Journal Vol. 01: Hilltown Enclave

urban theory, analysis and design

The City and its Social Field

/

Hilltown Enclave

macro micro studio

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AR41001

c u r a t e d t h o u g h t , i t e r a t i o n s , d i s c o v e r y, m a p p i n g , theoretical investigation, critical reflections, e m p i r i c a l s u r v e y, c a s e s t u d y, u r b a n s t r a t e g y, hypothesis, planning, design in progress

katie phillips

(image: macro micro, Hilltown Terrace)

(image: macro micro, Hilltown Terrace)

)

00 Introduction and Hypothesis 01 Hilltown

02 Theory and Research I

The Three Cities

07 Urban Acupuncture

Case Study I : Perth Road

Case Study II : Dundee City Centre

Critical Reflection Interventions

Connecting the City

03 The Third City

Key Historical Events

The Tenement I

The Industrial City

The Post War / Welfare City

The Third City

Streets and Dwellings

Critical Reflection

Defining the Enclave

Studio Strategy

Synthesised Urban Manifesto

08 Theory and Research III

Architectural Objects

04 The Urban Device I Regeneration 05 Theory and Research II

Streets and Cities

11 Case Studies

Trevenson Park

Marmalade Lane

Derby Street

Kings Crescent

06 Strategic Plan

Abandoned retail space

The Whole and the Instance

The Tenement II

Streets for People

12 The Site

Environmental analysis

Spatial nature of streets Views Constraints

Local Development Plan and Policies

09 The Urban Device II

Elements and Iterations I

10 Modular Living

Preface: A new concept for housing Anabo

Sustainability and adaptability

Mass produced modular workflow

13 Theory and Research IV

How do we create a Landmark?

Elements and Iterations II 14 Proposal Brief Masterplan

Model Images

Introduction

“What is home? Home is a political ground. Home is an urgency in the context of urbanisation and climate emergency. We can’t address the question of home at the individual level, because understanding home is understanding society. Home life (domesticity) reflects a society’s value system and is subject to social, political and economic pressures; just like the contemporary withdrawal from public life into the home reflects our privatised lifestyles. Therefore, the Studio’s driving question on home (not house) opens a much larger problem about public life: who are we as society?”

(Costa Santos. S., Year 4 Coursebook; 2020)

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(image: author’s own)

“How did it all go so wrong?... We showed them how to do it.”

Ludwig Mies van der Rohe

5.1 Jamaica Tower, abandoned pre demolition, July 2011.

(quote: Keedwell, 2018, pg. 7, image: copyright Neale Elder)

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Hilltown The City of Dundee lies within the Eastern lowlands of Scotland on the North bank of the River Tay. The etymology of Dundee is derived from the Gaelic Fort of Daig. There are however, alternative interpretations such as Dun-De, which can be translated to The Hill of God, and on the South Eastern slope is where the Hilltown district of Dundee lies.

Hilltown is a cacophony of poorly designed affordable housing schemes, decaying tenements and empty shops.

With a tumultuous history, the area bore the brunt of the effects of Dundee’s rising and falling industries, but has gained a reputation of resilience. Unfortunately, the rest of its reputation leaves a great deal to be desired. Much of historic Hilltown has been infamously demolished over the years, and this erasure of Dundee’s past has left it open to cheap and unethical residential developments; a world apart from its Gaelic translation.

Adjacent is the council administrative boundary of North and South Hilltown.

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f ig. 7a 1:10000 (mapping: macro micro; data from Scottish Census)

Hypothesis

The Hilltown is an inner city community comprised of high ethnic segregation and housing segregation, and it is for these reasons that the Hilltown could be considered an Enclave. An Enclave is an territory with distinct characteristics differentiating itself from the surrounding territory, comprised of people from a similar economic and cultural background. (Bennett, L., 2010) In order to establish the Enclave, we can use Lefebvre’s theory that space can consist of both perceived space and conceived space.

(Ronneberger, K., 2008). We have used the Dundee City Council’s administrative boundary as a conceived space, as it is formed in a functional way to split Dundee into its arbitrary constituent areas. This space is not a true reflection of Hilltown however, as it is defined by its social and economic characteristics. These are of a very different nature to its surrounding context, and through a process of mapping and investigation we aim to redefine the Enclave boundary of Hilltown.

My own interests lie in understanding the historic evolution of Hilltown; the typologies and their associated elements, and how I can develop an urban strategy to combat issues of overcrowding, crime and a lost sense of identity and pride in an extremely deprived area.

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Theory and Research I

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(image: author’s own)

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The Three Cities

As a studio group, we have used The Third City : Chicago and American Urbanism by Larry Bennett as a theoretical framework in which to analyse Dundee. We can draw clear comparisons between the three cities of Chicago and Dundee’s stages in evolution. Bennett begins by introducing Chicago as a sprawling industrial city, and the second as a ‘Rustbelt City’, a term used to describe the social crisis in America during the period of de-industrialisation and associated unemployment. (Bennett, L., 2010) The Third City is Chicago in the present day - which is defined by its varied ethnic population, its redeveloped urban centre, and its notable public spaces.

This is also true of Dundee, which the analysis will show as having segregated areas of BME population, and a development plan which focuses on the city centre and attempts to regenerate public realm.

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decay / a ba n do n m e nt / d i sre pa i r /

(images: author’s own)

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The Third City

(image: author’s own)

The historic evolution of Hilltown is critical in understanding the present socio-urban fabric of the area. From industry rises and crashes, slum clearances and the age of the multistorey in Dundee, Hilltown has been re-imagined many times throughout the years.

This chapter analyses and maps the key changes in population, industry growth and decline, housing policies, architectural thinking and manifestos of the times, and the drastic effect these have had on the area.

12.1 No. 30 Hilltown, Deerhorn Close. Part of a series of photographs taken in the late 20’s and early 30’s by Dundee Ciy Council to document poor sanitary conditions in Dundee.

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fig. 13a

(Timeline mapping: personal work, for any information not directly referenced: see macro micro studio work)

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13.2 No. 61 Hilltown c1930

CIAM Congress in 1933 put across their vision of Modernist tower blocks, recieved negatively by the public. (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

Housing Act is introduced. Government provides subsides to build public housing. 744 houses built in Dundee, of which 389 were council houses.

Jute industry begins to decline.

DC Thompson begins printing in Dundee

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13.1 Dundee Jute Workers

Housing, Town Planning Etc. (Scotland) Act is introduced. Local authorities accept responsibility for adequate housing in the area. 710 houses built in Dundee.

Dundee City architect James James Thomson produced a comprehensive report on the post-war housing needs of Dundee and proposed a series of new housing estates. Overcrowding in working class tenements officially labelled an issue by the 1917 Housing Commission.

(Costa Santos et al, 2018)

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17 Changes to Policies / Regulations

Housing of the Working Classes Act is passed, allowing the council more control over regulation of dwellings , maintenance and improvements

Ship building booms

Domenico C., Di Domenico M., 2007)

Jute industry booms from the thriving linen industry, mills open across Hilltown. (Di

Government incentive for high demand of linen

Domenico M., 2007)

Industrial revolution helps expand Dundee, and the linen industry starts to grow. (Di Domenico C., Di

Key Historical Events

13.3 Hilltown, c1935

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Rent Act is passed. A comprehensive system of fair rents anchored in local market rates.

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14.3 Hilltown, 1960

The Parker Morris Report concluded that modern home life was evolving into a series of individual activities, where people were spending less time in communual spaces of the home. (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

House Purchase and Housing Act is updated. Local authorities now have powers to purchase and improve dwellings through conversion.

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14.2 Hilltown Tenement, 1950s

‘Design for Viewing’ exhibition featured the T.V. as the centrepiece of the living room, which called to an end the era of the fireplace as the heart of the room. (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

‘Ideal Home Exhibition’ took place which outlined “mid-rise blocks of one and two bedroom flats”. This reflected the changing ideas and “geographies of home.” (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

Timex (formerly UK Time Company), opened its plant in Dundee as part of the Post War propsperity boom. (Di Domenico C., Di Domenico M., 2007).

Year of the ‘Britain Can Make It’ exhibition fronted by Basil Spence, where he introduced his concept for the “working kitchen” as a multifunctional space for living, addressing the classist stigma related to preparing food and eating in the same room. (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

Scottish Policymakers identified overcrowding as a concern and the living room was no longer suggested as a sleeping space in review of capacity of new built housing. (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

Work force in Dundee Jute Mills diminishes.

Housing Act is updated, requiring local authorities to submit a programme of building and demolition aimed at eliminating slums.

Also known as “slum clearance”.

14.1 Jamacia Square, 1930s 14.4 Hilltown Road, 1968

Domenico C., Di Domenico M., 2007)

The ‘Dundee Project’ in 1981 transitioned this year into the ‘Dundee Partnership’, a combined initiative responsible for city and community planning among the main agencies of the Dundee City Council. (Di

Housing market crashes, meaning homeowners struggled to repay mortgages. (16)

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15.3 Wellgate Centre, 1982

Demolition of Victoria Road tenements.

Ship building ceases in Dundee.

M., 2007)

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15.2 Hilltown Road, 1971

The ‘Dundee Project’ was launched which aimed to regenerate economic development throughout Dundee and transform it into a leading location for investment. (Di Domenico C., Di Domenico

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19 ‘Right to Buy’ scheme is introduced.

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Wellgate shopping centre opens.

Housing (Homeless Persons) Act is introduced. Local authorities have a legal duty to house homeless people in priority need.

Bucklemaker and Butterburn multistorey blocks are completed on Derby Street. (Evening Telegraph, 060618)

Jute industry ceases in Dundee .

The Alexander Street multistorey blocks are completed. (Evening Telegraph, 10/07/20)

The Maxwelltown multistorey blocks are completed. (Evening Telegraph, 06/06/18) 15.1 Hilltown Terrace, 1960s 15.4 Derby Street, 1985

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Housing development due to complete at the Maxwelltown site on Alexander Street. (ibid. photo 15.4 reference)

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16.3 Maxwelltown, 2020

Our Lady RC Primary School and Community Centre opens.

Housing (Scotland) Act is updated. “Right to buy” is abolished, support is provided for social landlords to provide affordable accommodation, allocated according to need.

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16.2 Derby Street demolition, 2013

Derby Street multistorey blocks Butterburn and Bucklemaker are demolished. (Evening Telegraph, 10/07/20)

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20 Alexander Street multistoreys are demolished.

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Hilltown Park opens.

Domenico M., 2007)

New Overgate shopping centre opens, with hope it will renew the city centre and facilitate economic growth. (Di Domenico C., Di

Housing (Scotland) Act is updated. Provisions for the social rented sector, houses of multiple occupants and the homeless. Introduction of removal of tenants due to “anti-social conduct” is put in place.

M., 2007)

Timex factory closed, hailing the end of Dundee’s era as a manufacturing centre. This contributed largely to unemployment and causing many multistorey blocks to become underpopulated as people moved outwith the area for work. (Di Domenico C., Di Domenico 16.1 New Overgate Centre 16.4 Derby Street, 2020

The Industrial City

1860 - 1930s

Mapping: changes to the built environment in key eras.

f i g . 17a

1860

Existing Buildings

Housing

f i g. 1 7 b

Mills / Factories

( map p ing : ma cr o micro, d ata fro m Di gi map s Hi s to ri c Map s )

1900 Education

Places of Worship

(m appin g : m acro m icro, data f rom D ig im aps H istoric Maps)

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T h e Te n e m e n t I The housing typology created in response to the large surge in population in Scottish cities during the Industrial Revolution was the tenement. Due to feudalism, it was cheaper to build upwards rather than outwards, and therefore the high-density, multi-floor tenement model was efficient. (Costa Santos et al, 2018) In the 19th century, the floors of the tenement were occupied by different classes - middle class residents lived on the first floor as it was far enough up from the grime and noise of the street but with not too many stairs to climb. Internally it would typically have cornicing details, high ceilings and was appealing in that it was also insulated by the dwelling/shop underneath and the flats above. The second floor was only less appealing due to more stairs, and the treatment of the elevation tended to be less ornate. Working classes lived on the ground floors and top floors, and these had lower ceilings and simpler finishes. (Worsdall, F., 1989) The elevations adjacent show a typical Hilltown mixed use tenement (No. 223) and a purely residential tenement (No. 14).

As Hilltown is predominantly an industrial and working class area, the tenements are very functional and devoid of ornament.

We will use the archetypal tenement plan throughout this analytical section as a framework in which to map the evolution of society, and how it reflects the changing concepts of home.

The tenement was chosen as it is a historic example of vernacular architecture, and was built in the majority of Scottish cities for every social class. There were a large number built in Hilltown and the areas identified in fig. 29a remain today.

N o. 2 2 3 Hi lltow n

No. 14 S tirlin g S treet

( i l l u s t r a t i o n s : a u t h o r ’ s ow n )

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1860 - 1930s

Industrialisation 1800s

T h e H i s t o r i c Te n e m e n t

fig. 19a

1 9 . 1 ‘ Si n gl e En d’ d wel l i n g, 1 9 0 7

fig. 19b

detached

fig. 19c

tenement

The diagram above (fig. 19a) portrays a typical floor plan for a working class tenement during Dundee’s industrialisation. The minimal spatial variety in comparison to the norms of a modern, updated tenement flat is evident, and often, as seen in photograph 19.1, many families lived in these ‘single-ends’ and ‘room-and-kitchens’. (Worsdall, F., 1989, pg. 45) Tenants slept on recessed beds in kitchens and living rooms, no bathroom was provided indoors, and a communal toilet shared by the inhabitants of the building would be outside found to the rear of the block. A Room-and-kitchen dwelling is exactly as the name suggests, with the room facing the street and the kitchen to the back. Typically, whole families would sleep in the kitchen and the room was only used on occasions such as weddings or funerals. (Worsdall, F., 1989) A single-end dwelling was designed for a single person or couples without children, but it was frequently overcrowded by poorer tenants. It was common for a space to be occupied not only by an entire family, but also shared with people who are not related. (Costa Santos et al, 2018) Fig. 19b and 19c show the typologies in present day Hilltown from the remains of the Industrial City.

(19a: [Worsdall, F., 1989], b & c: author’s own)

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T h e P o s t Wa r / We l f a r e C i t y

1940 - 1970s

Mapping: changes to the built environment in key eras.

f i g . 20a

1940

Existing Buildings

Housing

Mills / Factories

( ma p p ing : ma cr o micro, d ata fro m Di gi map s Hi s to ri c Map s )

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f i g. 2 0 b

1980 Civic / Commercial

Education

(m appin g : m acro m icro, data from D ig im aps H istoric Maps)

1940 - 1970s

Post War 1950s

De-industrialisation

fig. 21a

The de-industrial tenement floor plan diagram informs us of a new separation between sleeping and living space within a typical flat. This provided tenants with a room for entertaining guests and a separate room for private activities.

As seen in the historic timeline, it was only in 1944 that policy changed which advised local authorities that the living room should not be considered as a space to sleep in new build accommodation. An addition of communal bathrooms was made inside certain tenements and provided a more hygienic way of living.

These then became internal private bathrooms in the 60s. (Costa Santos et al, 2018)

Following Dundee architect James Thomson’s report on the post-war housing needs of Dundee in 1917, and the pioneering Logie Estate in 1920, (dundeecityarchives.wordpress.com/2019/06/20/ logie-100-how-it-started) semi-detached council houses were built over the next 30 years around Dundee and examples of these in Hilltown can be seen on Bruce Street, Leng Street and Constitution Street.

As stated in the historic timeline, domestic life was experiencing a shift in the norm after the war, with the strict separation of working-class and middle-class homes starting to break down. The typologies shown in fig. 21b - 21d show the types of housing that policymakers introduced to reflect the change in family types and living situations, for example elderly people were able to live on their own in single storey cottages / bungalows, as the government provided extra benefits to them, rather than stay with their children and grandchildren. (Costa Santos et al, 2018) More people were living on their own (perhaps had lost loved ones in the war), and the average household size decreased.

fig. 21b

bungalow

fig. 21c

semi - detached

fig. 21d

terraced

( 2 1 a : [ Wo r s d a l l , F . , 1 9 8 9 ] b,c & d : a u t h o r ’ s ow n )

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1940 - 1970s De-industrialisation

22.1 Typical 1950’s l iving ro o m

2 2 . 2 Maxwel l town m ul ti s to r ey s

In the 1950s, Basil Spence challenged the disparity between working class and middle class homes.

He presented the ‘working kitchen’ as a new de-stigmatised space for family life. This social stigma connected to preparing food, eating, washing dishes and clothes (and tenants washing themselves) in the same room was reaching an end. At the end of the 50s, the ‘Design for Viewing’ exhibition featured the T.V. as the centrepiece of the living room, which called to an end the era of the fireplace as the heart of the room. (Costa Santos et al, 2018) Home life started to become more private and individualistic with the introduction of mainstream gas central heating in the late 60s, allowing people to occupy rooms which otherwise would have not been heated or previously only had a fireplace.

(Geoghegan, T., 2009) Industry had boomed again in Dundee with the Post War prosperity, carried by Timex and other multinational companies with large plants in the city. (Di Domenico C., Di Domenico, M., 2007) People were flocking to work in the factories, and so, in line with the modernist movement, high density tower blocks were constructed to cope with the surge in population. The four Hilltown Terrace blocks were commissioned in 1964, (canmore.org.uk/event/575619) Alexander Street’s four multi-storey blocks were completed in 1968, and Butterburn and Bucklemaker Courts on Derby Street were completed in 1973. (Di Domenico C., Di Domenico M., 2007)

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2 2 . 3 B u t t e r b u r n C ou r t

fig. 22a

multistorey ( 2 2 A : a u t h o r s ow n )

The Third City

1980 - 2020s

Mapping: changes to the built environment in key eras.

Image of Hilltown in the 80s

f i g . 23a

2020

Existing Buildings

Housing

Civic / Commercial

Places of Worship

Education

23.1 Maxwelltown multistoreys; Carnegie Tower, Jamaica Tower and Wellington Tower, photographed from Carnegie Square, July 1985. (m appin g : m acro m icro, data f rom D ig im aps H istoric Maps)

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1980 - 2020s

Post War 1950s

Regeneration

fig. 24a

Fig. 24a shows a modified tenement flat typical of the regeneration period in the Hilltown.

Existing tenements evolved further to divide private spaces and shared spaces within a single occupancy. In most cases, tenements became less crowded and the plan shown would be typically occupied by a single person or couple. Conversely, depending on developer’s intentions, singular dwellings can be split into several flats (HMO) where tenants rent one room and share communal facilities. These can however, cause issues with overcrowding.

Tenements in some areas of Hilltown have been insulated and re-clad in recent years to bring them closer to modern home energy standards.

In the 1980’s there was a real effort to bring Dundee up to date and change its image. The economic decline had left the city full of outdated 60s architecture, so much so that the city square was used by filmmakers to depict Soviet Russia. (Di Domenico, M., Di Domenico, C., 2007) By the 90s, the Dundee Project, which had transitioned into the Dundee Partnership (see fig. 12.A), was well underway. The closing of Timex however in 1993 was a huge blow to Dundee; there was a sense of loss of identity in Hilltown, populations decreased, the multistoreys constructed for the vast swathes of workers started to empty and anti-social behaviour and vandalism grew. This would be the start of the multistoreys decline into abandonment and eventual demolition. (Di Domenico, M., Di Domenico, C., 2007) In line with the regeneration project, the Overgate shopping centre opened in 2000 with the hope that it would breathe life into the centre of Dundee, and attract visitors to boost the local economy.

Much housing was built in Hilltown in this period, with many low-mid rise terraced and semidetached dwellings and sheltered housing schemes. (see fig. 27a) Modern apartment blocks appeared with varying flat types and spatial diversity, portrayed in 24b.

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2 4 . 1 D e n s R oa d a pa r t m e n t s

fig. 24b

modernist apartment

( 2 4 a ; Wo r s d a l l F . { ed i t ed } , 1 9 8 9 , 2 4 b : a u t h o r ’ s ow n )

1980 - 2020s Inhabiting Spaces

fig. 25a

Multi Occupancy

fig. 25b

Dual Occupancy

fig. 25c

Single Occupancy

Following the discourse around HMO on the previous page, the diagrams above show a typical Hilltown tenement floor plan. These diagrams focus on privacy and sense of ownership and are kept as identical floor plans in order to demonstrate different capabilities of inhabiting the same space. As discussed previously, tenements were not classed buildings, but the way in which they are occupied and modified is the differential, in addition to quality, materiality, upkeep etc. The tenement can therefore be thought of as an architectural control measure throughout Scotland’s history, which holds a mirror to society and the norms of the time.

( 2 5 a , b,c : Worsdall, F., 1989 {edited by macro micro})

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Mapping: the current residential environment

2020

This map (26a) highlights roof styles and how they correspond to historic eras. [This can be read in conjunction with fig. 29A - typologies map] In the 50s and 60s, the flat roof became popular in council housing and was further perpetuated with the introduction of modernist multi-storey living for all. Initially extremely sought after, these dwellings quickly fell out of fashion and the flat roof was associated with anti-social behaviour and a lower societal class. (Costa Santos et al, 2018) More recently, 2000s and beyond, apartment buildings and offices have adopted the flat roof, and it is once again viewed as modern and desirable. There are however, a lack of these in Hilltown, which in itself provides information as to the rate and level of investment in the area.

Many of the district’s oldest buildings are mixed use tenements which line the Hilltown Road. The street historically consisted of small blocks of these tenements, which would have created a lively street and a stronger artery through the area. (Jacobs, J., 1961) With the demolition of these to make way for modernist schemes as identified in fig. 20b, much of the historic character was lost and the street weakened.

This is discussed further on page 38.

2010 - 2020s 1990 - 2000s

Flat and Mono Pitch

Pitched Roofs

1970 - 1980s 1950 - 1960s

Er as an d Ro o f Sty l es

1930 - 1940s

f ig. 26a (NTS)

1900 - 1920s 26

1860s - 1890s

( map pi ng: macro mi cro ; d ata:t Di gi map s Hi s to ri c Map s )

Mapping: the current residential environment

2020

A large number of homes in Hilltown are classed as affordable housing, which reflects the deprivation in the area. (see fig. 40a, b) The council / housing societies control another large portion of homes, which indicates a neighbourhood with a high number of disadvantaged people who have been housed there.

Richard Sennet discusses alienated neighbourhoods in the context of minorities, and writes that “The idea that the oppressed will bond in solidarity is both naive and factually rare. Oppression does not beget integration”. (Sennet, R., 2018, pg. 133) Groups of people will not form communities by simply being placed together, under the common factors of low income or similar disadvantages. It is therefore questionable that there has been allowed such a high number of affordable housing schemes in the one area.

Privately owned non-affordable Privately owned affordable Council owned / Housing Society Sheltered Housing Emergency Housing

Ty p es o f Ho us i n g / Ten ur e

Additionally, with rented housing, comes a myriad of issues. Home should provide one with a strong sense of self, and when the home in question is not yours by law, there are restrictions over what you can do to make it personal. Research shows that when we don’t own our home, we are less attached to it. (Keedwell, P., 2017)This lack of ownership, and therefore care and pride in a dwelling and its surroundings, breeds neglect and decay. This could answer part of the question as to why Hilltown is so visibly uncared for.

f ig. 27a (NTS) ( map p i ng: macro mi cro ; d ata: Sco tti s h L and R e gi s try) 27

Mapping: the importance of scale and green space

2020

1-2 3-4 5-6 7 + storeys Public green space Semi Private green space Private green space 28

B ui l d i n g Hei ghts + Gr een Space f ig. 28a (NTS) ( map p i ng: macro mi cro )

This map (28a) exhibits the correlation between building height and associated green space. [This should be read directly in tandem with fig. 29a.]

Conclusions we can take from this map are that the higher the unit density of the building, the less green space the occupants are afforded. The lowest density buildings, the detached houses, have the largest (and private) gardens, while the apartments and tenements have the least green space, and it is almost always shared.

Some common sense - the higher we build, the further from the ground the occupants dwell. In regards to human history, living far off the ground is a recent development, and one which the affects of haven’t yet been well researched. Some argue that the large increase in numbers of suicides in cities like Manhattan and Singapore (before and after high rise developments) due to jumping off tall buildings would support the argument for them being detrimental to our health.

Regardless of this thankfully rare phenomenon, the concept that we are less happy the further we are from a main street, can also be applied to verticality. (Keedwell, P., 2017) In short, there is plenty evidence to support the argument that the higher off the ground we dwell, the unhappier we tend to be. (ibid.) For one, our access to the street and green space is severely impacted, as someone living on the 12th floor of a high rise will not be as inclined to travel down to ground level to enjoy a cup of tea outside as someone in a detached house with full ownership of their garden.

Mapping: the importance of scale and green space [residential typologies]

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iv v

Detached / Bungalow Semi-detached

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Terraced Tenement / Apartment Multistorety Public green space Semi Private green space Private green space

Res i d en ti al Ty p ol o gi es f ig. 29a (NTS)

2020

As discussed on the previous page, our individual access to green space is determined by the typology of our dwelling. Inhabitants of detached houses have the most ownership over their green space, with private gardens at the front of the house, back of the house, or both. (i) (These can of course, be HMO, but for arguments sake we will assume one household occupies one dwelling.) Tenements were designed with communal green spaces to the rear (ii), semi-detached post war dwellings have generous gardens which tend to be shared (between 2 - 4 households) but include areas for private use (iii), terraced housing typically is of higher density and the green space is shared by a larger number of residents, therefore less used, (iv) and modern apartments (in Hilltown) seem to have little to no allocated green space (v). Multistorey blocks by design, and subsequent regulation, must have certain quantities of open green space surrounding them. As we will discover, these areas are largely under-used due to the high density of the dwelling and diminished ownership of the shared space (vi). (see fig. 30a & pg.

35) This allows us to identify privilege associated with housing types and green space, as detached houses, which cost the most (and are uncommon in Hilltown), have the most private outdoor space. Access to green space and a sense of ownership over it is paramount to our physical and mental health, and therefore should be a basic right, not a commodity.

( map p i ng: macro mi cro )

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Detached, semi-detached and terraced typologies typically include private gardens spaces either at the front, back or combination of both. This offers the occupants privacy, and control over their outdoor space.

The outdoor space to the front can be thought of as the space to express an image, or reflection of the nature of the internal space to the world, in the same way a living room is a space internally in which to present an identity to guests. (Keedwell, P., 2017)

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Tenements were built with a shared rear space which typically included a drying green. Casual encounters with neighbours could arise in these shared spaces, and a sense of community was fostered. (Costa Santos et al, 2018). Nowadays in new apartment buildings, these communal spaces seem not to be utilised if not designed with a purpose, and can easily fall into decay. This can arise from a lack of a sense of adequate ownership over the space if it is shared by too many residents.

Civic buildings can offer use for communal gatherings, such as space outside places of worship used for congregations.

The addition of an outdoor communal space in these cases can provide a safe and controlled environment that fosters a sense of belonging in the community.

Allotments are successful community spaces which offer private space within a sociable semi-public realm of people with shared interests. There are allotments on Tannadice Street, next to the football stadia.

High rise tower blocks with large surrounding green space creates a sense of isolation.

The impact of the immense difference between the building and human scale is intensified by the context - in this case, Hilltown Terrace, the green space is mostly grassed with little to no trees to soften the landscape.

The area is fully public, and the occupants do not have ownership over any outdoor space. fig. 30a

(m appin g : m acro m icro)

Streets and Dwellings Socio-urban analysis

[The following pages further unpick the dynamic between the building typologies identified through mapping, and the street + green space available. The spatial quality of these relationships is explored through sections of specific areas in Hilltown, as small case studies.

They use the mapping by macro micro to identify factors which affect the built environment, and the social data of the occupants to determine the quality of the dwellings and their context, as well as observations from physical surveys of these areas]

(i mage: pe r s o n a l )

31

The Tenement and the Street I This section identifies the relationship a tenement block (left) and an apartment block (right) on the Hilltown Road have with the street. Dundee is a car dominated city and this is evident in this area; streets designed with cars in mind, not pedestrian experience. Hilltown Road is fairly narrow and the pavements are not wide enough for shops and cafes to have outdoor space, there is no space to socialise on the street, and the noise from the road is not absorbed or buffered in any way in relation to the dwellings lining the street. The tenements on the left side of the street have shared gardens to the rear, but the apartments have no green space.

As identified on fig. 39b, these dwellings are overcrowded, with too few rooms per resident. As with the majority of the street, the crime rate is high (fig. 41a), which is surprising when we consider Jacob’s theory of busy streets which are overlooked by buildings as being safer.

fig. 32a

32

The Suburban Community Fig. 33a shows a section through Hillbank Gardens, a semi-detached housing scheme built between 1970-80.

A culdesac can offer a sense of enclosure and safety; a place where neighbour’s children can play together on the street and there is collective supervision. (Jacobs, J., 1961) The low density dwelling is appealing for families, with access to a private garden. There is a mix of housing ownerships in the development, which contributes to a more developed and less segregated society. (Sennet, R., 2018) As shown in fig. 41a, this area has a lower crime rate than its surroundings, which is likely due to the natural sureveillance created by the low density dwellings facing the street. Jacobs discusses the “natural proprietors of the street”, (Jacobs, J., 1961, pg. 45) where in neighbourhoods such as this, the residents keep an eye out for any suspicious activity.

fig. 33a

33

The Tenement and the Street II In the Dens Road tenements on the right, tenants have ownership over their individual building’s gardens, and these are enclosed and semi-private. The sense of responsibility over these spaces extend to the building and its surroundings, hence the good condition and maintenance of the block and the street.

The slightly newer tenements on Fairbairn Road however, seem to be in poorer condition despite being recently re-clad. The street is generally less maintained and most of the front gardens of the tenements are bare or overgrown. This sense of dilapidation is seen also in the public back green where there is no maintenance and the grass is overgrown. The only noticeable difference between these tenements is the disparity in defensible green space. (Newman, O., 1972) This shows the importance of having an outdoor space which you have an element of control and ownership over, as the sense of pride and upkeep positively affects the surroundings.

fig. 34a

34

The Modernist Landscape This section of Dudhope Street to Hilltown Terrace shows the scale of the multistorey towers and the impersonal space they create around them.

The multistorey typology is very high density, which as we have discussed using fig. 29a, means the quality and access to green space for residents is severely reduced.

Additionally, a communal space which is shared by too many people becomes less used as a result. (Keedwell, P., 2017) The density of this typology, although surrounded by open green space, has negatively affected the ability of its occupants to make use of the space. There is also a lack of designed recreational space or children’s play, and no means for the architecture or landscape to encourage or facilitate social interaction.

As there is not a street running between these buildings, the natural surveillance is reduced, which gives rise to crime and anti-social behaviour. (Jacobs, J., 1961) This is exacerbated by both the lack of engagement of the multistoreys with the street and their dissociation from the ground, and the fact the space is largely unused, creating an empty, unsafe corridor at night.

fig. 35a

35

Courtyards and Outdoor Rooms

A range of dwelling heights adds interest

fig. 36a

36

This section through the 1990s at Lawson Place shows a variety of housing types arranged around a central courtyard with shared walkways. The flats overlook the courtyard, creating a sense of safety and supervision over the space. The dwellings are low enough, as Newman describes, for a conversation to take place between someone on the ground and someone on the top floor through an open window. (Newman, O., 1971). This was a well considered move for a sheltered housing development as someone with reduced mobility could speak to a neighbour or visitor without having to travel up and down stairs.

The private gardens are clearly defined and again, the responsibility tenants have over these is seen to extend to the upkeep of the development as a whole.

[Critical Reflections]

To summarise the historical events; there were many successful industries in Dundee: the Jute industry, shipping and the post-war investment in Dundee’s diligent workforce by international companies all shaped the urban environment. It gave Hilltown, a predominantly working class area, (as we shall further investigate), a strong sense of identity. These industries have all boomed and failed however, often causing a wake of abandonment and decay. Since the Timex factory closed its doors in 1993 to huge riots and protests from workers and outraged Dundonians, (it has been described by the BBC in a documentary as the last major strike in Scotland, [see www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0009dnw]) Hilltown seems to have lost a sense of purpose and identity. The closure left “a hole in the heart of Dundee”. (Di Domenico, C., Di Domenico, M., 2007, pg 332) An element which is evident in the street sections is in certain typologies, such as the multistoreys or apartments, is that there is a lack of ‘defensible space’.

(Newman, O., 1972, pg. 3) Defensible space is determined by both physical and symbolic borders, with clearly defined ownerships and surveillance over the area. (ibid.) In a scenario such as The Suburban Community (fig. 33a), defensible space is fostered through an extension of the home into the street, with residents being able to easily see and take responsibility over things that occur there. Newman points out that its not for residents to “take matters into their own hands” and police the area themselves, but more as a watchful eye over potentially suspicious activity - creating a sense of safety as a collective. Low rise suburban style dwellings are not the sole typology to experience defensible space however, as Jacobs describes a scene in Manhattan where an eagle eyed woman on the third floor of a tenement shouts down to her as she’s waiting for a bus, to tell her it doesn’t run on Saturdays. (Jacobs, J., 1961, pg. 47) The sense of responsibility over the street however, is implied by Newman to deteriorate with the height of the dwelling; people living in a multistorey feel their sense of ownership and responsibility end at the parameters of their flat. (Newman, O., 1972) Surveillance can still happen to a degree in taller buildings, but there is a definite limit to the control over the street past a certain height.

The small case studies start to unravel an intricate picture of Hilltown, and now that we have investigated the morphological elements, we can unpick the social data to further understand Hilltown as an Enclave and the reasons which contribute to this.

37

“ We m u s t k i l l t h e s t r e e t . We s h a l l t r u l y e n t e r i n t o modern town planning only after we have accepted this” (Le Corbusier, 1930)

[Critical Reflections] Pe r s on a l

1860

1900

1940

1980

2020

Le Corbusier’s dystopian quote encapsulates the ideals and thinking of the modernist movement which saw its effects in Hilltown from the 1960s. The tight urban fabric, woven by the boom of industry and a rising population, started to unravel as tenements and slums were cleared; the Hilltown Road became fractured and the surroundings fragmented into pockets.

In The Concise Townscape, Cullen discusses “The Line of Life” (Cullen, G., 1961, pg. 111), and associated lines of force within a town or city which act as intense activity spaces, generating character and identity of the place. He gives examples of coastal towns, such as Brixham, and the line of the land and water meeting as not just an architectural line but also as a social one. (Cullen, G., 1961) This can be applied to Hilltown, where we can consider Hilltown Road as the Line of Life or main artery through the district. This main artery has been ruptured by the construction of modernist housing, and the route is now very weak. I aim to propose a strategy to strengthen the Hilltown Road and will discuss the importance of the street in the following chapters. (mapping: author’s own)

38

01

Def ining the Enclave Deprivation factors - overcrowding and ethnicity

fig. 39a

fig. 39b

Percentage of residents born outside U.K.

Percentage of households with too few rooms per resident

0 - 15%

15 - 20%

0-10%

10-20%

20 - 30%

> 30%

20-30%

>30%

(mapping: macro micro; data from Scotland’s Census 2011)

In Donald Houston's article on housing segregation in Dundee, he states that over a third of Dundee's BME population lives in Hilltown, and they are more likely to live in poor quality housing, with conditions described as "damp and/or poorly heated or insulated - or in conditions of overcrowding" (Houston, D, 2010 pg. 286) Multi-generational living in one household is a tradition among some ethnic minorities. Additionally, the lack of suitable facilities for certain groups, (e.g. halal grocery stores, places of worship) in other parts of the city can force people to live within an area which can support them. (Houston, D., 2010) Using fig. 39A we can reference this with fig. 39B to identify areas where people have immigrated to, and start to draw conclusions about the internal nature and quality of housing based on the statistics shown.

Data shows that people who rent their home are also more likely to find themselves in overcrowded conditions.

(Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Non decent Housing and Overcrowding) We can use this data, and reference it against the housing type/tenure map (fig. 27a) to gain a better understanding of areas which might be internally overcrowded.

As a strategy for Hilltown, the lack of good quality affordable housing should be addressed, and also a way to accommodate multi-generational living and adaptable housing for those who require it.

39

D e p r iva t ion Pe r ce n t il e s

Mapping: Deprivation and crime

There is a clear link between deprivation and crime, (Hooghe, M., 2010) and we can test this theory in Hilltown by comparing the deprivation diagrams (40b, 40c) with the map of crime rates (fig. 41a) to highlight a correlation.

The diagrams use data from the Coldside SIMD profile. To explain this data, the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation divides Scotland into 6,976 areas, or ‘data zones’, which are then assessed to measure deprivation, under 38 different factors, such as pupil performance, criminal acts, levels of unemployment, travel times to local facilities and others. SIMD then ranks these data zones from most deprived (ranked 1) to least deprived (ranked 6,976). We can format this data into percentages, such as the top 5% most deprived zones, top 10%, 20% and so on. (www.gov.scot/SIMD)

fig. 40a

2012

fig. 40b

2020

The deprivation in Hilltown has declined severely over the past decade, and is found clustered around the main thoroughfare. The worst areas at the top of Hilltown Road can be identified on the housing typologies and eras map (26a, 29a) as the oldest tenements in Hilltown, which have not been re-clad and insulated by the council. This suggests that possibly these tenements are occupied by people who cannot afford better quality housing and are forced to live in poor conditions.

Top Deprived 5%

Top Deprived 10%

(mapping and diagrams: macro micro; data from SIMD 2020)

40

Top Deprived 20%

Crime is measured in the same framework as deprivation, with Rank 1 being the highest crime percentile in Scotland, or top 10%. Deprivation in an area gives rise to crime, the severity of the former will also impact on the severity of the latter. People who live in deprived areas are also more at risk of infection and serious disease, (Kenway, P. et al, 2020) and this would correlate to our findings of overcrowding as outlined in fig. 39b. Crime in areas of multistorey blocks seems to be higher than other typologies, (Townsley, M., et al 2014) and a Sergeant from Police Scotland stated that the area of Hilltown Terrace was “disproportionately affected by criminal activity and anti-social behaviour.” (Rae, S. 31/08/20) Architecture can greatly contribute to or mitigate crime. Jacobs suggested that buildings should be oriented towards the street to improve surveillance, while Newman also contributed to this hypothesis with his ‘defensible space’ theory. He states that the built environment uses both “mechanical prevention” in its physical design and the subsequent aim of “corrective prevention” (Newman, O., 1972, pg. 3) to alleviate crime in urban areas. Badly designed dwellings have rates of crime up to three times higher than surrounding buildings with control measures of an identical population and density. (ibid.)

fig. 41a

Crime Rank 1

Crime Rank 2

Crime Rank 3

Crime Rank 4

Crime Rank 5

Crime Rank 6

(mapping: macro micro; data from SIMD 2020)

41

Theoretical Framework

Through Lefebvre’s theories of perceived space, and humans producing social space, we have identif ied the Enclave of Hilltown; which has been formed through analysis of socio-urban mapping to identify areas of deprivation, overcrowding, unemployment, crime, similar social class and housing typology.

The Hilltown Enclave is a distinct, socially produced space with signif icant housing and ethnic segregation in comparison to its context, and differs from the Dundee City Council’s boundary. (f ig. 43a) This new boundary line includes areas which the council def ine as Coldside and Hilltown South, but these identif ied areas f it with the characteristics and socio-urban analysis as outlined in the previous pages.

As a studio we concluded that areas to the north east should be included due to high factors of deprivation, ethnic segregation and low income. Areas to the north west were excluded as they were noticeably different in character, rarely representing any of the issues associated with the other areas of the Hilltown and different in identity, typology and character. Likewise to the north, this area has a signif icant proportion of industrial buildings, and lacks the same socio-spatial qualities as the rest of the enclave. The area to the south is clearly identif iable as ‘city centre’, which is why the boundary follows Victoria Road.

Residential buildings as identif ied within the Enclave and highlighted in f ig. 43a. Not all the buildings within the boundary line have been included, as some are not in-keeping with the same identities, social elements or typology as what we have def ined as the disadvantaged and neglected nature of the Hilltown Enclave.

42

High Crime Rates

High Deprivation

High Overcrowding

High Unemployment

We can relate the description of Bennett’s Chicago to Dundee, with its regenerated waterfront and city centre reflecting the “urban core”.

(Bennett, L., 2010, pg.7) As we have discovered, there are a large population of BME and students, often living in poor quality housing in overcrowded conditions in areas such as Hilltown, and these districts are generally situated in the north and east of the city, rather than Chicago’s west and south. On a micro scale, Hilltown itself experiences a type of urban core, as the areas of re-development since the 1960s are mainly central and follow Hilltown Road as a main artery through the Enclave. Dundee as a ‘third city’ is very much as Bennett describes Chicago, hailing it as a “work in progress, who’s story is worth telling in its own right”. (Bennett, L., 2010, pg. 8)

En cl ave B o un d a r y

f ig. 43A 1:10000 Council def ined Hilltown boundary of Enclave def ined Enclave buildings (mapping: macro micro; data from Scottish Census)

43

Studio Strategy 01

Mapping: Identifying development sites

1. Maxwelltown (6,136 m2)

4. Caldrum Works (18,185 m2)

- Currently serving as a temporary car park.

- Steep site conditions - Direct access to main Hilltown Road.

- Highlighted on LDP for development - Smallest of the available - Close proximity to Hilltown amenities and city centre

- Disused former Jute Mill; Category B listed - Site is not highlighted on LDP for development - Largest of the identified sites - Potential for intervention project

2. Ann Street (11,672 m2)

- Listed on LDP for development - Current development for residential units near completion on site.

We have decided to exclude this site as an option due to the current stage of the existing development.

- Former site of primary school - Current proposal for custody center - Highlighted on LDP for development - Within very close proximity to school

02

03

5. Alexander Street (12,543 m2)

04

5.

3. Rosebank Road (14,768 m2) - Not listed on LDP for development - Brownfield site - former school - Proximity to multistoreys could have direct impact on local community, possibly providing facilities that are not currently available.

- Short distance from Hilltown Road

2.

1.

3.

05

4.

fig. 44a (mapping: macro micro; data from DCC LDP 2019)

44

Identifying and Quantifying Facilities and Housing

A summary of the studios findings from analysis of statistics and mapping for required amenities is as follows; Hilltown requires an additional primary school, an improved cycle and path network, pedestrianisation of car-dominated spaces and streets, a range of amenities for younger people and an indoor space for recreation and sport. There are also no creative hubs in Hilltown, so the incorporation of an arts or design space would greatly contribute to the image of the area.

The TAYplan Strategic Development Plan 2016 - 2036 has a housing target to deliver an average of 480 homes per year. It states that a 10% generosity figure is then applied to give 528 new homes as an aim for Dundee City. In addition to these new builds, the council are proposing to build an additional 90 new homes in several locations of the city during the same period. (Dundee City Council Local Housing Strategy 2018-2023) We can assume that at present, given the data outlined in the studio work, there is a maximum of 2,472 new homes required for Dundee City. Almost 79% of these should be affordable, and 4% should be fully wheelchair accessible. This does not take into account the additional 74 households which require fully adaptable wheelchair housing at a greater than average size. The strategy for determining additional land use in order to deliver this housing plan is to prioritise the redevelopment of brownfield sites within the urban area, with greenfield sites also considered to provide choice and flexibility.

(Dundee City Council Local Housing Strategy 2018-2023)

45.1 Derby Street development by Collective architecture; 163 new homes on the former site of the Butterburn and Bucklemaker multistoreys.

(image: author’s own, info: [collectivearchitecture.com/projects/derby-street])

45

Synthesised Urban Manifesto Allocating programme

The sites were designated suitable programmes on a basis of location, surroundings, proximity to similar amenities or services, and size.

Maxwelltown, as the most central of the sites, will be utilised for mixed use; a range of commercial spaces, housing and entertainment will be found here, as well as providing a focal point for the district.

Ann Street will have a heavy focus on residential development, with a potential for small retail space facing the street. It also has the opportunity and area available to provide sports facilities, which would be strategically placed in close proximity to the existing school.

Rosebank Road will provide housing and aim to maintain some of the greenfield site. With it being the most western site, towards the universities, it has the opportunity to provide a creative space and amenities for young people.

Caldrum Works, the largest site, has the widest scope and range of programme. It could provide the much needed primary school, sports facilities, and small retail units and creative spaces within a re-purposed building. Situated within a highly residential area, it will also include housing.

fig. 46a Movement, Routes

Education / Creative

Residential

Recreation and Wellbeing

Commercial / Entertainment (mapping diagram: macro micro)

46

The Urban Device I

This chapter introduces my chosen site within the manifesto, and my approach to a wider city context.

47

Regeneration

Arguably, the former Maxwelltown multistorey is the site in the enclave most strategically placed as it sits on the main artery of Hilltown and has direct access to the city centre.

As a brownfield site it has priority redevelopment status, as stated on the Local Development Plan 2019. (DCC LDP, 2019) It has the opportunity to restore the street and connect the district centre of Hilltown (as identified on the LDP) with the city centre. The Urban Device acts as a tool to draw people from the city centre up towards Hilltown, and vice versa for residents in Hilltown and Coldside, enabling them to feel more connected to the city centre. It will function as a mixed use development; small shops / eateries on the ground floor which extends the district centre of Hilltown, while also removing the issues that arise from ground floor properties facing the street in a very busy area, such as privacy and noise pollution.

The site is directly adjacent to the 2018 Our Lady primary school, nursery and associated community centre. There is an opportunity to extend and work with this development to improve the public sphere. There will be a focus on regenerating the street and providing external spaces to interact, socialise and move through.

The redevelopment will also focus on improving transport and connectivity within the wider city. fig. 48a

(mapping / diagram: personal; data from DCC LDP 2019) Referring to an architectural object as a ‘device’ can be referenced to our beloved tutor, Brian Adams, in tutorials throughout 2018.

48

Theory and Research II

(image: Gehl, J., 2011, pg. 132)

49

Streets and Cities

The following chapter was influenced by readings of A Matter of Things, (De Solà-Morales, 2008) Life Between Buildings, (Gehl, J., 2011) and The Death and Life of Great American Cities. (Jacobs, J., 1961)

“Impersonal city streets make anonymous people”

Jane Jacobs, 1961, pg. 67

In her book, Jacobs sets out an argument for generating successful streets and cities, alongside captivating descriptions of events on her own street in Manhattan. Her four main elements (as supported by Keedwell, P., 2017 pg. 110-111) of an effective street are as follows: Mixed Uses Small Blocks Aged Buildings A minimum concentration of people These will be the framework in which to focus on revitalising Hilltown’s Line of Life in the following pages, and to generate a manifesto for the site.

50

Strategic Plan

Hilltown’s Line of Life

1:5000 (mapping: 51 personal)

Mixed Uses

52

Abandoned Retail Space

The general dilapidation of Hilltown is emphasized by the large number of empty shop-fronts, often in very poor condition. The areas closer to the Wellgate Centre and the shops on Strathmartine Road fair better than the premises in the heart of the district.

An increase in housing in the middle of Hilltown with associated commercial and civic space would hopefully attract people to the main road and help to re-energise the line. This supports Jacobs’ stance of creating mixed use on the street, and within the site, in order to give it purpose, otherwise it will become stagnant. People should have reason to come and go at different times of day, and this is key to the success of the street and its economy. Jacobs discusses primary uses and secondary uses of space a primary use is the main function of the space, and the secondary use is born out of the response of the people who are attracted to the space by the primary functions. Secondary uses which flourish and are successful, in themselves then become primary uses - people will come to the area with the intention of utilising them. (Jacobs, J., 1961) The development should provide, as Jacobs suggests, a number of mixed primary uses to diversify the street and allow people to frequent the area at different times, while allowing space for the growth of secondary functions.

Proposed retail location

(images: personal)

53

Small Blocks

54

The Whole and the Instance

When Jacobs discusses ‘small blocks’ (Jacobs, J., 1961, pg. 191) we can recognise that she refers to New York blocks of much larger scales than we would find in Dundee. However, the same principle holds true - we need blocks of a human scale in order to create interest, turn corners more often, creating diverse flows of pedestrians and increasing the opportunities for social interaction.

Keedwell puts forward evidence for the ‘walkability’ (Keedwell, P., 2017, pg. 116) of streets, and determined that streets with higher numbers of pedestrians had green space and trees, housing with front gardens, strong public transport and low traffic volumes, and a high number of mixed use buildings. Factors that deterred people from walking along a street was high density / high rise buildings, and signs of deprivation and neglect such as litter. The short blocks theory also relates to defensible space and surveillance, as the more active the street, the more supervision is afforded to children, e.g. walking to and from school. (Newman, O., 1972) As a whole, Hilltown was historically built on the premise of small blocks, (see fig. 17a, 17b, 20a) which defined the artery of Hilltown Road. The spaces in between these dense blocks were narrow twisting and winding alleys, as seen in the photograph of No. 23 Hilltown.

These spark curiosity and mystery - the anticipation of a vista around a corner waiting to be discovered. Keedwell states that “nooks and crannies are attractive, bland open spaces are not”. (Keedwell, P. , 2017, pg. 64) Reflecting Hilltown’s past and incorporating the theory discussed, I’d like to create, within the instance of the development, dynamic internal streets with a degree of curiosity and suspense. Issues of supervision and safety must be considered however, as these spaces could easily fall victim to crime and misconduct if not designed suitably; e.g. too dark or narrow, not frequented enough and no natural surveilance.

55.1 No. 23 Hilltown, c1920.

55

Aged Buildings

oldest

56

-

newest

T h e Te n e m e n t I I

A r c h e t y p a l Te n e m e n t B l o c k

Leading on from themes of diversity in the commercial street scene, it is important that there is a mixture of both old and new buildings in a city to create interest and allow for a range of amenities. Jacobs defends these aged buildings, stating that they should not be demolished or removed simply for being dated or in varying degrees of upkeep. Many new builds have high rents which smaller businesses may not be able to afford, and so older buildings accommodate a diverse experience. (Jacobs, J., 1961) On the site itself there are no existing buildings, therefore no way to directly engage in an intervention or regeneration, but we can use the history of the area and its typologies in order to reflect in design the importance of aged buildings and their contribution to the city.

Leading on from the ‘short blocks’ theory, and recognising that Hilltown was assimilated from pockets of dense dwellings, we can identify the tenement as the catalyst for the change of the pre-industrial city fabric of thin narrow capillaries perpendicular to the main artery, to tenement blocks which redefined the nature of the area.

fig. 57a

I aim to incorporate elements of the tenement and the block typology into the architectural language of the site, which is explained in the following pages.

(diagram: personal)

57

Front and Back

As discussed on page 19, rooms-and-kitchens had a clear divide between public and private, with the ‘good’ room facing the street and the kitchen facing the rear of the block. Nowadays, domesticity is not so clean cut, but housing is still designed with the living room, and the more semiprivate spaces within the home, facing the street. These spaces make for livelier street scenes, and safer streets with passive observation occuring.

(Jacobs, J., 1961)

58

Drying Green

The drying green to the rear of the typical tenement offers shared ownership over a green area and an opportunity to socialise with neighbours from the same block, and also over the walls with the residents from the surrounding tenements. As identified, ownership and responsibility over a semi-private (ideally private) green space extends to the surroundings and helps to maintain a good level of care and upkeep of the street in general. This should be echoed in the design for the site, ensuring that homes have private gardens where possible.

Close and Stairwell

The close was historically a place of continual activity, “sweeping, washing, meeting one’s neighbour, sheltering from a sudden shower”, and was thought of as an extension of the street. (Worsdall, F., 1989, p.g 32) Interaction could be facilitated through encounters on landings and outside front doors. These spaces no longer function in the same way, but the concept of internal streets is one I’d like to emulate, as previously discussed on page 55.

Density

The tenement as a typology is fairly densely populated, which can be a positive. There is a fine line between a building being comfortably and reassuringly vibrant which extends to the streetscape, and being overcrowded with high numbers of people sharing communal facilities.

The higher the number of people sharing space equals the decline of the usability of the space. (Keedwell, P., 2017) In the development, density should be addressed to provide lively spaces and streets, but also ensure that residents have enough private space and do not feel imposed upon.

59

Minimum concentration of people

high density typology + population low density typology + population

60

S t r e e t s f o r Pe o p l e

Following on from mixed uses, the street must have a minimum concentration of people in order for it to be a successful place.

Jacobs explains the difference between high density and overcrowding - high density pertains to large numbers of dwellings per area of land, whereas overcrowding is when there are not enough rooms in a dwelling for the number of people living in it. As identified through mapping, Hilltown has both high density and overcrowding, although not always both together in the same areas. For example, the Hilltown Terrace multistoreys are of high density, but are not overcrowded.

The development should provide a fairly high density as inkeeping with its context, but with measures in place to avoid overcrowding.

Donald Appleyard’s study on streets concluded that people avoided heavily trafficked streets in favour of lighter or pedestrianised ones. (Keedwell, P., 2017) Heavy traffic causes a sense of alienation and fear, with children unable to play on streets and social interaction minimised. In short, quieter roads make livelier streets.

High Traffic Medium Traffic Site

(mapping: personal, data: viamichelin.co.uk/web/Traffic/Traffic_info-Dundee-_-Dundee_City-United_Kingdom)

61

Urban Acupuncture

62

(mapping: personal)

“ W h at i s th e go al ? I t i s th e t ran s fo r m at io n o f l i fe in i t s smallest, most everyday detail” (Lefebvre, H., 1947)

Lefebvre’s writings on urbanism and architecture focus on everyday life and the nature of space. Towards the end of this century, the widely accepted theoretical ideas of urbanism shifted from “avant-guard escapism, pretension, and heroicism” (McLeod, M., et al, 1997, pg.9 ) to a much more sensitive and modest engagement with the built environment which shapes people’s lives.

As a preliminary philosopher to support Marx’s writings on alienation, Lefebvre proposed that everyday life was a solution to counteract this sense of isolation in all aspects of existence. The rise of Fascism and Nazism in the 1930s greatly shaped his philosophies, and although a committed supporter of Marxism with his main focus remaining on alienation, he also engaged in discourse on other Marxist themes of consumption, mass culture and urban space, for almost three decades.

His concept of everyday life is contradictory; convivial and playful but with torturous monotony and routine, fleeting and transient but grounded in stability and permanency. (McLeod, M., et al, 1997) The disparity of these is at the heart of the dynamic nature of everyday life.

Using the concept of a sensitive urbanist engagement with everyday life and the city, the following chapter discusses the regeneration of Hilltown to improve the public realm using low cost, small scale interventions.

63

Epidermis of the City

The term ‘urban acupuncture’ was coined by Spanish architect and urban planner Manuel de Solà-Morales. In A Matter Of Things, he discusses cities as having similar layers as that of the skin, and states that his interest is in studying and analysing their surface texture and how we interact with this. (De Solà-Morales, 2008) The surface, or topmost layer of the city is sometimes perceived as superficial, a mere consequence of the built environment, without any deeper meaning or significant effect. However, this is the layer that we experience the most, and the one which reveals the atmosphere. De Solà-Morales maintains that “the ramps and staircases, the gateways and corners” are essential for us to feel the scale and form of the city. (De Solà-Morales, 2008, pg. 23)

64.1 Sant Antoni Superblock, Leku Studio

His acupuncture analogy refers to small scale interventions in strategic parts of the city and warns that while it should not become trivial, it should still pay close attention to the existing fabric, adding or removing as necessary. The interventions, or points, must be precise and well designed, and should trigger improvement throughout the wider context, in areas that may not even seem to be connected. These projects tend to be small, modest, and sometimes reversible to allow for changes. Some can be temporary, for example, a pedestrianised street with outdoor seating for cafés but only during summer months. The sites are sometimes leftover space from developments, too small to build on but can still serve as a point to provide vibrancy to the surrounding environment.

64.2 Casa do Quarteirão, Orizzontale Collective

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Case Study I D u n dee - Pe r t h R oa d

Following the discussion about small block, Perth Road is another prime example in Dundee of an area historically comprised of many small blocks. Some are in varying degrees of completion, some are incomplete due to new developments or demolition. Perth Road’s success arguably can come from the short blocks with narrow shop fronts, which gives it a high unit density and makes the street more interesting. Narrow blocks and building frontages enhance a street. (Gehl, J., 2011)

(mapping: personal) 65

Pe r t h R o a d P u b l i c R e f u s e

Perth Road in the Dundee’s West end is home to a large student population, and its close proximity to DJCAD and the campus shows in the creative driven businesses and niche cafés and shops. The council commissioned the painting of 17 public bins in 2019 alongside Open/Close, a collective of artists creating street art trails in Dundee. The bins stretch from Springfield to just before the Hawkhill junction, and greatly liven up the street - a modest urban intervention which is very cheap and has minimal installation required. (Evening Telegraph, 15/02/19) The images below are in order and show the current 11 bins.

[I used to live on the far West of Perth Road and personally I loved seeing all the bins while walking to and from studio.

The difference they make to the street is incredible for such a modest and small scale intervention.]

(images: author’s own) 66

Pe r t h R o a d C o m m u n i t y F r i d g e

The Dundee West End community fridge opened in 2019 and has since served over twenty thousand visitors with free food which would have otherwise been thrown away by supermarkets. It is open to everyone, and helps to break down stigma attached to food banks as well as tackling climate change. It is run by the Gate Church and relies on volunteers to manage the pod and hand out food. (The Courier, 16/07/20) This is a great example of another low cost intervention which serves people in the neighbourhood and beyond, while also regenerating an otherwise unused public space. It brings the community together and acts as a gathering place and landmark for Perth Road.

[Even though I no longer live in the local area, I still walk the extra distance to the community fridge which is testament to how valuable it is as a tool for enticing people to the Perth Road.]

(images: author’s own) 67

Case Study II Dundee - City Centre

The city centre is comprised of larger blocks than the Perth Road and Hilltown, but these are still relatively small in comparison to Jacobs’ Manhattan grids, for example. They are more clearly defined and complete than Hilltown and Perth Road, and create a strong route and sense of direction through the environment.

Like Perth Road, there are plenty of restaurants and bars opening in the evenings, maintaining a busy street-scape after the shops and offices close.

This is key to ensuring that streets stay vibrant and safe, and benefits the economy. (Jacobs, J., 1961) The presence of people at various times through the day is missing in Hilltown, and could be part of the answer to the state of the poor local economy, and also the high rates of crime, as there is a lack of collective supervision.

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(mapping: personal)

C i t y C e n t r e A r t Tr a i l

Artist collective Open/Close’s seminal project was to create murals on doorways and shop-fronts in the city centre. This helped to spark spontaneous unplanned urban art from other artists throughout the city. The work was sponsored by individuals and companies such as Scottish Enterprise and Place Partnership. (openclosedundee.co.uk/city-centre) The trail leads visitors around nooks and crannies, through old wynds and alleys of Dundee centre. The art brightens up otherwise dark doorways and shutters to create a route through the city and lead people to commercial areas which could benefit from a higher volume of pedestrian traffic.

69.1 Thing Thing

69.2 Isla Valentine Wade

There are currently no commissioned pieces by Open/Close in Hilltown.

69.3 Syke

69.4 Sofia Sita

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City Centre Union Street

Pedestrianised during July 2020 to help businesses cope with social distancing measures, Union Street has been met with such high praise from business owners and locals that the scheme has been extended to January, with a view to it staying permanently. It was supported by UNESCO City of Design Dundee and the Spaces for People fund from the Scottish Government, implemented due to the pandemic. Vehicles are allowed access during certain times and the intervention is minimal in regards to structure. (www.dundeecity.gov.uk/ news/article?article_ref=3746)

70.1 Union Street

The street acts as a focal point for the area and the street art trail starts/ends here. This is a great way to connect the urban environment through colour and curiosity. (authors own)

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(authors own)

[Critical Reflections]

These examples of Perth Road and the city centre show a ‘route’ around a focal point, or ‘instance’ in the city. I aim to create this same idea in Hilltown, using a centralised route of small interventions to strengthen the district and act as a tool to attract people to the site.

The ‘instance’; the development on my chosen site, will also act as a Landmark (also as a facility for primary and secondary functions, as Jacobs would describe) to attract people to the area. In conjunction with each other, the route and the instance will work together to regenerate the Hilltown.

[Ideally, it would be great to propose that areas of the Hilltown Road could become pedestrianised, but I think this is unlikely due to the importance of that route for traffic and a lack of suitable streets to redirect through. Until the car becomes less of a reliance in Dundee, pedestrian streets in high traffic areas seem out of reach in reality.]

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Interventions Dundee - Hilltown

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(mapping: personal)

Regenerating Existing Public Spaces

Along Hilltown Road there are several attempts at creating engaging outdoor public spaces, however most of these seem to be unused and badly maintained, causing them to look tired and forgotten. As part of the Urban Strategy, these ‘pockets’ can be renovated with new street furniture and the connection between them strengthened with a visible theme. Open/Close could be commissioned to paint murals and street art in the areas I’ve suggested in the following concept images.

73.1

The space at the very top of the route around 100 yards from the Rosebank Park area has already been revitalised with paint, so I have used this as precedent for the rest of the street. (see 73.1)

73.2

The interventions will help strengthen the route through Hilltown and link them with a common theme. Continuity is an important element to the success of an urban environment, although this doesn’t mean repeating the same thing over and over again. (De Solà-Morales, 2008) The same colours will be used, but different structures will be suggested for each location.

73.3

73.4

(all images author’s own)

73.5

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Rosebank Park Entrance

Hilltown Park entrance

Hilltown Terrace

Victoria Road Corner

Alexander Street Corner

Identif ied areas to be improved

(all images author’s own)

R o s e b a n k Pa r k E n t r a n ce

Situated almost at the top of the Hilltown Road, the entrance to Rosebank Park will be painted to match the similar structure further up the street.

I’ve suggested planters to brighten up the dark space next to the wall where low maintenance, shade loving perennial plants such as ferns and hostas can be grown. The painted strips on the street denote the route of the interventions and strengthen the vibrant atmosphere created by the timber frame.

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H i l l t o w n Pa r k E n t r a n ce

Despite its large brightly mosaicked forms, the entrance to Hilltown Park is an under-used space and could be more ambitious. I’ve suggested the much needed bike racks to improve connectivity and climate friendly transport, alongside a gable end mural which would be created by Open/Close.

The paint on the pavement again delineates the route and connect the interventions. Plants here could be flowering low maintenance varieties such as lavender and geraniums to inject even more colour into the area. These are relatively inexpensive interjections of colour and life into a space which is currently unpleasant to be in.

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Alexander Street

The corner of the junction of Alexander Street and Hilltown Road is a fairly large site, but possibly un-buildable due to issues of overlooking with the dwellings next to it. This is situated directly opposite the development site, and is in a prime location for an interesting and engaging public space as an extension of the scheme.

The structures are similar but not identical to the ones at Rosebank Park, and I’ve suggested simple stone or concrete street furniture which acts as seating or blocks to play on and around.

The same language and style should connect through the site development to link all the interventions together as one homogeneous route.

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H i l l t o w n Te r r a c e

There is a small green strip on Hilltown Road almost adjacent to the multistoreys which already has some “primary seating” (Gehl, J., 2011, pg. 159) set back from the pavement and offer a place of respite on the steep road. The benches aren’t in good condition however, and are so dreary you could walk past and not notice them at all. The benches are situated at 90 degree angles which is as Gehl describes as the most ideal; where you can engage in conversation with someone sitting on the other bench, but also not feel imposed upon or uncomfortable.

The benches will be painted in the same way as the ones found at Rosebank and a similar timber structure is added to give a sense of enclosure. I thought it would be best to keep all four sides open to avoid any anti-social behaviour and increase safety with passive surveillance.

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Victoria Road Corner

The public ‘square’ opposite the Wellgate centre is a great space in theory, situated on a node, but activity only happens at the edges where the benches are. These are, as Gehl discusses, “well protected places to sit”, ideally facing the sun and have a clear view of the busy street around them. (Gehl, J., 2011, pg. 159) It could be developed further to encourage people to use the full space, so objects for play and seating have been suggested.

The walls can be turned into a large scale mural to imply that this is a focal point for the Hilltown Road and give a sense of place. Bike racks have been indicated to link between this site and the top of the Hilltown.

I’ve indicated turning some steps into larger blocks for seating.

Gehl discusses “secondary seating” (Gehl, J., 2011, pg. 161) which has the ability to adapt the space to accommodate larger numbers of people, while still functioning well when less are inhabiting it.

[I can’t seem to find a name for this spot, but I think it would be great if by turning it into this playful space it actually found a name for itself, possibly taken from a name of a mural]

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Connecting the City

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Connecting the City

“The city is not its buildings, its urban objects: its the relationship between objects, between the experiences of the urban objects” (De Solà-Morales, 2008, pg. 138)

Three of the five centres of Dundee are now directly linked through a route of street art and urban intervention.

The “disintegration” (Gehl, J., 2011, pg. 76) of liveable public spaces into uninteresting streets is an important factor in instances of vandalism and crime. Both Jacobs and Newman elaborate on this fact, and explain the cycle that befalls problem streets; they become more isolated, and in turn this makes the anti-social behaviour and fear of the space worse. (Gehl, J., 2011) By improving these currently unpleasant and dull areas in Hilltown, people will be more likely to stay and socialise, contributing to a busier and more vibrant street-scape.

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Theory and Research III

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(image: Cullen, G., 1961, pg. 132)

Architectural Objects

The series of iterative diagrams (page 85-88) use ‘The Image of the City’, by Kevin Lynch, and ‘The Concise Townscape’ by Gordon Cullen, as a theoretical reference and loose narrative in which to follow and create ‘elements of the city’ within the site.

Landmarks are one of the 5 elements (along with Paths, Edges, Districts and Nodes, pg. 46) identified in ‘The Image of the City’, which are used as a reference point for observers to find their way. They are deemed Landmarks if they are memorable, contrast with their surroundings, or “if there is some prominence of spatial location”. (Lynch, K., 1960, pg. 78-79) The following page will discuss how the Urban Device can act as a Landmark for Hilltown, as it is strategically placed.

In his book, ‘Public and Private Spaces of the City’, Ali Madanipour states that “(the) Public space mediates between the private spaces that make up the bulk of the city and plays a role in confronting this process of socio-spatial fragmentation.” (Madanipour, 2003, pg. 220) Essentially, we need well designed public space in order to move through a city effectively. Public space can also act as a tool, or device, to bring people from all backgrounds together, breaking down areas which are highly segregated. This segregated nature of the Hilltown Enclave with its lack of high quality public space could contribute to what he describes as compartmentalization of neighbourhoods. (ibid.)

Social interaction can be intertwined into an urban space through means of “occupied territory”.

(Cullen, G., 1961, pg. 23). This is how the street furniture, floor and objects contribute to the observers experience of the environment. Therefore, the spaces designed should not just facilitate communication and spontaneous interaction, but actively spark it and aim to create a sense of possession.

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The Urban Device II

This chapter discusses the development using the theoretical framework to directly influence key strategic moves for the site.

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Elements and Iterations Repair the Street As mentioned previously, Landmarks are intensified by their surroundings. If a Landmark is located at a Node - a junction or convergence of movements - the impact is strengthened. The site is located at one such Node within Hilltown; the junction of Alexander Street and Hilltown Road.

In The Concise Townscape, Cullen discusses “The Line of Life” (Cullen, G., 1961, pg.

111), and associated lines of force within a town or city which act as intense activity spaces, generating character and identity of the place. He gives examples of coastal towns, such as Brixham, and the line of the land and water meeting as not just an architectural line but also as a social one. (Cullen, G., 1961) This can be applied to Hilltown, where we can consider Hilltown Road as the Line of Life or main artery through the district.

As shown opposite, the line of this street was broken; firstly when the Maxwelltown multistorey, associated mid rise and retail unit was built, creating a break in the continuation of the building line, and again after its demolition where the brownfield site lies unused - this exacerbates the lack of definition and enclosure in the streetscape.

The development should primarily look to repair the gap in the street, and define the Hilltown Road, reinstating the Line of Life as it looked pre - 1967. It should also function as a Landmark for Hilltown.

(mapping / diagram: personal)

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Create a Small Block

Streets for Living

Following the general block arrangement of buildings that line the Hilltown, the block occupies the parameters of the site. This helps to repair the surrounding fabric, and aligns with Jacobs’ theories on small, walkable blocks giving rise to interesting and dynamic streets. (Jacobs, J., 1961) Creating a block is a simple way in which to mass, and a good place to start thinking about how the development should look in response to the surroundings and the narrative. The block can be manipulated, stretched, pulled, subtracted and added to birth new forms.

In order to create the street spaces for interaction and to counteract the narrowness of the area of Hilltown Road directly south of the site, the block should be pushed inwards to create a wider street / public realm.

Madanipour writes that the importance of public space compared to times throughout history has abated, and accredits this to the “decentralization of cities”. (Madanipour, A., 2003, pg. 193) The key aim of the development is to become a successful central focal point for Hilltown, providing amenities to attract people to the area and a public realm which encourages and facilitates lively streets.

S o l i d a n d Vo i d

Contextual Dialogue

Creating solid space and void space within the block echoes the typology of the tenement; a strong facade to the street and an internal / rear courtyard space which has elements of semi-private and communal space.

The block could also be thought of as having a ‘front’ and ‘back’ in the metaphor of the tenement as shown in the previous studies, and the void can be thought of as the basis for an ‘outdoor room’. (Cullen, G., 1961, pg.

29)

In the simplest terms, the block can be split into two contrasting contextual dialogues; one which relates to the mid rise flats and mixed use tenements on the Hilltown Road, and the other side which is sympathetic to the low rise building and community spaces. The strong corners should be kept to define the Landmark and the height should step down / up where appropriate to compensate for the topography and to add interest.

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88

Kinetic Unity

Modular Living

The block can be separated into components, the size and form of which determined by their programme. The separations allow for different forms, but also create movement between them and through the space - a passage into the civic square perhaps, or an opening from Hilltown Road which reveals a vista of the internal space. We are drawn in by curiosity, and Keedwell goes as far as to say that “The most beautiful thing we can experience is the mysterious”. (Keedwell, P., 2017, pg. 31) Kinetic Unity refers to a scene in which there is a sense of enclosure, a softer vista is formed, and gives personality to the space. (Cullen, G., 1961)

The components fragment into modules, which are the individual dwellings. A mix of housing types to accomodate different needs will be explored, such as apartments above the commercial space facing the street, mid rise on the shorter elevations and low to the ‘rear’. The components however different in form - should be unified by materiality and style, and the spaces in between will allow for play, relaxation and activities for the immediate occupants, residents of Hilltown and for visitors.

Modular Living

Adjacent is a visual of the recent proposal for a £300m masterplan currently underway in Greenwich, providing 750 carbon neutral, modular construction council homes. (shedkm. co.uk/recap-augusts-news/)

(image: shedkm.co.uk/recap-augusts-news/)

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Preface : A new concept for housing

How do we combat issues of decreased responsibility over shared areas, a lack of ownership, and scarce defensible space in Hilltown? These issues, as identified through readings of Jacobs and Gehl, contribute greatly to the success or failure of an area, and as shown previously, the enclave is filled with typologies which do not have individual outdoor space, are prone to overcrowding and are not easily adaptable.

As previously discussed in regards to rented dwellings, when we do not have full ownership over our home we are less attached to it and feel less responsible for shared areas and general maintenance. (Keedwell, P., 2017). Keedwell states that homes which have been designed by the occupants have a far stronger sense of place and identity. (Keedwell, P., 2017) Control over the design of a home and its location within an area would foster a sense of pride in upkeep and responsibility, which will extend to its surroundings and the street.

“A house is a machine for living in” (Le Corbusier, Vers Un Architecture, 1927)

If we accept the house as a functional device for living, housing should therefore be tailored to its occupants and adapt to them, not the other way around. It should accommodate evolving family life, ever-changing society and domestic norms, and allow for cultural differences i.e. multi-generational living. It should also be able to adapt to accommodate reduced mobility; older people or those who become disabled shouldn’t be forced to move out of their neighbourhood due to a lack of suitable housing.

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Anabo

In 2009, Andrew Stoane architects developed an innovative, customisable solution to the current housing crisis - Anabo.

The concept utilises mass production in factories to deliver components and modules which will be assembled on sites, with the aim of global construction, increasing the availability and affordability of housing.

The homes are designed in 3 different sizes and prices; £40,000 for a 40sq.m home, £80,000 for an 80sq.m home, and £120,000 for a 120sq.m home. These prices were influenced by the average income for single income households and double income households. At the time, the average new house price was £227,109; 17.23 times the average salary for a single person on minimum wage working a 43.5 hour week. Anabo offers a new build equivalent which costs just 3.5 times the average salary for the same person.

anabo 40

anabo 80

This creates affordable housing for all, and as we have discussed, a home fostering a sense of place, identity and resonating with the occupants is key in establishing healthy streets and successful communities.

anabo 120

(information from AR41001 lecture delivered 30/11/20)

91.1

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Sustainability and Adaptablility

The driving concept of Anabo is home as a product. As Stoane discusses, nowadays housing is the last commodity to be marketed as a product, with specific brands (i.e Barratt, Taylor Wimpey) and a higher degree of accessibility.

If we accept that housing should be treated as a product, then our attitudes towards manufacture, distribution and installation should follow the norms of other industries.

Anabo, like most ‘brands’, utilises mass factory production in order to be cost efficient. Additionally, factory production of housing is more sustainable and produces less faults and issues than building insitu. The trips to site by vehicle are reduced on average by 80% with factory manufacturing and there are less people required to work on site, therefore construction sites become safer as a result. (HTA Design, 2019) The homes feature solar roofs, recycled exhaust air heating and hot water systems and are designed with a smart control panel, which allows the occupants to report faults or book repairs.

The units of anabo can be fully adapted and customised to suit the needs of the occupants, from choosing the type of tree in the courtyard to personalised designs on wall partitions and their location. As a whole, the units can even be added together to create larger arrangements, which would benefit an area such as Hilltown with a high level of multi-generational living. The adaptability of these modular homes means they can be arranged anywhere, on any site with varying degrees of density as suitable for the context.

(information unreferenced is from AR41001 lecture delivered 30/11/20)

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92.1 Crane lifting modular blocks into place in high rise tower construction.

Mass produced modular workflow

manufactured components

prefabricated kitchen and bathroom pods

finished prefab module with facade treatment

(diagrams: personal, information: Sandy Morrison from HTA, ADAS student lecture delivered 06/11/20 )

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Case Studies

The following case studies further the understanding of the modular living concept; with built examples of government funded custom builds, projects which reflect the theoretical ideals and framework I have discussed, and a new development in Hilltown in close proximity to the site.

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(image: molearchitects.co.uk/projects/housing/k1-cambridge-co-housing/

Tr e v e n s o n P a r k H TA A r c h i t e c t s

HTA, in collaboration with the Cornwall Council, have developed a masterplan for Trevenson Park as part of a regeneration plan for the town of Pool. (hta.co.uk/project/ heartlands-trevenson-park) The development can be related to Dundee in regards to the area being highly industrialised at one point in its history, and the site was previously a tin mine.

The development provides 144 new houses and flats with mixed tenure, with 54 of these dwellings as custom build.

This is the Government’s inaugural custom build project for England, which offers people through the scheme the opportunity to select a manufacturer and design their own home. Potential residents would reserve their plot of land for £500, choose a house manufacturer, and work with an architect for a fee of between £2500 and £3000, rising with the level of customisation. The total price is estimated to be around £150,000. Planning and design takes around 5 weeks and construction up to 28 weeks. (Marrs, C., 23/02/18) The development is split between two areas, both consisting of small blocks with plenty of surrounding public green space, plus private gardens for each house. The pedestrian streets that have been created are highlighted in yellow.

These are overlooked by the low rise dwellings which creates a safe environment. (mapping: personal)

95.1

95.2

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Criticism

The scheme was met with hesitation from the public, with the developer Igloo Regeneration’s chairman blaming the public for having “zero understanding of what custom build is”. (Marrs, C., 23/02/18) I think it’s unlikely that the public have no concept of what custom build entails, but possibly the issue was to do with the lack of show homes, as such a thing isn’t possible with the type of complex custom build Trevenson Park was boasting. People might not have wanted to take such a risk in something which was not common at the time, and that was difficult to visualise without the help of an expensive consultant.

The scheme was described as situated in a deprived area, and “at the end of the country” (Marrs, C., 23/02/18), which reduced the numbers of potential buyers. This is extremely relevant and should be considered for Hilltown, as its high deprivation and notorious crime rates do not make it a luxury destination, nor will people in the local area be able to afford consultations and a private architect to design their homes. Therefore, the majority of the tenures should be council/social housing, which is necessary for Hilltown, (as previously identified), with the rest as affordable housing and only a small number of mid-market sales.

A good example of a council led custom build project will be discussed on the following pages, where instead of granting clients full control over the design of their home, they were given a range of options of components and modules to choose from. This was more cost efficient, prospective tenants could visualise their end product more clearly, and the overall aesthetics of the neighbourhood were in harmony.

As the Government continues to recognise the benefits of custom build and increases funding and planning, this will eventually become mainstream.

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Marmalade Lane Mole Architects

Completed in 2018, Marmalade Lane is a housing initiative by the Cambridge City Council as the Government now recognises community driven developments as a nation-wide solution to the lack of supply in the housing market. The residential demographic was intergenerational and mixed, therefore a brief accommodating a mix of 1-2 bedroom apartments and 2-5 bedroom homes was necessary. (molearchitects.co.uk/projects/ housing/k1-cambridge-co-housing/) Each household was given the choice of 5 ‘shell’ house or flat types, and were then able to customise their home with a selection of standardised floor plans, kitchen and bathroom pods, and 1 of 4 brick façades. This allows for individuality without the extra expense or risk of self-build, and also creates a more “visually cohesive” development. Mole Architects state that “K1 Cohousing members purchase properties in a conventional manner, with each purchaser becoming a director of Cambridge Co-housing Ltd, the owner of the site freehold and the common parts.” (ibid)

97.1

Compared to the issues and risks of the Trevenson Park custom-build project, this seems a much more viable and effective way to give people control over their homes without the added time and cost of consultation and bespoke design. It would also mean that everyone would have the same level of control and nature of end product, as with Trevenson Park, clients could pay extra for as many changes and customisation to the design as desired. This could be unfairly taken advantage of by more affluent clients, diminishing the entire premise of the development as a homogeneous affordable housing community.

97.2

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Community Hub

At the heart of the scheme is the common house, a space where everyone is free to use for anything from growing food, doing laundry, visitors using the guest bedrooms, meeting rooms or simply socialising with neighbours over dinner.

With social interaction and people’s experiences as the focus, the development is highly pedestrianised with plenty communal green space, street furniture and private gardens. The buildings overlook both the street and the shared green space to offer a sense of security. The low-mid rise enables the density to be higher without the street feeling intimidated by the adjacent buildings, and there are clear lines of sight from each dwelling to the shared spaces and the street. Again, as Gehl discusses, the height is within the ideal range of being able to carry out a conversation with someone on the street, and as this scheme is social and family oriented, parents could let their children play on the street and check on them from a window if necessary.

(mapping: personal)

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98.1

Derby Street Collective architecture

Collective architecture, in collaboration with Dundee City Council, are providing 163 new homes on the former site of the Butterburn and Bucklemaker multistoreys. It consists of a large number of affordable tenures, supported living units and wheelchair accessible homes. As a case study, its extremely relevant situated within the Enclave, directly on the Hilltown Road and only 0.2 miles uphill from the Alexander Street site.

(mapping: personal, information: collectivearchitecture.com/projects/derby-street)

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1.

100.2 100.1

At the centre of the development is the re-instated Russell Street, which historically was cobbled and lined with tenements and cottages but demolished in the 70s to construct the multistoreys. Consultations with residents who can remember the original area were carried out in order to re-design the street, echoing its past. (Collective architecture, 2018) The pedestrian street is a strong focal point for the scheme but as there are no amenities or points of interest (as of yet), the space could be under-used without a purpose. (Jacobs, J., 1961) I think the blocks are too large for the contextual fabric of the Hilltown, which historically consisted of very dense pockets of tenements. The buildings could have been arranged differently to create more streets between the blocks, rather than vast areas of semi-private green space and car parking. (information: Collective architecture, D&A statement 2018, mapping: personal)

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The development responds to its context in regards to massing and scale, with the majority of the apartments on the right (Strathmartine Road) mirroring the height of the tenements opposite. The planting between the ground floor flats and the pavement helps to offer the residents privacy and diffuse noise from the road as this street is heavily trafficked. The scale low to mid rise homes on the left responds to the 1940s semi detached estate adjacent.

The semi-private / public green space around the development is fairly generous, but I think the central courtyard parking is a poor use of space, considering the high rise apartments have no private gardens. There is still natural surveillance over this internal area however, and one of the strategies discussed by Collective in their design and access statement was to create successful outdoor spaces which were safer than the former site’s public realm which was under CCTV due to anti-social behaviour and crime.

1.

(information: Collective architecture, D&A statement 2018, mapping: personal)

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Kings Crescent Karakusevic Carson

Kings Crescent was commissioned by Hackney Borough Council in order to create 490 new dwellings and the refurbishment of over 250 existing homes, in addition to significant public realm improvements. The unpopular multistorey buildings on site were demolished in 2000, and the scheme involved renovating and creating an intervention with the remaining mid-rise buildings.

The development offers social rent at just over 40%, with the remainder as intermediate and market sale. A dynamic, pedestrian friendly public realm and landscaped areas designed by muf architecture/art is the focus of the development for residents and the wider community to enjoy. (karakusevic-carson.com/work/kings-crescentestate-masterplan) There is a heavy focus on children’s play and challenging perceptions of the street as a purely functional space. Objects for play are placed on and around the road to blur the boundaries between utility and enjoyment. (muf.co.uk/ portfolio/kings-crescent-2018/)

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102.1

102.2

There had been several failed attempts to develop the site in the years after the central multistories were demolished. The community was therefore sceptical about the success of the scheme after having nearly two decades of living among rubble. The architects describe their strategy as aiming to reconnect the area to its surrounding streets, and to better define the public realm which previously had no natural surveillance and no clear places to socialise. (karakusevic-carson.com/ work/kings-crescent-estate-masterplan) The development, as highlighted in the sketch opposite, creates a strong pedestrian street in the centre of the site, and forms small blocks to repair the form and movement of the space with the loss of the central buildings. Entry points and neighbourhood areas are now very clearly defined which gives a sense of identity. The blocks create courtyards with public and implied semi-private green spaces, however there are no private green spaces, which is my only criticism of it as an urban strategy.

(mapping: personal)

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The Site

View down Hilltown Road of the Tay from the south of the site.

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(image: macro micro)

Environmental Analysis

High Traffic Existing public space Views Areas to strengthen Immediate buildings Site

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Spatial nature of surrounding streets 1.

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5.

Views of surrounding streets

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Alexander Street

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Ann Street

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B o n ny ba n k R oa d

Forebank Road

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Constraints

While Ann street is only busy during peak times for people to pick up children from the nursery, Alexander Street and Hilltown Road are both are much busier, with the latter being very heavily trafficked and noisy. We can suggest that there should be no ground floor dwellings on Hilltown Road if possible.

substation

There are public transport links to the north and west of the site (yellow), and the city centre is a 10 minute walk downhill.

The site itself slopes roughly north to south, with approximately an 8.5 metre level change across the length (110m) of the site.

(0.61 hectares)

bus stop

There is a flood risk issue which the Council indicate should be discussed with drainage consultants to assess the requirements of SUDS. There are no known infrastructure constraints such as gas or underground cables. There is possible asbestos contamination on site, which could potentially be expensive to remove. There is a substation at the southern edge.

Although not listed in the council’s overview, the site seems to still have a large amount of rubble from the Maxwelltown demolition, and has been used as part of the construction site for the primary school. The ground is overall in very poor condition and a soil survey would need to be undertaken.

(mapping: personal, info: DCC LDP 2019; see web index)

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L o c a l D e v e l o p m e n t P l a n a n d Po l i c i e s : N e w H o u s i n g

The council, in the LDP site assessments 2018 document, have indicated the use of the former Maxwelltown site as “mixed use development site including health centre and residential use - 30 homes.”

30 homes is based on the council’s recommended figure of 60 sqm per unit, but as I aim to provide a higher GIA, the total number of homes may be less. The heavy emphasis on streets for living and play, generous green space, and the proposal for amenities will decrease area available for units. I feel this is justified if it creates a vibrant development which focuses on the quality of life for the residents and improves its context, acting as an economic incubator for the area.

The council state that: “Scottish Planning Policy supports the application of the Town Centre First Principle when planning for uses which attract significant numbers of people, including retail and commercial leisure uses, offices, community and cultural facilities.”

The Town Centre / District Centre of Hilltown is only 25 metres from the north edge of the site. I think it would be fair to suggest that the Council would amend the boundary to include the site when proposals show the high level of public amenity. The site is a brownfield, which is identified as having priority status for development.

Listed are some key factors from the LDP pertaining to City Centre and Inner City new housing development site policies. I have critiqued and suggested ways in which they can be followed or challenged.

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Parking “Houses (5 units +) : All car parking should be located within the curtilage of each house. All tenures should have at least 1 space. In addition, 40% of private houses should have 2 spaces. Where on street parking is a problem, 30% visitor parking space should be provided.

Flats : All car parking should be located within the curtilage of the property.

Private flats should have 130%; and social rented 100% parking provision.”

As discussed, Dundee’s reliance on the car encroaches very negatively on people’s experience of the city. With climate change becoming an extremely pressing issue, I find it appalling that the council still dictate 100% parking provision. Dundee has a good transport network, and Hilltown is only a 10 minute walk to the city centre. There are also 2 bus stops directly adjacent to the site. I will challenge this figure of 100% parking for flats and socially rented housing, but if the development also includes houses, I will aim to provide 1 space per tenure as detailed.

The Scottish Government have set out a target of every city centre to be carbon neutral by 2030. The development will provide electric charging ports where car parking is permitted, and cycle parking plus a cycle hub to repair and maintain bikes as suggested in the 2019 programme.

(DCC LDP 2019; see web index, information: gov.scot/publications/protecting-scotlands-future-governments-programme-scotland-2019-20/pages/5/)

Green Space

Unit Size

“Houses (5 units +) : A minimum private useable garden ground of 50 sqm should be provided for all houses. In addition, 30% should have garden ground of more than 75 sqm. Mid terraced gardens should be serviceable by a private path to the street.

“All houses/flats to have a minimum of 2 bedrooms or a minimum gross internal floor area of 60 sqm”

Flats : Useable private communal garden area of a minimum of 100 sqm or 10 sqm per flat, whichever is greater. Drying areas to be provided in addition. Private communal garden provision may be reduced if balconies that are useable and attractive in terms of size and outlook are provided.”

A heavy focus has been on green space throughout this document, and it should by now be evident that as many good quality private gardens will be afforded to tenants as possible. Where private gardens are not permitted, such as for blocks of flats, semi-private green space will be provided, as well as balconies where suitable and also the opportunity to share an allotment within the grounds of the site. This will be further explored in the next stage.

For calculating the number of potential units, 60 sqm can be used initially, but I would suggest a minimum GIA of 70 sqm for any dwelling. People who are already disadvantaged should not have to live in bare minimum conditions. This will also allow for homes which will be wheelchair adaptable, or units which allow for larger family sizes.

I aim to engage with the LDP and follow the council’s policies, but also challenge policies which I think are detrimental to the area and wider city. I will provide additional area / accommodation where I feel it is necessary to meet the standards for the quality of life as discussed in the theory and research chapters.

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Theory and Research IV

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(image: Rossi, A., 1961, pg. 13)

How do we create a Landmark?

“ T h u s w e co n s id e r l o c u s th e ch ara c t e r i s t ic p r in c ipl e o f ur b an ar t e fa c t s ; th e c o n c e p t o f l o c u s , ar ch i t e c t ur e , permanences and history together help us understand the c o m pl e x i t y o f ur b an ar t i fa c t s ” (Rossi, A., 1982)

A city is not a fixed and stagnant entity, it is in a constant state of evolution and growth. However, its constituent built forms are static and, for the most part, invariable. In The Architecture of the City, Rossi discusses locus as a relationship to a specific location, and is related to the memory of the society. The city, he states, is an artefact in itself, and the traces it leaves behind as it evolves and changes throughout history are ‘permanences’; objects which encapsulate their time in a permanent built form. (Rossi, A., 1982) These objects, or artefacts, then become landmarks, and give a sense of place to areas, create an identity, and can be used by people as a memory tool to navigate the city.

As Lynch describes, a Landmark is a physical reference point in an area. They can vary in scale and nature, but what makes a Landmark are its key unique physical characteristics. Lynch states that they should be “easily identifiable”, “contrast with their background”, have a “clear form” and if there is a “prominence of spatial location”. (Lynch, K., 1960, pg., 78) He praises a “sequential series of Landmarks” (ibid, pg. 83) as a way for people to navigate the city.

We can relate this to the interventions in Hilltown, where each acts as a small scale Landmark, leading to and reinforcing the Alexander Street development, and the wider city context through the urban acupuncture links.

In order to create a Landmark on Alexander Street, I will use the key characteristics identified by Lynch, and apply it alongside the previously identified theories of Jacobs, (4 rules for a successful street), Newman (defensible space), and Gehl (life between buildings / streets for people).

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Elements and Iterations Initial sketch

The sketch opposite was the first diagram I drew to understand the relationship to the context, and acted as a brief overview to visualise the principles outlined previously.

The following pages look at each stage of development as I reworked each trace overlay, and use the framework I outlined in the chapter The Urban Device II to inform the design decisions.

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S o l i d a n d Vo i d

It was important for me to create a line repairing the street, and to make the building identifiable from the three main directions (Alexander Street, Hilltown Road north and south). There is rough massing at this stage to show the ‘solid and void’ concept, and to create a block.

1:1250 (mapping: personal)

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Movement and Route

I considered movement through the scheme and the connections to the existing and proposed public spaces. The block is broken up into smaller blocks with routes through and between to improve walkability and echo the alleys and closes of historic Hilltown.

I started to think about defensible space, and which forms would require private space around them.

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Contextual Dialogue

The form lining Hilltown Road has been pushed and pulled to spark curiosity when looking at it from both ends of the street. These spaces can be used by businesses to have outdoor seating areas / markets / stalls. The short building frontages align with Gehl’s theory of narrow shop fronts creating a more interesting and dynamic street. (Gehl, J., 2011) This also creates more opportunity for flats in these blocks to be dual aspect. It also accentuates the modular living concept.

The buildings on the opposite side which back on to the primary school have private gardens at the rear, which offers privacy from the central space.

These will be low rise to relate to their immediate context.

I’ve suggested access at the south of the site where there is an existing road into the nursery.

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Streets for Living

Each building form has semi-private space, and additionally there are allotments suggested (1.) to allow residents a private space to garden. A winding route has been indicated through the centre of the development, which will consist of hard and soft landscaping, provide seating and spaces for play.

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Proposal

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Brief

The development will provide high quality affordable housing (as a majority of tenures).

A range of housing types will be proposed which meet the needs of the Enclave and Dundee in the wider context; multi -generational living, wheelchair fully adaptable housing and private gardens / allotments for those in apartments. Housing mix will mainly be apartments with ground floor retail space to the street, and low - mid rise terraced housing to the south and the east of the site. An element of custom build throughout the scheme will be provided, where potential residents will have a range of flat and house types to choose from.

The next objective is to improve the public realm, providing new internal streets for play and socialising, and spaces to incite visitors to explore. This will be in dialogue with the existing public space created by the adjacent Our Lady’s RC and community centre, and connect and extend this area.

The retail units will improve local economic growth, and will provide the much needed entertainment space for the younger generation.

Indicative Units: 6-7 Terraced Houses 8 Mid-rise Apartments 50 Mixed Use Apartments

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1. Alexander Street Urban Intervention 2. Apartments 3. Retail and Civic, mixed use 4. Allotments 5. Existing Community Garden 6. Terraced Houses 7. Residential Community Hub 8. Apartments, mixed use 9. Former line of street 10. Urban Intervention within development 11. Traffic calming measures 12. One way system, southbound The Urban Intervention (1) on the corner of Hilltown Road and Alexander Street (see page 77) connects the route proposed through Hilltown with the development (10.). There is a strong corner on the retail and civic mixed use building (3) which defines the block of the development and repairs the street.

The buildings that line Hilltown Road are primarily apartments, with ground floor commercial space to activate the street. The former line of the street (9) is now a larger public realm in front of the amenities, and there have been traffic calming measures put in place (11) as well as the introduction of a downhill one way system for traffic (12) to increase the safety and attractiveness of the street.

The allotments (4), connect with the existing community garden (5) and connect the two developments through a green corridor.

The Community Hub (7) will provide facilities for the residents, such as a space for recreation, study / work space, and socialising with neighbours.

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Masterplan 1:500 (A3)

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Streets for Living

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Kinetic Unity

Repair the Street

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B i bl i o g r a phy

Dundee”, Scottish Geographical Journal, 126:4, 285-298, 2010

(https://doi.org/10.1080/14702541.2010.549345)

Books and Journals

Jacobs, J., “The Death and Life of Great American Cities”, 1961, Penguin Books.

ISBN: 0-14-0171948-8

Bennett, L., “The Third City: Chicago and American Urbanism”, 2010. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-04293-0.

Costa Santos, S. et al, “Home and Community: Lessons from a Modernist Housing Scheme”, 2018, Sandra Costa Santos, Nadia Bertolino, Stephen Hicks, Camilla Lewis and Vanessa May. Routledge Publishing. ISBN: 978-0-367-60710-4

Keedwell, Dr Paul, “Headspace: The Psychology of City Living”, 2017, Quarto Publishing PLC. ISBN: 978-1-78131-611-5

Cullen, G., “The Concise Townscape”, 1961, (paperback edition 1971), Elsevier Ltd. ISBN: 978-0-7506-2018-5

Kenway, P., et al, “People and places in London most vulnerable to COVID-19 and its social and economic consequences”, (October 2020) Peter Kenway, Cathy Street, Josh Holden, Becky Tunstall, Charithra Chandran and Carla Ayrton

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De Solà -Morales, M., “A Matter of Things”, with contributions by Kenneth Frampton and Hans Ibelings, 2008, NAi Publishers. ISBN: 978-90-5662-5207

Le Corbusier, “Precisions: On the Present State of Architecture and City Planning”, Zurich, Park Books, 2015[1930]

Di Domenico, C., Di Domenico, M., “Heritage and urban renewal in Dundee: Learning from the past when planning for the future of a post-industrial city”, 2007. J Retail Leisure Property 6, 327–339 (2007). (https://doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.rlp.5100074)

Lefebvre, H., “Critique de la vie quotidienne”, 1947, cited within “Architecture of the Everyday”, Berre, D., Harris, S., Mcleod, M., 1997. Princeton Architectural Press.

Gehl, J., “Life Between Buildings”, 2011 edition, Island Press. ISBN: 978-1-59726827-1 Hooghe, M., “Unemployment, Inequality, Poverty and Crime, Spatial Distribution Patterns of Criminal Acts in Belgium”, 2001-2006, December 2010, Marc Hooghe, Bram Vanhoutte, Wim Hardyns and Tuba Bircan (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/262933140_Unemployment_ Inequality_Poverty_and_Crime_Spatial_Distribution_Patterns_of_Criminal_ Acts_in_Belgium_2001-06) Houston, D. “Changing Ethnic Segregation and Housing Disadvantage in

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Lynch, K., “The Image of the City”, 1960, The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press. ISBN: 0-262-62001-4 Madanipour, A., “Public and Private Spaces of the City”, 2003, Routledge Publishing. ISBN: 0-415-25629-1 (pbk) Newman, O., “Defensible Space”, 1972, The Macmillan Company. ISBN: 0-85139-136-2 Rossi, A., “The Architecture of The City”, The Institute for Architecture and Urban Studies, and The Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1982. ISBN: 9780-262-68043-1

Ronneberger, K., “Henri Lefebvre and urban everyday life: in search of the possible”, 2008, Routeledge. (https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/henri-lefebvre-urban-everydaylife-search-possible-klaus-ronneberger/e/10.4324/9780203933213-16)

Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Non decent Housing and Overcrowding, (https://www.jrf.org.uk/data/non-decent-housing-andovercrowding#:~:text=In%20Scotland%2C%203%25%20of%20 households,those%20in%20the%20middle%20fifth) accessed 19/11/20

Sennet, R., “Building and Dwelling, Ethics for the City”, 2018, Penguin Books.

ISBN: 978-0-141-02211-6

Marrs, C., “Custom builds possibilities meet with homebuyer caution”, 23/02/18, Architects Journal (https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/custom-builds-possibilitiesmeet-with-homebuyer-caution) accessed 10/12/20

Townsley, M., “Risky facilities : analysis of crime concentration in high-rise buildings, Trends and issues in crime and criminal justice”, 2014 (476), p.1-7.

Townsley, Michael ; Reid, Sacha ; Reynald, Danielle ; Rynne, John ; Hutchins, Benjamin. Woden: Australian Institute of Criminology (https://www.researchgate.net/publication/266022500_Risky_Facilities_ Analysis_of_Crime_Concentration_in_High-Rise_Buildings) Worsdall, F., “The Glasgow Tenement : a Way of Life”, 1989. Glasgow: Richard Drew Publishing, ISBN : 0862672562 Websites Devlin, L., “Is your school full?”, 09/09/20, Evening Telegraph.

(https://www.eveningtelegraph.co.uk/fp/more-than-a-fifth-of-secondaryschools-in-tayside-and-fife-close-to-capacity-or-full-figures) accessed 12/11/2020 Brady, J. “Dundee council blames legislation as nine of city’s 43 schools at 95% capacity or above”, 06/12/18, Evening Telegraph. (https://www.eveningtelegraph.co.uk/fp/dundee-council-blameslegislation-as-nine-of-citys-43-schools-at-95-capacity-or-above) accessed 12/11/2020.

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Author Unlisted, Evening Telegraph, 06/06/18, (https://www.eveningtelegraph.co.uk/fp/dundee-people-pictures-anostalgic-look-at-one-of-dundees-iconic-areas/) accessed 13/11/20 HTA, “Modular Manufactured Housing”, Spring 2019, HTA Design LLP. (https://www.hta.co.uk/storage/app/media/modular-manufacturedhousing.pdf) Rae, S., “Police to target Hilltown area of Dundee to battle violent, anti-social and drug-related crime”, 31/08/20, Evening Telegraph. (https://www.eveningtelegraph.co.uk/fp/police-to-target-hilltown-areaof-dundee-to-battle-violent-anti-social-and-drug-related-crime) accessed 19/11/20 Rae, S., “From rotten row to one of the most famous areas in Dundee, a history of the Hilltown”, Evening Telegraph, 10/07/20 (https://www.eveningtelegraph.co.uk/fp/from-rotten-row-to-one-of-themost-famous-areas-in-dundee-a-history-of-the-hilltown/) accessed 14/11/20 BBC documentary of the Timex Strike, 2019 (https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/m0009dnw)

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Author Unlisted, Evening Telegraph ,15/02/19, “Artists make Dundee bins look anything but rubbish”

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Milne, S., “Dundee Community fridge distributes more than 50 tonnes of food in first year”, The Courier, 16/07/20 (https://www.thecourier.co.uk/fp/news/local/dundee/1445831/dundeecommunity-fridge-distributes-more-than-50-tonnes-of-food-in-first-year/) accessed 05/12/20 Open/Close Street Art (http://openclosedundee.co.uk/city-centre/)

Union Street Pedestrianised

(https://www.dundeecity.gov.uk/news/article?article_ref=3746) accessed 05/12/20 Derby Street; Collective architecture D&A statement (7 part)

( http://idoxwam.dundeecity.gov.uk/idoxpa-web/applicationDetails. do?activeTab=documents&keyVal=OE5IPCGCG4T00) accessed 10/12/20 Karakusevic Carson – Kings Crescent (http://karakusevic-carson.com/work/kings-crescent-phases-1-2) (https://www.architectsjournal.co.uk/news/karakusevic-carson-lines-upthird-phase-of-award-winning-kings-crescent-scheme) accessed 12/12/20 Dundee Local Development Plan 2019

(https://www.dundeecity.gov.uk/sites/default/files/publications/local_ development_plan_2019_for_web.pdf) DCC Development Sites Assessment Plan 2018

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SIMD 2020 Government Website Link

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Image References 5.1 Jamaica Tower (https://www.flickr.com/photos/taysider64/49766792491/in/ album-72157634393818215/) 11.1 No. 30 Hilltown Deerhorn Close (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13991496371/in/album-72157643652982044/) 13.1 Jute Workers (https://www.flickr.com/photos/rrs69/47120308624/in/ dateposted/) 13.2 No. 61 Hilltown (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/14014669983/in/album-72157644220593246/) 13.3 Hilltown 1935 (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/15862746098/in/album-72157643652982044/) 14.1 Jamacia Sq (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13991496391/in/album-72157644220593246/)

15.3 Wellgate Centre, 1982 (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13844604724/in/album-72157643652982044/) 15.4 Derby Street, 1985 (https://www.flickr.com/photos/taysider64/8749258198/ in/album-72157634393818215/) 16.1 New Overgate Centre (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Overgate_Centre#/ media/File:Overgate_Centre_entrance_and_City_House_Dundee_March_2015. jpg)

16.2 Derby Street demolition 2013 (https://www.urbanrealm.com/news/4260/ Dundee_clear_up_begins_following_Hilltown_demolition.html) 16.3 Maxwelltown 2019 (https://www.caledoniaha.co.uk/373_ DevelopmentonSite-MaxwelltownDundee.html) 16.4 Derby Street 2020 (https://www.hillcrest.org.uk/hillcrest-open-doors/) 19.1 Single End Flat 1907 – Worsdall F., 1989, pg. 16

14.2 Hilltown Tenement, 1950s (http://patrick-murray.blogspot.com/2018/06/ the-hilltown-dundee.html)

22.1 1950’s Living Room (https://www.ofcom.org.uk/about-ofcom/latest/media/ media-releases/2013/the-reinvention-of-the-1950s-living-room-2)

14.3 Hilltown 1960 (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13844655164/in/album-72157643652982044/)

22.2 Maxwelltown multistoreys (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ taysider64/8749256390/in/album-72157634393818215/)

14.4 Hilltown 1968 (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13844137343/in/album-72157643652982044/)

22.3 Butterburn Court (https://www.flickr.com/photos/taysider64/9170805688/ in/album-72157634393818215/)

15.1 Multi construction, 1960s (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13779115465/in/album-72157643652982044/)

23.1 Maxwelltown Multis (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ taysider64/8652666555/in/album-72157634393818215/)

15.2 Hilltown Road, 1971 (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13716596854/in/album-72157643652982044/)

24.1 Dens Road apartments (http://www.jmarchitects.net/projects/dens-roaddundee/)

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24.1 Dens Road apartments (http://www.jmarchitects.net/projects/dens-roaddundee/) 55.1 No. 23 Hilltown (https://www.flickr.com/photos/ dundeecityarchives/13994674055/in/album-72157643652982044/) 64.1 Sant Antoni Superblock, Leku Studio (https://inhabitat.com/superblock-ofsant-antoni-reclaims-barcelona-streets-for-pedestrians/superblock-of-sant-antonileku-studio-6/) 64.2 - Casa do Quarteirão, Orizzontale Collective (http://www.orizzontale.org/en/ portfolio_page/casa-do-quarteirao) 69.1 Thing Thing (https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer?mid =1v3qiPl3RrSHQmrjueBcb4Yed5z0&ll=56.463857731754096%2C2.9649459755206697&z=18) 69.2 Isla Valentine Wade (https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer? mid=1v3qiPl3RrSHQmrjueBcb4Yed5z0&ll=56.46110502644139%2C2.9655665531398023&z=16) 69.3 Syke (https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer?mid=1v3qiPl3RrSHQm rjueBcb4Yed5z0&ll=56.460849516086725%2C-2.968781534411966&z=17) 69.4 Sofia Sita (https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/viewer?mid= 1v3qiPl3RrSHQmrjueBcb4Yed5z0&ll=56.457433624277286%2C2.9712244940080823&z=17) 70.1 Union Street (https://twitter.com/kris_miller_/ status/1297956318742040582) 91.1 Anabo (https://www.edinburgharchitecture.co.uk/anabo) 92.1 Modular High Rise Construction (https://www.hta.co.uk/storage/app/

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media/modular-manufactured-housing.pdf) 95.1 Trevenson Park HTA (https://www.hta.co.uk/project/heartlands-trevensonpark) 95.2 (ibid) 97.1 Marmalade Lane (molearchitects.co.uk/projects/housing/k1-cambridgeco-housing/) 97.2 (ibid) 98.1 (ibid) 100.1 Derby Street (www.collectivearchitecture.com/projects/derby-street) 100.2 (ibid) 102.1 Kings Crescent (http://karakusevic-carson.com/work/kings-crescentphases-1-2) 102.2 (ibid) 102.1

133.1

‘The absence of studio’

Fin

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