li (Conde, Usoz, Borrow, Trujillo), but lil (Bright); Rom. len ‘river’ > le (Conde) beside len (Conde, Usoz, Borrow, Trujillo).

4.3.6 vowel shifts and alternations It is quite common in the sources on Iberian (Para-)Romani varieties that the same word contains different vowels.

4.3.6.1 vowel raising The shifts /o/ > /u/, /e/ > /i/ occur independently in some Romani dialects. This phenomenon can also sporadically be noticed in Caló, but it is not a systematic change. The shift /e/ > /i/ appears e.g. in these words: Rom. phen- ‘(to) say’ > pinar (Coelho), but penar (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. them ‘land’ > chim (Borrow, Trujillo), but chen (Borrow), utsem (Cat).

The shift /o/ > /u/ seems to be somewhat more frequent: Rom. řom ‘(Gypsy) man, husband’ > rum (Bright, Coelho, Cat), marrun (Basq), but rom (Sentmenat, Conde, Borrow), ron (Trujillo, Coelho), ro (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo); řomní ‘(Gypsy) woman, wife’ > rumí (Trujillo, Coelho, Cat), miruni (Basq), but romí/romi (Sentmenat, Conde, Borrow, Trujillo, Coelho, Cat), erromi (Basq); Rom. xoraxáj/koraxáj ‘Muslim’ > curajay (Coelho); Rom. phosav-/phusav- ‘(to) prick’ > pusabar (Borrow), but posabar (Coelho); Rom. mořav- ‘(to) shave’ > munrávar (Conde), munrabar (Borrow), but monrabar (Borrow, Trujillo, Cat).

The opposite shift /u/ > /o/ occurs sporadically as well: Rom. ulica ‘street’ > olicha (Borrow, Coelho), but ulicha (Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. učhardo ‘covered’ > ochardó (Conde, Trujillo), but uchardo (Conde); gurúv ‘bull’ > goruy (Borrow), but gurui (Conde).

The alternation of unstressed vowels a / e, o / u is common in Catalan (Para-)Romani.

4.3.6.2 vowel harmony Vowel harmony or vowel assimilation is quite rare: Rom. tató ‘warm’ > totó (Trujillo), but tató (Conde, Bright, Borrow); Rom. xoraxáj/koraxáj ‘Muslim’ > corojai (Usoz), carajai

Ukázka elektronické knihy, UID: KOS206842

100

(Bright), but corajai (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. čen ‘earring’, čenjá PL > chañás (Conde); Rom. khangeri ‘church’ > cángari (Trujillo), but canguerí (Conde); Rom. sovnakaj/somnakaj ‘gold’ > sanacay (Coelho) beside sonacay (Coelho), sonacai (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo); Rom. balevas ‘bacon’ > balabas (Basq), barabas (Basq), but balebál (Conde), balebá (Trujillo, Coelho).

4.3.6.3 vowel dissimilation Vowel dissimilation is rather rare in Iberian varieties of Romani: Rom. trušul ‘cross’ > trijul (Conde, Usoz); Rom. purum ‘onion’ > purima (Trujillo), porumi (Usoz), but purum (Cat), pulum (Basq); Rom. pušum ‘flea’114 > pajume (Conde), pajumi (Borrow), but pujumi (Usoz, Borrow), pujuma (Trujillo), pujumiá(s) (Conde, Usoz); Rom. adava ‘this’, odova ‘that’ > andoba (Borrow, Trujillo), but ondoba, otoba (Borrow); Rom. akaj ‘here’ > acoi (Conde, Borrow, Trujillo), but acai (Conde).

4.3.6.4 alternation a / e, o / u in catalan (para-)romani As a language contact consequence in Catalan, (Para-)Romani often alternates a / e, o / u, e.g.: Rom. devél ‘god’ > debel (Cat) and dabel (Cat, Sentmenat), rodebél (Sentmenat); Rom. čhonút ‘moon’ > choumout (Cat), dchumud (Cat). In an unstressed position, the vowels /a/ and /e/ are realised as a neutral vowel [ə], the vowels /o/ and /u/ as [u].

4.3.6.5 other alternations of vowels In addition to the above described vocalic changes, there are also other sporadic vowel alternations, e.g. Rom. džukhél ‘dog’ > chiquel and chuquel (Coelho); Rom. džungaló ‘ugly’ > tgingalo (Cat), but chungaló (Conde, Borrow, Bright); Rom. phosav-/phusav- ‘(to) prick’ > pinsabelar and punsabar (Trujillo); Rom. thuvaló ‘cigar’ > chibalo (Usoz), but chubaló (Trujillo, Borrow), súbalo (Cat), otzualó (Sentmenat); Rom. šingaló ‘horned’ > sungaló (Borrow), but jingaló (Conde); Rom. čhonút ‘moon’ > tchimout (Cat), tschemut (Cat); Rom. khangeri ‘church’ > kingari (Cat).

4.3.7 consonant alternations 4.3.7.1 alternation of sonorants Sonorants (liquids and nasals) are often unstable in Romani dialects; they tend to be replaced by other sonorants or they are subject to metathesis.

114

In European Romani dialects, the form pušum appears beside the forms pišum, pišom, pošum, pošom.

Ukázka elektronické knihy, UID: KOS206842