50 FACTS EVERYONE SHOULD KNOW ABOUT THE POLICE
Edited by John Bahadur Lamb, Max Hart, James Treadwell, Adam Lynes and Craig Kelly
First published in Great Britain in 2025 by Policy Press, an imprint of Bristol University Press University of Bristol 1–9 Old Park Hill
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We would like to dedicate this book to our wives and fiancées for putting up with us typing away late at night and listening to us ramble on about facts constantly. We appreciate your patience!
For Sorina, Rhiannon, Abi, Lore and Charlotte
Fact 13 The senior rank structures of the Metropolitan and City of London Police differ from every other force in England and Wales
14 The chief constable is operationally independent and cannot act on unlawful orders or unduly intrusive political direction
Fact 15 Policewomen had a separate department from that of their male colleagues until the 1970s
Fact 16 In the six months leading to March 2022, more than 1,500 police staff in England and Wales were accused of violence against women and girls
Fact 17 A 2022 investigation highlighted 11,277 instances of internal misogyny and sexual misconduct in the police
18 Between 2011 and 2020 there were 173 suicides in the UK police force
19 Over 100 police officers are assaulted every day
20 The Independent Office for Police Conduct is independent and makes its decisions entirely independently of the police and government
21 Police rank structures have remained relatively unchanged
22 Helicopters assume a crucial role in contemporary policing
Fact 23 The Ministry of Defence Police has the highest number of Authorised Firearms Officers, second only to the Metropolitan Police Service
25 Despite popular belief, a substantial proportion of the British police is armed in England and Wales
26 Between 1987 and 2023, only one officer has been convicted for manslaughter following a death in which police used force in England and Wales
27 There is no automatic right to access body-worn video footage in England and Wales, even if the footage is about you
Fact 28 When the police refer to evidence, this doesn’t just mean DNA and fingerprints
Fact 29 Criminal profiling of serial murderers has never worked
30 The perception of the police as being institutionally homophobic has hampered the ability to protect members of the gay community in England and Wales
31 The police uniform serves an important symbolic purpose
Fact 32 The majority of police investigations by ‘uniformed officers’ focus upon volume crime
Fact 33 In 2023, just 5.7 per cent of reported crimes led to a charge or summons
Fact 34 In England and Wales, no suspect is identified in 74.2 per cent of residential burglary cases
Fact 35 Only 1 per cent of fraud in England and Wales results in a criminal justice outcome
Fact 36 The state is overwhelmingly reliant on the private sector to effectively police art crime
Fact 37 UK policing structures create an open goal for organised criminals in rural areas
Fact 38 The UK Serious Organised Crime Strategy (2018) aims to ‘equip the whole of government, the private sector, communities and individual citizens to align their efforts in a single collective endeavour to rid our society of the harms of serious and organised crime’
Fact 39 The current approach to policing drugs is hypocritical, harmful and ineffective
Fact 40 The police often overestimate the value of the drugs they seize
Fact 41 Much of the police’s current approaches to knife crime are wholly ineffective
Fact 42 In the pursuit of solving crimes against children, children are too often harmed
Fact 43 Police in England and Wales were responsible for 55 fatal police shootings in the last 24 years, much lower than US counterparts
Fact 44 Worldwide, the increasing use of militarised policing has been employed against protestors
45 Proscription under the Terrorism Act 2000 allows for arrest and prosecution, with 93 organisations listed to date
Fact 46 The police have often attempted to pre-empt cases of political and religious violence through covert intelligence
Fact 47 Police in England and Wales have, for many decades, intervened more in street sex work than indoor sex work
Fact 48 In 2021, only 1.6 per cent of rapes reported to police were prosecuted
Fact 49 Contrary to popular belief, at the end of registered sexual offenders’ prison and community sentences they are managed solely by specialist police officers
Fact 50 Rape is routinely used as a tool of war, however even in peacetime Military Service Police inadequately report and investigate sexual offences committed by army personnel
Notes on the editors
John Bahadur Lamb is Senior Lecturer in Policing in the Institute of Policing at the University of Staffordshire. His current and ongoing projects are centered around criminology, policing, security studies and counterterrorism. John has contributed to the disciplines through numerous publications in leading journals and contributing to international academic discourse on counterterrorism and security studies.
Max Hart is Lecturer in Criminology at Birmingham City University where he has taught since 2021 on a range of topics such as crime and the media, cybercrime, homicide, research methods and applied investigative techniques. He has published in the areas of crime and media, dark tourism and deviant leisure, while ongoing projects explore the concept of ‘graze theory’ and contemporary public criminology. He is currently exploring consumptions of violence in online spaces as part of his PhD research.
Craig Kelly is Senior Lecturer in Criminology at Birmingham City University, where he has taught since 2018. In this time, he has taught on topics such as crime, media, culture, research methods and deviant leisure. His previous work has centred upon violence, drug markets and theorisation of homicide. He has also co-edited previous collections on how criminology analyses video games, as well as crime and contemporary dark tourism. He is currently involved in a number of ongoing projects including developing the concept of graze theory and undertaking his
PhD research around violence within the homeless community in the UK.
Adam Lynes is Associate Professor of Criminology at Birmingham City University, where he has taught since 2012. His research covers topics from criminological theory to organised and violent crime. He has published research focusing on violent crimes, from serial murder to family annihilation, and recently co-authored a book on Crimes of the Powerful (Policy Press).
James Treadwell is Chair in Criminology in Health, Education, Policing and Sciences at the University of Staffordshire. Prior to academia he worked for the crime reduction charity National Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders (NACRO), and as a probation officer and for the National Offender Management Service (NOMs). He is the author of Criminology: The Essentials (SAGE, 2013), Criminological Ethnography: An Introduction (SAGE, 2019) and has contributed to numerous edited collections, books and chapters. His numerous research articles have appeared in world-leading criminology journals such as the British Journal of Criminology, Criminology and Criminal Justice, Policing and Society, Crime , Media Culture , Deviant Behavior , the Howard Journal of Criminal Justice and Methodological Innovations.
Acknowledgements
As the 50 facts series slowly grows it gets harder (and more repetitive) to write the acknowledgements each time. So, for this edition of the series we would like to keep it brief. Thank you to all the contributors, without you this would have been a pamphlet not a book!
Thank you, as always, to the team at Policy Press, especially Grace Carroll, Rebecca Tomlinson and Angela Gage. You always make the process painless, in fact maybe even enjoyable. Most importantly you show us patience when we perhaps don’t deserve it (we will meet a deadline one day, we promise).
Finally, thank you to all the coppers out there doing a tough job. At times the book is critical of some aspects of the job or the system. We hope that if you have gone to the trouble to pick up a copy of the book and you are a decent copper, you can read this knowing that we appreciate you, the long hours you endure and the thankless task that can be any given shift.
Introduction
John Bahadur Lamb, Max Hart, James Treadwell, Adam Lynes and Craig Kelly
‘Public opinion is a compound of folly, weakness, prejudice, wrong feeling, right feeling, obstinacy, and newspaper paragraphs.’ In this renowned statement, Robert Peel, often regarded as the father of modern policing, astutely characterises public opinion as a complex amalgamation of diverse elements, encompassing wisdom and folly, prejudice and rightness, weakness and obstinacy, and, notably, even newspaper articles. Peel’s words capture the broad spectrum of perspectives and biases in society, underscoring the intricate and nuanced nature of public opinion. At its essence, Peel’s quote implies that public opinion is not a uniform entity but a rich composition of contrasting attributes. This assertion emphasises the intellectual challenge policy makers and leaders face in navigating the intricacies of public opinion, as they must consider these divergent elements when formulating policies or making decisions. Nevertheless, within the diverse elements of public opinion outlined by Peel, one aspect stands out as especially intriguing, particularly in the context of today’s era marked by continuous news cycles: newspaper publications.
Peel recognised the paramount importance of the public’s approval and cooperation in maintaining order effectively. He understood the significance of ‘policing by consent’ to gain legitimacy, approval and, importantly, cooperation. Undoubtedly aware of the growing influence of the news media, Peel acknowledged the media’s impact on public sentiment,
understanding its pivotal role in moulding perceptions of law enforcement. Cultivating positive engagements with the media was crucial to fostering public confidence and dispelling unfavourable narratives (Murphy et al, 2014; Desmond et al, 2016). Peel (1788–1850) lived during a time of significant transformation, with the likes of the Industrial Revolution, rapid urbanisation, increasing social and economic inequality, political reforms, the abolition of the slave trade, scientific progress and, most pertinently within the context of this discussion, cultural and literary movements (Goring, 2004). This period laid the groundwork for the modern news media landscape, with newspapers evolving from sporadic publications to more frequent and accessible sources of information. The developments during this era set the stage for further advancements in the 19th and 20th centuries, shaping our current dynamic media environment.
Despite living through such transformations, the reach and influence of media since the time of Peel and the birth of modern policing has only grown. In the 20th century, the news media underwent a transformative journey marked by technological advancements. Print media, radio and television became prominent sources of information. The 21st century brought about unprecedented changes as digital platforms proliferated with the likes of Myspace, Facebook, Twitter (now X) and, more recently, Instagram and TikTok. Online news outlets, social media and mobile apps became primary sources of information, with news being almost instantaneously transmitted to our fingertips. This era is characterised by the rise of the ‘prosumer’ (Giurgui and Barsan, 2008), whereby instant news dissemination, citizen journalism and diverse perspectives are commonplace. The news landscape has become decentralised and democratised (Fenton, 2009), enabling global access and real-time updates, fundamentally alter ing how information is consumed and shared. Alongside this, increased accessibility to online platforms has enabled the rapid dissemination of information, but it has also allowed misinformation to spread unchecked (Rhodes, 2019). The ease of sharing social media content, along with algorithmic biases and echo chambers, has
facilitated the creation and amplification of false narratives (Giusti and Piras, 2023).
In this environment, sensationalism, confirmation bias and deliberate misinformation contribute to the prevalence of fake news and alternative facts, challenging the traditional gatekeeping role of mainstream media. Media today, particularly through globalisation and digital interconnectedness, tends to blend cultures and create a sense of universality in experiences. The continuous flow of information across borders, facilitated by the internet and social media, often leads to a perception that what occurs in one country, such as the United States, reflects global trends and experiences on the other side of the world. Through cultural homogenisation (Tomlinson, 2004), mainstream news media –which in tur n is repackaged and disseminated in social media spaces – tends to emphasise stor ies and issues with universal appeal. Due to this, cultural and contextual nuances are often softened or omitted, further exacerbating this sense of shared experiences and heightened relevancy.
It would seem that the words uttered by Peel almost 200 years ago have not only become increasingly prescient but also exacerbated within this hyper- saturated media context where it becomes almost impossible to discern if public sentiment is informed by factual information, fake news or a mixture of both. This is vitally important, as false or misleading information about police actions, policies or incidents can erode public trust, contribute to negative perceptions and undermine the legitimacy of law enforcement. It may also fuel scepticism, intensify tensions between the public and the police, and hinder efforts to maintain a collaborative and supportive relationship between the community and law enforcement agencies.
Revisiting Peel’s initial quote, incorporating ‘right feelings’, implies that public opinion is not completely lacking in wisdom or accurate evaluations. However, this is only made more difficult when such evaluations are informed in a world where it is now extremely difficult to discern a reliable source of information from one that is not. With this in mind, it is arguably more important
than ever that academics leave the safety of their lecture halls and offices and begin to engage with the public. We are not talking about criminologists or policing scholars appearing on television to give their expert insight into the ‘mind of a serial killer’ or present the latest iteration of salacious true crime content (Kelly et al, 2022), but instead, an approach that builds trust in academic institutions by demystifying the research process and humanising the academic community beyond simply being ‘a news prop’ on the television screen to give credence to the next sensational and dramatic news story (Rowe, 2012). It is an approach that also refrains and actively works not to perpetuate crime myths for the sake of dramatisation or self-promotion but one that speaks of the day-to-day realities of crime and subsequent policing experience in the modern age. Such an approach serves as a vital bridge between specialised research and broader societal understanding. As academia grapples with complex subjects, reaching out to the public ensures the accessibility and relevance of research findings, and by sharing their expertise, academics play a pivotal role in elevating public awareness across diverse domains, spanning sciences, humanities and social issues, including, for example, the police. This proactive communication serves to disseminate critical information, empowering a wider audience and assisting and enhancing these ‘right feelings’ Peel once spoke of. This is one of the primary reasons why we decided to write this book, but another vital reason can be found in the current state of policing in England and Wales.
Since austerity began in the UK in 2010, policing in England and Wales has dramatically changed. Police budgets were cut by an average of 25 per cent, significantly reducing officers and staff, particularly targeting experienced personnel, and causing a ‘brain drain’ (Travis, 2010; Hamilton, 2020). Many local police stations were sold off to meet budgetary constraints (Mortimer, 2023). Public pressure prompted then Prime Minister Boris Johnson to pledge 20,000 new recruits within four years (Gov.uk, 2019). However, correspondence revealed that up to 7,000 of these recruits would join entities like the National Crime Agency, reducing numbers for local forces. Rapid recruitment raised concerns about
inadequate vetting, potentially allowing unsuitable individuals into the force. An HM Inspectorate of Constabulary report warned of the risks associated with the swift recruitment drive, highlighting the dangers of admitting racist and misogynist individuals (Dearden, 2022; HMICFRS, 2022a).
The introduction of mandatory degree qualifications for new police officers by the College of Policing also sparked controversy, with concerns about excluding certain societal groups (Dodd, 2016; Leicestershire Police Federation, 2021). Amidst political and financial uncertainty, policing faced significant challenges, including the 2011 public disorder, terrorist attacks in 2017 and 2019, COVID-19 lockdowns and internal scandals. The conviction of Metropolitan Police officer Wayne Couzens for the kidnapping, rape and murder of Sarah Everard in 2021 severely damaged public trust in law enforcement and raised concerns about police accountability and abuse of power (Chakrabarti, 2021). Further controversies include the misuse of stop and search powers, particularly during protests, with a 20.5 per cent increase in their use during London demonstrations (Gayle, 2022). This raised concerns about racial profiling and targeting specific communities, prompting the Independent Office for Police Conduct to call for protective guidelines (IOPC, 2022d). Additionally, the policing of gender-based violence has been inconsistent, leading to a national focus on pr ioritising violence against women and girls-related crimes (NPCC, nd). These issues highlight the complex and evolving nature of modern policing in the UK as it continues to operate in a rapidly evolving landscape.
These controversies, coupled with the immediacy of social media dissemination, have created an environment where information about policing is rapidly shared and widely accessible. This instant connectivity should allow for a more nuanced understanding of the complexities inherent in law enforcement duties. It should, for example, expose the challenges officers face, the constraints under which they operate and the various external influences impacting their roles. Unlike any prior generation, the public is now intricately connected to the complexities, limitations
and external pressures shaping the role of police officers in 21stcentur y England and Wales. However, the rapid dissemination of misinformation on social media can also exacerbate rather than inform these issues, reaching large audiences before corrections are made. Additionally, media reports often lack the context of incidents, providing limited information and fostering inaccurate judgements (Surrette, 2007). Overemphasis on negative incidents can also contribute to a perception of widespread issues within law enforcement, overshadowing routine and positive work. Social media’s resulting polarisation and divisiveness can also hinder constructive dialogue, making it challenging to foster a balanced understanding (Persily and Tucker, 2020). Ultimately, the continuous exposure to negative information erodes public trust, straining community–police relationships and ultimately reinforcing the ‘prejudice’ spoken of by Peel all those years ago. As such, the other key rationale for compiling this collection is for it to provide a comprehensive examination of the multifaceted changes, controversies and challenges shaping the present landscape of policing in England and to offer insights into the evolving role of law enforcement and its intricate relationship with the public. In a world where information is key, understanding the intricacies of policing becomes paramount for any society aiming to thrive in safety and justice. With that in mind, this edited collection serves as an illuminating guide, unveiling the layers of a profession that shapes the very fabric of our communities.
As we navigate the following pages, we embark on a journey through England and Wales’s diverse landscapes and urban metropolises, uncovering 50 compelling facts that shed light on the complexities, challenges and triumphs of the law enforcement agencies that safeguard our streets. From historical milestones that shaped the foundations of modern policing to contemporary strategies employed to combat emerging threats, this book is a comprehensive compendium that distils the essence of law enforcement in this dynamic region. Each fact presented within these pages is a window into the rich tapestry of policing – from the iconic bobbies on the beat to the specialised units that tackle
organised crime and cyber threats. Delving into the statistics, methodologies and real-life anecdotes, this collection seeks to demystify the often misunderstood world of law enforcement.
Hence, this text aims to offer deeper insights into aspects that individuals may have only glimpsed in their online encounters with policing topics. Initially, the book delves into chapters exploring the history of policing in England and Wales and the Peelian Principles, providing readers with essential historical context. It then transitions into operationally focused chapters mirroring the journey of a crime – from arrest through investigation to prosecution and imprisonment. Throughout this operational exploration, the text incorporates a series of facts addressing the intricate nature of policing, shedding light on challenges faced by police officers and organisations. Readers will encounter facts on commonplace subjects like the use of violence and policing drug markets, alongside insights into less familiar areas such as art crime, cybercrime and the utilisation of helicopters in policing. The book culminates with facts delving into specialised realms, including regional organised crime units, special operations units, the deployment of children as covert human intelligence sources, and the policing of sexual violence.
This collection’s contributors include policing scholars, criminologists and police practitioners with decades of experience in the police. Collaboration between criminologists and policing scholars is vital for comprehensively understanding crime and law enforcement. By integrating insights from various disciplines, such as sociology, psychology and law, this collaboration provides a holistic perspective on the complex factors influencing policing strategies. Equally, by including experiences and insights from practitioners, first-hand exper ience in law enforcement is provided, bringing valuable, field- tested knowledge. Their contributions provide a nuanced understanding of the challenges, successes and complexities of policing, offering readers insights not easily captured through academic or theoretical lenses alone. The combination of a multiude of different expert voices drawn from various operational and research backgrounds, countries and levels
of experience makes this book unique in its contribution to the field of policing. Specifically, it provides useful commentary on a topic which affects everyone – policing – at a time of unprecedented change in the way in which we, the citizens of England and Wales, are policed. It is also important to stress here that, as policing has evolved and diversified in its operations, so too have the myriad of perspectives surrounding it, encompassing both positive and more critical views. Acknowledging and exploring this diversity of perspectives is essential to enhance academic rigour and foster a balanced and informed discourse on policing’s role, challenges and impact within society today.
Importantly, by participating in such discussions and clarifying misconceptions, it is hoped that this edited collection will ultimately contribute to a more informed and constructive public dialogue regarding the police and add a bit more – to quote Peel – ‘r ight feeling’ to the ongoing debate, as opposed to the continuous and almost deafening misinformation and ‘alternative facts’ that are so pervasive in the current age of continuous news cycles and social media echo chambers.
FACT 1
There is no definitive proof that Robert Peel ever developed the principles that underpin British policing
John Bahadur Lamb
Introduction
Sir Robert Peel, founder of the London Metropolitan Police in 1829, is often lauded as being the creator of the modern style of policing (HM Government, 1829). Consisting of uniformed, non-militar y officers whose job is to prevent crime, this model is championed as being the ideal by which laws can be applied in a liberal, democratic society (Emsley, 2021). Known as policing by consent, the idea here is that the population of the country, in this case, England and Wales, gives their permission to be policed and have laws applied to them because the method through which they are applied is nuanced, understanding of circumstance, and is applied the same to everyone (Rowe et al, 2023). Received knowledge taught to almost all police officer recruits and policing students is that Sir Robert Peel, as an observer of the horrors of revolutionary France and the way in which the gendarmerie of European countries applied their laws, determined that his police would be different (Emsley, 1996).
Peel’s principles
To ensure this difference, Peel supposedly wrote down his nine Peelian principles:
1. Police exist to prevent crime and disorder as an alternative to the repression of crime and disorder by military force and severity of legal punishment.
2. The ability of the police to perfor m their duties is dependent upon public approval of the police ability of the police to secure and maintain public respect.
3. The police must secure the willing cooperation of the public to be able to secure and maintain public respect.
4. If the use of physical force and compulsion increases, the cooperation of the public will decrease.
5. The police must seek and preserve public respect by constantly demonstrating absolute impartial service to the law, independent of policy or public opinion. They must do so by offering of individual service and friendship to all members of the public without regard to their wealth or social standing, exercising courtesy and friendly good humour, and offering individual sacrifice in protecting and preserving life.
6. Physical force is only to be used when persuasion, advice and warning are insufficient to obtain public cooperation and the observance of the law. Only the minimum degree of physical force should be used to achieve a police objective.
7. The police are the public and the public are the police, with the police being members of the public who ensure the welfare of the community on the whole. This relationship is to be maintained at all times.
8. The police do not exercise the powers of the judiciary, avenging individuals or the State, or authoritatively judging guilt and punishing the guilty.
9. The indicator of police efficiency is the absence of cr ime and disorder, rather than the visible evidence of police action in dealing with them. (Law Enforcement Partnership, 2023)
Apocryphally, it is recorded that these nine principles were given to all new recruits of the Metropolitan Police (HM Government, 2012). Despite the idea of these principles being an early attempt at what is now known as procedural justice (Tyler, 2017), it seems the early recruits didn’t get the message, with a number of the first cohort of officers dismissed for various disciplinary reasons (Emsley, 2010). Perhaps, more surprisingly, is the lack of historical
evidence to support Sir Robert Peel ever having said, written or endorsed these principles. As argued by Lentz and Chaires (2007), the principles actually appear to be the construction of 20th-centur y textbooks, and when we delve into this evidence, we quickly find that there is no agreement about the number of principles either. So, instead of nine, we find several sources that state that there were 12 (Mayhall, 1985; Peak, 1993), which raises further questions about the accuracy of the principles that have made their way down to the modern day.
If we cannot prove either the number of principles or that Peel ever said, wrote down or issued them, what can we say about them? First, they can loosely be traced back to a mixture of the first commissioners of the Metropolitan Police Service – Rowan and Mayne – who alluded to some of the preventative ideas outlined in the principles and Charles Reith (1952). Reith is most likely where our modern conception of these principles has come from. His book clearly outlines nine principles which he does not attribute to Peel. Instead, he lists them as being ideas which underpin the British model of policing and, as Heaton and Tong (2017) argue, this was meant as a set of points drawn out of Reith’s understanding, not a statement of historical fact. Second, even though we have to accept that there is no historical basis – beyond Reith – for the principles, we cannot deny that they continue to have an outsized impact on policing across the Anglophile world. For example, reference to the principles can be found in official documents and on police force websites in the UK (HM Government, 2012), the United States (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2023), Australia (Australian Federal Police, 2020), New Zealand (New Zealand Police Association, 2023) and Canada (Hatton Police Board, 2023).
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is accurate to say that Peel’s nine principles both exist and do not exist. As such, it could be argued that British policing in England and Wales, in its modern context, is best viewed as Schrödinger’s Policing. The principles, however, that
simultaneously exist and do not exist perfectly capture the nature of contemporary policing. Much like policing itself, they are subject to interpretation and adaption to fit what is required of the circumstances in which they are found.
John Bahadur Lamb, University of Staffordshire
