A Business, Diplomacy & Foreign Policy Publication
March - April 2013 • $7.95
BUSINESS • POLITICS • SPORTS • ENTERTAINMENT • MILITARY & DEFENSE • CONGRESS
D I P L O M A T I C C O N N E C T I O N S B U S I N E S S edition | M a r c h - A p r il 2 0 1 3
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BMW of Rockville. Ownership Simplified.
BMW of Rockville (formerly VOB BMW) Home of Priority 1 Service. No Appointment Necessary. Just Drive In. • Special Diplomatic Pricing from BMW • Pre-Approved Leasing Plans • $1 Buy-Out Leases Also Available • State Department Registration • 120 Free BMW Loaner Cars • $0 Charge Maintenance on All New BMWs for up to 4 Years or 50,000 Miles Please contact our Diplomatic Program Specialist Nicholas Popovici at 1-888-445-6023 to learn more about our program.
1300 Rockville Pike Rockville, MD 20852
1-888-445-6023 BMWRockville.com
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Providing benefit solutions for the following business sectors and specialized situations: Global Health Insurance
Business Travel Accident Insurance
Groups in War Zones or Similar High Risk Areas
NGO’s
Defense Base Act (DBA) Insurance
Government Contractors
Corporations
Visitor Visa Insurance
Schengen Visa Insurance
Kidnap/Ransom
Inbound/Outbound Travel Groups (Missionaries, Student Delegations)
For Expert Advice Call 1-888-275-3924 info@travelinsurancecenter.com
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Our VIP Services are your path to:
• Secure Future • Sound Investment • U.S. Residency and Passport
• Opportunity • Elite Education • A New Life for Your Family
We assist diplomats, entrepreneurs and successful professionals from around the world to make sound investments in the United States for the purpose of growing their investment capital while achieving the fastest path to U.S. residency. Contact our VIP & Diplomatic service representative today at
888-888-4802 or by email: info@usiicenter.com
www.usiicenter.com
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ATION • EDUCATION
429 Hale Street • Prides Crossing, Massachusetts 01965 • email: admission@landmarkschool.org • www.landmarkschool.org
OJAI VALLEY SCHOOL
Study in California
A College Preparatoryy School for boys grades 7-12 (day students); grades 9-12 & PG (boarding students)
Resident Program Grades 3-12 Fine and Performing Arts International Community Summer Programs Sports & Equestrian ESL Programs College Prep Curriculum Located in Ojai, CA Independent Day and Boarding School
Open House Monday onday, onday y, February 18, 2013 (845) 855-4825 • www www. w.trinityp ty awling.o typ a rg
Ojai Valley School
A COMMITMENT TO CHARACTER
(805) 646-1423 www.ovs.org
Founded in 1911
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Featuring short-term Rentals or Purchases without long contracts: Serving the diplomatic community for over 23 years!
• iPhones (never locked!), iPads (with optional phone service!), Blackberrys & Tablets • Pre & post paid SIM Cards loaded with air & data time for ANY country
• International & domestic mobile VoIP service • Wireless Internet access • MyFi hotspots & tethering
We offer special consultation services to our diplomatic community to review the various wireless and international services available.
Call today to schedule an appointment. We come to you!
1-703-222-7161 or 1-703-620-0879 RENTAL - www.InTouchUSA.com • SALES - www.InTouchSmartCards.com
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Conveniently located in the Courthouse neighborhood, Courtland Towers offers a wide variety of apartment designs and apartment sizes with breathtaking views of DC. Located just one block from the Courthouse Metro station, Courtland Towers is close to great restaurants, shops and a weekly farmers market. Enjoy a workout in the newly renovated fitness center, play racquetball or basketball at either of the indoor courts, enjoy a movie in the private theater room or relax at one of the two on property pools.
1 2 0 0 N Ve i t c h S t . • A r l i n g t o n , VA 2 2 2 0 1 • 7 0 3 - 5 2 8 - 2 7 0 0 www.RentDittmar.com • One, two and three bedroom apartments • Unfurnished apartments also available • 24-hour front desk • Indoor lap pool and seasonal outdoor pool • Indoor driving range, racquetball courts, and saunas • Business center, community room, and theater room • Assigned garage parking • Weekly housekeeping • 1.5 blocks to the Courthouse Metro station • A short walk to restaurants, theaters, CourtlandTowers@RentDittmar.com gourmet grocery shopping and parks
www.RentDittmar.com Featuring easy access to the Ballston/MU Metro, I-66 and Route 50, the Ballston Common Mall, with its many popular stores, restaurants, movie theaters, food court and ice-skating rink. Randolph Towers features fully appointed and recently redecorated furnished apartments. Each has an oversized balcony, washer and dryer, flat screen TV’s with basic cable, phone service, wireless internet, and individually controlled heating & cooling. There is a business center, game room, theater room, and community room for your enjoyment. Additionally, there is an indoor swimming pool and 24/7 state-of-the-art fitness center.
4001 9th Street, North • Arlington, VA 22203 • One, two and three bedroom apartments • Luxury penthouses • Unfurnished apartments also available • 24-hour front desk • Assigned garage parking • Weekly housekeeping • On site businesses including a convenience store, dry cleaner, shoe repair, nail and hair salon and professional services • 1.5 blocks to Ballston-MU Metro Station • 1.5 blocks to Ballston Mall • A short walk to restaurants, theaters, community centers and parks
703-525-9000 • RandolphTowers@RentDittmar.com D I P L O M A T I C C O N N E C T I O N S B U S I N E S S edition | M a r c h - A p r il 2 0 1 3
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Located just blocks from the U.S. Capitol Building, the National Mall, Chinatown, Union Station, Verizon Center and Judiciary Square Metro! Stunning Views of the U.S. Capitol, Washington Monument and the city’s beautiful skyline await you... Ashton Judiciary Square features:
View floor plans, photos, videos and all of the amenities at www.ashtonjs.com Call or email us today to schedule a tour! 202-289-7990 | ashtonjudiciarysquare@udr.com
• One, two & three bedroom furnished or unfurnished luxury apartment homes
• Extra large walk-in closets, high ceilings, exquisite details and modern amenities
• Spacious living areas with scenic window walls to the city
• Elegant bathrooms with soaking tubs, marble countertops and top of the line fixtures
• Gorgeous hardwood and travertine floors throughout
• Exclusive amenities include a premier fitness club, concierge services, gourmet coffee bar, video conference room and private access garage with dedicated parking.
• European inspired kitchens with upgraded cabinetry and stainless steel appliances
Ashton Judiciary Square | 750 3rd Street NW | Washington, DC 20001
Crescent Luxury Apartments offer cleaner, sleeker, more modern living that reduces your environmental footprint and enhances your everyday life! At the Crescent you’ll be conveniently located in Arlington, VA just a short walk to the East Falls Church Metro, a short drive to I-66, I-495, boutique shopping, bistros and fine dining restaurants in Tysons Corner. Enjoy the wonderful green-based property features including a tree-lined promenade walkway connecting to a large park, reserved parking for low-emission, fuel-efficient vehicles and abundant bicycle storage. Features and amenities include: • One & two bedroom furnished or • Elegant bathrooms with soaking tubs, unfurnished luxury apartment homes marble countertops and dual head showers • Spacious, energy-efficient living in a modern atmosphere • Premiere amenities including a state of the art fitness club, two courtyards with • European inspired kitchens, upgraded fire pits, outdoor grilling and dual sided cabinetry and granite slab countertops outdoor fireplace, plush clubhouse, • Extra large walk-in closets, high theatre room and much more! ceilings and certified green features
View floor plans, photos, videos and all of the amenities at
www.crescentva.com
Call or email us today to schedule a tour!
703-237-5858 • crescentfallschurch@udr.com
2121 North Westmoreland St. | Arlington, VA 22213 10
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Let us provide a peaceful retreat alongside the power of the Pentagon.
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Let us connect you to 170 world-class stores that share your sense of style. Let us serve you monumental views from the comfort of our club lounge. Let us welcome you to our home with the language from yours.
Experience The Ritz-Carlton, Pentagon City. To reserve your next group meeting or special event, contact our Director of Diplomatic Sales at 703-412-2794 or visit ritzcarlton.com/pentagoncity.
©2012 The Ritz-Carlton Hotel Company, LLC
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GEOGRAPHY IS BEST LEARNED WHEN IT IS LIVED. Avenues: The World School is now open in Manhattan. At Avenues, a global orientation is fused into the curriculum. Classes at every level introduce topics, perspectives and challenges designed to help students gain a better understanding of our interconnected world.
It’s all part of a World Course, brought to life by a team of educators with diverse backgrounds — a truly relevant education for our children’s future.
Every Avenues student will graduate with fluency in a second language. As our network of campuses soon expands to other cities — including Beijing and São Paulo — students will have the opportunity to expand their experience by studying abroad.
If you’d like to learn more about Avenues admissions, you’re invited to attend a parent information event. Register at avenues.org or call Avenues admissions at 646.664.0800.
259 TENTH AVENUE | NEW YORK WWW. AVENUES.ORG
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EDUCATION • EDUCATION • EDUCATION
independent schools
March12, 2013
S AV E T H E D AT E Diplomatic Connections is Hosting Another
D iplomatA ppreciation Reception On March 12, 2013
at the Hay Adams Across the Street from the White House in Washington, D.C.
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11/5/12 8:08 PM
April 11, 2013
S AV E T H E D AT E Diplomatic Connections is Hosting Another
D iplomatA ppreciation Reception On April 11, 2013
at the Madison Hotel Just Blocks from the White House in Washington, D.C.
D I P L O M A T I C C O N N E C T I O N S B U S I N E S S edition | M a r c h - A p r il 2 0 1 3 SDate-half-Mad13.indd 1
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11/5/12 7:56 PM
May 8, 2013
S AV E T H E D AT E Diplomatic Connections is Hosting Another
D iplomatA ppreciation Reception On May 8, 2013
at the JW Marriott Essex House New York A Prestigious Central Park South Address
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2/20/13 2:17 PM
October 10, 2013
S AV E T H E D AT E Diplomatic Connections is Hosting Another
D iplomatA ppreciation Reception On October 10, 2013
at the Peninsula New York Fifth Avenueâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Most Alluring Address
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2/18/13 10:23 PM
October17, 2013
S AV E T H E D AT E Diplomatic Connections is Hosting Another
D iplomatA ppreciation Reception On October 17, 2013
at the Fairmont Washington, D.C. Georgetown Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s fashionable West End and adjacent to historic Georgetown
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November 5, 2013 S AV E T H E D AT E
Diplomatic Connections is Hosting Another
eception D iplomatA ppreciation R On November 5, 2013
at the The Peninsula Beverly Hills 9882 S. Santa Monica Blvd. Beverly Hills, California 90210 One of Southern Californiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s Best Addresses
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11/5/12 8:17 PM
DIPLOMATIC CONNECTIONS EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Dawn Parker AssistantS to the Editor Kyle Byram, Chanel Cherry, Ashley Gatewood, Amy Nyhuis, Julie Pomeroy BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT Executives Evan Strianese, Mishon Kemp, Mongoose Atlantic, Inc. – Stephen Channon, Shelby Pierce, Amber Smith
Inauguration PAGE 54
DESIGN & CREATIVE KDG Advertising, Design & Marketing msocha@kdgadvertising.com DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENTS and CONTRIBUTING WRITERS Roland Flamini, James Winship, PhD, Monica Frim, Meghan Lawson, Oliver Lloyd Event Coordinator Assistants Kesha Lee; Claire McKenney; Charles Makings; Amanda Makulec; Amy Nyhuis; Katherine O’Leary; Elizabeth Posey; Thomas Saunders; Carter Wilson; Shin-Yee Yu
To contact an advertising executive CALL: 202.536.4810 FAX: 202.370.6882 EMAIL: info@diplomaticconnections.com
ARGO PAGE 68 PAGE 56
DIPLOMATIC CONNECTIONS WEBSITE DESIGN & DEVELOPMENT IMS (Inquiry Management Systems) 304 Park Avenue South, 11th Floor New York, NY 10010 TOLL FREE: 877.467.8721 X701 Website: www.ims.com Marc Highbloom, Vice President marc@ims.ca Maria D’Urso, Project Manager Mariad@ims.ca CONTRIBUTING PHOTOGRAPHY Zacarias Garcia, Paula Morrison, Keegan Bursaw/Embassy of Canada To order photos from the events go to: www.diplomaticconnections.com Send any name or address changes in writing to: Diplomatic Connections 4410 Massachusetts Avenue / #200 Washington, DC 20016 Diplomatic Connections Business Edition is published bi-monthly. Diplomatic Connections does not endorse any of the goods or services offered herein this publication. Copyright 2013 by Diplomatic Connections All rights reserved. Cover photo credits: Ben Affleck, Jennifer Garner, Leigh Vogel/Getty Images; Secretary Panetta, Francisco Leong/AFP/Getty Images; Beyonce, Stan Honda/ AFP/Getty Images; Bryan Cranston, Keegan Bursaw/Embassy of Canada; Stacy Keibler and George Clooney, Jason Merritt/Getty Images; Ambassador Fritsche, Ambassador Brito and Ambassador Gil-Casares, Diplomatic Connections
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Airlines and TOURISM TAP Portugal 25 Turkey 5 APARTMENTS and HOUSING Ashton Judiciary Square UDR 10 Crescent Falls Church UDR 10 Dittmar Realty – Courtland Towers 9 Dittmar Realty – Randolph Towers 9
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AUTOMOTIVE - CARS and LIMOUSINE SERVICES Admiral Leasing 82 BMW of Rockville 1 Car Services – VIP Gold Car 52 Jim Coleman Cadillac 2 Jim Coleman Toyota 3
ENTERTAINMENT [The] Embassy Series 95 Fashion and Accessories Bloomingdale’s 84 – 93 and BACK COVER
Catering Maison Culinaire 95 COMMUNICATIONS InTouch USA Wireless Communications 8
Diplomatic Connections Events
Diplomatic Connections Reception, March 12th at The Hay-Adams Washington, D.C.........................13 Diplomatic Connections Reception, April 11th at The Madison Washington, D.C...............................13 Diplomatic Connections Reception, May 8 at The JW Marriott Essex House New York, New York............................................................14 Diplomatic Connections Reception, October 10 at The Peninsula New York, New York......................14 Diplomatic Connections Reception, October 17 at The Fairmont Washington, DC Georgetown... 15 Diplomatic Connections Reception, November 5 at The Peninsula Beverly Hills, Los Angeles California...................................................................................15
HOTELS, DINING and ACCOMMODATIONS The Concordia Hotel Washington, D.C. 39 [The] Fairfax at Embassy Row 94 Fairmont Washington, DC – Georgetown 83 [The] Hay-Adams 96 InterContinental – Cleveland Clinic 38 JW Marriott Essex House New York 51 [The] Madison 67 Mandarin Oriental Washington, D.C. 72 Peninsula Beverly Hills INSIDE Front COVER Peninsula New York 33 Ritz-Carlton, Pentagon City 11 Trump Hotel Central Park New York INSIDE BACK COVER
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Humanitarian Roll Back Malaria Partnership 7 Investment U.S. International Investment Center 6
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TRAVEL, INSURANCE, PASSPORTS AND VISAS Insurance – Travel Insurance Center 4 VFS Global 6
EDUCATION – INDEPENDENT SCHOOLS Avenues The World School 12 Ojai Valley School 8 Trinity – Pawling School 8
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Featured Articles Interviews with Ambassadors Liechtenstein – 28 Portugal – 18 Spain – 34 Canada – ARGO 68 Fashion – Bloomingdale’s 84 Inauguration 54 International Criminal Court 40
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James A. Winship, Ph.D.
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ortugal has a long history of exploration and navigation of previously uncharted waters. What was true of 15th century sailors developing maritime technology, refining enhanced means of navigation, and learning to sail against the wind, is no less true of Portugalâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s 21st century political and diplomatic leadership. Ambassador Nuno Brito has spent a diplomatic career watching the world change around him, often from a vantage point in the United States, but always seeking to set a course that will help move his country forward. He scans the horizons of Portugal and Europe, sights the state of bilateral relationships between Portugal and the United States, studies the currents of multilateral institutions and adjusts his course accord-
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ing to the rapidly changing realities of a globalized stage. As once the portrait of the earth changed with the discovery of new continents and ever more accurate maps, Ambassador Brito must respond to a world that has traded Cold War ideological blocs for localized conflicts exacerbated by ethnicity and religious extremism. Economic slowdowns and burgeoning budget deficits threaten to undermine national security capabilities and limit diplomatic initiatives. Global climate change poses a new range of risks that can impact food supplies and raise sea levels, while rapidly spreading technology promotes social media that can stoke great political changes even as it introduces a new threat of cyber-terrorism. Sailing in uncharted waters can be frightening, but it is the stuff of explora-
H.E. Nuno Brito, Ambassador of Portugal to the United States DIPLOMATIC CONNECTIONS B U SINESS e d i t i o n | M a r c h - A p r i l 2 0 1 3
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tion and discovery. To be sure, there are dangers to be confronted, but there are also enormous opportunities to expand vision, to improve the quality of life, to challenge previous ways of thinking, to innovate in the face of difficulties, and to develop in new and unexpected directions. There are always sailors and diplomats who face the edge of the known world and want to turn back, but there are also prudent adventurers who savor new horizons and who seek to bridge the uncharted waters to expand their world and its possibilities. Put Ambassador Nuno Brito in this latter category, an explorer who relishes uncharted territory and the new challenges that come with it. Ambassador Brito observes that, “We like to see ourselves as bridge builders. In the more globalized world in which we live, traditional diplomacy is no longer effective. It has changed dramatically. We have to cope with the new technologies. We have to be more analytical in order to better serve our own governments.” Even in the face of Portugal’s current economic difficulty,
Ambassador Brito remains positive about the challenges of the moment and the possibilities of the future. “It’s easy to be pessimistic about Europe,” he acknowledges, “but I think it’s probably sounder to be more optimistic about Europe’s future.” He sees the relationship between Europe and the United Sates as a sort of sea anchor that adapts to change and yet stabilizes diplomacy in a way that prevents change from descending into chaos. “What is important for me as a diplomat,” he notes, “is that if there is any place similar to the U.S., it is Europe and vice versa. Our values, our principles are similar. I think that bonds us in a special and unique way.” Ambassador Brito was born in Angola in 1959 and subsequently returned to Portugal for his education. He received a law degree from the University of Lisbon and joined the Portuguese diplomatic service in 1984. “I was trying to become a lawyer,” he recalls, “and at the same time I wanted to experience something about the world.” Upon entering the Foreign Service, he underwent intensive training followed by
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Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2nd-R) with First Lady Ani Yudhoyono (R) welcomes Portugese President Anibal Cavaco Silva (2nd-L) and First Lady Maria Cavaco Silva (L) during their arrival at the presidential palace in Jakarta in 2012. Silva, who was invited by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was accompanied by five members of the parliament.
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a two-year candidacy period, at the end of which he was confirmed as a Foreign Service officer and began almost immediately dealing with the United States as a desk officer in the Americas Department of the Foreign Ministry. He was posted to the embassy in Washington in 1987 and watched the Cold War come to an end during six years in the U.S. Capital. Returning to the Foreign Portugal’s Prime Minister Pedro Passos Coelho speaks during a press conference at the Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC)-European Union (EU) Summit in Santiago, on January 27, 2013. European and Latin American leaders have pledged Ministry in 1993, Ambasto shun protectionism and boost their strategic partnership to foster free trade and sustainable development based on close international cooperation. Some 60 countries were represented at the summit between the 27-member European Union and the sador Brito was appointed to Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, or CELAC. the Cabinet of the PortuEuropean Union. We have full European Union membership, guese Foreign Minister. In 1995, he became Chief of Cabinet and that has a daily effect on our lives. The President of the for the Secretary of State for Defense. Subsequently, AmbassaEuropean Commission, for instance, is a Portuguese citizen. dor Brito was posted to the Portuguese Mission to the United The vice-president of the European Central Bank is also a Nations in New York in 1997. He initially served as Deputy Portuguese citizen. So, Portugal is very well connected to the Alternate Representative to the Security Council on which EU and its institutions. Portugal was serving as a non-permanent member for 1997 – 1998. He became Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations in 1999. Returning to Portugal in 2002, Ambassador Brito served as Senior Diplomatic Adviser to the Prime Minister before being appointed Director-General for European Affairs at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 2005. Prior to his appointment as Ambassador to the United States in 2011, Brito served as Co-Chair of the Luso-Spanish Commission for Trans-Border Cooperation, Counselor of the Portuguese Economic and Social Council, Political Director at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Co-Chair of the U.S.-Portuguese Standing Bilateral Commission. Ambassador Brito was kind enough to take time out of his busy schedule for an extended conversation with Diplomatic Connections. Diplomatic Connections: Ambassador Brito, thank you for welcoming us into your residence and for giving so generously of your time to speak with us. Ambassador Brito: You are most welcome. It is a pleasure to have you as our guest. Diplomatic Connections: Portugal often describes its foreign policy as “Atlanticist.” What does that mean, in fact? Ambassador Brito: There are three pillars in our foreign policy. First, we are a European country and a member of the
This is an important factor even for the United States because it means that Portugal is a member of the board of Europe. We have a place at the table. Our voice is present when foreign policy decisions are being made. And, as you know, decisions on foreign policy and defense questions in the European Union and also on fiscal issues are taken by unanimity. So, that means that the voice of Portugal is as important as the voice of other member states. Another pillar is our relationship with the United States. If you look at the map, the first friendly piece of land that you see in Europe is Portugal. You have the Azores and then to the east and south you have mainland Portugal. We have very strong ties with the United States. We were the second country to recognize the independence of the United States. And, we also have had a very intense defense and security cooperation relationship with the United States of America since World War II. Additionally, we are a founding member of the NATO alliance. Third, we look south because Brazil is a very strong and powerful ally of Portugal. We tend to say that we are Atlanticists not just because of our North Atlantic relationships but also because of our South Atlantic relationships. We view the Atlantic as a common space. On the African side, you have Angola, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde and Saõ Tomé — four
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Portuguese Foreign Minister Paulo Portas (2nd L) and his German counterpart Guido Westerwelle (C) arrive at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation to take part in a forum on Europe’s economic and social problems in Lisbon on January 24, 2013.
Portuguese-speaking countries. They are Atlantic countries as well. So, in this sense, we can say that we are “Atlanticists.” Diplomatic Connections: Portugal has a substantial history of early global exploration. What about the world beyond the shores of the Atlantic? Ambassador Brito: The Atlantic is our common house, so to speak. But, of course, we also look globally — not only to the Portuguese-speaking countries, but to all of the other major players in world politics. We have strong ties with Japan, China, India and other countries that are out of our traditional hinterlands. What is important about our history is that we aren’t obsessed with it. We are not frozen in history. We want to use our history as a learning experience. In every case, we have learned something from the countries with which we were in contact. If you look at our food, our traditions, our politics you will be surprised by how much influence our historic global reach has had on our lives. Diplomatic Connections: May we talk about your time at the United Nations? How did that experience of multilateral diplomacy influence you as a diplomat? Ambassador Brito: When diplomats serve in one country, they tend to get addicted to that country. But, serving in 22
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multilateral affairs you learn to appreciate diversity, to better understand why a number of countries move in a different way than yours. In my personal experience, that has enabled me to understand much better a number of international issues that would have been more difficult to “get” without this multicultural background. We have served three times on the Security Council, and I believe that all the permanent members of the Security Council were pleased with Portugal’s constructive and pragmatic approach. We work constructively in New York, in Geneva, in Vienna on all United Nations issues. For instance, the High Commission for Refugees — one of the top jobs in the United Nations system — is led by a Portuguese citizen and former Portuguese Prime Minister — António Guterres. Diplomatic Connections: What do you think has been the impact — on the core countries of NATO and the European Union — as a result of the very rapid expansion in size of NATO and the EU? What difference does the inclusion of so many of the Eastern European countries make? Ambassador Brito: The fact is that the European Union now has 27 or 28 members with the addition of Croatia to the Union. Also, we have several candidates that are negotiating their accession to the Union. A lot of countries in Europe, and even outside Europe, are trying to join us. That means that
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own country and in the United States. The feedback we have something exists there that other countries see as worthwhile. been getting from these programs is very good. NATO has been expanded as well. NATO has been the cornerstone of our defense and security policies. Two sum If you look at the economy, the third largest wind power company in the United States is a Portuguese-owned commits — the summit in Lisbon and the summit in Chicago — pany, EDP Renewables, based in Houston, Texas, formerly were linked and played a major role in shaping the mission of Horizon Wind Energy LLC. They bought that company and the new NATO. NATO has embraced its former adversaries, continued to expand it to the point where they now have and that’s very important because it integrates the Euro-Atwind farms present in 11 states. lantic area in a totally different way. NATO is a great treasure. Diplomatic Connections: You talked about former In the banking sector and other areas, we have been expanding trade between Portugal and the United States. enemies becoming a part of NATO or joining the EU. Russia We are reaching the level that we had before the economic seems to have worked through the collapse of an ideology, of crisis that hit the United States and Europe. All in all, in the a system, and yet to have returned to a strengthened, more last 10 years, we traded more with the United States than we assertive nationalistic position. How does Russia fit into the traded with all the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) European equation at this point? combined. That’s an important indicator of the robust trade Ambassador Brito:In Portugal’s case, specifically, we relationship between the United States and Portugal. have been forging very close ties with Russia at two levels: Diplomatic Connections: What about two specific areas the dialogue between the European Union as such — the of great concern — defense cooperation and international European member states and Russia — and the dialogue financial matters? between each one of them and Russia. Some of the former Ambassador Brito: We are also moving ahead in defense Soviet satellite states that are now members of NATO have cooperation between our two countries. There are new a long and difficult history with the former Soviet Union. A threats that we are facing together: terrorism, organized state like Portugal does not have that same historical baggage, crime, drug trafficking, failed states, piracy. so probably it is easier for us to talk with the Russians on a I think that we have been working well with the United number of issues than it may be for states that lived under States, even on financial issues. We have been working Soviet domination. Diplomatic Connections: How do you assess the current through the International Monetary Fund in Washington and status of the bilateral relationship between Portugal and the through the European financial institutions. But we have also United States? been talking directly with the U.S. government on a number Ambassador Brito: What is important now is to broaden of issues of common interest. All in all, I would say that we and deepen our relationship. I’ve been doing a lot of work lately to build relationships between scientific institutions in the United States and Portugal. I must tell you that there are four U.S.-Portuguese programs that are vitally important — with Harvard Medical School, with MIT, with Carnegie-Mellon University and with the University of Texas at Austin. These programs involve hundreds of researchers, scholars, and hospitals and U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta (L) shakes hands with Portuguese Defense Minister Jose Aguiar Branco (R) after a joint press conference at Sao Juliao da Barra fort in Oeiras, in the outskirts of Lisbon, on January 15, 2013. Panetta held talks with his other institutions in my Portuguese counterpart before heading to Madrid at the start of a European tour. DIPLOMATIC CONNECTIONS B U SINESS e d i t i o n | M a r c h - A p r i l 2 0 1 3
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have a very healthy relationship. And, of course, the main factor is not history. The main factor is the fact that, according to your census, 1.4 million people in the United States identify themselves as coming from Portugal. They are either Portuguese citizens living here, or they are American citizens claiming Portuguese descent. I think this population is the anchor that binds our countries together more than anything else. Diplomatic Connections: Please tell us more about the Portuguese-American community. Where are the centers of Portuguese-Americans in the United States? Ambassador Brito: The largest is in California. That is an old community, mostly from the Azores but not only from there. Also, there is a sizeable community in Hawaii. We were happy when President Obama went to Lisbon for the NATO Summit in 2010. Since he grew up in Hawaii, he knew something about our Portuguese foods through the Portuguese Americans in his home state. Also, there are sizeable and very traditional communities in Massachusetts and Rhode Island. More recently, there is a concentration of PortugueseAmericans in New Jersey. There is an expanding community in Florida at this point. And, like everybody else, we have an ethnic community in New York City. Diplomatic Connections: And there are PortugueseAmerican members of Congress who trace their family heritage to Portugal. Ambassador Brito: There are three members in the House and one in the Senate. There is a group of “Friends of Portugal” in the Senate because you cannot have a caucus there, but there is a Portuguese caucus in the House. What is important is to realize the number of Portuguese-Americans in local governments as mayors and as members of state assemblies and as judges. The Chief Justice of the Massachusetts Appeals Court is Portuguese — Justice Rapoza — and there is a Portuguese member of the Rhode Island Superior Court — Judge Luis Matos. And, there is a widespread entrepreneurial initiative in the Portuguese-American community. Diplomatic Connections: Out-going Secretary of Defense Panetta recently visited Lisbon. Can you tell us a bit about his visit and the agenda covered? Ambassador Brito: He visited several allies in Europe. We were very pleased to welcome him. His visit demonstrates just how politically meaningful the relationship between the United States and Portugal is. Of course, there are some issues that we have to deal with. For instance, there were discussions regarding the future of Afghanistan. But there are also bilateral issues like the military facilities that the United 24
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States has in the Azores. Also, you should be aware that we have Strike Force NATO, with a very strong U.S. presence, based in Lisbon. All these elements show that we have a productive relationship with the United States.
Diplomatic Connections: Can you tell us anything more specific about the question of the U.S. Lajes Field base in the Azores? Ambassador Brito: On the question of the Azores, we are dealing with scaling down the number of American personnel based there. And, of course, that has an impact in the islands that will have to be dealt with as well. But, we try to approach these issues always in a constructive way. Remember always that the United States and Portugal are allies. Our relationship with the U.S. is not like our relationship with any other country. We have an alliance — not only the NATO Alliance but also a bilateral defense agreement, a security and cooperation agreement with the United States. We do not forget that, and we expect our American friends not to forget that as well. We welcome the American presence there and very much want it to continue, even if in somewhat reduced form. Diplomatic Connections: Portugal has participated in a number of international security operations around the world. You have forces in Afghanistan. You’ve had forces in Lebanon. Ambassador Brito: We try to be present as much as we can, according to our resources. For instance, our forces served more than 20 missions in Bosnia and were part of the NATO-led peacekeeping force in Kosovo as well. We had forces in Afghanistan and other international theaters like East Timor or in southern Lebanon supporting the United Nations there. We supported the United Nations operations in Angola and Mozambique. We try to act according to our resources but to act responsibly. We feel that being part of a collective security alliance is not just a matter of words, it is important to actively contribute as resources permit. Diplomatic Connections: Portugal has been particularly hard hit in the current global economic slowdown. Your country received a €78 billion loan from the European Union, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. What were the conditions of that loan, and what is Portugal’s relationship now with those three lending institutions — “the troika” as they’re called? Ambassador Brito: When we started this process, we wanted to make sure from the outset that it was our own process, that we had ownership of the process. We wanted it to be clear that nobody was putting a gun to our head and
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PSD and CDS’s parliamentarians (L) vote in favor of the government’s proposal for the 2013 state budget on November 27, 2012 during a Parliament session in Lisbon. Portugal’s parliament voted on a budget containing unprecedented measures to achieve savings of 5.3 billion euros, with 80 percent of the amount to come from increased tax revenue.
saying: “You have to do this.” It was a decision taken by the Portuguese government at the time with the support of two political parties in the opposition. Those parties are now in the government. Three of the top five political parties in Portugal, representing about 80 percent of the Portuguese parliament, have supported this fiscal discipline. This is a very important starting point if you want to analyze Portugal because the level of political stability and cohesion in dealing with these issues has been very high. The basic message that my prime minister and the Portuguese government have been expressing is that we want to fulfill all the requirements of the agreement. We want to move on. If things move as we expect, in 2014 we will be back on our own feet. The key point is to go back to the financial markets, to demonstrate our ability to regain the trust and the confidence of the markets. I think that we have been doing that. Diplomatic Connections: What specific actions has Portugal taken to regain the trust of international financial markets?
Ambassador Brito: That is the main challenge that we face: how to make the Portuguese economy more competitive, more in-line with the challenges of the current global environment. That means economic reforms, and that’s what we have been doing — reforming our labor laws, our judicial 26
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system, the laws regarding competition, among other things. And, one of the key reforms is our privatization program. We are moving rapidly to privatize sectors of our economy that were previously closely held by the state. This program has basically three legs. One is fiscal consolidation, reduced government spending and increased revenue, and we are doing that. The second one is banking recapitalization, and we also have done that. And the third one is growth, economic reform that we need in order to grow the economy faster in the future. Since 2010 we have had to cut about €17 billion in our current expenditure accounts. In 2012 our exports grew by 5.8% and our trade deficit has diminished by 34.8%. And Portugal returned to the international bond market in January with a €2.5 billion offering that was actually oversubscribed. These are signs of significant progress as Portugal makes its economic adjustments. Diplomatic Connections: What is the impact of the austerity programs on the average Portuguese citizen? There are people who are simply asking whether the social fabric of Portugal can hold together in the face of these rather dramatic cuts in spending and in social programs.
Ambassador Brito: Every single Portuguese citizen, one way or the other, is feeling the impact of the economic situ-
ation. And, it is not only a matter of money or resources; it is also changing people’s expectations and changing aspects of the old society. But, I’m proud to say that — even if you look at the demonstrations and other public outcries — they are not unusual by Portuguese standards. Actually, they have been quite peaceful. We have a lively debate about what to do, how to move in the future and so on. But, that’s part of our democracy, part of our political fabric. Diplomatic Connections: Can the European Union survive this period of economic strain and turmoil in so many member states: Greece, Spain, Ireland, Portugal, maybe Italy and perhaps now France? Does the economic crisis require rethinking the entire basic approach and the country-tocountry relationships of the EU as well as the social compacts that the European states undertook with their citizens after World War II? Ambassador Brito: I have to say, “Yes,” on all counts. I think that the European Union is moving — the Eurozone countries, in particular — towards deeper integration. As a matter of fact, every time that we have a crisis in Europe we tend to react by deepening our levels of integration. And, it is not different this time. Diplomatic Connections: Let us pose a very specific question related to Portugal’s history, notably its long, deep relations with the largest Portuguese-speaking nation in the world — Brazil. How does Portugal see its relationship with Brazil? What is that relationship — economically and politically? Ambassador Brito: It’s a very intense relationship. For us, Brazil is a unique case. They are by far the largest and most influential Portuguese-speaking country in the world. They are fast becoming a global power themselves, a peaceful one I must underline. The cultural ties that link us to each other are very strong. But, this is not a matter of history. It is a matter of the present. For instance, if you fly between Europe and Brazil, the number of flights coming from Portugal is the highest in all Europe linking the two continents. This is a very practical way. There is now Brazilian investment flowing into Portugal. Embraer, one of the biggest aeronautical corporations in the world and Brazilian based, has just invested in Portugal. Portugal’s investment in Brazil is important by our own standards. I would say that we do not have any major differences with Brazil. Diplomatic Connections: That leads me to a question that we pose to each of the ambassadors with whom Diplomatic Connections is privileged to speak. What are your greatest concerns for the future of your country, and what are your greatest hopes for the future of your country?
Ambassador Brito: I have a lot of hope in the future of my country. Otherwise, I would not be representing my country in the diplomatic corps and here in the United States. The biggest challenge is how to make our country more competitive, more global from an economic and financial point of view. And also, we need to look at how to build the foundations for a more equitable society in Portugal. I think that we have been moving reasonably well under the circumstances. We are a very homogeneous country, and that helps a lot. We have to use this huge challenge that we are facing to move forward. As Ambassador to the U.S., I have to fight stereotypes and to show Americans that Portugal is what it is — a modern country, a stable democracy. It is fighting some headwinds, but we are not ignoring our problems, we are fighting them, working to solve them and moving ahead. We are working hard to overcome the difficulties posed in this current situation. In our long history, there have been very difficult moments. But, if you look at how the Portuguese people have been reacting, they have responded in a very brave and resilient manner. Diplomatic Connections: Your use of the word “brave” is striking and a powerful description of what is happening under the economic austerity regime in Portugal. That is not a word that we often hear used in conjunction with economics, but when it comes down to the impact of the kinds of programs, the kinds of budgetary constraints that your country and its people face, actually “bravery” is a very good word for the people in the street who are dealing with the consequences of those macroeconomic decisions. Ambassador Brito: True. For us, the proposition between fiscal consolidation or growth is a false proposition. We need fiscal consolidation in order to ensure that our economy will become more competitive. Some mistakes have been made and some mistakes have had to be corrected. How fast we can move and how far and within what timeframe is a matter of political discussion. We do not want to abolish democracy. We want to put an end to this economic crisis. Diplomatic Connections: And, your greatest fears for your country? Ambassador Brito: I do not fear for our future. I think that we are facing a challenge. We will have setbacks like everybody else, but we’ll move on. I’m pretty confident about it. Diplomatic Connections: Ambassador Brito, thank you very much. It has been a pleasure to be with you. You’ve been exceptionally kind and extraordinarily generous with your time. n
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H.E. Claudia Fritsche, Ambassador of Liechtenstein to the United States
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An interview with Ambassador Claudia Fritsche By Roland Flamini The tiny principality of Liechtenstein, perched in the Alps, had a big reputation as a secret place where the rich could hide their money. But with the need for greater vigilance against laundered terrorist funds, and following the 2008 global financial crisis, even this longestablished tax haven has seen the wisdom of showing more openness — for example, in releasing information about its foreign clients on request. U.S. pressure had something to do with Liechtenstein going straight, or “coming into compliance,” as Ambassador Claudia Fritsche, who a decade ago opened, and still heads, Liechtenstein’s embassy in Washington, calls it. But the elegant ambassador adds that the writing is on the wall for tax havens everywhere: “It’s an irreversible trend,” she says.
Diplomatic Connections: Madam Ambassador, thank you for agreeing to talk to Diplomatic Connections. Perhaps you could start by telling us a little bit about your country. Is it the smallest country with diplomatic representation in Washington? Ambassador Fritsche: We are certainly one of the smallest embassies in terms of staff, etc. We represent the fourth smallest country in the world; Liechtenstein is situated in the heart of Europe, right between Switzerland and Austria. Size-wise we compare pretty much exactly to the size of the District of Columbia. However, our population is very small; two-thirds of our terrain is mountains, so the total population of about 36,600 lives in a small space. Liechtenstein has been in existence for 300 years. Until World War II, its people were predominantly farmers. Our industrialization started in the early 1950s and we’re very fortunate that today our economy is prospering and on a per capita basis we are one of the most highly industrialized countries in the world, and also a financial center. Diplomatic Connections: Part of your economic success is a low tax rate, is it not? Ambassador Fritsche: Low tax rate is part of it, but there are many other factors. One of them is political stability, our central location and a free-market policy. There is very little interference in our manufacturing companies by government regulation — there is, on the other hand, also very little support — you have no export subsidies, so our companies either make it on their own or they don’t make it.
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Right: Journalist Roland Flamini of Diplomatic Connections and Ambassador Fritsche Below: Ambassador Fritsche standing on the balcony of the embassy which is in the prestigious location of Georgetown in Washington, D.C.
Diplomatic Connections: What about the system of government?
Ambassador Fritsche: Liechtenstein is a principality. The prince is the head of state and the system is a constitutional hereditary monarchy on a parliamentary democratic basis. We have two large, traditional political parties and a third party, plus now a fourth group that doesn’t yet call itself a party — and we are about to have elections. It’s a bit difficult to explain the ideological differences because they are minimal. Diplomatic Connections: What’s the big issue in the coming elections? Ambassador Fritsche: One challenging issue is immigration. Liechtenstein is a very small territory and our immigration laws don’t make it easy for foreigners to take up residence and employment in Liechtenstein. We have a lot of workers who commute daily from across our borders; but if you want economic growth, immigration happens to be a by-product, and we have to re-visit our policies. Diplomatic Connections: Where do your commuters come from? Ambassador Fritsche: The total workforce is 34,000, and half of them commute daily from Switzerland, Austria and partly from southern Germany. Diplomatic Connections: In other words, more than 15,000 of your workforce are actually not from Liechtenstein. What about citizenship, would that be difficult? Ambassador Fritsche: Quite difficult. A long number of 30
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years of residency is required by law before one can apply for citizenship. It’s quite a lengthy process, and it’s also considered not an entirely indiscriminatory process; the majority of the voting population of the municipality where the applicant lives must approve, and it doesn’t always happen.
Diplomatic Connections: How many years have you served in the United States? I understand that before coming to Washington you were Liechtenstein’s representative at the United Nations. Ambassador Fritsche: I’ve been in the United States for 22 years, 10 of them in Washington. Diplomatic Connections: I understand that bilateral relations with the United States have undergone some significant changes since 2000. Ambassador Fritsche: Ten, 12 years ago, Liechtenstein was perceived as a non-cooperative financial center when it came to financial crimes, money laundering, tax fraud. But we have come a long way. Financial services issues are a large part of our bilateral relations, and the United States authorities have stressed repeatedly that Liechtenstein is today one of its most cooperative partners. Diplomatic Connections: Non-cooperative would mean that Liechtenstein did not reveal client data… Ambassador Fritsche: Yes. But a transformation has taken place. Liechtenstein has totally changed into a fully transparent financial center, and this has really meant great changes for Liechtenstein. We continue to believe in the principle of financial privacy and Liechtenstein offers a
number of wealth management models which adhere to this principle but at the same time implements international transparency standards. Diplomatic Connections: That sounds like you walk a tightrope. Ambassador Fritsche: We don’t see it that way. We have a legal framework which allows us to offer these models, and at the same time be cooperative when it comes to the information exchange. In the past 10 years we have concluded two significant agreements with the United States, one of them is the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty which enables us to cooperate directly, and the second one is the Tax Information Exchange Agreement whereby Liechtenstein complies with specific requests from the U.S. authorities with regard to data on tax matters. Diplomatic Connections: That must have involved changes in your laws. Ambassador Fritsche: We not only had to make changes in our own laws; we revamped considerably part of our judicial system, going back to early 2000. We almost doubled the number of our prosecutors, doubled the number of our judges. Our parliament adopted a new due diligence law and revamped the criminal code. By doing all that, and by introducing additional measures, we complied with the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development [the OECD monitors economic performance in 34 democratic countries worldwide] standards, which took us from its black/gray list. Diplomatic Connections: Liechtenstein was on the OECD blacklist. Ambassador Fritsche: We were not the only one. In 2000, the OECD listed Liechtenstein as a non-cooperative financial center, in particular with regard to money laundering. We came off that list within one year. Diplomatic Connections: What sort of impact has this new approach towards foreign clients meant to your banking system? Ambassador Fritsche: One of the consequences was that at one time not as many assets came into Liechtenstein as in the past, but since then we developed a number of new business models that bring new assets again to our financial center, some of them actually quite innovative measures. For example, three years ago, Liechtenstein signed an agreement with the United Kingdom offering non-compliant U.K. taxpayers a chance to come into compliance by availing themselves of an arrangement defined by the two countries to legalize those undeclared assets in Liechtenstein. It’s the only agreement of this kind that has been concluded between two
financial centers, and it’s been taken note of as a very unique and innovative approach. It has worked very well. The U.K. tax authorities are very happy about the additional revenue. It’s an additional element in our transparency efforts. Diplomatic Connections: The general atmosphere post the 2008 financial crisis is in favor of closing up loopholes, the global atmosphere, I mean. Ambassador Fritsche: I think this is an irreversible trend for all financial centers, most definitely. It happens gradually. Some may be quicker to be in compliance, but it’s something that, in the view of many, is unstoppable. Diplomatic Connections: Having lived in this country for so many years, you’ve seen it changed, I’m sure. How has Washington changed since you opened an embassy here as the first Liechtenstein ambassador?
Ambassador Fritsche: I think Washington has changed a great deal. I’m talking about Washington as a city. Today, there’s a much wider range of restaurants, theaters, areas of the city where night-life happens. It has become a more vibrant city. Because this is the capital, there is a constant energy level here. Everybody who visits Washington can feel that this is a power center, and it has in all senses of the word intensified in the last 10 years. Diplomatic Connections: I was also hoping that you would address the political change as well. Ambassador Fritsche: You cannot only look at Washington. Washington is sometimes described as a bubble, and not representing the U.S., but people say the same thing about New York and the West Coast. I think it is absolutely fascinating what this country is made up of, and every four years you see proof that there are areas in the United States — be it the Midwest or the South — that play a decisive part in the elections. When it comes to the actual opinion of the average citizen there are parts of the U.S. that play more of a role than others. Diplomatic Connections: For example? Ambassador Fritsche: I think, here in Washington, we speak about not only the disagreements between the parties, but also the almost paralysis that prevents decisionmakers from coming together to actually make decisions, and therefore slowing down a lot of — let’s say — developments. Voter participation in comparison to many other countries, including my own, is very low, so one should assume that if people are so dissatisfied with the way in which politics works that they would be more assertive. That is something that I haven’t quite figured out. Why is voter participation as low as it continues to be? Of course, you cannot compare the
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United States with Liechtenstein. The smaller the entity the more assertively political opinions are expressed. Diplomatic Connections: Do you feel that the American public has really sort of given up on the idea that between elections it can vocally express its view in some of the ways that they do in Europe — like demonstration. Ambassador Fritsche: I think the American public has found other ways of making changes. One of those ways, at least in my observation, is that in many areas, individual states have concluded agreements on their own account. I’m thinking of California, which has made agreements across the border with Canada on environmental issues. On other issues, such as the death penalty — some states have solutions that they practice obviously to the satisfaction of the people who live there, and in many ways almost bypassing Federal America. And that is an interesting approach that I have only witnessed here. With regard to travelling in the United States this is one of the most fascinating aspects of my job; I have five states left out of the fifty that I hope to visit this year, all in the heartland — North Dakota, South Dakota, Missouri, Kansas and Nebraska. Diplomatic Connections: Is there a Liechtenstein language? Ambassador Fritsche: There is a dialect, which is easily understood in the adjacent Austrian provinces, but in the middle or the north of Germany, they really don’t understand. And our dialect is not even written. It’s only spoken. Our official language is German. It’s the language spoken in schools. Diplomatic Connections: With a population of 36,000, does Liechtenstein actually have an army? Ambassador Fritsche: We do not. We abolished our army in 1868, and Liechtenstein does not even have defense agreements with its two neighbors, so a country in our situation really has to rely a lot on the rest of the world respecting international law. Against that background, we really are active in a number of multilateral organizations such as: the United Nations, Council of Europe, the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Free Trade Association, etc. Diplomatic Connections: This is the basis of your foreign policy. Ambassador Fritsche: A country like ours is very limited in size and resources, but we try to use it to our advantage. We try to purposefully make good use of the advantages that small size brings, namely more flexibility in terms of making decisions quickly — that can be a big asset in negotiation. 32
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Also, our diplomats have to be generalists. A lot of responsibility is entrusted to us, and that offers more room to be creative in the way we operate. There’s an asset; and a small country in a multilateral organization can really assume a role that medium-size and large countries cannot. You can be a go-between, a bridge-builder. We don’t come with baggage. We don’t come with our own interests and we can be a credible interlocutor. The basis of our foreign policy is good relations with our neighbors and the region, an active foreign trade and also multi-lateral engagement.
Diplomatic Connections: But even in the last decade, the role of ambassador has changed considerably, because the world is changing. Social media, for example, are now something embassies have to take into account. You have a Twitter account, I assume. Ambassador Fritsche: The embassy has Facebook and Twitter accounts. I also attempt to do both on an individual basis, and I think social media have changed communications across the board, also in diplomacy. Diplomatic Connections: In effect, they engage ambassadors in dialogue with people they have never met in their lives. Ambassador Fritsche: Absolutely. Not only ambassadors, but also political leaders. They can now address the general public in another country, in a particular situation. This is a tremendous asset. They by-pass the media, and they sometimes by-pass the leaders of the other countries if they want to convey certain messages. Diplomatic Connections: What kind of questions do you get asked on your Twitter and Facebook accounts? Ambassador Fritsche: It’s less questions. It’s often comments. For example, today is the anniversary of the day the principality was founded, so we get a lot of comments, congratulations and so on. Diplomatic Connections: And the other aspect of the ambassador’s role that has grown in the past few years is selling their country. Ambassadors have become glorified salesmen and saleswomen for their respective countries. Ambassador Fritsche: Absolutely. Commodity is our culture and everything that goes with it. I think the role of diplomats per se has changed a lot. We are no longer the bringer of news to our government. We are challenged to analyze that news, to interact with the host country in a way that 50 years ago diplomats did not. A diplomat in Washington (and I guess in other capitals, too) has to penetrate layers that diplomats used not to interact with before. Diplomatic Connections: Thank you Ambassador Fritshe. n
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By Roland Flamini
An exclusive interview with the Spanish Ambassador to the United States,
T
hese are not the best of times for Spain, one of the hardest-hit countries in the eurozone crisis. But Ramon Gil-Casares, the Spanish ambassador to the United States, recently told Diplomatic Connections that his country had turned the corner. The ambassador’s wide-ranging interview covered Spanish-U.S. bi-lateral relations, which he believes fall short of their potential in joint action, his interaction with the burgeoning Hispanic community as it grows in economic and political power and the spurt in Spanish investment in the United States. A life-long bachelor, he is the sole occupant of the modern, pink brick Spanish Embassy residence, where he was interviewed seated in front of a massive 17th century Flemish tapestry. Spain’s links to the North American continent go back even further. In April, Ambassador GilCasares will go to Florida for ceremonies marking the 500th anniversary of the first Spanish settlements. Diplomatic Connections: How did you become ambassador to Washington? Was it something you’ve always wanted to do, or were you minding your own business in Khartoum, and all of a sudden you got this phone call? Ambassador Gil-Casares: I’m a career diplomat and I have been tied for some time to the Partido Popular (PP), as we call it in Spanish, the People’s Party. When the PP was in power, I was foreign policy adviser to former Prime Minister (JoséMaría) Aznar. Then the opposition Socialist Party won the elections [in 2004] and I went back into normal diplomatic life; I was appointed ambassador to South Africa, and eventually to Sudan. When the PP won the elections again,the new foreign minister — José Manuel GarcíaMargallo— asked me if I wanted to come to Washington. Earlier in my career, I had been in New York, and I had worked for 34
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the German Marshall Fund [a Washington think tank], so I had some knowledge, and I very much like this country, so I said yes.
Diplomatic Connections: And you have been here since… Ambassador Gil-Casares: Since June. I presented my credentials in August.
Diplomatic Connections: So therefore you manage U.S.-Spanish bi-lateral relations. What are the components of those relations? Ambassador Gil-Casares: Well, they’re multi-faceted, as you can imagine. We have long-standing strategic relations with the U.S., given Spain’s geostrategic position both within NATO and directly with the U.S. We’ve had agreements signed for a couple of Spanish bases, by the sea in Rota and another one in Moron through which we cooperate within NATO — Diplomatic Connections: Going back to the 1950s — Ambassador Gil-Casares: The first ones were in the 1950s, but there were five or six, and they’re still there. But we’ve just signed an agreement for the establishment of the anti-missile shield defense within NATO in Rota. U.S. Navy ships will be based there working with our navy for this anti-missile defense, which is important. But then, we have very good economic relations. American investors have been coming to Spain for many years; however, more recently a lot of Spanish firms have discovered the United States, as our businesses become a bit more international than 20 years back. They continue to be attracted by the opportunities of the American market, and the fact that there’s a rule of law that works. Today, there are about 300 Spanish firms already installed and investing in New York, Florida, Texas, Cali-
Ramon Gil-Casares fornia and quite a few also in New England, so our economic relations are very good.
Diplomatic Connections: There’s a train, I believe —
Ambassador Gil-Casares: There’s a fast train operating in the Western Corridor. But there’s also the non-renewables. Very soon a company from Seville, called Abengoa, will open the world’s largest solar energy plant in Arizona. But Latin America is also very important for Spain and we have African contacts. Not to forget the cultural dimension, especially with the Hispanic connection and so on. Diplomatic Connections: Spanish forces were in Iraq, but then were withdrawn by the Socialist government as an election campaign commitment. But Spanish troops are still in Afghanistan, correct? Ambassador Gil-Casares: We are still in Afghanistan; we will be there until we all decide to leave. That will be a collective decision. There are slightly fewer than 1,500 Spanish soldiers deployed in a Taliban-infested area.
H.E. Ramon Gil-Casares, Ambassador of Spain to the United States
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maintaining contact with the Hispanic community, which I believe you are very interested in. Ambassador Gil-Casares: We pay lots of attention to that, and I do personally. For Spain, it’s very important. I wouldn’t say I’m complaining, but I sometimes have the impression that Spain is not very well understood by Americans in general. Hispanics understand us better than the rest, maybe because they come from Spanish-speaking countries, and because we share part of our culture with them. So for us, it’s important to be present among them and to make them aware of the importance of Spain as we see it for the United States, and for the importance U.S.-Spain relations have for the West in general. And they, the Hispanics, understand us better. They’re able to understand what our positions have been in the past, even the ones that were wrong, and look to the future and understand that Spain is an important country for many issues for the U.S. Diplomatic Connections: You sound as if you are saying that the importance of Spain to the United States is underestimated. Ambassador Gil-Casares: Sometimes one has to be bold enough to say so. Some years back, because of a certain set of circumstances [i.e., Iraq, Afghanistan] they realized how important Spain was, but I think their view of what Spain is and can do, and what we can do together has slipped a bit. Of course, it’s part of the role of the ambassador here to show them who we are, what we are, what we can do together, how much better the interests of the United States would be defended through closer relations with Spain. Diplomatic Connections: So, as the Hispanic community in the United States grows exponentially, and becomes more influential politically and economically, this — because of its influence — opens up opportunities for Spain in this country. Ambassador Gil-Casares: Yes and we’re working on it. The Hispanic community is not a simple community. It comes from different areas of the world; it’s made up of different generations of Americans. Many Hispanics don’t speak English, and it’s not just a question of language. It is also true that some older Hispanics are trying to persuade their sons and daughters to learn more Spanish. But culturally they’re closer to us; we share our culture with them and that’s why they understand us better.
Diplomatic Connections: What does Spain do to encourage the teaching of Spanish in American schools? Ambassador Gil-Casares: We have about 2,000 Spanish teachers teaching in the United States right now at the high 36
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school level, and it is true that interest in Spanish has grown dramatically in America in the last 10 years. There are more students at the high school and college levels learning Spanish as a second language than all the rest of the languages combined. It gives you an idea of the importance of the Spanish language for American students, and Spain has become the third most-preferred destination for college students to do their study abroad year after the U.K. and Italy. So the interchanges are big.
Diplomatic Connections: Would you like to see real bilinguality with English and Spanish in this country? Ambassador Gil-Casares: I would like to see bi-linguality with Spanish in every country in the world. I’d like the Chinese to speak Spanish — but that’s not going to be easy. If this country becomes bi-lingual, it would be wonderful and a big decision. But I think it would be good if more and more Americans speak Spanish, if only because of the neighborhood with Mexico and the closeness to Latin America. Diplomatic Connections: Aside from this shortage of understanding you mention, bi-lateral relations with the United States are fine though, are they not? Ambassador Gil-Casares: Bi-lateral relations are good. I wouldn’t even say shortage of understanding. What I’m trying to say is they don’t see the possibilities that the relations with Spain have, as we see it, and as we try to convey to them. But relations are very good. We’ve gone through a bad period recently because of the withdrawal from Iraq. You can understand that would have hurt most at the military level, but again the relations at the military level are very good. We have just signed this agreement on the anti-missile defense, so things are good. But I think it’s at the larger geostratregic level that we’re not profiting from our bi-lateral relations. Diplomatic Connections: At the moment, Spain is one of the economically ailing countries in the eurozone. How is Spain going to get out of this? Ambassador Gil-Casares: Spain has started to get out of it. The problem we had in Europe was that in 1999– 2000 we agreed to have a common currency, but we didn’t set up all the mechanisms for a common currency. I remember, at the time, the Former President of the European Commission Romano Prodi said, “We don’t have everything set up, but when the first crisis comes we’ll fine-tune the system and everything will work.” All of a sudden the first crisis comes and it’s 1929 all over again. The shock, due to the imperfections of the euro system, has affected in a different manner the north [of Europe] from the south, and within the south in different
ways. To fight the crisis, you have to adopt monetary policy measures. Like others, we didn’t have the institutions to fight against the consequences of the crisis. We’ve finally come up with measures. Reforms have been made, many of which have effected our employment situation. Diplomatic Connections: In fact, Spain is going through a period of austerity. Ambassador Gil-Casares: Absolutely, but because of that austerity, people are starting to see that the situation in Spain is starting to recover. There’s new investment coming in, our trade balance with the EU is favorable to Spain, we have a surplus with countries such as France, which we’ve never had before. For the last two or three months, we’ve been buying bonds in a very successful manner. All this is going to take a while to have a positive impact on the labor market. We’ve made labor market reforms. The labor market is much more flexible than it was last year. Investors are starting to see that, and that’s why capital is flowing back in. Diplomatic Connections: Could you comment on the mood of separatism that was manifest in some provinces, notably Catalonia? Ambassador Gil-Casares: Because of the economic situation, there were demonstrations in Catalonia against the government and the social situation. At one point, there was a big demonstration, and some of the supporters of independence understood that perhaps this was their moment, so they called elections. But the leader who decided to call the elections, lost. My personal conviction is that Catalans have been Spanish since Spain was created. There’s a distinct Catalan culture, of course, but I don’t think it’s going to gel as a truly independent movement, and I think the thing will pass. If we manage to overcome the economic situation next year, and we start creating jobs and Catalans realize that the methods of the central government in Madrid have been good, the argument that they’re going to be better off without
Madrid than with Madrid is going to disappear. Diplomatic Connections: How has this country, the United States, changed since your earlier stays here? Ambassador Gil-Casares: The basics of American-ness are the same; there’s nothing to not recognize. When I was here, I lived through the final phases of the Vietnam War. There was much more anti-militarism and not wanting to get involved abroad, but that’s disappeared. I think there’s still the clear consciousness that this is the indispensable power. That entails some sacrifices and some advantages vis-à-vis the rest of the countries in the world. It is true that as of late there’s a feeling of, “Are we going to get involved in everything?” Diplomatic Connections: Is this a re-assessment of America’s role in the world? Ambassador Gil-Casares: They’re re-thinking it. It’s difficult to say. This is none of my business, no matter how far it is, because the world keeps getting smaller and smaller every day. It’s become a village. Diplomatic Connections: How has your profession changed in your time in it? Ambassador Gil-Casares: It’s changed a lot, but that’s because of the revolution in the world of communications, and how much more often leaders meet than they did before. As ambassador my title is “ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary,” but I’m plenipotentiary up to a point. When leaders agree on the really important issues between states with a phone call, the ambassador comes in and fills in the details. One thing we have to do is set the stage —make sure that the messages that require the phone call are there. Then, too, you have to deliver the message, not just to the prince, but to all the staffers of the prince, all the think tanks of the prince. Diplomatic Connections: But, on the other hand, you have an expanded range of media, including social media. Do you have a Twitter account? Ambassador Gil-Casares: The Spanish foreign service in general decided that we shouldn’t be on Twitter. So for the time being, I regret that I don’t. Although I wish I could. Diplomatic Connections: But does the embassy have a Twitter account? Ambassador Gil-Casares: No, no. The embassy doesn’t tweet. Some embassies do, and I think it’s useful. I don’t know how far you can reach with it, but it depends on the importance, and the messages, the issues.
Diplomatic Connections: Thank you, Ambassador Gil-Casares. n
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Seeks to Establish Individual Responsibility and End Impunity for the Most Serious Violations of the Laws of War By Oliver Dowell Lloyd
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the moment, the International Criminal Court (ICC) occupies a modern but largely non-descript office building in a quiet residential suburb of The Hague, The Netherlands. It would be easy for commuters to pass the building every day and never know its function. On closer inspection, however, it becomes obvious that the building is unobtrusively surrounded by a high security fence,
Vincent Jannink/AFP/Getty Images
Opposite: Sang-Hyun Song, President of the International Criminal Court (ICC) Above: The International Criminal Courtâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s building (ICC) in The Hague, Netherlands.
Š ICC-CPI
Right: Jozias van Aartsen, Mayor of The Hague, offers greetings and congratulations on the Tenth Anniversary of the International Criminal Court in the Ridderzaal (The Knights Hall) in The Hague, Netherlands, November 2012.
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several security cameras, and served by its own railroad spur that can be used to move detainees between a detention center and the court facilities. Entrance into the building requires a personal security check akin to the most intrusive airport inspections. Visitors to the building must be accompanied by a court staff member at all times. Late in 2012, I visited The Hague and was accorded ac42
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cess to the Court as well as a series of background interviews with court staff who offered insights into the workings of this newest of international legal institutions. I was also permitted to attend the proceedings of the Assembly of States Parties, essentially the biennial review of the ICCâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work, then meeting in The Hague. Given the nature of their work and the potential for
conflicts of interest and prejudicial statements, courts are understandably not highly transparent institutions. While due process provisions render filings before the court and the actual proceedings of the court reasonably transparent, deliberative discussions among the judges remain closely held even after a formal decision has been announced. In effect, courts are their actions and procedures, and their decisions have the effect of shaping law and deterring future violations. These realities are reflected in this article. Building international institutions is no easy task in the best of circumstances. Building an international court to seek justice in the most severe violations of the laws of war and the core principles of human rights law is something akin to recreating Creation. Equipped only with the vision of a more just world, authorized by a hard negotiated new statute that sought to define “the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole” and to outline basic legal guarantees, and informed by nearly 200 sets of instructions — the outlines of various national court systems — many of them contradictory, the ICC’s initial staff set about the business of building a functioning system of justice. The International Criminal Court is not only a new institution on the international scene, it is an institution which challenges some of the most fundamental principles of international existence — the primacy of power over justice and the cover of sovereign immunity accorded to acts of individuals taken in the name of a nation-state. Specifically, the Court has jurisdiction with respect to the crime of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and, in the future, will have jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. Rooted in the Nuremburg and Tokyo War Crimes Tribunals that tried German and Japanese leaders following World War II, the International Criminal Court is based on the principle of individual responsibility. In the words of the Preamble to the Rome Statute that establishes the Court, “the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished . . . [there must be] an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes.” Still, more than 50 years passed between the Nuremburg and Tokyo Tribunals and the establishment of the International Criminal Court. While Nuremburg and Tokyo established the important precedent of individual responsibility for heinous war crimes, the tribunals were still open to the criticism that they represented “victors’ justice.” An international court intended to adjudicate contending claims between sovereign states — the Permanent Court of International Justice — had been established following World
War I and was reinforced as the International Court of Justice following World War II. True to the principle of state sovereignty, however, these courts could hear only cases to which states, not individuals, were party. The International Court of Justice (also in The Hague) is an extension of, not a challenge to, state sovereignty. It can hear cases only when both state parties agree to submit their disputes to the court. Three related developments changed the landscape of international judicial institutions in the final years of the twentieth century. First, the end of the Cold War dramatically shifted international politics away from superpower confrontation and the national security state toward a new era of global collaboration. Second, this changed global circumstance allowed for the rapid emergence of strengthened and more effective human rights law which recognized that individual rights guaranteed in the aftermath of World War II were most likely to be violated by state governments. Regional courts of human rights were created and domestic courts began to enforce internationally guaranteed human rights that were part of their home state’s international treaty obligations. Third, and most important, the end of the Cold War did not bring an era of global peace, but instead an era in which localized conflicts began to assume regional international dimensions that threatened the security of neighboring states, that violated internationally guaranteed human rights, and that transgressed the widely accepted laws of war that had been reinforced in the Nuremburg and Tokyo Tribunals. Such conflicts led to the creation of two ad hoc tribunals authorized by the United Nations Security Council — the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (1993), convening in The Hague, and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (1994), convening in Arusha, Tanzania. Following on the early experiences of these tribunals, hybrid tribunals or special courts were created for Sierra Leone (2002), Cambodia (2003), Lebanon (2007) and attempted less successfully in East Timor (2000 and after), where the United Nations Transitional Administration created special panels which delivered indictments but were met with resistance from the Indonesian government (which stepped in to create its own ad hoc court). These hybrid tribunals were intended to be based in the country where specified atrocities were committed, to apply both domestic and international law, and empaneled a mix of national and international judges. These courts set the precedent for a new generation of international institutions designed to deal with atrocities, war crimes and violations of human rights. Each of these special
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© ICC-CPI
Above: Her Majesty Queen Beatrix of The Netherlands is greeted by Minister of Foreign Affairs of The Netherlands Frans Timmermans as she arrives at the Ridderzaal (The Knights Hall) in The Hague in November of 2012 to attend a ceremony held in celebration of the 10th anniversary of the International Criminal Court.
© ICC-CPI
Below, from right to left: President of the Republic of Senegal H.E. Macky Sall; Her Majesty Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands; President of the Assembly of States Parties H.E. TiinaIntelmann; ICC President Judge Sang-Hyun Song; the Queen’s Commissioner Jan Franssen; Mayor of The Hague Jozias van Aartsen.
© ICC-CPI
Left: Queen Beatrix is greeted by the Queen’s Commissioner Jan Franssen and the Mayor of The Hague Jozias van Aartsen. At the invitation of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of The Netherlands, the President of the Assembly of States Parties and the ICC President, representatives of States and international, regional and civil society organizations gathered to commemorate the Court’s achievements in the past decade.
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Left: Queen Beatrix and Sang-Hyun Song, President of the International Criminal Court (ICC)
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Mayor of The Hague, Jozias van Aartsen; ICC President Judge Sang-Hyun Song; HRH Prince Zeid Ra’ad Zeid al-Hussein of Jordan HRH Prince Zeid Ra’ad Zeid al-Hussein of Jordan served as Chair of the Committee to Select the ICC’s New Prosecutor. He is currently Jordan’s Permanent Representative at the United Nations but is also the immediate past Jordanian Ambassador to the United States.
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States Parties in February 2003. As of December 2012, 121 states had signed and ratified the Rome Statue and had submitted themselves to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. The ICC is designed as a court of last resort and operates on what is called the principle of “complementarity,” meaning that the ICC will only consider stepping in to prosecute alleged crimes in a situation where national governments and their domestic courts have failed to act [See Article 17 of the Rome Statute]. This was the necessary concession to the principles of state sovereignty that made the International Criminal Court possible. It is not a supra-national court that can override the jurisdiction of states. Instead, it is an international court that can step in to prosecute the most heinous crimes against humanity where national courts have failed to act, are incompetent to act or have manifestly acted in such a way as to shield “the person concerned from responsibility for crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC.” The United States has always reflected a degree of ambivalence about the International Criminal Court. Though the U.S. did not support approval of the treaty at the 1998 Rome Conference, following prolonged discussions about the effects of the Rome Statute, American President Clinton did sign the draft treaty on December 31, 2000, with the caveat that he would not submit the treaty to the Senate for ratification until remaining U.S. concerns had been dealt with. Subsequently, President George W. Bush sought to withdraw the U.S. signature to the Rome Statute and sent a letter
Left: Congolese ex-militia boss Mathieu Ngudjolo Chui (C) waits for the verdict of his trial at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague December 2012, accused of using child soldiers in a 2003 attack on a village in the Democratic Republic of Congo, killing 200 people. The ICC acquitted Ngudjolo of war crimes.; Right: International Criminal Court (ICC) New Chief Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda 46
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courts encountered the immediate problem that they were situational and had standing only for crimes committed in a specific country or war zone during a specific period of time. Their jurisdiction, in other words, was severely limited. What was needed was a more permanent court that could apply international law broadly across state borders and hold individuals responsible for their actions, even when those actions were taken in the name of the state. The International Law Commission (ILC) of the United Nations began work on establishing an International Criminal Court in the 1950s, but these initiatives were shelved because of the realities of the Cold War. Serious interest in creating the ICC was revived in the 1990s, and the ILC presented a detailed proposal to the United Nations General Assembly in 1994. The General Assembly then convened a series of preparatory conferences that would result in a draft treaty designed to establish an International Criminal Court. An international conference was convened in Rome in the spring of 1998 to consider the draft statute for the Court. After several weeks of debate and negotiation, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was approved on July 17, 1998, by a vote of 120 states approving, seven disapproving, and 21 abstaining. The seven states voting against the Statute were: China, Iraq, Israel, Libya, Qatar, the United States and Yemen. It was agreed that the Rome Statute would go into force when 60 states had ratified the treaty. That goal was reached and the ICC formally established in 2002. The first 18 judges of the court were approved by the Assembly of
these guarantees have not been sufficient to assuage fears that the U.S. personnel, especially given the superpower status of the United States and its leading role in international security operations, might in some circumstances become subject to the jurisdiction of the ICC. Congress even went so far as to pass the American Service Members Protection Act of 2002 (ASPA), which bans cooperation by any U.S. court or agency with the ICC, permits U.S. participation in U.N. peacekeeping operations only where American personnel are permanently exempted from the jurisdiction of the ICC, forbids the sharing of law enforcement and national security information with the ICC, limits U.S. assistance to states party to the ICC with the exception of NATO members and major allies, and states that the U.S. will take all measures necessary to free American personnel who might be detained by the ICC. The ambivalence of the U.S. position toward the principles of international law and individual accountability on which the ICC is based, however, is transparent in the American Service Members Protection Act itself. Section 2015 of that act clarified that, “[n]othing in this title shall prohibit the United States from rendering assistance to international efforts to bring to justice Saddam Hussein, Slobodan Miloševi, Osama bin Laden, other members of Al Qaeda, leaders of Islamic Jihad, and other foreign nationals accused of genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity.” In other words, the American position is supportive of the ICC’s core principle of ending impunity, but concerned lest the ICC’s jurisdiction be
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to that effect to United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan: This is to inform you, in connection with the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court adopted on July 17, 1998, that the United States does not intend to become a party to the treaty. Accordingly the United States has no legal obligations arising from its signature on December 31, 2000. The United States requests that its intention not to become a party, as expressed in this letter, be reflected in the depositary’s status lists relating to this treaty. Three types of concerns have been raised regarding the United States’ participation in the ICC. Critics have simply argued that the United States cannot submit itself or its citizens to the jurisdiction of international courts because, under the United States Constitution, only Congress may establish courts with jurisdiction over Americans. Concerns have been raised about the fact that the ICC does not provide for jury trials and may not provide all of the due process guarantees provided in the American judicial system. The most persistent concern, however, has been raised about the vulnerability to the jurisdiction of the ICC of American military and civilian personnel serving overseas in conflict situations. The concern is that American personnel might be accused of crimes and then handed over to the jurisdiction of the ICC by states that are signatories of the Rome Statute. Theoretically, this concern is dealt with by the complementarity principle. If United States courts, military or civilian, are actively investigating and considering cases of alleged war crimes or crimes against humanity, then the American courts, not the ICC, would have jurisdiction. But
Left: ICC Office of the Prosecutor; Right: International Criminal Court former prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo looks at images during his visit to the War Museum on Tripoli Boulevard, in the town of Misrata, which saw some of the bloodiest violence of the uprising that ended on October 20. D I P L O M A T I C C O N N E C T I O N S B U S I N E S S edition | M a r c h - A p r il 2 0 1 3
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International Criminal Court’s former chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo (L) looks at the new group portrait with new prosecutor Fatou Bensouda (1st row-C) after Bensouda’s swearing-in ceremony as the International Criminal Court’s new chief prosecutor in The Hague, on June 15, 2012. The 51-year-old Bensouda is the first woman and the first African to head the team of prosecutors at the tribunal, which is currently investigating 15 cases in seven countries, all of them African. Taking the oath before ICC judges and a public gallery packed with foreign diplomats and dignitaries, Bensouda vowed to continue to pursue those wanted for crimes of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
protection of victims and witnesses,” as well as deciding guilt or innocence and determining sentences; and an Appeals Division — which reviews decisions and sentences. Appeals may be initiated by convicted persons, the Prosecutor, legal representatives of the victims, or bona fide property owners adversely affected by Court decisions. Everything the ICC has done over the last 10 years has represented a first. The first judges and first prosecutor took their oaths of office in 2003 and the investigatory work of the
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applied to American personnel. The Obama administration has recognized the fundamental irony of this American position and has backed away from the most extreme opposition to the ICC and its jurisdiction. The State Department notes that President Obama’s May 2010 National Security Strategy seeks to redefine U.S. policy toward the ICC though still without seeking congressional ratification of the Rome Statute. From Nuremberg to Yugoslavia to Liberia, the United States has seen that the end of impunity and the promotion of justice are not just moral imperatives; they are stabilizing forces in international affairs. The United States is thus working to strengthen national justice systems and is maintaining our support for ad hoc international tribunals and hybrid courts. Those who intentionally target innocent civilians must be held accountable, and we will continue to support institutions and prosecutions that advance this important interest. Although the United States is not at present a party to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, and will always protect U.S. personnel, we are engaging with States Parties to the Rome Statute on issues of concern and are supporting the ICC’s prosecution of those cases that advance U.S. interests and values, consistent with the requirements of U.S. law. Though not ready to seek Senate ratification of the Rome Statute, the Obama administration has adopted a far more flexible and cooperative policy toward the ICC. The U.S. has participated in an observer capacity in the ICC Assembly of States Parties and has provided assistance to the Court in response to specific requests from the ICC prosecutor and other court officials. It has also supported ICC investigations into events in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Libya, Uganda and Sudan. The International Criminal Court functions with 18 judges selected by the Assembly of States Parties from member states around the world. The judges emerge from a grueling selection process that invites nominations from member states that are then submitted to the Assembly of States Parties for consideration. Judges selected to the Court are the 18 candidates who receive the highest number of votes and a two-thirds majority of the States Parties present and voting. The Court is functionally divided into a pre-trial division — which determines the court’s jurisdiction, grants or denies requests for investigations, issues warrants of arrest and summonses to appear before the court; a Trial Division — functioning with multiple trial chambers and charged with ensuring “a fair and expeditious trial, conducted with full respect for the rights of the accused and due regard for the
Office of the Prosecutor began. In 2006, the first court hearings started to consider information developed by the Prosecutor’s Office and the issuance of warrants. In 2009, the first trial began, and in 2012, the first conviction, the first sentencing, the first appeal and the first acquittal all occurred. That progress may seem slow, but remember that in the process all the necessary functions and modalities of the ICC had to be put in place. As warrants were issued, the Court was dependent on various countries’ cooperation to
arrest accused individuals and surrender them to the Court’s jurisdiction. A detention center had to be constructed and procedures developed. The prosecutor’s and defender’s offices had to be established. The Court itself was established as an e-court using the latest computerized and audio-visual techniques. Procedures for calling and protecting witnesses had to be established. And, victims have a special role before this court. They can not only offer information leading to investigations and be called as witnesses, they are provided
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legal representation, and may also request reparations as part of any judgment of the Court. In addition, the Court has established a Victims Trust Fund, funded by voluntary contributions to provide assistance when convicted persons do not have sufficient assets. The Court had also to understand and to develop its new roles. The Prosecutor’s Office has far reaching investigatory powers and may start investigations either upon referral of a situation by a State Party or by the Security Council responding to a threat to international peace and security. This has meant that the Prosecutor’s Office can sometimes become party of the political process by which the UN responds to emerging situations for example in countries such as Sudan and Libya. Recently proposals have been put before the Security Council to refer the situations in Syria and Mali to the ICC in hopes that the threat of prosecution might change the internal dynamics of these conflicts. And, in response to an earlier (2012) request from the government of Mali, the ICC Prosecutor’s Office has now opened an investigation into events in that country. As immediate international issues are referred to the Prosecutor’s Office, however, there is a danger that the Prosecutor’s core function of preparing cases for trial might be overwhelmed by early political referrals that deflect contentious issues away from Security Council consideration and delay holding individual states accountable for their actions. The International Criminal Court’s investigatory power was never intended as a substitute for the immediate authority of the United Nations Security Council to confront threats to the peace. The judges themselves represent a remarkable gathering of international jurisprudential expertise. Currently, there are 10 female judges and eight male judges, each representing a different member state. Five judges are from Western Europe, three from Central Europe, four from Africa, three from Asia, and three from the South American and Caribbean Group of States. Each judge must meet the qualifications for the highest judicial offices in their own country. At least nine judges must have established competence in criminal law and procedure, and at least five judges must have competence in international humanitarian and human rights law. The workload is demanding and the long-term residence in The Hague can often make for a somewhat lonely existence. The International Criminal Court is dealing with longstanding international issues of criminal responsibility for the most heinous acts of war and acts of states against their 50
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own citizens, but it is operating in a very new and developing political-legal space. Ten years into its existence, it has a remarkable record of creative institution building and highly responsible jurisprudence without any abuses of power or jurisdiction. It has been called upon to reach into some of the darkest reaches of international political existence and to deal with some of the ugliest crimes committed by individuals against their fellow citizens in the name of the state, in the furtherance of revolutions, under the guidance of ideology or in the pursuit of sheer prejudice. The Court represents all the frustrations and all the possibilities of a developing international legal system. It cannot be more than the member and non-member states allow it to be. But, it is emerging as an effective international institution that embodies the search for justice in an international system that has traditionally been characterized as anarchic and dedicated to the propositions that sovereignty trumps all attempts to impose international rules and that reasons of state can justify any outrage against human decency. Challenging those propositions places the International Criminal Court in an intriguing place in the international order. The court must at one and the same time be limited enough in its powers to allow states to accept its jurisdiction in extreme situations and yet strong enough to actually punish individuals who commit atrocities and violate core human rights. Architectural plans for new permanent premises for the International Criminal Court reflect these realities. The buildings must be bomb-blast proof and highly secure and yet communicate “openness and transparency.” The design of a central court tower sided by smaller office towers is, in the words of the architects, intended to be “an ambassador for the credibility of the ICC” and to “reflect the values of trust, hope, and faith in justice and fairness.” The entire complex is to be knitted together by parterre gardens that will actually leave the ground to clad the sides of the court tower and use flowers and plants from all member countries. The design of the headquarters complex, like this new judicial institution, “exists for the sake of all future generations.” The track record for the first 10 years is encouraging, if frustratingly slow, but it is remarkable that this new international court has emerged at all. The court faces daunting problems of finance and lack of cooperation from states in arresting and transferring indicted persons, but it also offers fascinating opportunities to explore and expand the boundaries of international law from the human imagination, to the courtroom, to a world where certain prosecution deters the most inhuman of human crimes. n
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President Barack Obama gives his inauguration address during the public ceremonial inauguration on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C. Barack Obama was re-elected for a second term as President of the United States.
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An American Celebration Whipped Up Canadian-Style by Monica Frim The day started with a glorious sunrise chilled to Canadian standards — around freezing — then moved through a few cloud striations to a climax of sunshine for President Obama’s swearing-in and inaugural parade. The best place to be for the procession? In the limousine with Mr. Obama! But since that was not an option, about 1,800 people settled for second best — at the Embassy of Canada. While an estimated 700,000 people lined the inaugural parade route or crowded onto the Mall, Ambassador Gary Doer hosted an inauguration tailgate party at the embassy that was one of the hottest tickets in town — especially for the D I P L O M A T I C C O N N E C T I O N S B U S I N E S S edition | M a r c h - A p r il 2 0 1 3
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200 or so dignitaries who attended the Ambassador’s lunch event on the sixth floor. Embassy employees, identifiable by red or white Roots scarves, ran an elevator relay to escort the dignitaries to the exclusive location where a rooftop patio provided the best spot for watching the proceedings. In attendance were Canada’s Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird, Newt Gingrich and his wife Callista, plus various administration officials, senators and members of congress. Closer to street level, the embassy’s raised courtyard buzzed with tailgaters lining up for food and drinks or to try their hand at a quiz on Canadian facts and US-Canada relations. If they answered the questions correctly, they could win a Playbook or the company’s latest Blackberry smart phone. Along with trade and border statistics, it paid for contestants to know that there are 1,422 calories in a typical serving of poutine, Quebec’s famous artery-clogging specialty consisting of french fries smothered in cheese curds and gravy. Guests could sample a cupful 56
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in the courtyard but if they wanted to work off the calories they would have to run for two and a half hours. More standard food offerings included clam chowder, chunky vegetable soup, chili, hamburgers (including veggie burgers) and hot dogs. But the most popular concoction was a sugary fried dough pastry shaped into an oval and topped with cinnamon, chocolate and whipped cream. Known as the beaver tail, its Ottawa-based creators Grant and Pam Hooker, squirted a large ”O” atop the pastry and renamed it the “Obama Tail,” an adaptation they introduced at the President’s first inauguration four years ago. It was the day’s biggest hit. The line for beaver/Obama tails in front of the bright red trolley-styled ‘Beavermobile’ was still going strong at the end of the day long after the other food vendors had packed up and left. Although there was a nip in the air the embassy ensured that guests stayed warm with mushroom heaters and Tim Horton’s coffee and hot chocolate. Party-goers could also warm up with Crown Royal, a Canadian whiskey that could be taken neat or served with lemon juice, sugar and champagne run through an ice sculpture. There was even a maple-flavored version that proved popular among the day-time tipplers.
Stan Honda/AFP/Getty Images
Singer Beyonce performs the National Anthem to conclude the 57th Presidential Inauguration ceremonial swearing-in of U.S. President Barack Obama at the US Capitol on January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
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Singer Beyonce performs the National Anthem as U.S. President Barack Obama looks on during the public ceremonial inauguration on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
Another nod to Canadian content was the bloody Caesar, a drink similar to a bloody Mary but with a clam-flavored version of tomato juice called Clamato. The less adventuresome could opt for a Molson beer or something non-alcoholic. Revelers were also able to warm up inside the embassy to video-recordings of Canadian icons such as Celine Dion and Shania Twain or to live coverage of the inauguration on giant screens in the movie theater and in the main hall. Outside, the broadcasts were shown on two jumbotrons, ensuring that guests could stay tuned to events wherever they wandered. President Obama took the oath of office twice this year due to the Constitution’s stipulation that presidents begin their terms at noon on January 20. Since the official inauguration date fell on a Sunday, a day historically not given to inaugural celebrations, a small ceremony took place in the ornate Blue Room at the White House in the presence of the president’s extended family and a few reporters on Sunday. The full celebratory event for the public was shifted to Monday with a second swearing-in that was purely ceremonial, meant for the public at large. The president’s speech was the crowd-pulling
attraction, followed by the inaugural parade. At the Canadian embassy, there was a definite lull in the tailgaters’ noshing, mingling and wandering as they watched the monitors and listened to the president address the nation from the west side of the Capitol. But after he settled into the armored black limousine that would take him from Hill to House the guests of the embassy had front row seats to the action. Three major news services broadcast directly from the embassy as some eighty journalists wandered indoors and out to report on the inaugural happenings. Tweets and twitters shot through the ether. Speeches by Ambassador Doer and Minister Baird focussed on the strength of US-Canadian relations, and Chris Hadfield, the Canadian Commander on the International Space Station, beamed a special message to attendees who were also treated to a face-to-face meeting with Artemis Junior, the Canadian-built space rover. Standing in the courtyard between the buffet tables and the ‘Beavermobile,’ Artemis Junior was a celebratory symbol of more than 50 years of US-Canadian space collaboration. The embassy treated all guests with red and white mit-
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Beyonce and husband Jay-Z arrive for the 57th Presidential Inauguration ceremonial swearing-in of President Barack Obama at the U.S. Capitol on January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C. The oath was administered by U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts, Jr.
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President Barack Obama greets BeyoncĂŠ during the presidential inauguration on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol January 21, 2013.
President Barack Obama greets singer Beyonce during the 57th Presidential Inauguration ceremonial swearing-in at the U.S. Capitol on January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
tens with Canadian maple leafs on the palms and the Olympic logo on the cuffs. And if these didnâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;t keep fingers warm and cozy, chemical hand warmers called Alberta hot pockets could be shaken (not stirred) and placed inside the mittens for up to ten hours of additional warmth. The sight of thousands of identically mittened hands waving at the president as his motorcade drove past the embassy would have looked amazing. But at the critical moment tailgaters doffed mittens for cameras and the anticipated red and white wave morphed into a bare-fingered salute of clicking shutters. Ambassador Doer, his wife Ginny Devine, Foreign Minister John Baird and the Honorable Rob Merrifield waved from the steps of the embassy as the presidential limousine drove by. Beside them, five members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police arranged themselves in a perfect vee looking for all the world like giant red nutcrackers shockingly highlighted against the sunlit white marble steps and
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Right: President Barack Obama greets singer Kelly Clarkson after her performance of ‘My Country, ‘Tis of Thee’ during the public ceremonial inauguration on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol January 21, 2013 in Washington, D.C. Below: Musician James Taylor and his wife, Kim Taylor, talk with musicians Beyonce and Jay-Z before the public ceremonial inauguration for U.S. President Barack Obama on the West Front of the U.S. Capitol January 21, 2013, in
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facade. They greeted the president in firm salute. Although the crowd thinned and scattered after the presidential wave, the parade of floats and marching bands continued. A highlight for Canadians were two Mounted Unit horses, Honest Ed and Tecumseh, who joined the Michigan Multi-Jurisdictional Mounted Drill Team. The names of the horses are familiar to Canadians as the namesakes of two great Canadian icons: “Honest” Ed Mirvish, a retailer and philanthropist known for his all-inclusive shop on Bloor Street in Toronto, and Chief Tecumseh, a Native American hero of the
War of 1812. The Toronto and Michigan equine units often participate jointly in parades and other cross-border events, their friendship symbolic of the greater collaborate ties between Canada and the United States. Situated on Pennsylvania Avenue between the White House and the Capitol building, the Canadian embassy occupies a highly coveted piece of real estate. “Located center ice” said Ambassador Doer, using hockey terminology that
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Opposite: President Barack Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama walk along Pennsylvania Avenue during the parade following Obamaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s second inauguration as the 44th U.S. president on January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
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President Barack Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama attend the Inaugural Ball at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center on January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
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Singer Jennifer Hudson performed for President Obama and First Lady Michelle Obama while they attended the Inaugural Ball at the Walter E. Washington Convention Center on January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
referred to the center of the ring between two goals. Out of 178 embassies in Washington, the Canadian embassy is the only embassy along the inaugural parade route between the Capitol and the White House. How Canada was able to secure this prime spot away from the cluster of embassies known as Embassy Row on Massachusetts Avenue or the newer chanceries on International Drive is a matter of truth and legend. The legend is that it was Canadaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s reward for helping the American hostages escape from Iran during the crisis of 1979; the truth, that Canada bought the land in 1978 before the Iran crisis, its location symbolic of the close historical ties and friendship between the United States and Canada. The United States Embassy in Ottawa is similarly situated on prime property. The presidential inauguration was the 57th for the United States but the first for Ambassador Doer. It was, however, the
second time the Embassy of Canada hosted a tailgate party. Although this one was somewhat tamer than the first inaugural tailgate party of 2009, the event continued the ambassadorial tradition of celebrating the amicable relations between the United States and Canada. The overriding theme, in fact, was â&#x20AC;&#x153;friends, neighbors, partners, alliesâ&#x20AC;? and any political disagreements were temporarily shelved for a day of celebrating the United States, albeit with Canadian flare. As the second most famous address on Pennsylvania Avenue quieted down for the evening tailgaters sauntered out into the traffic-choked streets, their guest bags brimming with gifts and goodies. The sun dipped toward the White House then popped behind the Old Post Office Tower en route. The next day flags would still fly. We were in for another four years of sharing and friendship. n
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Recording artist Alicia Keys performs during the Commander-In-Chief Ball celebrating the inauguration of U.S. President Barack Obama at the Walter Washington Convention Center January 21, 2013, in Washington, D.C.
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“ARGO” TELLS A CUNNING
DURESS IN THE MIDST OF
Keegan Bursaw/Embassy of Canada
Exfiltration of Six American Diplomats From That Burnishes the Image of the
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TALE OF DIPLOMACY UNDER REVOLUTIONARY CHANGE: Tehran Becomes a Hollywood “Thriller” CIA and Strengthens U.S.-Canadian Relations
James A. Winship, Ph.D.
, Lee Schatz and others Anders, Jennifer Garner Bob d, ffor Sta en hle Kat ning reception at the Tony Mendez, Doer in attending an ope nston, John Goodman, and Ambassador Gary lor Tay Pat Ben Affleck, Bryan Cra s. Mr . lor, 2 in Washington, D.C ed Ambassador Ken Tay go’ on October 12, 201 from Warner Bros. join release of the movie ‘Ar the ate ebr cel to ada Embassy of Can
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Keegan Bursaw/Embassy of Canada
Bryan Cranston signing an ‘Argo’ poster at the Embassy of Canada on October 12, 2012.
T
he intelligence community calls it “exfiltration,” the work of covertly extricating diplomatic or intelligence personnel from life-threatening situations by guileful means of deception, disguise and daring. Ben Affleck’s “Argo,” which he directed and in which he stars, tells the tale of six American diplomats who managed to avoid capture by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards who stormed the American embassy in Tehran after the fall from power of the Shah of Iran and his replacement by a theocratic, revolutionary regime headed by Ayatollah Khomeini. The six were accorded safe harbor by living in secret in the homes of the Canadian Ambassador, Kenneth Taylor, and his Chief Immigration Officer, John Sheardown. “Argo” was the slightly hare-brained scheme hatched by members of the Central Intelligence Agency to spirit the six out of Iran under the guise of a pre-production Canadian movie crew. Given the requirements of secrecy at the time of
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the hostage crisis (1979 – 1981) and the continuing security classification of the operation, it was not until 1997 that the full story of “Argo” and the CIA’s role in the operation could be told. The screenplay for “Argo” is based on that story coupled with considerable dramatic license as to the details of what actually happened. The film and its director became the darlings of the winter-spring awards season in a field of outstanding award contenders, including the historical films “Lincoln” (Steven Spielberg) and “Zero Dark Thirty” (Kathryn Bigelow). As the award season unfolded, “Argo” and its director won the equivalent of best film awards from the Golden Globes, Critics Choice, the American Film Institute, the Screen Actors Guild, the Producers Guild, the Directors Guild and the British Academy of Film and Television Arts (BAFTA) before the Academy Awards were presented. What is it that has made “Argo” so popular? In part, it
Below: Rioters armed with staves are chased by Persian soldiers during riots in Tehran, Iran on August 1953.
AFP/Getty Images
AFP/Getty Images
Left: Former Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh steps off a plane, in August 1953. Mossadegh was removed from power on August 19, 1953, in a coup dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;ĂŠtat, supported and funded by the British and U.S. governments. Dr. Mossadegh was imprisoned for three years and put under house arrest until his death.
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Above: Iranian students climb over the wall of the U.S. embassy in Tehran during the Iranian Revolution, November 4, 1979. The students went on to seize the embassy staff, and hold 52 of them as hostages for 444 days.
Staff/AFP/Getty Images
Left: Scarfed women guard the besieged American Embassy in Tehran on November 17, 1979, the day Ayatollah Khomeini ordered the release of all women and black U.S. hostages. Fanatical followers of the Ayatollah Khomeini stormed the United States Embassy, 04 November 1979 in Tehran, occupied the building and took nearly 100 embassy staff and Marines hostages.
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is because it is an old-fashioned genre film that falls into the category of a suspense-filled thriller. Ben Affleck’s direction has done a masterful job of melding covert derring-do with the spirit of a well-planned caper, complete with disguises and trickery, and accenting both with the politics of American foreign policy in the Middle East, a subtle but telling sense of humor, and a successful outcome for American ingenuity and diplomatic collaboration in the face of very real threats. And, 74
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it is a Hollywood film about Hollywood film-making where a fake production company with a full complement of Tinseltown publicity plays a leading role. The film takes one of the most embarrassing episodes of late 20th century American diplomacy — the sacking of the American embassy in Tehran and holding of 52 Americans hostage in Iran for 444 days — and retells the most heartening back story in an engaging, suspenseful way. It turns what
Director Ben Affleck (C) and members of the cast of his film ‘Argo’ pose with the Screen Actors Guild Award for Outstanding Performance by a Cast in a Motion Picture in the press room at the Shrine Auditorium in Los Angeles on January 27, 2013.
For all the ugliness and the political intrigue of the world in which the “Argo” scheme was played out, it ends as a feel-good film that heartens and energizes its audience. In a recent interview with Diplomatic Connections, Canadian Ambassador to the United States, Gary Doer, recalled how friends have sent him emails saying that at the end of the film audiences have applauded. “I believe that here in the United States with an American audience this is a great film for Canada to demonstrate the partnership we have with the United States. The bottom line,” Ambassador Doer continued, “is that the emotion and the drama of the movie are very, very positive for Canada and for the United States.” All the action takes place against the stark reality that 52 Americans are being held hostage by the Revolution-
was an otherwise humiliating incident and a serious threat to the safety and security of American diplomats into a limited success and an emotional victory. It celebrates the ingenuity of the CIA planners, the critical role of the Canadian embassy and the Canadian government in protecting the six while facilitating their escape. It shines a light on the bravery of all who defied the revolutionary chaos and violent extremism of Iran at that moment.
ary Guards in the American embassy compound. Whatever rescue of the six in hiding, Canadian and American planners referred to them as “houseguests,” is attempted in such a way as not to risk the safety of the hostages. The six are spirited out of Iran under the noses of authorities by an improbable scheme built around the idea of a Hollywood production company — named “Studio Six” in recognition of the six to be rescued— fielding a Canadian film crew to scout locations in Iran as possible backdrops for a science fiction film, along the lines of “Star Wars.” After lurching through the indecisiveness of American authorities and the understandable fears of the six in hiding that their impersonations of a film production crew will only result in their being caught and held captive by the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, the plan moves ahead. The movie version of the story tells a harrowing tale of repeated close calls as the six, along with their CIA “coach,” acting as the film’s director, make their way to and through the Tehran airport, onto the plane and out of Iranian airspace. Entitled “Argo,” ostensibly — so the press is led to believe — after the tale of Jason and the Argonauts, adventurers from Greek mythology who sailed in search of the Golden Fleece, the preliminary site work of the Canadian movie crew will provide false identities for the six Americans in hiding. These identities will offer cover stories for their exfiltration
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Actor Ben Affleck (R), winner of the Hollywood Ensemble Acting Award for the film ‘Argo,’ poses with former CIA Officer Tony Mendez during the 16th Annual Hollywood Film Awards Gala presented by The Los Angeles Times held in Beverly Hills, California.
from Iran. In truth, the title of the mythical movie is derived from a familiar but coarse knock-knock joke that is frequently repeated throughout the film in a way that is less vulgarity and more an evidence of the slyness of the imaginary production company plan. At the center of the film is the character of Tony Mendez, the CIA officer who hatched the rescue scheme, pressed for its adoption and carried it out on the ground in Iran. The real-life Mendez was a former head of the Disguise Section and then authentication chief in the CIA’s Graphics and Authentication Division, part of the Office of Technical Services (OTS). He was, in other words, a professional creator of false identities, in agency-speak “identity transformation,” and all the accoutrements necessary to authenticate them. As Mendez describes these operations in his open 76
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report on the exfiltration, “The ‘authentication’ of operations officers and their agents by providing them with personal documentation and disguise, cover legends and supporting data, ‘pocket litter,’ and so forth is fundamental deception tradecraft in clandestine operations.” He continues, “The mental attitude and the demeanor of the subject (those to be exfiltrated) are as important as the technical accuracy of the tradecraft items. Sometimes, technical operations officers actually lead the escapees through the checkpoints to ensure that their confidence does not falter at the critical moment.” That is precisely why Tony Mendez went to Tehran posing as Kevin Costa Harkins, an Irish film producer leading his preproduction crew to scout possible locations in Iran. The rest, as they say is history . . . but it’s not. Well, not exactly. The movie is a true story with which considerable
Jason Merritt/Getty Images
Stacy Keibler and George Clooney arrive at the premiere of Warner Bros. Pictures’ ‘Argo’ at AMPAS Samuel Goldwyn Theater in Beverly Hills, California.
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Above: Grant Heslov (2nd L), Ben Affleck (R) and George Clooney (L) pose with the Best Film award presenter Samuel L Jackson after they won the award for their film ‘Argo’ during the annual BAFTA British Academy Film Awards at the Royal Opera House in London on February 10, 2013.
Leigh Vogel/Getty Images
Right: Jennifer Garner attends the ‘Argo’ Washington D.C. Premiere at Regal Gallery Place Stadium 14 in Washington, D.C.
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liberties have been taken to turn it into a theatrical barnburner and a box office, as well as a critical, success. The film is Hollywood, not diplomatic, history. The differences are telling and important. The film ends with a 20-minute airport sequence of near-capture events that parallels the “damsel in distress tied to the railroad tracks with a train bearing down on her awaiting rescue by our hero” motif that was the stock in trade of black-and-white movie theater serials of yesteryear. But those things didn’t happen in real life. Instead, Tony Mendez records in his account of events “A Classic Case of Deception: CIA Goes Hollywood” written for the Center for the Study of Intelligence (winter 1999 – 2000), everything at the Tehran airport, despite a brief delay caused by mechanical problems with the Swissair plane, went “smooth as silk.” “The Iranian official at the checkpoint,” Mendez recalls, “could not have cared less. He stamped each of us out and collected the yellow (embarkation) forms.” To his credit, Ben Affleck as director of “Argo” does try to set the historical context of the fall of the Shah of Iran, the emergence of a theocratic revolutionary state under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini and the storming of the American embassy. The film begins with a collage of archival images that briefly recounts the clandestinely staged British- and American-led 1953 coup d’état that overthrew Iran’s nationalist Prime Minister Mossadeq, who had had the temerity to nationalize British and American oil interests. He was replaced with a newly empowered government led by Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi, who had, until that point, been a limited constitutional monarch. It is the blowback from that series of events, and the continued American support by six successive American presidents (Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford and Carter) for the Shah’s rapidly modernizing but increasingly repressive regime, that set the stage for the Iranian hostage crisis. That bit of historical perspective, critical to understanding the diplomatic and political realities of revolutionary Iran, is quickly subsumed by the absorbing and adventurous narrative of exfiltrating the six houseguests. And that is where history and exciting story-telling begin to collide. Gentle but persistent controversy has surrounded the balance of heroism in the film. When the film premiered in Toronto it set off an immediate Canadian reaction. The Canadian-based magazine “Macleans” charged that, “The movie rewrites history at Canada’s expense, making Hollywood and the CIA the saga’s heroic saviors while (Ambassador Kenneth) Taylor is demoted to a kindly concierge.”
In an interview with the Toronto Star, Ambassador Taylor said, “The movie’s fun, it’s thrilling, it’s pertinent, it’s timely. But look, Canada was not merely standing around watching events take place. The CIA was a junior partner.” “For every moment in Washington,” Ambassador Taylor recalled, “there was an equal moment in Ottawa. All the documentation to authenticate the diplomats as Canadians, the business cards, credit cards, the passports, the academic credentials, everything came out of Canada. We thought the [“Argo”] plan was OK,” he continued, “but we didn’t think we really needed something that intricate.” In fact, it was a Canadian official at the Tehran embassy, political officer and Farsi speaker, Roger Lucy, who spotted what could have been a fatal flaw in the documentation that had been provided by the CIA. The agency had misinterpreted the Iranian calendar and dated documents with dates that had not yet occurred, potentially transparent evidence of the falsification of documents. It is also true that diplomats from a number of embassies (the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Sweden and Denmark among them) played significant roles in sheltering and providing for the six “hidden” Americans. The website of Canada’s Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT) notes that before the “Argo” saga, Ambassador Taylor had “arranged the evacuation of 850 Canadians from Iran, a tremendous feat of organization.” Ambassador Taylor, the website explains, “readily acted as a channel of communications between the U.S. Chargé d’Affaires, Bruce Laingen, who was being held in “protective custody” at the Iran foreign ministry and Washington. The ambassador’s reports to Ottawa were shared with the U.S. government, which sometimes asked Ottawa for information on specific subjects. Taylor even scouted out potential landing sites for helicopters in Tehran in case a rescue of the American hostages was attempted.” Canada’s role, in other words, was indispensable to the exfiltration effort and to providing Washington with critical background information about the situation on-the-ground in Iran at the time. For that reason, the initial version of the film provoked a significant outcry in Canada. Many felt that Ambassador Taylor was snubbed by an on-screen postscript that highlighted an apparent irony that he had received “112 resolutions and proclamations of heroism” while — until the story was declassified by the CIA in 1997 — Tony Mendez had received no public acknowledgment. Mendez himself notes that he did, however, receive the CIA’s Intelligence Star Award in May 1980. When Ben Affleck heard that Ken Taylor had concerns
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Keegan Bursaw/Embassy of Canada
about the film, and particularly about this postscript, he contacted the ambassador and told him, “If this bothers you, then I’ll change it.” Affleck invited Ambassador Taylor and his wife Pat to Los Angeles for a private screening of the film and frank discussion of Ambassador Taylor’s concerns. As a result of that meeting, Affleck indicated he would cut the offensive postscript and invited Ambassador Taylor to rewrite it in words that he felt were more accurate and appropriate. What emerged is a diplomatic gem of sorts. The postscript attached to worldwide distribution of “Argo” now reads: “The involvement of the CIA complemented efforts of the Canadian Embassy to free the six held in Tehran. To this day, the story stands as an enduring model of international co-operation between governments.” During my interview with current Canadian ambassador to the United States, Gary Doer, he raised another aspect of the “Argo” story that has received less attention. He notes that the Canadian and American press became aware of the houseguests and their plight before the exfiltration effort was undertaken. “The media,” he notes, “made the decision that they would not expose the people to any danger and would not go with the story before they were out of Iran.” He wondered aloud whether the same sort of media discipline to put lives above story would happen today. “With today’s media,” he mused, “with today’s culture, with today’s technology, with today’s blogosphere and Wi-Fi’s instant movement of rumors . . . would that change the chance of the hostages getting out alive?” While there are comedic moments throughout “Argo,” there is one particularly telling scene that touches on the
meaning of history and the larger meaning of the “Argo” adventure. After the houseguests are successfully out of Iran, Alan Arkin, producer of the faux film, turns to his colleague, played by John Goodman, and observes, “Oh well, history begins as farce and ends as tragedy.” Goodman corrects him saying, “I think you got that backwards. ‘History begins as tragedy and ends as farce.”
Canadian Ambassador Gary Doer with Ben Affleck and Bryan Cranston at the Embassy of Canada in Washington, D.C. on October 12, 2012.
“Really,” queries Arkin, “who said that?” “Marx,” replies Goodman. To which Arkin retorts, “Groucho said that?” Confusing the Marx brothers of 20th century film comedy fame with the 19th century historian and communist ideologist Karl Marx is an old joke in itself. But, here the quick laugh masks a deeper and more thought-provoking point. History
is often tragedy and farce intertwined, and nowhere more so than in the complex case of the Iranian hostage crisis and its aftermath down to the present day. The work of diplomacy must be taken with great seriousness, but never so seriously that it becomes impossible to understand another point of view. And never so seriously that the real human beings behind the swirl of diplomatic activity become inconsequential. That should be the message behind the awards received and the controversies generated by “Argo.” In Ambassador Gary Doer’s words, “Some people may be concerned about the emphasis and historical accuracy, but I think the movie demonstrates partnership, demonstrates bravery, and demonstrates skill. The partnership for me is very important. I’m living it — the partnership between the United States and Canada. We live it every hour here at the embassy.” “What matters to me,” concludes the former Canadian Ambassador to Iran Ken Talyor, “is the essence and importance of diplomacy. It matters now [in 2013] more than ever before. It’s a risky business but vitally important.” “What happened 32 years ago,” he notes, “could happen tomorrow.” Leave the last word about the truth of “Argo” to Ben Affleck. “The kinds of things that are really important to be true are, for example, the relationship between the U.S. and Canada. The U.S. stood up collectively as a nation and said, ‘We like you, we appreciate you, we respect you, and we’re in your debt.’... There were folks who didn’t want to stick their necks out and the Canadians did. They said, ‘We’ll risk our diplomatic standing, our lives, by harboring six Americans because it’s the right thing to do.’ Because of that, their lives were saved.”. n
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by Monica Frim
Diplomatic Connections and THIS for Diplomats (formerly “The Hospitality and Information Service”), two of Washington’s foremost service organizations for diplomats, joined forces at the Madison Hotel Washington, DC, in January to give a select group of current ambassadors’ spouses a headsup on fashion trends for spring and summer. THIS for Diplomats is a non-profit organization whose numerous services and activities have been providing the diplomatic community with information for more than 50 years. The organization aims to promote international understanding and friendship to diplomats and their families through
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From left to Right: Diane von Furstenberg top with Rag & Bone Denim; Elie Tahari Suit and Blouse; DKNY Suit and Blouse; Trina Turk Dress
educational programs, foreign language and cultural exchange opportunities in private homes, tours not available to the general public, and targeted group meetings for special interests, such as book discussions, bridge and tennis. Diplomatic Connections hosted the event, which was, primarily, a business meeting of the Diplomatic Advisory Board of THIS. Members of the Diplomatic Advisory Board are ambassadorial spouses who have been invited by the THIS president to serve as a link between their embassy and the organization. Their duties include promoting the organization’s programs and services within the diplomatic community, communicating the needs of new diplomats to THIS and participating in events such as The Spring Soirée (its annual gala fundraiser), the Festival des Artistes and the Internation-
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al Children’s Festival. As a special treat for the ambassadors’ spouses, Diplomatic Connections invited Bloomingdale’s to stage a pre-meeting fashion show. Effie Elkorek, the personal shopping services manager of the Tysons Corner store in McLean, was happy to oblige with fashions from some of Bloomingdale’s most iconic labels: Eileen Fisher, Joie, Elie Tahari, DKNY, Kate Spade New York, Theory, Gerard Darel, Burberry, L. K. Bennett and a new line from Spain, Hoss Intropia. In more than 30 years of dressing celebrities and diplomats, including attendees at the Presidential Inaugural Ball, Effie knows something about fashion and accompanying accessories. “The clutch is very important and can cost anywhere from $300 to over $1,000,” she said. She also high-
From left to right: Gerard Darel dress and Overcoat; Kate Spade dress and cardigan; Hoss Intropia Pants, blouse and Cardigan; Elie Tahari Pants, Blouse and Jacket
lighted the cozy, a versatile sweater/shawl that can be tied in myriad configurations to create a range of looks from casual to formal. Some materials respond better to the wrapping and knotting processes than others. Apparently, the thinner they are, the easier they are to tie. Effie demonstrated about half a dozen variations. With so many diplomats representing a variety of cultures, finding common fashion ground can be a challenge. While waiting for the models to change outfits, Effie held up some skinny, distressed jeans. “Now, I know these are not for everyone,” she said, “but with a sweater or a nice blouse, they can be fun things on the right occasion.” More wearable, perhaps, were the dressier red, white and yellow skinny pants and various outfits paraded by the
models: elegant, flared black pants by Hoss Intropia paired with a top of alternating sheer and solid horizontal panels, a lacey hot pink blouse by Elie Tahari, and several numbers in classic black and white by DKNY and Kate Spade. Hot pink, navy blue, peach and plain white dominated the apparel — epitomized by a geometric, color-blocked Kate Spade dress reminiscent of the 1960s — and nude was the de rigeur color for footwear and accessories. “Nude goes with everything,” Effie explained. She emphasized the popularity of wedged sneakers and espadrilles in footwear. The buzzword was “casual” and it extended to fashionable athletic wear being worn in public, even when one is not working out. The fashion show was an entertaining preamble that overlapped with the first course of more serious business:
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lunch. Mixed greens, melt-in-your-mouth salmon or chicken, crème brûlée — the Madison Hotel catered the perfect leadin to the Diplomatic Advisory Board business meeting that followed. Dr. Phyllis Kaplan, current president of THIS, chaired the Diplomatic Advisory Board meeting and thanked Dawn Parker, publisher of Diplomatic Connections, for hosting the event. In an impromptu address to the group, Ms. Parker explained that one of Diplomatic Connections’ roles is to link the diplomatic and business communities through her organization’s Diplomat Appreciation Receptions held at various hotels throughout the year. THIS is constantly adding new programs and activities for diplomats. It’s a tall order to keep them running smoothly, requiring 300 volunteers and ongoing dialogue among diplo-
Tory Burch Shoe, Distressed Denim from Paige and J Brand, Burberry Coat
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mats and volunteers. To help identify and act on the needs of diplomats, the Diplomatic Advisory Board was established in the early 2000s. An interesting dilemma for diplomats surfaced during the open discussion following the meeting: navigating Washington streets. The traffic circles, directionally changeable one-way streets and diagonal avenues that seem to zigzag around buildings at multi-pronged intersections can be unsettling even to home-grown Americans who come from outside the nation’s capital. Imagine then, the confusion of someone from another country, newly arrived, perhaps struggling with the English language and thoroughly confused by the signage, parking regulations and the various methods of paying for parking spots. If you’re accustomed to driving on the left side of the road in your home country, the problem
Top: The model is wearing a Hoss Intropia dress; Below: Effie is hosting a presentation on the DKNY Cozy.
can be even more daunting. The transportation challenge exemplifies the kind of issues that the steerers at THIS want to hear about first-hand from embassy representatives so they can launch a plan of action to help. Stay tuned. Educating diplomats on driving rules and regulations is now an action item for Dr. Kaplan and her devoted team of volunteers. With THIS and Diplomatic Connections co-operatively providing assistance and valuable introductions to American culture for newcomers as well as seasoned diplomats, Washingtonâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s ambassadorial delegates are in good hands. n D I P L O M A T I C C O N N E C T I O N S B U S I N E S S edition | M a r c h - A p r il 2 0 1 3
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Spanish line Hoss Intropiaâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s white dress and jacket
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LK Bennett Dress
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Vince shorts, shirt and jacket with Echo scarf
Gerard Darel dress
In more than 30 years of dressing celebrities and diplomats, including attendees at the Presidential Inaugural Ball, Effie knows something about fashion and accompanying accessories.
Kate Spade dress and scarf
Eileen Fisher pants, shirt and scarf Theory dress
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