Occupying Central São Paulo - Components and Constellations of a Self-Constructed City

OCCUPYING CENTRAL SÃO PAULO. THE PROTO-URBANISMS OF URBAN MOVEMENTS

COMPONENTS AND CONSTELLATIONS OF A SELF-CONSTRUCTED CITY Claire BOSMANS & Kathleen DE BEUKELAER

OCCUPYING CENTRAL SÃO PAULO THE PROTO-URBANISMS OF URBAN MOVEMENTS

COMPONENTS AND CONSTELLATIONS OF A SELF-CONSTRUCTED CITY OCUPANDO CENTRO SÃO PAULO PROTO-URBANISMO DE MOVIMENTOS URBANOS

COMPONENTS E CONSTALAÇÕES DE UMA CIDADE AUTOCONSTRUÍDA Claire Bosmans Kathleen De Beukelaer

Thesis submitted to obtain Master (of Science) of Urbanism and Strategic Planning

Faculty of Engineering Department of Architecture Promotor: Bruno De Meulder Guidance: Jeroen Stevens

ACADEMIC YEAR 2015 - 2016

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Contact: claire.bosmans@gmail.com kathleendebeukelaer@gmail.com bruno.demeulder@asro.kuleuven.be jeroen.stevens@kuleuven.be

ABSTRACT I ABSTRACT

With “Frente da Luta por Moradia” (FLM) – literally, the ‘Frontline of the Housing Struggle’ - as main focus, the thesis presents a selective anthology of housing occupations occurring in central São Paulo. The compilation of ‘popular’ urban projects allows to decipher particular contributions of the housing movement in the urban reproduction of the city. Each demonstration/case is analysed through a specific lens, therewith addressing recurring components of an alternative city that is successively imagined and constructed by housing movements and their members. Demonstrations in public space together with the ever-shifting constellation of building occupations are eventually précising an emerging notion of “occupation urbanism”. In turn, they shed light on a variety of urban practices and actions, ranging over protestations and negotiations, selfconstruction and re-habitation, novel collectivities, spontaneous urban renewals, new centralities, cultural experiments and enforced social housing projects.

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Vacancy is present in various forms: empty plots, vacancy buildings, underused buildings and left-over spaces.

[26/02/2016 - República]

The future social housing project of Ocupação Hotel Lord (in the back) is in high contrast with the real estate project being build along Minhocão.

[13/03/2016 - Santa CĂŠcilia]

INDEX I ÍNDICE

INTRODUCTION INTRODUÇÃO

14

DEMONSTRATIONS ATOS

38

SELF-CONSTRUCTION AUTOCONSTRUÇÃO

76

PUBLIC SPACE

OCUPAÇÃO JOSÉ BONIFACÍO 137

COMMUNITY COMMUNIDADE

122

INVESTMENT INVESTIMENTO

170

CENTRALITY SEDE

192

CULTURE CULTURA

224

PROJECT PROJETO

262

OCUPAÇÃO PRESTES MAIA

OCUPAÇÃO MAUÁ

OCUPAÇÃO HOTEL CAMBRIDGE

OCUPAÇÃO SÃO JOÃO

OCUPAÇÃO HOTEL LORD

CONCLUSION

297

BIBLIOGRAPHY

302

CONCLUSÃO

BIBLIOGRAFIA

13

14

Claiming rights to dignified housing, central social movements have emerged out of São Paulo’s contemporary urban paradox. Tired of waiting for public or private answers to their glaring housing problems, they radically started to provoke controversial presence of vacancy. Beside momentary occupations of the city’s public space to demonstrate their discontent and urgent needs, social movements began to re-occupy the abandoned historic built fabric as to demonstrate their capacity for accommodating alternative forms of affordable housing for the poorest, inverting São Paulo’s central-peripheral socio-spatial segregation.

From the 1980’s, the built form of Central São Paulo has been characterized by increasing vacancy. With the absence of re-investment in the decaying tissue, paralleled by the successive relocation of commercial activities towards the south-west of the city, many buildings of the centre lost their previous function, failed in attracting new ones and eventually fell into obsoleteness. Simultaneously, the state of São Paulo is still afflicted by a very high housing deficit, tremendously affecting the low-income population. Despite a long series of housing programs implemented since the 1970’s, both the public and private markets have proved unable to catch up with the growing precarious urban population.

However, the last decade is marked by a slow inversion of the vacancy progress, encouraged by the many incentives for development implemented by the Municipality from the 1990’s after long popular struggles of housing movements and human rights associations (Sanches, 2015). Nevertheless, real estate speculation and high rent prices in the centre continue to push the urban poor to the periphery, contributing to the continuous densification of the impoverished fringes of the city.

INTRODUCTION I INTRODUÇÃO

Despite a growing interest among anthropological or socio-political scholars, the housing occupations have kindly entered the architectural field of study. Hence, the spatial articulation of the social movements’ ambiguous interaction with the city remains relatively vague and superficially covered. In reaction to this open academic door, the present research seeks to test and explore this potential urban production, by explicitly isolating and detailing its spatial aspects.

Starting from the hypothesis that housing movements in São Paulo implicitly constitute contemporary actors of an innovative kind of ‘occupation urbanism’, this research stems from wonderment. How do social housing movements transform and regenerate the architecture of the city of São Paulo by occupying vacancy? Can this be seen as a form of urbanism in its preliminary “proto-stage”?

The output of this research is an invitation to choose and follow an urban itinerary into a representative selection of layers of the occupied city.

Seven cases of occupations illustrate as many themes specific to the urban performance of housing movements. Micro-stories – a bunch of individual life trajectories recorded on site – serve as guides to unravel the complex logic of these spontaneous organizations. With the ambition to build a multi-scalar definition of what ‘occupation urbanism’ might mean, the narrative steps deliberately from micro to macro, from the inhabitant’s individual architecture to the city, and back. As an exhibition catalogue, the thesis aims to eventually present a preliminary overview on the topic to be further developed and sharpened.

15

16

This research is part of a project ongoing since 2013, performed by the OST Research Group of Urbanism and Architecture at the University of Leuven, together with students of the Master of Human Settlements and Master of Urbanism and Strategic Planning (Stevens & Knapen, 2013; Shi, 2014; Zeevaert, 2014; Briers & Devos, 2015), and the master of Engineering: Architecture (Colla, Peeters & Preud’Homme, 2016). This study has always been, and still is, based on a close collaboration with social movement, cultural collectives, human rights associations, governmental institutions and academic partners in São Paulo. It is closely related to the ongoing doctoral research of Jeroen Stevens.

Two distinct social groups - embracing housing and cultural activism - where chosen to be the representative bodies in understanding the phenomena in São Paulo resulting in a trilogy of master theses. A 6-weeks fieldwork was held in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, during the months of February and March, 2016, engaging in particular with these actors.

The first book of the trilogy - Occupying Central São Paulo: The Protourbanisms of Urban Movements [Proto-Urbanisms] - is a macro-approach that inquires the historical production of vacancy in central São Paulo, and raises questions on the “proto-urbanisms” that seek to re-occupy them.

It is a graphical essay to unveil the city’s key morphological conditions, social practices, economical interests and political mindsets that provoked its main cycles of urban (re)investments, as well as the emergence of vacancy and its consequent re-occupations.

Lying under this frame, the two other master theses - Components & Constellations of a Self-Constructed City [Self-Constructed city] and Instances and Scenes of Cultural Agitation [Cultural Agitation] – will embark within housing and cultural movements, paying special attention to their tactics, ideologies and unconventional ways of dealing with the urban tissue. Produced in parallel, the aim of both works is to engender a sort of urban and architectural critique that represents and recognizes the way those movements act on space, inside their own dynamics, actions and collaborations.

METHODOLOGY I METODOLOGIA

The research starts from the analysis of one housing movement: Frente da Luta por Moradia (FLM) – literally, the ‘Frontline of the Housing Struggle’ -, representative of the ongoing dynamics in the claim for housing rights. The inner organization of FLM determines the structure of the present book. Each chapter addresses one specific aspect of the implicit urbanism that is performed by the social housing movement in its overall fight. They all derive from an arbitrary combination of fieldwork observations, historic facts, discourse, interviews, architectural and urban analysis.

This study is based on primary data collected during an intensive fieldwork that took place from the 12th of February to the 31th of March 2016 in São Paulo.

The fieldwork was carried out in close collaboration with Jeroen Stevens, whose extensive social network connected to movement actors and academics contributed greatly to the gathering and recording of a long tradition of oral data.

Both structured and semi-structured interviews were conducted with various actors of the contemporary scene of housing occupations in São Paulo. They were drawn up on 3 different scales: the movement, the building and the inhabitants. Official meetings, regular visits to occupations and social housing projects composed the fieldwork rhythm. Observations and exchanges were translated into surveys, life sketches, pictures and recordings.

All together, it allowed to set up a database tracking the movements evolution and current state. Although FLM has an important reputation within São Paulo, it has not been documented extensively yet. This

research was able to collect a number of figures and facts, further represented to the best of the acquired knowledge. Volatile in essence, these information only refer to one fragment in time and are probably already outdated while writing out this work.

After two months of fieldwork, four months of analysis and processing followed, resulting in the present trilogy. The systematic work of detailing the processes based on the collected data as well as on the life experiences encountered is followed by a synthetic work of translating complex dynamics into caricature schemes dedicated to synthetically express and better communicate with a broader audience about the essence of proto-urbanisms.

The thesis is entirely co-written and produced by Claire Bosmans and Kathleen de Beukelaer. All the drawings and pictures taken during the fieldwork are the result of a common work which is presented here as a whole.

All drawings are made by the authors. Pictures are either taken by the authors, by Jeroen Stevens during the collective fieldwork, or extracted from internetbased sources.

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18 [proto-urbanisms]

THE PROTO-URBANISMS OF URBAN MOVEMENTS

São Paulo has been reshaped and reframed by successive waves of public, private and popular (re-)investment. Immutable landscape features have been colonized, turned into infrastructures, to be again replaced by other urban armatures, continuously but always partly transforming the city’s built form. Today, the multi-layered city centre can be seen as an assemblage of material relics that testify of an intricate history of tensions, displacements and (de)constructions.

This contentious reproduction resulted in a vast and manifold presence of vacancy. Exactly those undefined urban spaces enabled and provoked contemporary insurgent practices. Through a variety of occupations, social and cultural movements are re-imagining and re-composing a decaying urban fabric, initiating impromptu forms of urban reproduction in the informal interstices of the ‘formal’ or ‘official’ city. This collaborative thesis project seeks to unravel the emerging protourbanisms that are simultaneously performed by housing and cultural movements.

ABSTRACT I ABSTRACT

[self-constructed city]

[cultural agitation]

COMPONENTS AND CONSTELLATIONS OF A SELF-CONSTRUCTED CITY

INSTANCES AND SCENES OF CULTURAL AGITATION

By Claire Bosmans & Kathleen De Beukelaer

By Raissa Monteiro & Valentine Van den Eynde

With “Frente da Luta por Moradia” (FLM) – literally, the ‘Frontline of the Housing Struggle’ - as main focus, the thesis presents a selective anthology of housing occupations occurring in central São Paulo. The compilation of ‘popular’ urban projects allows to decipher particular contributions of the housing movement in the urban reproduction of the city. Each manifestation/case is analysed through a specific lens, therewith addressing recurring components of an alternative city that is successively imagined and constructed by housing movements and their members.

Demonstrations in public space together with the ever-shifting constellation of building occupations are eventually précising an emerging notion of “occupation urbanism”. In turn, they shed light on a variety of urban practices and actions, ranging over protestations and negotiations, self-construction and re-habitation, novel collectivities, spontaneous urban renewals, new centralities, cultural experiments and enforced social housing projects.

The historical centre of São Paulo is concurrently the site and subject of a plethora of social and cultural practices that agitate the urban scene by occupying and re-appropriating diverse urban spaces. This thesis aims to probe how such cultural and artistic occupations take part in the redevelopment of the city’s central area, by performing particular instances and scenes of insurgent urbanism. Three distinctive ‘occupied’ urban spaces, involving particular constellations of actors, are explored by means of peculiar metaphorical lenses. As instances of a vast landscape of cultural practices, the occupations of a building (the artistic occupation ‘Ouvidor 63’), an open space (the contested ‘Praça Roosevelt’) and an elevated highway (‘Minhocão’) shed light on the agency of cultural movements in transforming the urban scenery into a laboratory for unsolicited but remarkable experiments for other ways of city making.

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20 [proto-urbanisms]

OS PROTO-URBANISMOS DOS MOVIMENTOS URBANOS

São Paulo tem sido adaptada e remodelada por sucessivas ondas de investimentos públicos, privados e populares.

Paisagens fixas foram ‘recolonizadas’ e transformadas em infra-estruturas urbanas, para em seguida serem substituídas por outras morfologias, fazendo com que o seu conjunto construído esteja em constante transformação.

Hoje, o multifacetado centro da cidade pode ser visto como um conjunto de vestígios que traduzem uma história de tensões, relocações e (des)construções. Uma das consequências dessas controversas reproduções urbanas foi o aparecimento de altos níveis de vacância na área central. A vasta e diversa presença de espaços vazios, por sua vez, acabou por provocar e permitir o aparecimento de práticas insurgentes que se apropriam desses espaços.

Através de várias formas de ocupação, movimentos sociais e culturais (re)imaginam e (re)compõem partes do tecido urbano em decadência, iniciando formas alternativas de reprodução urbana nos interstícios da cidade ‘formal’ ou ‘oficial’. Esse projeto colaborativo de teses procura trazer à tona e discutir sobre formas emergentes de ‘proto-urbanismo’ simultaneamente realizadas por movimentos sociais de moradia e coletivos independentes de arte e cultura, assim como seu impacto para a reativação do metabolismo urbano.

ABSTRACT I ABSTRACT

[self-constructed city]

[cultural agitation]

COMPONENTS E CONSTALAÇÕES DE UMA CIDADE AUTOCONSTRUÍDA

INSTÂNCIAS E CENAS DE AGITAÇÃO CULTURAL

By Claire Bosmans & Kathleen De Beukelaer

By Raissa Monteiro & Valentine Van den Eynde

Com foco no movimento Frente de Luta por Moradia (FLM), essa tese apresenta uma antologia seletiva de ocupações de moradia presentes no centro de São Paulo. Trata-se de uma compilação de ‘projetos urbanos populares’ que permite decifrar que tipos de contribuições os movimentos de moradia tem deixado para os processos de reprodução da cidade.

Cada manifestação/caso é analisado através de lentes específicas que destacam os componentes mais recorrentes dessa ‘cidade alternativa’ que é sucessivamente imaginada e construída pelos movimentos de moradia e seus membros.

As reivindicações nos espaços públicos juntamente com as dinâmicas ocupações em edifícios e suas constelações sociais tem gradualmente construído uma emergente noção de ‘urbanismo de ocupação’.

Esse conceito, por sua vez, evidencia uma gama de ações e práticas urbanas que se diversificam entre protestos e negociações, auto construção e reabilitação, diferentes coletividades, renovações urbanas espontâneas, novas centralidades, experimentos culturais e a realização de projetos de habitação social.

O centro histórico de São Paulo é atualmente local e sujeito de crescentes práticas sociais e culturais que agitam a cena urbana ocupando e reapropriando diversos espaços. O objetivo desse trabalho é investigar como essas ocupações culturais e artísticas contribuem na renovação dos usos da área central, partindo de situações particulares e cenários de urbanismo insurgente. Três tipologias espaciais distintas, envolvendo diferentes constelações sociais e temporalidades, são analisadas ao longo da tese através de nove metáforas conceituais. Como instâncias representativas de um vasto panorama de ocupações culturais, temos um edifício (a ocupação artística ‘Ouvidor 63’), uma via expressa (o viaduto ‘Minhocão’) e um espaço público (a disputada ‘Praça Roosevelt’) - estudados como coadjuvantes para o entendimento dos agentes e processos que tem transformado o cenário urbano em um laboratório de práticas não-solicitadas porém notáveis, pois propõem e experimentam novos modos de co-produzir a cidade.

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[proto-urbanisms] This thesis wasn’t possible without the support and collaboration of a few key actors. First of all, we would like to thank Jeroen Stevens for his unfailing support along the hard process.

His passion for the topic, context and people was inspiring and encouraging. Thank you for your great support during the fieldwork and the many discussions during guidance or readings.

Besides, we thank our promoter Bruno de Meulder for his guidance and the deep insights we learned along the way. In addition, we would like to thank the commentators present during the World Urbanisms Seminar of June 24th for their valuable comments and the interesting debates.

Furthermore, we would like show our sincere gratitude to our local promoter, Nadia Somekh, for hosting us in SĂŁo Paulo. Her guidance gave us essential insight in the particular context of Central SĂŁo Paulo. This was further complemented by various scholars we had to chance to meet along the way: Pedro Arantes, Vera Pallamin, and Deborah Sanches, and to whom we as well want to express our appreciation. Besides we thank Bruna Freganzi. We are greatfull to Dulci Cipriano for her insights, as well for showed us around the first day, and to make us feel welcome.

FLM

Frente de Luta por Moradia

MSTC

Movimento sem teto do centro

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I AGRADECIMENTOS

[self-constructed city] Of great importance, we want to thank all the people related to FLM or other movements we encountered along the way; who were willing to show their way of living or tools of acting within São Paulo. Their often passionate participation led to invaluable information and insights that framed this thesis. First of all, Manuel Del Rio, Carmen da Silva, Ivaneti Araujo, Maria do Planalto, Antonia Donasemento, and Geni Monteiro, movement leaders that opened the movement’s doors for us.

We are especially grateful to Maria do Planalto for inviting us to stay in Occupation Hotel Lord, and allowing us to experience living in an occupation first hand.

We would like to show our gratitude to VLIR-UOS for granting us a scholarship. This goes hand in hand with thanking Carolina Tavares for renting her apartment and make it a little bit Belgium in Brazil.

Lastly we would like to thank our family, friends and loved ones for their support and continuous encouragements throughout our study, and especially along this adventure.

Our acknowledgements go as well to the coordinators and important members: Ronaldo, Rosicler, Mildo, Junior, Hêloise, Pitchu, and off course to all the inhabitants we had the chance to interview. On top, we thank the various stakeholders we met along the way: Benedito Barbosa, Luiz Kohona, Eliana Caffé, for sharing with us their own insights about the movement.

To the movement ULC, in particular Sidnei Pita for the invitation to meeting, to Vera Luz, Maria Conceição de Mareis, Leni Miranta Posse, and Teresa for inviting us in their homes.

We further say thank you to all the employees in relation to the municipality of São Paulo. In particular, we show courtesy to Leatícia Brandão for taking the time to present a selection of social housing projects run at the moment and in relation with the movements, and helping us out when needed; as well as to Vanessa Fernandes Correah, and to He Nem Kim for guiding us through the Plano Diretor.

TNG

Terra Nossa Gente

MSTRU

Movimento Sem Teto de Reforma Urbana

MMLJ

Movimento de Moradia Luta por Justicia

GASPAR GARCIA

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ANAMPOS

Articulação Nacional de Movimentos Populares e Sindicais (National Articulation of Popular Movements and Unions)

ARENA

Aliança Renovadora Nacional (National Renewal Alliance)

ATRM

Associação dos Trabalhadores da Região da Mooca (Workers Association of the Mooca Region)

AUAP

Associação Unificadora de Ações Populares (Unifying Association of Popular Actions)

BNH

Banco Nacional da Habitação (National Housing Bank)

CECASUL

Centro de Cidadania e Ação Social Zona Sul (Centre of Citizenship and Social Action Zone South)

CDHU

Companhia de Desenvolvimento Habitacional e Urbano do Estado de São Paulo (Housing and Urban Development Company of the State of São Paulo)

CMP

Central dos Movimentos Populares (Centre of Popular Movements)

COHAB-SP

Companhia Metropolitana de Habitação de São Paulo (Metropolitan Housing Company of São Paulo)

CONAM

Confederação Nacional das Associações de Moradores (National Confederation of Housing Associations)

CUT(-SP)

Central Única dos Trabalhadores (- São Paulo) (Central Workers Union (- São Paulo))

FLM

Frente de Luta por Moradia (At the Front of the Struggle for Housing)

FMH

Fundo Municipal da Habitação (Municipal Housing Fund)

FNRU

Fórum Nacional de Reforma Urbana (National Forum of Urban Reform)

FOMMAESP

Fórum de Moradia e Meio-Ambiente do Estado de São Paulo (Forum of Housing and Environment of the State of São Paulo)

FUPAM

Fundação Para e Pesquisa em Arquitetura e Ambiente (Foundation for Research in Architecture and Environment)

GTAI

Grupo Técnico de Análise de Imóveis (Technical Research Group of Real Estate)

HABISP

Sistema de Informações para Habitação Social de São Paulo (Information and Prioritising Intervention System)

(P-)MCMV

Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida (Program My House My Life)

MDF

Movimento de Defesa do Favelado (Movement for the Defense of the Slum)

GLOSSARY I GLOSSÁRIO

MMC

Movimento de Moradia do Centro (Housing Movement of the Centre)

MMJI

Movimento de Moradia de Jardim Ipanema (Housing Movement of Jardim Ipanema)

MMLJ

Movimento de Moradia da Luta por Justiça (Housing Movement of the Fight for Justice)

MMPT

Movimento Moradia para Todos (Housing Movement for All)

MMRC

Movimento de Moradia Região Centro (Housing Movement of the Central Region)

MNRU

Movimento Nacional de Reforma Urbana (National Movement of Urban Reform)

MST

Movimento dos Trabalhadores rurais Sem Terra (Movement of the Workers Without Land)

MSTC

Movimento Sem Teto do Centro (Movement of the Roofless of the Centre)

MSTLV

Movimento Sem Teto Lutar e Viver (Movement of the Roofless of Fighting and Living)

MSTRN

Movimento Sem Teto da Região Norte (Movement of the Roofless of the North Region)

MSTRU

Movimento Sem Teto pelo Reforma Urbana (Movement of the Roofless for Urban Reform)

MTST

Movimentos dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto (Movement of the Roofless Workers)

MTSTL I

Movimento dos Trabalhadores sem Terra Leste I (Movement of the Landless Workers zone East I)

MTSTRC

Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto da Região Central (Movement of the Roofless Workers of the Central Region)

MUF

Movimento Unificado De Favelas (Unifying Movement of Slums)

PT

Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party)

SEHAB

Secretaria Municipal de Habitação (São Paulo Municipal Housing Secretariat)

SFH

Sistema Financeiro da Habitação (Housing Financial System)

TNG

Movimento de Moradia Terra de Nossa Gente (Housing Movement Land for Our People)

ULC

Unificação das Lutas de Cortiço (Unified Cortiço Struggles)

UMM

União dos Movimentos de Moradia (United Housing Movement)

UNMP

União Nacional Por Moradia Popular (National Union for Popular Housing)

UNAS

União de Núcleos Associações e Sociedades de Moradores de Heliópolis e São João Climaco

ZEIS

Zonas Especiais de Interese Social (Special Zones of Social Interest)

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PELO DIREITO À CIDADE! LUTA POPULAR POR MORADIA DIGNA SLOGAN DE FLM, MOVIMENTO DE HABITAÇÃO SOCIAL

SLOGAN OF FLM, SOCIAL HOUSING MOVEMENT

[Frente de Luta Por Moradia (website), 2016]

RIGHT TO THE CITY! FIGHT OF THE PEOPLE TOWARDS DIGNIFIED HOUSING

28 SURGIMENTO E DIVERSIFICAÇÃO DE UMA REIVINDICAÇÃO POLÍTICA

EMERGENCE AND DIVERSIFICATION OF A POLITICAL CLAIM

Supported by the Catholic Church or derived from the syndicates in the 1930’s, social housing movements in São Paulo have differentiated into a vast landscape of organized groups ever since the end of the 1970’s, building their own identity with explicit names, logos and slogans, illustrating their specific claims (Levy, 2013). As a constellation of initiatives, they favour different claiming tools and present distinctive spatial distributions. However, collaborations and associations under one banner offer considerable advantages: security, higher financial means, larger critical mass whereby certain aspects become more efficient such as hiring a lawyer or a doctor for the community. As such, many housing movements in São Paulo are connected to CMP, Central Popular Movement or “Central Movimento Populares”. which is active on the federal level since 1993 to cover a variety of social issues (CMP, 2016). [HC - p.192] The agitated period of the end of the 20th century corresponds to the erosion of the military dictatorship and is marked by the formation of the Brazilian Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) often

referred to in its early days as a social movement-party (Earle, 2013). According to Earle – English researcher specialized in social movements and housing crisis in Latin America -, the progressive institutionalization of the PT during the early 1980’s into a democratic party officially recognized in February 1982 played a crucial role in the creation of a legitimate space for urban actors previously excluded from the political sphere.

She furthermore argues that being ideologically associated to the creation and the development of the Leftist party, the social (housing) movements considerably contributed to the spread of its territorial influence.

Levy – Brazilian anthropologist and political sociologist specialized in the relation between social movements and political parties – argued on her turn how movement’s mobilization became more ambiguous after the PT eventually left the opposition to enter the government. Closely bound-up with lower-income groups, PT mandates have opened up for negotiations about housing and urban issues. Leaving the sole field of protestation, social movements have started to

29

adopt more conciliatory methods, formally taking part in the society and adapting to its political logic to reach achievements (Levy, 2013). This critique was also reported by PeaBiru (Assessoria Técnica) and Vera Pallamin (Professor in Architecture and Urbanism at the FAU-USP) who both stress how some movements (UMM, MNLM) have professionalized themselves in applying to and entering funding programs at the expense of the diversification of their claiming agenda.1 As many social movement theorists, the involvement in politics of movements’ leaders is criticized by Levy. Be that as it may, or close look into the myriad of tactics of FLM for achieving social “conquests” illustrates a remarkably hybrid register of both “formal” participation in politics as well as so-called “informal” or “insurgent” subversive practices, in fact seeking to take benefit from opportunities in both realms.

In São Paulo, most social movements emerged during the 1970’s and 1980’s, from precarious industrial 1 interviews with PeaBiru, 15th of March 2016; Vera Pallamin, 23rd of February 2016

suburbs - particularly the eastern periphery of São Paulo, locally known as Zona Leste - and central urban tenements (cortiços). Historically attached to peripheral neighbourhoods, they have built their expertise in performing massive land occupations as an instrument for claiming space in the city. Ever since 1997, after yet another massive eviction from a central cortiço, they occupied obsolete buildings in the centre to gain more visibility and steer the public attention on the lack of affordable housing for the low-income group in the well-equipped areas of São Paulo, closer to jobs opportunities. Directly acting on the paradoxical abundance of vacancy, building occupations alternating with street demonstrations have diversified their urban language. From intense temporary invasions to negotiated long-term colonization, social movements have appropriated pieces of the tissue, durably anchoring their presence in the centre, from occupation to eviction, to re-occupation, and in some cases to negotiations and projects.

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MOVEMENT NAME DATE OF FOUNDATION PLACE OF FOUNDATION FIRST OCCUPATIONS

ADDRESS

FLM - Frente de Luta Por Moradia February 2004 central area of São Paulo, Ribeirão Pires Caixa Economica Federal (Praça Roosevelt) former headquarter of District of São Mateus various buildings in Zona Sul and District Ipiranga Avenida São João 1495, São Paulo Manuel Del Rio lawyer - officialy legal adviser for FLM and MSTC

MOVEMENT LEADER

ASSOCIATION ASSOCIATED MOVEMENTS

CURRENT SUBMOVEMENTS # MEMBERS

# CENTRAL OCCUPATIONS # RESIDENTS IN CENTRAL OCCUPATIONS

APOIO - Associação de Auxílio Mútuo

CMP - Central Movimento Populares CUT-SP - Central Única dos Trabalhadores - São Paulo 10 submovements 25 882

18 2014

11

# PERIPHERAL OCCUPATIONS # RESIDENTS IN PERIPHERAL OCCUPATIONS

# BASE GROUPS # BASE GROUP MEMBERS

# (SOCIAL) HOUSING PROJECTS WEBSITE FACEBOOK-CONTACT TWITTER-CONTACT FLICKR-CONTACT

WWW

(director: Manuel Del Rio)

6 142

118 9 965

5 running project + 1 finished http://www.portalflm.com.br/ https://www.facebook.com/lutamoradia.frentedelutapormoradia/?fref=ts http://www.twitter.com/LutaMoradia https://www.flickr.com/photos/frentedelutapormoradia [Data collected through Fieldwork February and March 2016]

31 HOUSING FIGHTING FRONT

FRENTE DE LUTA POR MORADIA

The present research focuses especially on the social housing movement FLM (Frente da Luta por Moradia – literally, the ‘Frontline of the Housing Struggle’). Even though it is not the biggest movement active in São Paulo1, it probably is today one of the most visible in the central area.

After the first “successfully” occupied building in 1997, three simultaneous occupations occurred in central São Paulo in June 2003: Hotel Danúbio located on rua Brigadeiro Luiz Antonio, a building on rua Conseilheiro Nébias and Hotel Términos situated on avenida Ipiranga. This historic coordination marked the premisses of the union of a series of social movements under one common project. In February 2004, FLM was officially created and celebrated in a first meeting in Ribeirão Pires. By the end of the year, the young umbrella movement launched other iconic occupations, including the buildings of Caixa Economica Federal on Praça Roosevelt and the former town hall of São Mateus amongst others in Zona Sul and Ipiranga. According to Manuel del Rio – FLM leader – the formation of the movement followed an overall discontent of what two decades of democracy did not succeed to achieve for the urban poor, despite important improvements in both planning (with the creation of the Estatuto das Cidades in 2001 and the Plano Director Estratégico in 2002) and public participation (with the formation of the Conselho Municipal de Habitação in 2003) (FLM website, consulted in April 2016).

Movements involved in the claim for decent housing do not necessarily share the same vision on politics and social change (Levy, 2013). Also within FLM one encounters indeed a wide variety of convictions and 1 In comparison, UMM is another umbrella organisation that gathers approximatively 50 movements across the state of São Paulo. Its visibility is less strong due to the implementation of a different strategy, more focused on decisionmaking processes and institutional achievements than FLM (Earle, 2012)

aspirations. Since 2004 it brought together under one single red banner an array of 7 grass-root housing movements active in São Paulo since the early 1990’s. They all started from bottom up organizations flourishing in the low-income neighbourhoods of the city. On the one hand, the Movimento Sem-Teto do Centro (MSTC) and the Movimento Quintais e Cortiços da Região da Mooca had been busy with the question of low-income housing in the centre for a few years, especially focusing on the typical development of cortiços. On the other hand, the Fórum de Moradia & Meio Ambiente do Estado de São Paulo (Fomaesp), the Fórum de Mutirões, the Associação de Mutirões, the Movimento Terra de Nossa Gente (TNG) and four smaller groups that gathered under the Movimento Sem-Teto pela Reforma Urbana (MSTRU - including 14 de janeiro, Grupo da Água Rasa, Grupo Colorado & Setor 8) were particularly present in the periphery, dealing with favelas’ dwellers and auto-constructed house-owners, and performing terrain occupations.

Later, other housing movements building their expertise either in the centre or the periphery of São Paulo joined FLM, like the Movimento de Moradia da Zona Norte and the Movimento Centro-Norte, both from the Zona Norte (FLM website, consulted in April 2016).

From the very beginning of the social insurgency for the right to housing in São Paulo, cycles of unions and divisions because of convergent or divergent visions have paced the evolution of the movements’ web. Separating itself in 2004 from the large Union of Housing Movement (UMM), FLM continues to distinguish itself with a radical belief in “direct action”.

However also internally movements are full of conflicts.

In 2014 for instance, MSTC splits up in two directions, giving birth to the young Movimento de Moradia de Luta pela Justicia (MMLJ).

FLM, CONSTELAÇÃO DE MOVIMENTOS

FLM, CONSTELLATION OF MOVEMENTS LEGEND: MOVEMENT ACTIVE CENTRE

MOVEMENT ACTIVE PERIPHERY

*

ASSOCIATION

RELATION UMBRELLA VS SUBMOVEMENT

BUILDING OCCUPATION

CASE-STUDY

TERRAIN OCCUPATION BASE GROUP

At the moment of writing, FLM joins 10 movements (website FLM, 2016). Each has developed its own expertise in one or several specific regions (being either Centro, Zona Sul, Zona Leste or Zona Norte).

They all have their own management (leaders and coordinators), spatially articulated through base groups and occupations. According to Manuel Del Rio, they gather under the same cause - the fight for housing – and tend to concentrate their actions on the centre.1 All 10 movements within FLM have a comparable structure and organization. Each of them has a specific leader and a set of coordinators attached to each occupation, base group and even building floor.

Five movements are active in the centre where they perform building occupations, while the five others concentrate their attention on inhabiting terrains in the periphery. The “grupos de base” - base groups - are the smallest entities in the movement’s structure and the usual point of entry for new members. They play a crucial role in spreading the message about the fight, as well as the rights and the different actions performed by the movement. Base groups are the 1 Interview with Manuel Del Rio, 9th of March 2016

roots of the bottom-up movement that needs mass to reach a relevant impact. They constitute the main instrument to reach the isolated ones, implemented directly in the margin: recruitment of members – the citizen of the occupied city – passes entirely through the dense web of base groups. Similarly, if someone is willing to join an occupation, he should enter in contact with the base group and wait until a room becomes available. In principle, a base group is composed out of a bunch of people that regularly have to participate in the movement’s meetings in a certain area. The logic presented by Maria do Planalto – Terra Nossa Gente (TNG) leader – is the following: if some people are interested in the fight for housing and rights, it is easier that one person - the coordinator - moves from the movement headquarters to the periphery than 10 people doing the opposite. To her, this decentralized organization was initially organized by the Catholic Church. However, this strong Catholic link of the 1970’s to 1985 has considerably weakened. Today, base groups are mostly located in schools, sport centres, but also private spaces rented or owned by the movement.2 2 interview with Maria do Planalto, 10th of March 2016

33

34

LEGEND: FAVELA’S & CORTIÇOS > 45% LOW INCOME FAMILIES 30% - 45% LOW INCOME FAMILIES 0-30% LOW INCOME FAMILIES [Low income: 0-3 minimum wages per family - IBGE, 2010] LINK BETWEEN FLM & SUBMOVEMENT PAST & CURRENT OCCUPATIONS BASE GROUP, AND # MEMBERS 100 200 300 500

1 000

Today, the widespread territorial organization of FLM corresponds to the strategic vision on the city that the movement seeks to imprint on the public housing management. According to Manuel Del Rio, it brings the attention of society and government on the simultaneous presence of urban voids in the consolidated city centre and homeless people that find no other option as occupying precarious areas of environmental preservation in the periphery. Together the occupations in the centre and the periphery seek to denunciate the state’s inertia facing the critical horizontal expansion of the city.1 To centralize decisions on future actions, FLM rents a space in the centre (located on avenida São João) that hosts its headquarters and weekly meetings with coordinators and movements’ leaders, as well as the activities of Apoio, the legal alter-ego of FLM. Each sub-movement has also its own gathering place, being either in an occupation or a base group. [HC - p.192] 1 Interview with Manuel Del Rio, 9th of March 2016

flm, constellation of movements I flm, constelação de movimentos MSTLV

0m

35

MSTRN 50 KM

CECASUL

FOMMAESP

POVO & AÇÃO

JARDIM IPANEMA

[Drawing based upon GIS-data Municipality of São Paulo, 2016]

MMLJ TNG MSTRU MSTC

36 7 CASOS DE PROTO-URBANISMO

7 CASES OF PROTO-URBANISM LEGEND:

2 500 m

BUILT TISSUE VACANT BUILDING PLOT IN USE AS PARKING BUILDING IN USE AS PARKING BUILDING HALF-ABANDONENT PAST OCCUPATION CURRENT OCCUPATION FLM

CURRENT OCCUPATION OTHER MOVEMENTS

The housing movement FLM is composed out of a few elements that contribute to the mechanism of their fight: a profound hierarchical organization with leaders, coordinators and members, and a peculiar spatial organization connecting periphery to the centre through various terrains and building occupations as well as public actions, imagined from myriad meeting rooms (base groups) spread all over the city. In the present study, a thorough analysis of 7 case-studies decomposes the logic of their actions. Each case stresses one specific aspect of occupations. All together, it seeks to decipher and unravel the complex and multiple ways in which of a housing movement acts on the architecture of the city.

All 7 cases are located in the central area: one happens on the public space and the six others are building occupations. On the backdrop of political and social circumstances, the main focus is on the spatial articulation of occupation practices. A multitude of scales is advocated: from inhabitant to community, to movement, to society; from unit to building, to system, to city, and back.

All together it evolves from acupunctural inspections towards a constellation whereby the interface with the formal system is explored.

500 m

0m

[31/03/2016 - Manifestation on Praça da Sé [Stevens, 2016]

DEMONSTRATIONS AVENUES, SQUARES, BUILDINGS

40 ATOS SOBRE O ESPAÇO PÚBLICO

DEMONSTRATIONS ON THE PUBLIC SPACE DATE LOCATION +- # TOTAL PARTICIPANTS +- # MEMBERS FLM

08/03/2016 Avenida Paulista to Praça República 1 000 100-150 of FLM Womensday

5 000 m

15/03/2016 Front of Teatro Municipal 80 40 of FLM

17/03/2016 Front of Faculty of Law

Spontaneous right vs left Debate about democracy

150 100-150 of FLM

18/03/2016 In front of Teatro Municipal 100 50 Political manifestation pro left-winged 31/03/2016 Praça da Sé Political manifestation pro left-winged

100 50 of FLM 17/04/2016 Vale do Anhangabaú 5000 300 of FLM

CROWD OF PEOPLE

Political manifestation pro left-winged

(PUBLIC) BUILDINGS

OCCUPATION GATHERING OF MEMBERS BUS ROUTES 1000 m

Since the 1980’s, social movements arose in São Paulo to claim their right to the city. Massively taking the central streets, these contentious performances “demonstrate” as acts of protestation, that is, “to make a public expression that you are not satisfied about something, especially by marching of having a meeting” (Cambridge Dictionary, 2016). As the most obvious strategy to broadcast discontent, these public “atos” - actions - are still a primary tool used by FLM in struggle for public attention.

0m

Escola Normal Teatro Municipal

Municipality

Faculty of Law Cathedral of SĂŠ

Busses from the periphery

[Lamas, 1978]

42

In 1978, large manifestation are performed by the labour unions of metal industry de ABC Paulista. Former president Lula da Silva plays the main protagonist in the manifestation.

43 SÃO PAULO, CIDADE DE CONTESTAÇÃO

[X, 1984]

SÃO PAULO, CITY OF CONTESTATION

(16th of april 1984) The final manifestation in series “Diretas Já” takes over Praça da Sé. It is considered the 2nd largest manifestation in history whereby the people claimed for presidential elections as opposition to the ruling dictatorship.

The metropolitan city of São Paulo is built up by different historic layers. Specific spatial figures – squares, avenues or iconic landmarks – are all testimonies of the successive eras that transformed the city [Proto-urbanisms]. As such, the city’s morphology offers a series of structures that trough time have shown capable of accommodating large scale demonstrations. Often, they are symbolic axis or public spaces, embodying a vast history of pivotal political turning points. “Most parades and processions are commemorative, and this moving through the space of the city to commemorate other times knits together time and place, memory and possibility, city and citizen, into a vital whole, a ceremonial space in which history can be made” (Solnit, 2001, p. 216). At the end of the 1980’s for instance, the political context of the military dictatorship provoked a series of popular demonstrations where various movements took the street to fight for their rights.

44

Although such “atos” play a key role in FLM’s repertoire of actions, the almost theatrical performance they present did probably hardly evolve over the years.

It is a mechanism of “being seen” with protagonists, antagonists and a media-choir. Demonstrations are elaborated on a shared framework, a mode of action or rough script that both facilitates the self-organization and maintains the coherence of the overall action (Boyd & Mitchell, 2012). They illustrate how “oppression and liberation are forms of social practice which are mediated by built form. [...] They frame and are framed by certain spatial structures and provided of meaning” (Dovey 1999, p. 183 in Heynen, 2013, p. 11). The multilayered historic tissue of São Paulo provides a range of exclusive spaces, that are simultaneously able to stage “atos” when addressed strategically. Similar to the boulevards of Paris (a city known for its demonstration capacity), the grandeur of the Plano de Avenidas for instance offered a comparably ideal structure to be physically and momentarily appropriated by the social movement for claiming purpose (Butler, 2011).

Each spatial public figure, being a square, an avenue or a landmark, is representative of a specific social class or a political vision and is at the same time indissociable of its democratic agenda – a “place where ordinary people can speak, unsegregated by walls, unmediated by those with more power.” (Solnit, 2001, p. 216). “Atos” massively performed by social movements often literally ‘take place’ in spaces from which they are usually excluded, to protest against the image they carry, or on the contrary, in public spaces that are exemplary in their popular nature, such as the Anhagabaú park.

During the fieldwork, various demonstrations were performed, in reaction to the volatile political situation preceding the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff (17th of April 2016). Left- and right-winged parties massively took the streets to show their allegiance.

These demonstrations form the base for the following analysis.

[Stevens, 2016]

São Paulo, city of contestation I São Paulo, cidade de contestação

(17nd of April 2016) The valley of Anhangabaú turns red when left-minded organisations gathered to protest against the changing political power.

45

[Stevens, 2016]

46

(15th of March 2016) - A small, but vigorous manifestation started in front of the Municipal Theatre and moved to the edge of business centre of República where the difference between right, the business men, and left, the movement members living there, is highly present in the built tissue. Both parties were highly agitated, showed by shouting and calling out of the other party.

(2nd of April 2016) - The stairs of the cathedral of Sé offer a stage for the demonstrators, who dominates the square by its own spatial configuration.

The neighbourhoods of Sé (Centro Velho) and República (Centro Novo) are articulated around various squares that characterize the bipolar historical centre [Proto-Urbanisms]. Praça da Sé gained more significance with the construction of the Cathedral of Sé in 1967. Largo de São Francisco is one of the oldest square of the Centro, opened in front of the Convent of São Francisco (1640) and the construction of the Faculty of Law (1828), the second one founded in Brazil. On both squares, these landmarks play a key role in the symbolic power they represent.

By gathering in front of the Law Faculty at the occasion of a public debate on democracy organized on the 17th of March 2016, the movement directly addresses the Institute of Law for claiming equal rights to the city.

SQUARES & LANDMARKS I PRAÇA & MARCOS DE FRONTEIRA

(17th of March 2016) - A debate about democracy within faculty of law leads to the presence of FLM and started a demonstration in front.

47

[FLM, 2010]

[Cruz, 2013]

48

(04/2010) Occupying in front of the municipality is often extended on top of the Viaduto du Cha. The little favela constructed disrupts the daily rhythm of the city.

(16/12/2016) Movement MSTS occupies as a protest against the cut off of electricity of Occupation Cine Marrocos. Little tents allow the members to stay there for several days. (Camargo, 2013)

Social movements occasionally use the building of the municipality of São Paulo to demonstrate their discontentment towards the public authority.

It is generally a reaction to a very specific decision, like the eviction of an occupation. By setting up a “micro-favela” in front of the municipality, FLM “demonstrates” at the governments doorstep how living in the street appears to be the only solution for the evicted population. Such demonstrations can last for a single day up to three months. Taking place along the highly used Viaduto du Cha, the camp-site of the movement interferes with the daily routine of the city, pressing the authority to react in their favour. “Demonstrating” here stars covering another significance, not merely communicating discontent, but literally illustrating and exhibiting the consequences of political decisions by erecting the architecture of the favela on the most central spot of the city, blocking the entrance of the city hall. Bodily demonstrations here gradually turn into architectural demonstrations.

49

Drawing based upon picture: [Lopes & Di처genes, 2015]

IN FRONT OF THE MUNICIPALITY I EM FRENTE NA PREFEITURA

(15/09/2015) Around 200 inhabitants participate in the demonstration in front of the municipality against the eviction threat of at least 4 occupations: Prestes Maia, Hotel Cambridge, a building along avenida S찾o Jo찾o, and occupation in Parapu찾 and Imirim.

[Schincariol, 2016]

[Schincariol, 2016]

50

(8th of March, 2016) - During International Womensday, FLM joined the manifestation on Avenida Paulista. Besides different feminist groups, FLM turned it around to a pro Dilma -event.

(17st of April, 2016) - As reaction to the prominent impeachment of President Dilma, Vale do Anhangabaú turns red. Flanked by buildings of the municipality and shopping malls, all important leftminded movements were present.

Broad avenues and large scale infrastructures like the elevated highway “Minhocão” [Cultural Agitation - MO] have the capacity and the democratic role to carry moving masses of protesting people (Solnit, 2001). In periods of political crisis, avenida Paulista is often turned into the stage for demonstrations varying in size and political orientation. The importance of this famous axis grew in the 1970’s, when economic and commercial functions gradually moved from the historic centre to settle alongside [Proto-Urbanisms]. The long avenue is flanked by high-rise office buildings and shopping malls. During “atos”, the social movements address stakeholders by shouting towards the exclusive and protected towers while very often a couple of days after or before right-wing opponents claim the same space for opposing demands.

AVENUES & INFRASTRUCTURE I AVENIDAS E INFRA-ESTRUTURAS

(18th of March, 2016) - Owning the front of a moving manifestation is the main focuspoint of FLM. By being first, they are most visible for journalists and while the rest of the organization seem to be part of their mass.

51

At the end of the demonstration buses await to bring the members back to their neighbourhoods.

By signing a list of attendance they prove their participation, gaining points as a member.

Rua Augusta is often used as a way to link Avenida Paulista with the historical city centre as end point of the manifestation. Often, confrontations take place with the middle to high-class residents of the streets.

News coverage is important as it is often the way to increase visibility and message to the larger public. Nevertheless, the politically polarized media mostly questions the legitimacy of left-winged manifestations, who therefore depend much more on alternative small scale media platforms.

The head of a moving manifestation somehow determines the dominance of the manifestation. Banners and photographers move along while movements dispute and fight over the front-row position.

As envisioned by architect Lina Bo Bardi, the square underneath the MASP museum offers a gathering place. For countless manifestations, the large covered public space functions as a highly charged meeting and starting spot.

Truck with speakers is up where movements protagonists and leftists heroes invigorate the manifesters.

Both central and peripheral movements arrive by buses to guarantee participation of their members.

Avenida Paulista is flanked by high and middle class stakeholders. The banks, shopping malls, and more are addressed with shouting and gesticulation.

Always there is a risk of counter manifestations to arise as members often actively seek conflict with disagreeing passers-by or right winged groups and visa versa.

Each manifestation undergoes a series of steps that all together turn the atos in a theatrical performance with moments of initiation, rest and agitation (Boyd & Mitchell, 2013).

A manifestation mostly end up with live-music and drinks as a kind of “ritualised celebration” of claims and demands.

Informal sellers of food, drinks and attributes are adding to the festival-like atmosphere, making an event out of it.

(2nd of April, 2016)

(17th of march, 2016)

54

(8th of march, 2016)

The member of the movements participating are submerged in a “selfy”-culture to “prove” and “show-off” one’s presence and conviction amongst peers on social media.

Tagging and imprinting presence and demands on public infrastructure with grafitti and posters to seek more permanent inscriptions and symbolic spaces of the city (Caldeira, 2012).

THEATRICAL PERFORMANCE I PERFORMANCE TEATRAL

(15th of April, 2016, Vieira)

A register of slogans are shouted every manifestation back.

Members personally dress up in a collective masquerade, celebrating movements’ identity with T-shirts, hats, flags, bandeiras, make-up, etc.

(18th of march, 2016)

From early in the morning members arrive to “claim” space at Avenida Paulista.

(8th of march, 2016)

Large banners make their presence as visible and large as possible led by an internal competition among movements.

3 movements leaders of FLM are in front of the manifestation that took hold of the MASP.

While the bodily mass created by the movement has the highest visible impact on the space, they as well leave their tags on a smalller scale. On top, the social aspect between the members strengthens the dynamic of the demonstration.

55

56

Through their actions of demonstration, the movements experienced successes. After the Diretas Já in 1984, social movements had the opportunity to contribute to the Federal Constitution of the New Republic of 1988.

Specifically two laws on urban policy were included, in result of the input of popular groups: the articles 182 and 183 aim to implement certain limits to the right to property (Carvalho & Rossbach, 2010). Nevertheless, Manuel Del Rio testifies how the final constitution is a toned down version, which brought more disbelieve in the political power.1 From the 1980’s on, the urban character of the historical centre changed drastically. While the growing attractiveness of avenida Paulista, more and more buildings got abandoned, reaching a vacancy rate of 25% in some districts [Proto-Urbanisms]. According to FLM, there are more vacant buildings in São Paulo than people without roof (FLM website, 2016). However, the decaying Centro remained an important area, because of its proximity to the most services (Briers & Devos, 2015). In reaction to this situation, the municipality of São Paulo introduced in the Plano Director approved in 2001 the notion of “social function” of a building, as to stimulate investments in abandoned structures. [HL – p.260] 1 Interview with Manuel Del Rio, 9th of March 2016

Appropriating the innovative legal framework, social movements started to spontaneously react upon the emerging vacancy, turning it into an opportunity for the first victims of the housing deficit: the urban poor. In 1997, ULC (União de Lutas de Cortiços) the forbearer of FLM, takes the act of demonstrating to the next level, occupying for the first time a vacant building.

They manage to live inside for almost 7 years before being evicted. The successful action inspires other movements and occupation becomes the major tool of FLM. “To demonstrate”, here is no longer restricted to protest. Rather, it becomes a way to “show something and explain how it [could] work” (Cambridge dictionary, 2016). FLM was no longer merely asking for affordable housing in the centre. They started building it in the ruins of the abundantly vacant building fabric.

Over time and through multiple observations, FLM has built up significant knowledge about the vacancy in the central area of São Paulo [HL – p.260]. The movement regularly update a list of all the empty or abandoned buildings (and terrains2) that could suit a future housing function. From it, they select the most strategic ones to occasionally perform occupations.

2 Terrains occupations are typical actions performed by movements active in the periphery. This aspect of FLM is not addressed in this thesis.

57 DIVERSIFICAÇÃO DAS AÇÕES

DIVERSIFICATION OF TOOLS

INSS Novo de Julho has become an iconic occupation for FLM as they occupied it 7 times: from a longstanding occupation of several years to just a day. With this they try to pressure the municipality to execute a project of 117 housing units. Until now, the building is still abandoned.

58

Famílias ocupam 11 prédios para exigir moradia popular em São Paulo [Gomes, R /RBA publicado 29/10/2012]

Families occupy 11 buildings to demand affordable housing in São Paulo.

Grupo de 200 sem-teto invade prédio no centro de São Paulo.

[Folhapress, 08/08/2013]

Group of 200 “homeless” invade a building in downtown São Paulo.

According to different media, the actions of the housing movements is framed differently. While left-oriented journalist will use the same terminalogy as the movement “ocupar”, right-minded newspaper easily start to judge their actions and contribute to their criminalized image.

[FLM, 2005]

diversification of tools I diversificação das ações

Brochure of FLM who distributes it among its existing and new members. Title claims how “home less have executed simultaneous occupations”.

59

60

In FLMs logic, political involvement is essential for achieving social housing. As in Levy’s critique, social movements are often accused of “institutionalization” after multiple decades of mobilization and gradually increasing political participation. Stepping into “formal” politics, this supposedly forces them to adjust to the system and substitute their claim for more conciliatory methods, finally illustrating a process of simultaneous gains and losses (Levy, 2013). In the case of FLM however this alleged “substitution” seems to appear rather as yet another “addition”; another strategy that further complements the diverse set of tactics deployed for housing the urban poor. In parallel, the movement participates in political boards, engages in large funding programs, sets up regular negotiations with the municipal social housing company and counts many of its leaders directly involved in the Labour Party; whilst still repeatedly undertaking subversive building and terrain occupations. The movement’s “double identity becomes very readable in its manifold branches, with for instances FLM as its transgressive “banner” and the officially registered association “Apoio” or its legal and statutory alter-ego.

61

[Marques, 2012]

diversification of tools I diversificação das ações

During the whole campaign, elective candidate Haddad was in close contact with the social movements of São Paulo as a way to ensure his grassroots support. With various promises he ensures political backing and creating higher chances for him to be elected. In his victory, 2 changes for FLM occured. On one hand, all the occupation that were present before his election would not be evicted during his mayoralty, and one of the leader of FLM, Osmar B., received the position of alderman in his administration.

SÃO PAULO, 28 DE OUTUBRO DE 2012 Excelências: Dos Poderes Públicos: Municipal, Estadual, Federal, do Judiciário e demais autoridades.

“Quando a necessidade é premente, os bens são comuns”.

São Tomás de Aquino

Não suportamos esperar mais. Nossas condições de moradia promove imenso sofrimento de nossas famílias. Se paga o aluguel não come, se come não paga o aluguel. Esta situação gera desagregação insuportável em nossas vidas.

O tempo passa e os poderes constituídos não trabalham para fazer nosso Direito vigorar. Em nossas pesquisas para realizar esta ação, ficamos estarrecidos com a quantidade de imóveis vazios e abandonados por 10, 15, 35 anos, que encontramos.

Revelam um desperdício vergonhoso em nossa cidade. Afrontam a lei descaradamente. Não cumprem sua função social. Não obedece o domínio que a Lei exigiu de seus proprietários. Descaracteriza a cidade. Agridem o meio ambiente. E violam o Direito à cidade e à moradia das pessoas. Entretanto, e apesar disso, qualquer papel podre apresentado no Judiciário, os juízes ordenam a retirada dos sem teto com a violência armada da polícia. Depois lucram o prédio e os entregam para o lixo e insetos.

E as pessoas continuam no sofrimento.

Em decorrência de nossa situação e da inércia dos poderes constituídos, tomamos a iniciativa, de acordo com nosso Direito de agir, assegurado pela Constituição Federal, e ocupamos os seguintes imóveis para ser nossas moradias.

1. Estrada de Itapecerica da Serra, nº 9.999 – próximo ao Jardim Santo Eduardo.

2. Rua José Bonifácio, 137 3. Av. Ipiranga, 879 4. Av. São João, 251 5. Rua das Palmeiras c/ Rua Helvétia 6. Av. Prestes Maia, 576 / 578 7. Rua Quintino Bocaiuva, 242 8. Escola Clóvis Graciano – Nova Cachoeirinha 9. Alameda Cleveland, 195 10. Rua Helvétia, 55 11. Av. São João, 288

Não procurem nos intimidar. Não abriremos mão de nossos Direitos. Queremos juntos, transformar os imóveis abandonados em moradias populares. Queremos a realização de levantamento de inicio, no centro expandido, de todos imóveis abandonados e conferir função social a essas propriedades desapropriando-as. Vamos trabalhar para acabar com o imenso desequilíbrio social que existe em São Paulo desenvolvendo projetos de habitação popular.

FLM – FRENTE DE LUTA POR MORADIA www.portalflm.com.br / E-mail: flmbrasil@gmail.com / Twitter: @LutaMoradia / Facebook: Lutamoradia Frente de Luta por Moradia Contatos: Osmar – 99516 – 0547 ou 9 8302-8197 / Carmem – 9 9680-7409 ou 7709-7896 / Felícia: 9 6620-6470 ou 7185-5874 /

SÃO PAULO, 28TH OF OCTOBER 2012 Excellencies: To the Powers of Government: Municipal, State, Federal, the judiciary and other authorities.

“When the need is high, the goods are common”.

São Tomás de Aquino

We can not stand to wait anymore. Our living conditions induce immense suffering to our families. If you pay the rent you do not eat, if you eat you do not pay the rent. This creates unbearable breakdowns in our lives.

Time passes and the powers in place do not work to make our law effective. In our research to perform this action, we were appalled by the amount of empty and abandoned buildings for 10, 15, 35 years. They reveal a shameful waste in our city. It reproached the law blatantly. They do not fulfill their social function. It does not meet the level that the law demanded of their owners. It decharacterizes the city. It harms the environment. And violates the right to the city and housing for people. However, and despite this, any rotten paper presented in the judiciary, the judges order the eviction of the homeless with armed police violence. After first gaining profit from the building to then deliver them to the trash and insects. And the people are still suffering.

Because of our situation and the inertia of the powers that are in place, we take the initiative, according to our law to act, provided by the Federal Constitution, and occupy the following properties to be our homes:

1. Estrada de Itapecerica da Serra, nº 9.999 – closeby Jardim Santo Eduardo.

2. Rua José Bonifácio, 137 3. Av. Ipiranga, 879 4. Av. São João, 251 5. Rua das Palmeiras c/ Rua Helvétia 6. Av. Prestes Maia, 576 / 578 7. Rua Quintino Bocaiuva, 242 8. Escola Clóvis Graciano – Nova Cachoeirinha 9. Alameda Cleveland, 195 10. Rua Helvétia, 55 11. Av. São João, 288

FLM – FRENTE DE LUTA POR MORADIA www.portalflm.com.br / E-mail: flmbrasil@gmail.com / Twitter: @LutaMoradia / Facebook: Lutamoradia Frente de Luta por Moradia Contact: Osmar – 99516 – 0547 ou 9 8302-8197 / Carmem – 9 9680-7409 ou 7709-7896 / Felícia: 9 6620-6470 ou 7185-5874 /

[FLM - website, 2012]

Do not try to intimidate us. We will not compromise our rights. We want to transform the abandoned buildings in affordable housing together. We want to start conducting a survey of all abandoned buildings in the expanded centre and confer the properties dispossessing the social function. We will work to end of the immense social inequality that exists in São Paul, in order to develop low-income housing projects.

64 PIPOCA

POPCORN ACTION 2 500 m

LEGEND: Vacant plot

VACANT PLOT VACANT BUILDING

Vacant building

Building in use

BUILDING IN USE OCCUPYING MOVEMENT

Mstc

Movement occupying

Address

ADDRESS PART OF HOUSING PROGRAM?

Housing Program

Ipiranga 879 Renova Centro

OWED BY COHAB

Ownership of COHAB Occupation < 1 year DURATION:

OCCUPATION TODAY > 1 YEAR

Occupation < 1 day Eviction + date

Amount of inhabitants

1 DAY EVICTION + DATE

# INHABITANTS

28.01.2013 320

On the 29th of October 2012, FLM surprises the public order, organizing the occupation of 11 buildings at the same time, a “pipoca” (popcorn) in their jargon. The goal of the movement is to pressure both the current and the upcoming governments to pursue the ongoing negotiations on expropriation policies and the provision of affordable housing for the urban poor (website FLM, 2016).

In this case, the “pipoca” followed the recent election of Fernando Haddad (PT) as new mayor in São Paulo, after six years of right-wing governance. One day after Haddad’s left-wing government seized power FLM undertook a largescale occupation to remind and denounce high expectations.

500 m

0m

66

The first 24 hours of a new occupation are crucial. By then, according to the Brazilian law, squatters cannot be evicted without a court order. Over time, FLM has developed a whole recipe to gain the highest success rate.

At midnight, the movement’s members meet either at the building entrance, or on a strategic location defined beforehand defined. It is a carefully balanced mixture between members experienced in occupying and potential future inhabitants, often new to the situation. Most of them have been participating in base groups where they were introduced to the basic principles of the movement. As most of them come from the periphery, people are transported by buses rented by the movement and brought to the different locations part of the “pipoca”.

“Teams” are directed to specific buildings, and each one is organized in different “task forces”. For each building, one leader manages the operations. A first experienced team opens the building. The doorbreakers carry clubs and hammers and arrange a hole in the blocked entrance, which is often heavily protected against intrusion. A defensive line - “the front line” - composed out of women and children surrounds the building entrance to prevent from police violence and keeps outsiders out of the intervention area.

From the moment the building is accessible, tens to hundreds of families enter with equipment, (food, flash-lights, until even the most basic furniture like mattresses, baby strollers, etc.; anything they can carry) for a few days of camping. All this happens in silence and darkness in the hope not to be detected by any outsider to reach the 24 hours.

Once all members participating in the occupation team have entered the building, the door-keepers are responsible for locking them inside.

Outside, negotiations between the police and the movement’s leaders sometimes occur, often through the bars of blocked doors.

popcorn action I pipoca

DRAWING BASED ON THE OCCUPATION OF HOTEL LORD ON 29TH OF OCTOBER 2012.

67

68

From the first hours on, the movement starts to organize the building. A technical team analyses if the building is safe. If so, a first cleaning process starts to free some spaces to organize the collective life which also includes the catering, communal space, sleeping, etc. A maintenance team is responsible for fixing the hydrological and electrical network. The different energy supplies are mostly done through illegal connections, except when the municipality owns the building, therefore paying the bills itself.

Meanwhile, the movement foresees full news coverage. During the “pipoca” of 12th April 2015 for instance, a live news feed was maintained. Each occupation team was joined by one journalist, one photographer, and one recorder, most of them related to alternative media platforms such as “Journalistas Livres”.

Immediately after squatting the building, the movement’s flag is hanged on the facade as a symbolic demarcation of a newly conquered territory. In parallel, the bureaucratic aspect of the action starts. The occupation becomes official after 24 hours and the door of the building is re-opened. The movement informs the Municipality and mostly the inhabitants are as soon as possible registered on the waiting list of COHAB for social housing. COHAB informs the owner that any eviction must be arranged juridically.1 The movement at once starts to invest in the new occupation to legitimize their transgressive action. Broken windows are covered and rubble and abandoned furnitures moved are out. Often, the cleaning operation takes several weeks due to the large piles of trash. The garbage is picked up at night by trucks hired by the municipal garbage disposal company. While taking out all the rubbish and stripping the architecture of the building, new furniture is brought to hinder evictions, as the owner is legally obliged to take out and temporary store any “belongings” of new squatting inhabitants. Oodles of mattresses, stoves, beds, refrigerators and tables are moved in to raise costs of eviction.

During these first weeks, the collective life is extreme as the obsolete architecture is usually inadequate for living. Cooking, eating and sleeping places are shared. Nevertheless, the structure and previous function of the building, the time it has been abandoned and the overall safety determine how long it can take to transform the building in a liveable building, divided in smaller units. [DM - p.38] In the case of a hotel, the inhabitable rooms are shared between the different households. The lowest floors are preferably given to the families and disabled inhabitants while the upper ones are the latest to be occupied. Gradually, the building structure is adapted for dwelling.2 1 Interview with Leatitia Brandão, 14th of March 2016 2 Interview with Maria Do Planalto, 10th of March 2016

popcorn action I pipoca

69

[PM] The entrance is opened by force and blocked again after entering.

[PM] Assembleias are held to address the many members present.

[PM] Banner of FLM is hanged on the facade after 24 hours.

[PM] Leftish journalists join during the occupation to record the process.

[HL] Collective kitchen is set up in the former kitchen of the restaurant.

[PM] An abandoned building collects a lot of trash and degradation the longer it is vacated. The movment will start to clean up from the start.

Pictures are taken during the 4th attempt to occupy Prestes Maia on the 4th of October 2010 [FLM, 2010] and the occupation of Hotel Lord on 28th of October 2012 [Donasci, 2012].

70

The success of an occupation is not only achieved through the mechanism developed by the social movement and the occupied building structure, but also by the people involved. Film producer Eliana Café testifies how Carmen da Silva, leader of MSTC, is able to move crowds, without anyone to doubt of her authority or leadership.1 Members are invited to participate to several meetings or “assembleias”, in both occupations and base groups to be prepared beforehand. A strong community is highly necessary to carry out a successful occupation. Solnit illustrated how indeed such places of shared necessities paradoxically increase the feeling of community amongst urban poor, especially when they are evicted from their home (Solnit, 2010). For many participants, occupying is part of a survival strategy. Strong communities germinate from the shared precariousness of occupations.

1 Interview with Eliana Caffé, 20th of February 2016

popcorn action I pipoca

+

+

JOÃO PESSOA 1993

71

FLM MSTC

+

+ [JB] +

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[JB]

10TH FLOOR

SOCIAL WORKER (APOIO)

MARIA SOLARES CONSEIÇÃO

Her work within the movement and Apoio gives her the power, time and money to pursue studies in her free time.

When MARIA CONSEIÇÃO (43) first joined MSTC, she was asked to take part in a “festa” - or occupation. With her fanciest cloths on, she only later realised that the “party” was actually the occupation of a vacant building for 24 hours. With other people, she entered the INSS Nove de Julho on the 10th of October 2010, and stayed inside for 9 days. Despite her initial misunderstanding, she later on became an active movement member. She took part in the occupation of four other buildings and works now as a social worker for Apoio, the association of FLM. After one year of weekly meetings at several base groups, she eventually received the opportunity to settle on th 10th floor of Occupation José Bonifacío1 [JB – p.72].

1 Interview with Maria - Inhabitant of occupation José Bonifacío, Sé - 17th of March 2016

72 CONSTELAÇÃO DE OCUPAÇÕES

CONSTELLATION OF OCCUPATIONS 2 500 m

LEGEND: CURRENT OCCUPATION OF FLM

OTHER CURRENT OCCUPATIONS

FOR 7 YEARS PAST OCCUPATION FLM:

FOR 1 DAY OTHER PAST OCCUPATION VACANT BUILDING UNDERUSED STRUCTURE BUILT TISSUE

500 m

Over time, movements’ demonstrations have evolved from a few hours protesting on a square to several days in front of the municipality to eventually several years within a vacant building as a way to show how the city could go differently.

0m

74

DEMONSTRATIONS I ATOS

FLM is not the only movement currently performing occupations. Although MLSM (Movimento de Luta Social por Moradia) and MSTS (Movimento Sem-Têto de São Paulo) are highly criticized, and often associated to drug cartels (Briers & Devos, 2015), their portfolio of occupations increased tremendously the last few years.

On the opposite, a few movements stepped away from long-term occupations to concentrate their efforts in entering public programs providing affordable housing.1 ULC which was the first movement to occupy a vacant building in the city centre, shifted entirely its way of fighting for housing. Occupation, for them, is considered as a symbolic act, that can last from one to several days, but never in the idea to become a permanent solution [HL - p.262]. This way, a diverse “market” of housing movements is active in the centre, from which future members often “shop” according to their own aspirations and convictions. On top of that, numerous members often migrate from one occupation movement to another, after iterative personal conflicts or in search of new and better opportunities2 [PM - p.122].

1 Interview with assessoria téchnica Peabiru, 15th of March 2016 2 Interview with Sidnei Pita, 24th of March 2016

FLm FRENTE DA LUTA PELA MORADIA Decision-making

Busses

Education

flm

flm

flm

flm flmflm

flm

Manuel del Rio FLM LEADER Apoio DIRECTOR

flm

ATOS

PIPOCA

MEMBER CARD

flm

Priority Participation

SECURITY Defensive Line

flm Door Breakers entering

SOCIAL HOUSING

OCCUPATION

flm

Registration

24

H

O

UR

Door Keepers S

Catering team

Cleaning team

For each floor

HOUSE RULES

Cleaning team

flm

Technical team

Self-construction

Consolidated Occupation

flm

Porteira

Moving in

LIFT Schedule Elevator team

New project

SELF-CONSTRUCTION JOSÉ BONIFACÍO 137

[Stevens, 2016]

OCUPAÇÃO

78 VACÂNCIA E OCUPAÇÕES - CONSTELAÇÃO DE TIPOLOGIAS

VACANCY & OCCUPATIONS - CONSTELLATION OF TYPOLOGIES 2 500 m

LEGEND: VACANCY:

VACANT PLOT VACANT BUILDING HALF ABANDONED BUILDING PARING

OCCUPATIONS: LIMITED SELF-CONSTRUCTION

HIGH LEVEL OF SELF-CONSTRUCTION

PAST

CURRENT HOTELS, REDISENTIAL BULDINGS

STORAGE, PARKINGS

OFFICE, COMMERCIAL

CULTURE [CINEMA ETC.] 500 m

There is a wide diversity in occupations’ typologies, ranging from hotels - kinds of ready-made housing blocks -, to much more challenging structures like factories, shopping centres, office buildings, cinemas, schools, and so forth.

The last series imposes the necessity to adapt the open outdated space for housing, mostly by dividing it into the largest amount of units possible. Selfconstruction is therefore often a crucial aspect in the setting of an occupation, piecing together housing units within the framework of vacated building structures.

0m

80 OCUPAÇÃO JOSÉ BONIFACÍO 137

OCCUPATION JOSÉ BONIFACÍO 137 2 500 m SURFACE TOTAL AMOUNT OF INHABITED FLOORS

ADDRESS FORMER FUNCTION OWNER YEAR OF VACANCY DATE OF OCCUPATION MOVEMENT(S)

1 813 m² 11 floors

Rua José Bonifacío 137, Sé COMMERCIAL building (shops + offices) PRIVATE, ongoing negotiations with COHAB to buy the building (8 millions R$) 1980’s 28th of October 2012

FLM* - MSTC**

*Frente da Luta por Moradia **Movimento Sem Teto do Centro

AMOUNT OF FAMILIES MONTHLY RENT

COORDINATOR

95 250 R$/month

(100 R$ to the owner + 150 R$ to the movement)

Ronaldo

The occupation José Bonifacío is established in a commercial building, a testimony of the first wave of verticalization in the historic triangle of the “Centro Velho” (Old Centre - Sé). It is located in a vibrant shopping area, along rua José Bonifacío, a street that has been pedestrianized in the 1970’s.1 Despite the high concentration of commercial activities animating the streets, a considerable rate of vacancy touches the upper floors. In 2000, 3.055 empty units (corresponding to 26,8% of the built form) are identified in the district of Sé, the most vacant area of the centre (Instituto Pôlis, 2009) In 2010, this percentage drops to 11,7 (IBGE 2010), indicating a growing attraction for this area2. However, building occupations occur frequently in the area and ask to the inhabitants important efforts to adapt former commercial and office structures to new housing needs.

1 According to MTE RAIS 2009, the district of Sé hosts the largest concentration of industrial/commercial activities and services in the Centro (33,4%).

2 A series of interventions and regulations were implemented by the Municipality of São Paulo during the last decade to re-attract investments and inhabitants. As a consequence, land value in the central area has raised. From February 2008 to 2010, the average value in the centre passed from R$ 1800 per square meter to R$ 3400, corresponding to a rising of 189% (IBGE, 2010).

500 m

0m

Rua José Bonifacío 137

SÉ

UP: Rua José Bonifacío can turn in a very busy commercial street on a regular weekday.

DOWN: The occupation entrance is centred along rua José Bonifacío, a pedestrian street vacated on a Sunday.

82

The housing occupation is inserted into the dense tissue of shops and vacant office buildings on rua José Bonifacío (district of Sé). From the street, the living environment implemented through self-construction remains hidden behind the commercial typology of the façade. On Sunday’s, the weekly closure of shops adds up to the long term vacancy of the upper floors, leaving the streets desolate. Only the network of occupations inserts some urbanity and daily life on the deserted public spaces, which become a popular playground for the numerous occupation children.

83

[Drawn by authors]

Occupation josé bonifacío 137 I OCUPAçÃO josé bonifacío 137

FAÇADE OF THE OCCUPATION JOSÉ BONIFACÍO

[Malusard ,1920]

[Rosenthal ,1940]

84

Rua Direita is one of the 3 main streets around the centre of São Paulo grew.

Various parking zones are set up to serve the commercial character.

EARLY 20TH CENTURY VERTICALIZATION

The surroundings of occupation José Bonifacío endures drastic urban mutations over the course of the 20th century. Verticalization and building reconversion are marking a second wave of re-investment in the ageing residential tissue of the “Centro Velho”. The historic triangle comprised between rua Direita, rua São Bento and rua Quinze de Novembro and its surrounding get thereby a new commercial colouration [Proto-Urbanisms].

85 VACÂNCIA NO SÉ - CENTRO VELHO

[Arquivo Folhapress, 1976]

VACANCY IN SÉ - THE OLD CENTRO

Various central commercial streets are fully pedestrianized under the veil of giving the centre back to the people. (Machado, 2015)

1970’S CAR INFRASTRUCTURE & PEDESTRIANIZATION

2000’S VACANCY & OCCUPATIONS PUBLIC RE-INVESTMENTS

In the 1970’s, the development of new commercial centralities along the Paulista and Berrini avenues, the implementation of express ways to by-pass the centre and the pedestrianization of the historic triangle of the Centro Velho strongly affect the attractiveness of Sé for the middle-class consumption. The outdated commercial architecture is largely left behind for technologically more advanced buildings. Vacancy in the central district increases from the 1980’s as the commercial structures are progressively abandoned and the demography drops.1

Since the first decade of this century, vacancy starts to decrease and Sé slowly reaffirms itself as a commercial centrality, with a lot of shops on the ground floors.

However, top floor offices remain rather empty.

1 Between 1980 and 2008, the population in Sé decreased from 32.965 to 16.650 (IBGE, 2010)

86 0m

400 M

GROUND FLOOR: All in all, SĂŠ is still the main commercial and business area of the historical centre articulated along a network of pedestrian streets. A few landmarks and public buildings add to its open character during the day, and emphasize abandonment

BUILT

NON BUILT

at night.

Topography

Pedestrian Network

Vacant

Underused

Parking

In use

Commercial

Case study

Vacant

Underused

Cortiรงo

Occupation

Case study

89

vacancy in sé - the old Centro I vacância no sé - centro velho

0m

400 M

TOP FLOORS: In contrast to the highly used ground floor, the top floors are mainly vacant and underused. Building occupations are frequent.

150 High rise

100

50

15 0m Low rise

90

1949

1980’S

José Bonifacío’s twin commercial building are constructed in 1949.

The “escritorio” initially hosts several shops and offices.

Both commercial structures abandoned during the 1980’s.

are

91 CONVERTENDO UMA ESTRUTURA COMERCIAL

RECONVERTING A COMMERCIAL STRUCTURE

JUNE 2009

28TH OCTOBER 2012

FEBRUARY-MARCH 2016

In June 2009, COHAB commissions the School of Architecture and Urbanism of the University of São Paulo (FAUU SP-FUPAM) to assist them in the selection of buildings suitable for affordable housing in downtown São Paulo. The commercial building located on rua José Bonifacío 137 is on the FUPAM list, together with 220 others. [HL p.262]

On the 28th of October 2012, FLM launches a ‘pipoca’ [DM - p.38] in the centre of São Paulo. Eleven buildings are occupied simultaneously by the movement’s members, including the building located on rua José Bonifacío 137. Fifty members of MSTC enter the abandoned commercial building.

At the time of the fieldwork, a few cultural projects are foreseen since June 2016 by the inhabitants. The implementation of a theatre in the basement, jointly with the opening of a library-bar along the vibrant pedestrian commercial street, will test new boundaries between outsiders and inhabitants. [SJ p.224] Coordinator Ronaldo is simultaneously developing a cinema project in the meeting room for the inhabitants.

2014 In 2014, the occupation movement is able to suspend a planned eviction after intense negotiations with the owner and the social housing company, COHAB.

STUDENTS AUGUST 2015 The University of São Paulo initiates a first attempt of re-investment in the vacant building, studying the possibility to develop student housing in the former commercial structure.

The project never gets off the ground.

In August 2015, the neighbouring commercial building located along rua Benjamin Constant is occupied by another housing movement, MLSM which is not affiliated to FLM. MLSM’s reputation is associated with cartel and slumlord practices.

92 The abandoned building is a former office structure with ten similar functional open floors and a commercial ground floor open to the commercial street. Each floor is built up by two large open spaces piled up around a distributing core, and allowing a flexible layout. The long and narrow structure together with low ceilings however makes that little light penetrates into the floors.

1,5

1,5

1,5 1,5

5m

7,5m

12m

8,5m

Level 11

Level 10

Level 09

Level 08

Level 07

Level 06

Level 05

Level 04

Level 03

Level 02

Level 01 Ground Floor

Rua José Bonifacío

Level 00 Basement

0 1 2

Section AA’

5

10m

REconverting a commercial structure I convertendo uma estrutura comercial

93

Aâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

A

Level -01

Level 03

Level 04

Level 00

Level 05

rua J. Bonifacio

Level 01

Level 06

Level 02

Level 07

LEGEND: Outdoor spaces

0 1 2

Level 08

Level 09

Level 10

Level 11

5

10m

[FLM Archive, 2012]

94

SPACE BEFORE DIVISION - After having cleaned the vacated building, the future inhabitants bring all kind of recycled wooden elements to organize the new housing function.

After entering the abandoned structure in October 2012, it takes six months for the MSTC members to make the former commercial building somehow suitable for dwelling. To build private units and collective bathrooms, they use and recycle building materials, recuperated from construction sites nearby.

These are used as such that in case of eviction, they can be conserved and re-used in a next occupation.

Wooden panels and light bearing elements easy to carry are therefore preferred to bricks and cement to subdivide the open floor plan. This choice limits the cost of investment and time spent in constructing the spaces, while at the same time it facilitates a

quick deconstruction in case of eviction. As a kind of nomadic architecture invading the fixed concrete structure, this keeps the setting flexible for future adaptations. Nevertheless, the wooden constructions are prone to rotting, and hardly offer acoustic privacy to the different occupants.

The movement applies a home-made â&#x20AC;&#x153;culture of bricolageâ&#x20AC;? in order to ensure basic living conditions, limited to fixing of water and electricity distribution, to sometimes the improvisation of a sewage network in formerly dry spaces.1 1 Interview with Ronaldo, 17th March 2016

REconverting a commercial structure I convertendo uma estrutura comercial

Inhabitants add windows to their housing unit, blocked from daylight in order to make it more liveable.

PROPRIEDADE EXCLUSIVE

The electricity is illegally provided

Wooden panels are fixed on a wooden structure divide the space into small units organized along a wide common space.

JESUS DE

SELF-CONSTRUCTION IN JOSĂ&#x2030; BONIFACĂ?O

One inhabitant makes a sink out of a recycled plastic container as the former one broke.

[Drawn by authors]

550

To fulfill fire safety regulations, gas for the individual kitchens is provided by bottles kept out of the units.

95

96 The entrance and distribution logic of the office building is reused in the invented housing environment. The elevators are broken and their shaft are recycled for the technical connections between floors, answering needs specific occupations: improvised sewage and electrical network all gather in there, together with shared sanitation facilities for each floor, as common in a commercial building layout.

The division of the upper floors into three main rows follows the modules of the façade, providing natural light in the deep common space and the sole units connected to the facade. The 95 units are rather small, ranging from 8 to 12 square meters, forcing inhabitants to take the most of what the collective spaces can offer. Taking into account family size, two units are sometimes combined into a large one, reflecting the flexible modular system. Except for the “happy few” units facing the street façades, none of the dwellings has direct access to natural day light or ventilation.

1,5

1,5

1,5 1,5

5m

7,5m

12m

8,5m

Level 11

Level 10

Level 09

Level 08

Level 07

Level 06

Level 05

Level 04

Level 03

Level 02

Level 01 Ground Floor

Rua José Bonifacío

Level 00 Basement

0 1 2

Section AA’

5

10m

REconverting a commercial structure I convertendo uma estrutura comercial

97

Aâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

02

01

A

Level -01

Level 03

Level 04

Level 00

Level 05

rua J. Bonifacio

Level 01

Level 06

Level 02

Level 07

LEGEND: Outdoor spaces Unused spaces Self-construction Occupation entrance 01 Spaces for potential cultural uses 02 Common meeting room

0 1 2

Level 08

Level 09

Level 10

Level 11

5

10m

98

Meeting space in JosĂŠ BonifacĂ­o with future plans in dividing a space so part can be opened permanently.

Half of the first floor is left open to host weekly meetings between inhabitants and movementâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s leaders. The office of Ronaldo (occupation coordinator) and a common library are also located here. All the furniture and raw material to build them are collected from the street.

REconverting a commercial structure I convertendo uma estrutura comercial

Nomadic architecture & collective space on an inhabited floor

The rest of the floors are parcelled off with wooden panels to create housing units. The private spaces are organized around a large common one which benefits from natural light and ventilation.1 1 Fieldwork observations

99

100

EMPTY STRUCTURE Open Space* *Trash, abandoned office furniture and broken windows form the initial setting of a future occupation. An important cleaning and fixing procedure is always needed upstream the self-construction.

SELF-CONSTRUCTION OF INFILL AND DIVISION Units and Collective Space

In most of the cases, the occupation’s dwelling culture strongly relies on home-made and pirate infrastructures. Water and electricity are mostly illegally provided through improvised plug-ins and water reservoirs installed on the rooftops. The bundle of improvised infrastructures are visible all over the occupation. Collected in the shafts of the broken elevators, electricity wires stretch from one unit to another and their fire-safety is often questionable.

Feeding the multitude of private taps, sinks and washing machines, improvised water and sewage pipes are running low along the walls of the collective spaces, sometimes dangerously crossing the corridors and forcing meandering users to continuously mind the step.

In only a few occupations, the elevator is still in use. often their heavy steel mechanisms are stolen, broken or regarded unsafe for further use. In Hotel Lord, three inhabitants are hired to run the elevator through the twelve floors as its technique is primitively rewired.

To avoid to overload the fragile infrastructure, the use is limited to a strict schedule which hangs in the

entrance of the occupation1. An elevator trip can last for long, with a vast waiting line during rush hours. In most other occupations inhabitants however depend on staircases for moving up and down the sometimes numerous floors.

In São Paulo’s dry season, water shortages are frequent and can last for some days. While the priority is given to the condominiums connected to the formal network, poorer communities living in informal settlements and occupations must adapt to the infrastructural breakdowns. Men are considered to participate each Saturday in fixing and collectively patching-up the occupation. In some cases, a small technical team of three inhabitants is hired specifically to assist and fix during the infrastructural failures, like in Hotel Lord2.

While it has been widely stated that infrastructures are invisible until they break down (Star, 2009), their obvious presence in the occupations could perhaps be linked to the political agenda lying behind. Pipes and wires recall to a certain extent the temporariness of an occupation and the constant necessity to fight for housing right (Larkin, 2013).

1 Interview with Maria do Planalto (TNG leader), 22nd February 2016 2 Idem

101 INFRA-ESTRUTURAS DE CASEIROS

HOME-MADE PIRATE INFRASTRUCTURES

LEVEL 11 - ROOFTOP

LEVEL 10

LEVEL 09

LEVEL 08

LEVEL 07 LEVEL 06 LEVEL 05 LEVEL 04 LEVEL 03

LEVEL 02

LEVEL 01 LEVEL 00 - GROUND FLOOR

[Drawn by authors]

LEVEL -01 - BASEMENT

0 1 2 5

SELF-CONSTRUCTION IN JOSÉ BONIFACÍO

SCALE:

10m

102 PROVISORIEDADE E MOBILIDADE

TEMPORARINESS & MOBILITY LEGEND: FAVELA’S & CORTIÇOS > 45% LOW INCOME FAMILIES 30% - 45% LOW INCOME FAMILIES 0-30% LOW INCOME FAMILIES [Low income: 0-3 minimum wages per family - IBGE, 2010] PAST & CURRENT OCCUPATIONS MIGRATION TO SÃO PAULO MIGRATION TO OCCUPATION PARTICIPATING IN BASE GROUP

The self-construction assigns to the occupation a temporary aspect. Seemingly, it illustrates a certain idea of movement in the profile of the inhabitants.

This observation recalls the high mobility of the urban poor in Brazil, mentioned by the assessoria técnica PeaBiru1 and characterized by recurrent displacements perpetually on the outlook for new opportunities. Individuals surveys conducted during the fieldwork in several occupations of FLM, allowed to highlight recurrent and diverse aspects in the inhabitants’ life trajectories. A large part originates from the poorest regions of the country (in some areas in the centre, almost half of the population comes from the North-East). The city of São Paulo is indeed an economic pillar in Brazil, producing 10,7% of the GDP (32,12% for the State of São Paulo, continuously attracting national and international migrants in search of job opportunities) (IBGE & SEADE, 2015). Beside domestic migration, international refugees mainly from Bolivia, Africa and Haiti also end up in occupations.

Once in São Paulo, they settle in the most precarious environment, either in the periphery, contributing to 1 Interview with PeaBiru, 15th March 2016

the development of auto-constructed neighbourhoods and favelas far from job opportunities and services, or in cortiços in the centre. Mostly through month-tomonth communications they start participating in one of the movement’s base groups before entering an occupation or a social housing somewhere else. The overall precariousness of the informal housing market and the related high risk of eviction add up to this dynamic mobility pattern.

In the occupied building itself, migration continues to be common practice. Families move from one unit to another when the household evolves (growing or shrinking), benefiting from the flexibility of the movement’s self-constructed alternative city. In general, the lowest floors are the most popular.

Reserved for disabled people, elderly and families with young children, the waiting list can be long before having the chance to move in there. Also among occupations of FLM there is a vast competition, related to highly diverse spatial qualities. Hotel Cambridge [HC - p.192] and Hotel Lord [HL - p.262] - not coincidently two former luxurious hotels - definitely offer the most popular residences in the FLM city.

103 0m

[Drawn by authors, based on 38 interviews]

50 KM

Mobility of occupationâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s inhabitants within the network of the FLM

Interviewees arrived in SĂŁo Paulo from all over Brazil.

104

FLM TNG

FLM MSTC

Brasilandia + + +

[HL]

+ [AA]

FLM MSTC

[AA] STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[AA]

10

TH

FLOOR

OCCUPATION COORDINATOR

ROSICLER ROSICLER

Rosicler (and her husband in the background) on the terrain they occupy in São Mateus (Zona Leste) since August 2015

ROSICLER is 46 and comes from Brasiliandia, São Paulo. Former cleaning lady, she is currently unemployed. In 2011, she met Maria do Planalto (Leader TNG) and became coordinator in an occupation located in the centre on avenida Ipiranga, for a couple of months. After the eviction, she joined the occupation Hotel Lord. But a disagreement regarding the management of the place forced her to leave TNG. On the 15th of August 2015 around 1pm, she settled with her husband Pedro and 150 other people on a terrain in Zona Leste, abandoned for more than 10 years. Day by day, they raised a series of “shacks” with

recycled material. In February 2016, the spontaneous occupation inhabited by 50 families and led by Rosicler receives the support of MSTC. Since then, a plan has been implemented “to transform the favela into a city”, through the consolidation of barracks and the construction of roads. On the most recent contacts in August 2016, already 200 families would have settled on the terrain. Despite the distance from the centre (1h30 by public transportation), Rosicler shares her sincere desire to stay and live on the terrain, where freedom and the “green air” seems to be the advantages she values the most in this kind of occupation.1 1 Interview with Rosicler, São Mateus - 5th of March 2016

TEMPORARINESS & MOBILITY I PROVISORIEDADE E MOBILIDADE

+ + +[BC]

MLSM

+

IBICARAÍ

105

+

+ SP

?

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[BC]

10TH FLOOR

STREET ARTIST

JOÃO JOÃO DE BAIRRO

João de Barro’s unit in Benjamin Constant (MLSM), after 8 month of occupation

[OV] [CA]

[CM]

JOÃO DE BARRO is a young street musician from Ibicaraí, in Bahia. When he arrived in São Paulo two years ago, he started to rent a room in a cortiço. After 8 months, he joined his first occupation: Casa Amarela [CA], a sort of bottom-up cultural centre in a squatted mansion. He also lived 6 months in Ouvidor [OV], another cultural occupation [Cultural Agitation - OV], but the extreme collectivity pushed him to move out. Afterwards, he spent 3 months in Ciné Marroco [CM] (occupation of MSTS - not affiliated to FLM) and left it because he found the rules too strict. Eight months ago, he finally entered the occupation Benjamin Constant managed by MLSM, a movement not affiliated to FLM and known for less strict rules of participation [DM - p.38]. At the moment, he shares a large unit with four other street artists.1 1 Interview with João de Barro - Occupation Benjamin Constant, Sé - 28th of March 2016

106

BAHIA

+

+

FLM MSTC

+[JB] +

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[JB]

5TH FLOOR

MARIA

Maria in her apartment on the 5th floor of José Bonifacío

MARIA entered the building on the first day of occupation, with 50 others. She remembers moving in her first unit, on the 7th floor of the building, a few months after the “festa” (occupation day). Since then, more and more families have settled in José Bonifacío and the largest apartments have been divided to host the growing community. Approaching her 70’s, Maria recently took the opportunity to move in a smaller unit on a lower floor (5th) and leave her previous space to a larger family.1 1 Interview with Maria - Occupation José Bonifacío, Sé - 17th of March 2016

DOWN SIZED

TEMPORARINESS & MOBILITY I PROVISORIEDADE E MOBILIDADE

SÃO LUIS

+

+

+

[HC]

107

FLM MSTC

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[HC]

6TH FLOOR

UPGRADED

KESSY

KESSY in her apartment on the 6th floor of Hotel Cambridge

KESSY is 26 and originates from São Luis, in Maranhão. She arrived in São Paulo eleven years ago with her mother. In 2014, she entered the occupation Hotel Cambridge [HC - p.192] with her son. Last year, she got a baby and their unit on the 8th floor became too small for the three of them. When the possibility arose, they moved in a larger apartment with two rooms located on the 6th floor.1 1 Interview with Kessy - Occupation Hotel Cambridge, Bela Vista - XXth of February 2016

108

temporariness & mobility I provisoriedade e mobilidade

Displacement and migration are inherent characteristics of occupations. After countless moves from one place to another, many have no affiliation with a specific district in São Paulo. This absence of attachment to place combined with the high rate of eviction concerning the informal housing market facilitates and accelerates the urban poor mobility - back and forth between the periphery and the centre, a cortiço and a favela, an occupation and the street.

As already mentioned, building occupation is not the exclusivity of FLM. Several movements (MLSM, MSTS) perform this kind of practice and they each develop their own vision and culture. This plurality is also visible within FLM, which articulates different sub-groups. Each occupation is a community, with its own rules, facilities and constraints. The high density of this kind of housing alternative, together with the close proximity some impose give inevitably birth to social tensions between inhabitants. Disagreements with local management are frequent and ruptures occur. Therefore, shifts from an occupation to another or from a movement to another are relatively common, and some inhabitants deliberately move back to the street, unable to adapt rigid movement restrictions.

Finally, within one building, dwelling rotation spatially illustrates the nomadic nature of the movement’s urban and architectural logic. If the “first come first served” seems to rule the initial distribution, other aspects come into play to adjust it. Disabled ones and families are encouraged to settle in larger rooms, as well as active members rewarded for their frequent participation to “atos” [DM - p.38].

109

110

Despite the recurrent threats of eviction, some occupations like José Bonifacío succeed in maintaining themselves in the urban tissue for some years. The temporary language of the nomad architecture in which the movement has specialized itself over time becomes gradually permanent in use. Ambiguous interpretations and understandings of temporariness arise amongst the inhabitants. The nomadic “bricolage” architecture inside an occupation presents a theatre of ambivalent dwelling practices. Contradictions arise in the variety of individual appropriations and investments in different occupations, without being directly related to occupation durations.1 Many of the inhabitants in the occupation never really settle, keeping their belongings stored in bags for months or even years, and - like the temporary structure - seem to consider dwelling as a “temporary” solution for a problem to be fixed “soon”, as well as an act of resistance, always ready to leave in case of eviction or new opportunities. However, a considerable part of them do unpack their suitcases and make significant investments to turn “shacks” into “homes”.

On the one hand, some of them use the money saved thanks to the lower rent of the occupation, in the purchase of furnitures and brand new household appliances where televisions compete for the widest screen. Domestic devices - promises of consumption representative of a dreamt middle-class society enter the realm of the occupation, building up popular aesthetics of welfare. As defined by Habraken, the choice of “detachable units” (meaning all the mobile elements of a house) allows the individual to appropriate and affirm himself in his living environment 1 Analysis inspired from LOECKX, A., “Kabylia, the House and the Road: Games of Reversal and Displacement”, in Journal of Architectural Education, Vol. 52 (2), Nov. 1998, pp. 87–99.

(Habraken, 1970). In some cases, objects recall personal history (Hers & Ristelhueber, 1980). For Ramos Francesco [DM - p.38], it is the filling of its room with the largest amount of travel souvenirs that expresses its empowerment/individual success.

Seemingly, smartphones are common objects in occupations, opening up access to social medias and applications, eventually turning Facebook and Whatsapp into popular mediums to spread movement’s messages and testify of one’s devotion [DM - p.38].2 On the other hand, there is a whole part of them that prefer to redirect their savings in the improvement of their own unit, adding a floor layer mimicking a chic parquet, installing a window to bring natural light in their private space, hanging curtains to create intimacy or (re)painting and decorating the walls. Like it has been observed in social housing cases in Belgium, the adding of furnitures such as the investment in decoration translate a desire to embellish, look comfortable and welcoming and are used to mark social status. Overall a certain conformism in the decoration choices, gives to the outsiders a positive and clean image of themselves (Hers & Ristelhueber, 1980).

Finally, their progressive investments in their living environment could refer to a certain idea of incremental urbanism. In that regard, it questions to some extent the temporariness of an occupation and reflects on the opposite an evident desire to stay. This observation is confirmed by the many interviewees who without hesitation envision their future “aqui mesmo”, in the same building.

2 Derived from: “The Home as Political Arena” – Interview with Andrés Jaque

by Bernd Upmeyer, in Domestic Urbanism, MONU, Vol. 24, Spring 2016, pp. 8-9.

111 GRAUS DE INVESTIMENTOS INDIVIDUAIS

DEGREES OF INDIVIDUAL INVESTMENTS

One family added a window to its unit, to bring natural light inside.

112 FLM MMLJ PERNAMBUCO

+

++

[PM]

W

NE

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[PM]

5TH FLOOR

MARIA

Maria proudly shows her new kitchen in her apartment on the 5th floor of Prestes Maia.

MARIA is 47 and she comes from Pernambuco. She does not work because of medical reasons. For 17 years, she used to rent rooms in different cortiços of central São Paulo. But when her husband started to drink, Maria could not afford to pay the rent anymore. She entered Prestes Maia with one of her daughters seven years ago, which allowed her to save quite some money. All that money, she invests it in furniture that she carefully maintains and protects.

Despite the critiques from her neighbours, she believes it is important to live in a clean and new environment.1 1 Interview with Maria - Occupation Prestes Maia, Luz - 11th of March 2016

APT. 504

DEGREES OF INDIVIDUAL INVESTMENTS I GRAUS DE INVESTIMENTOS INDIVIDUAIS

+

FLM MSTC

+

[JB]

+ DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

+

SP

AMERICA

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[JB]

6H FLOOR

ADELINE

Adeline in her apartment on José Bonifacío, showing their recent investments in furniture and home decoration

ADELINE is 26 and comes from Dominican Republic. She arrived in São Paulo (Itapevi) 4 years ago and just arrived in the occupation José Bonifacío with her husband and her son of a few weeks old, some days before the interview. As soon as they entered, they started to invest in their unit, replacing the floor, and repainting the walls. Furniture and devices are new, giving an impression of wellness.1 1 Interview with Adeline - Occupation José Bonifacío, Sé - 17th of March 2016

113

114

+

+[JB]

PERU

+

FLM MSTC

+

SP

AMERICA

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[JB]

2ND FLOOR

INEZ

Ines in her double apartment on the 2nd floor of José Bonifacío

In the bedroom, Ines stores all her belongings in bags.

INES is 60 and comes from Peru. She has lived in São Paulo (Santa Cécilia) for 10 years and entered four years ago the occupation José Bonifacío. She shares a double unit with her daughter. Ines owns very few furniture, mostly collected in the street through what inhabitants call in their jargon “Shopping Rua” [Cultural Agitation - OV]. Most of her belongings are stored in bags.1 1 Interview with Ines - Occupation José Bonifacío, Sé - 17th of March 2016

DEGREES OF INDIVIDUAL INVESTMENTS I GRAUS DE INVESTIMENTOS INDIVIDUAIS

PERNAMBUCO

+

FLM MSTC

+

+ +

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[JB]

11TH FLOOR

APT. 701

COLLECTOR

RAMOS

Ramos Francesco in his apartment, presenting proudly his precious collection of objects

RAMOS FRANCESCO originates from Pernambuco (Nord-Este) and is in São Paulo since the 1980’s. After having moved from cortiços to cortiços in Bela Vista and Conseleiro, he entered alone two years ago the occupation José Bonifacío after having lived in cortiços in Bela Vista and Conseleiro.

Ramos is very proud of his apartment that is know in the occupation as the “museu”. Every object he can collect from “atos” with the movement or simply in the street ends up in his room. Similarly, all his savings are spent in travel souvenirs. Also here, devotion to the movement’s cause embellishes the walls od the apartment.1 1 Interview with Ramos Francesco - Occupation José Bonifacío, Sé - 17th of March 2016

115

116

The main collective space in Occupation Benjamin Constant (MLSM).

Opposite to the building on rua José Bonifacío, a twin commercial structure located along rua Benjamin Constant is since August 2015 the theatre of another occupation performed by a movement not affiliated to FLM: MLSM (“Movimento de Luta Social por Moradia” – Movement of Social Fight for Housing).

The comparable building structure is organized in a very different way by the movement that hardly engages with self-construction. On each floor, one single “wall” made out of recycled wooden panels divides the space in two similar ones that are then

rented out for a monthly budget of 200 R$. Freedom and creativity is therefore left to the inhabitants to settle in (and potentially share) larger spaces than in the neighbouring occupation. The collective spaces are here reduced to their minimal expression while the private ones benefit all from natural light, and their own individual bathroom.

Depending on their profile (one single family, or several households, youths or elderlies, ...) inhabitants parcel off their units to create bedrooms and living room and bring some intimacy.

117 UMA OUTRA COMUNIDADE

JOSÉ BONIFACÍO - MSTC (FLM)

BENJAMIN CONSTANT - MLSM

Self-construction is in charge of the community. Individual units are rather small, blind for most of them, while the emphasis in term of spatial quality is put on the collective ones.

Self-construction performed by the movement is limited to a wall per floor. The rest is left to the appreciation of the inhabitants.

Individual units are large and often shared between several households.

[Drawn by authors]

ANOTHER COMMUNITY

0 1 2

SELF-CONSTRUCTION IN COMPARABLE BUILDING STRUCTURES: Occupation José Bonifacío (MSTC - FLM) & Occupation Benjamin Constant (MLSM)

5

SCALE:

10m

118

MLSM

+ + + [BC] +

+

PARAGUAY

++SP

AMERICA

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[BC]

7TH FLOOR

LARGE FAMILY

IONIZA

The large apartment of Ioniza is filled with beds and coaches in order to be inhabited by her family of 9 people.

IONIZA is around her 60’s. She originates from Paraguay and lives in São Paulo since the 2007. She entered the occupation one month ago and shares the space with her husband, her daughter and her grandchildren. In total they are 9 to live in the apartment.

Not any division has been installed by the family: the whole space is filled with beds, coaches and bags in which belongings are stored. The same large room

serves as kitchen, living and sleeping room. The initial building structure here seems to serve more as a sheltered camping site rather than a dwelling.

She lived in several occupations before: on rua Florêncio de Abreu, in Santa Ifigênia, Vila Maria, Consolação, etc. Each time, she had to move out because of eviction.1 1 Interview with Ioniza - Occupation Benjamin Constant, Sé - 28th of March 2016

ANOTHER COMMUNITY I UMA OUTRA COMUNIDADE

SÃO LUIS

+

MLSM

+

+

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[BC]

10TH FLOOR

INDIVIDUAL

JEFERSON

The apartment of Jeferson is shared between two men.

JEFERSON is a young adult who comes from the periphery of São Paulo (“Interior”). He left the favela he was living in to enter the occupation in January 2016. He shares the large unit including a private bathroom with another man and together they pay a monthly rent of 200 R$.

Jeferson and his roommate have kept the partition that the previous occupants had erected to delimit sleeping spaces from living ones. Besides, it brings some more intimacy to the flatmates.1 1 Interview with Jeferson - Occupation Benjamin Constant, Sé - 28th of March 2016

119

120

SELF-CONSTRUCTION I AUTOCONSTRUÇÃO

It became clear how self-construction in occupation José Bonifacío is a keyelement to make the vacated building structure, unintended for housing, liveable. The movement invests in units while reaching an important density, allowing in some floors the cohabitation between up to 16 families. The notion of community is therefore a crucial one.

The temporary dwellings imagined for a community are just as ephemeral.

Highly mobile in essence, occupations’ inhabitants are subordinate to infrastructural breakdowns and eviction threats.

Despite a shared economic precariousness amongst social movement’s members, an occupation is home for a wide diversity of individual goals and aspirations, led by a multitude of origins, cultures (migrations) and ages.

Similarly, an interesting variety is visible between housing movements and occupations, broadening the possibilities for urban poor to settle in the centre and stressing through dwelling rotation their fluid mobility again.

However, besides these differences, recurrent signs in dwelling practices illustrate a paradoxical conformism, as for many occupants the movement and their present housing conditions is seen as a stepping stone to eventually live “as the middle class”.

[PM - p.122]

[DM - p.35]

COMMUNITY PRESTES MAIA

[Stevens, 2015]

OCUPAÇÃO

124 OCUPAÇÃO PRESTES MAIA

OCCUPATION PRESTES MAIA 2 500 m

SURFACE TOTAL AMOUNT OF INHABITED FLOORS

ADDRESS

15 000 m² 21 + 9 floors

Avenida Prestes Maia 911 OFFICE building (Textile Company Headquarters)

FORMER FUNCTION

partly FACTORY (Textile production)

OWNER

COHAB (since September 2015)

The building still needs to be vacated by the movement for 1 day to finalize the puchase.

YEAR OF ABANDONED

1996

DATE OF OCCUPATION

4th of October 2010

MOVEMENT(S)

FLM* - [MSTC**] - MMLJ*** 2007 - 2014 2014 - today *Frente da Luta por Moradia **Movimento Sem Teto do Centro ***Movimento Sem Teto Luta por Justicia

AMOUNT OF FAMILIES/UNITS MONTHLY RENT

OCCUPATION’S COORDINATOR

478 150 R$/month Ivaneti Araújo

(+ 8 floor coordinators)

The occupation Prestes Maia is established in a former office building and factory that used to host the headquarters of the Cia. Nacional de Tecidos (National Textile Company). Impressive by its size, the edifice is made out of two wide towers, real icons in the Paulistan skyline.

Like in José Bonifacío, self-construction was necessary to make the building suitable for housing. However, the biggest challenge in Prestes Maia is certainly the scale of the community it hosts. Between regulations and spontaneous uses, collective spaces constitute a fascinating aspect of the movement’s production.

500 m

0m

Avenida Prestes Maia 911

LUZ

[Barca, 2016]

126

Inhabitant cleaning the improvised terrace on the entrance canopy, along avenida Prestes Maia.

Inhabited by 478 families or more than 2000 people, Prestes Maia is the largest building occupation in Latin America, since the eviction of the Torre de David (Caracas, Venezuela) in July 2014.1 The two towers (each of 9 and 21 floors) of the former textile factory have become an iconic landmark in the occupied city, almost systematically shifting from evictions to reoccupations.

1 â&#x20AC;&#x153;Venezuela Tower of David squatters evictedâ&#x20AC;?, 2014

The inhabitants have inverted the inner distribution logic of the building, turning the 21 floors back side of the former factory located along avenida Prestes Maia into the main entrance. Facing the daily busy flow of commuting cars, the movement uses the high visibility of the impressive façade of Prestes Maia to claim loud and proud its right to the centre.

127 UM PAROL POPULARES

[Drawn by authors]

A POPULAR BEACON

FAÃ&#x2021;ADE OF OCCUPATION PRESTE MAIA

128

former front faรงade (west) of the occupation prestes maia - icon in the low cityscape.

129

[Stevens, 2015]

a popular beacon I um parol populares

new front faรงade (east) of the occupation prestes maia, along the avenida Prestes Maia - icon in the low cityscape.

[Brasiliano, 2006]

130

2006 - Using the visibility of the street to protest against eviction

131

[Gira, 2006]

a popular beacon I um parol populares

This picture taken in front of the occupation entrance on the early morning of the 7th February 2006 captures a one and a half hour of manifestation against an eviction threat. 468 is the amount of families living in Prestes Maia at that time.

Avenida Prestes Maia is part of the â&#x20AC;&#x153;Plano de Avenidasâ&#x20AC;? implemented between 1920 and 1930 under the government of Prestes Maia. The visionary mayor gave its name to one of the main axis linking the centre to the north of the city. [Proto-Urbanisms] Later the largest building occupation of Latin America inherited it.

In case of eviction threat, avenida Prestes Maia becomes the stage for public demonstration. Cars are replaced by hundreds of homeless manifesting for recognition, turning the asphalt road into a black wall on which catchy slogans and symbolic numbers are sprayed or glued (Gira, 2006).[DM - p.38]

132

“LUZ” – A BRIGHT START The occupation Prestes Maia is located in the neighbourhood of Luz (“Light”). However, the story of this area is not entirely radiant.

From the second half of the 19th century onwards, the district of Luz develops as São Paulos elite’s first residential neighbourhood: “coffee barons” and industrial traders settle there and build decorated mansions locally known as “casarão”. The train station of Luz is forewarning a new and bright industrial for São Paulo. Hotels of all standards develop in this area that turns into a trading centre and vacation’s destination for the wealthy society. [ProtoUrbanisms]

133

[Guilherme Gaensly, 1900]

a popular beacon I um parol populares

Around Luz train station, 19th century

[Camargo, 2013]

134

crackolândia and abandonment around Luz

PREMISES OF A DECLINE

With the fall of the coffee economy in 1930, the district of Luz starts to loose its importance and enters in a long period of decay.

CRACKOLÂNDIA INTO THE DARKNESS

In the second half of the 20th century and especially during the dictatorship, the main government offices and business headquarters move out to moderner areas. Luz turns into a marginal area, centre for prostitution, pornographic movie production, drug and police violence, known as “Cracolândia”. Prestigious places close or are converted into cheap hotels and restaurants (Mosqueira, 2007).

135 VACÂNCIA NO LUZ

VACANCY IN LUZ

“Projeto Nova Luz” - demolition and vacancy

THE FAILURE OF “PROJETO NOVA LUZ”

Starting from the 1990’s a series of public investments aim to regenerate the area through the implementation of cultural centres: the Pinacoteca (from 1993 to 1998) and later (in 2006) the Museum of Portuguese Language on the top of the train station illustrate this attempt.

In 2005, the Municipality of São Paulo under the leadership of G. Kassab (Partido Social Democrático, PSD – Centre-right) launches the urban renewal program “Projeto Nova Luz” financed by the biggest public-private partnership in the history of Brazil. To attract private companies in the decaying district and create a new commercial and services centrality large-scale expropriations are undergone: 89 buildings are evicted to be turned into public spaces and commercial areas. The demolitions start and the critics arise against the project that does not consider the vulnerability of the excluded population.

“Projeto Nova Luz” is eventually abandoned in 2013, under the mandate of F. Haddad (PT). Today, partly demolished, the neighbourhood of Luz leaves an impression of extreme vacancy, surrounded by empty fenced plots and a bunch of cheap shops and bars surviving among a multitude of closed ones.

Public spaces are large, empty and out of scale. Leftovers of the failed urban renewal project, they are gigantic holes in the urban tissue (Samora, 2012).

136 0m

400 M

BUILT

NON BUILT

GROUND FLOOR: The demolishment of a part of the tissue generated voids. With the high amount of underused space, half vacated or in use as a parking space, it contributes to an overall feeling of vacancy in the area.

Topography

Pedestrian Network

Vacant

Underused

Parking

In use

Commercial

Case study

Vacant

Underused

Cortiรงo

Occupation

Case study

139

vacancy in luz I vacância no luz

0m

400 M

TOP FLOOR: The skyline of the neighbourhood is characterized by an overall low-rise profile, mainly composed out of deep and flat parking structures that contribute to the general atmosphere of abandonment. The two towers of Prestes Maia pierce the horizon line.

150 High rise

100

50

15 0m Low rise

140

1945

1970â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s

1996

3RD November 2002

The second building counting 21 floors is added in 1962, to host the headquarters of the Cia. Nacional de Tecidos (National Textile Company).

Both office buildings are abandoned in the 1970â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, when the National Textile Company goes bankrupt.

In 1996, the buildings are purchased by the businessman Jorge Nacle Hamuche who plans to turn them into office spaces.

However, they remain vacant.

On the 3rd of November 2002, the decadent building is occupied for the first time by 468 families members of MSTC.

1945 A first nine-floor-building is constructed in 1945.

One year later, artists enter the occupation and through a series of cultural interventions (library, movie projection), communicate to outsiders about the fight and the life within the building.

[SJ - p.224]

141 DA OCUPAÇÃO DE DESPEJO E DE VOLTA

FROM OCCUPATION TO EVICTION & BACK AGAIN

2006

12TH OF APRIL 2009

26TH OF APRIL 2010

AUGUST 2015

The occupation Prestes Maia is evicted. Helped by engaged artists, the roofless inhabitants react, invading the street in front of the building or setting up for 16 days a ‘micro-favela’ in front of the Municipality. But one year later, in 2007, the building is effectively vacated and the hundreds of displaced families are redistributed in other occupations. According to the law, the owner of the former factory brings a large amount of trucks to move out all the furnitures of the previous inhabitants and empty the building.

At the occasion of “Abril Vermelho”1, FLM organises the occupation of 4 buildings in the centre of São Paulo.

At the occasion of “Abril Vermelho”, the 3rd occupation of Prestes Maia is performed.

Two thousands families enter the building for a day, before being evicted.

In August 2015, Prestes Maia is again under threat of eviction. Trhough a demonstration organized in front of the municipality, FLM pressures the municipality to acquire the ownership of the building. By Octobre 2015 the agreement is reached.

Transfer of ownership has still to be finalized which is only possible when the movement leaves the building for one day.

4TH OF OCTOBER 2010 Finally, the 4th occupation of Prestes Maia occurs during a “pipoca”. 478 families settle (more than 1500 people) in the building. They succeed this time to stay longer than 24 hours and therefore reach the recognition of their presence.

Since then, the occupation Prestes Maia avoided 13 attempts of evictions from the building’s owner. Each time, either the court order was missing, or the danger for the eviction agents to be violently assaulted by the inhabitants was judged too high.

1 “Abril Vermelho” is the international day of fight for agrarian reform

142 On the one hand, the highest tower of the former office building presents large open spaces structured by a regular rhythm of columns placed 5 to 7 meters from each other. This modularity which forms the base for the self-construction is relatively flexible and offers to the future inhabitants the possibility to envision wide spaces. On the other hand, the small tower is supported by a thinner structure, with a rhythm ranging from 2 to 4 meters. The largest façades present all a dense grid of industrial windows, providing an important amount of natural light until deep in both buildings.

5,5m

7m

5,5m

4m

2m

4m

Level -01 - Basement

Level 24

Level 23

Level 22

LEGEND:

Level 21

Outdoor spaces Occupation entrance

Level 20 Level 19

Level 18

Level 04 Level 17

Level 16

Level 15

Level 14

Level 13 Level 12

Level 11

Level 09 Level 10

Level 09

Level 08 Level 07

Level 06

Level 05

Level 04

Level 14 Level 03

Level 02

Level 01 Ground Floor Av. Tiradentes

Rua Brg. Tobias

Level 00 Basement

Section AAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

0

1

2

5

10m

Level 19

143

A A’

Level 00 - Ground Floor

Rua Brg . Tobia s

Av. Tiradentes

ORGANIZING A COMMUNITY I ORGANIZAÇÃO DE UMA COMUNIDADE

Level 01

Level 02

Level 03

Level 05

Level 06

Level 07

Level 08

Level 10

Level 11

Level 12

Level 13

Level 15

Level 16

Level 17

Level 18

Level 20

Level 21

Level 22

Level 23

012

5

10m

[Parra, 2006]

[Parra, 2006]

144

After the first eviction, edificio Prestes Maia all belongings were carried out, leaving the structure empty again.

145 ORGANIZAÇÃO DE UMA COMUNIDADE

[Castor, 2010]

[Archives of FLM, 2007]

ORGANIZING A COMMUNITY

Over time, trash piles up again. When the moment of occupation was successful the building gets cleaned again by the new inhabitants.

146

SPACE The high density of inhabitants is supported by large scale collective spaces, organized under a certain hierarchy. Institutionalized ones by the movement to organize the fight and others left to spontaneous housing and recreational purposes compose the overall backbone of the occupation life spread on 14,3 thousands square meters.

Inside the occupation, the separation between collective and individual spaces is a flexible one. A door left open and the collective space becomes a living room. The organization imagined by the movement encourages interaction between inhabitants, stressing the importance of shared spaces in the construction of a community. Collective spaces are wide while the private ones often reduced to the minimal, pushing inhabitants outside their private realm.

In addition, the weak materiality of the self-constructed walls annihilates sense of privacy: phone calls, television programs, cigarette and cooking smells, etc., all fill the environment, obviously generating social frictions.

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

The microcity is ruled by a combination of official and informal policies

The electricity is illegally provided For each floor, a cleaning schedule ensures a good maintenance of the collective spaces Because of fire regulations, a water pipe hangs in the staircase Inhabitants advertise for small spontaneous shops

COLLECTIVE SPACES IN PRESTES MAIA

The alternative semage system is running on the collective space.

Vende-se cigarro falar com:Maria Ap.4

[Drawn by authors]

Regras da Casa

q sknfclsknclsknclsknc m lksncmskndvmkdnv c lqsknclqsncqsklnlcqs nsmcnxl lqksnfcùsdklc nsmcnxl lqksnfcùsdklc

Like Tania, inhabitants open small spontaneous shops in their housing unit.

147

148

Collective spaces in the 21-floor tower

There is little natural light in the collective spaces of the highest tower and none in the corridors of the nine-floorbuilding. For that reason, a few lamp bulbs hanging to a hazardous web of wires are turned on all day long. During weekend, drying clothes invade the space and cover the units walls.

149

[Stevens, 2016]

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

Collective space and shared sink in the 9-floor tower

Toilets, showers and sink are shared between all the inhabitants of a floor. Nevertheless, a few of them manage to drag water supply until their unit, filling in exchange some hallways with a network of plastic sewage pipes.

150

FORMAL LAW & MOVEMENT’S RULES EDUCATION TO LIVE IN COLLECTIVITY In the high density of occupation, a strong management seeks to organize collective life. “Its inhabitants are governed by self-imposed laws (which are a mix of normal building regulations and other municipal laws) that transform this vertical city with fluorescent lights into a viable and autonomous 22-story Republic.” writes Barca, a reporter for El Pais that visited Prestes Maia in 2016. The legal framework is superimposed to the bottom-up organization in order to avoid/ limit the risk of eviction. The movement has become expert in dealing with what the law allows to press the government on the right to housing for all: occupations are carefully organized and performed in the attempt to win legal deeds to land and property.

As explained upper [DM - p.38], the whole occupation mechanism is framed by a set of legal steps. The Brazilian law allows the police to evict a building without warrant up to 24 hours after the start of the occupation. After that, a court decision is required for the owner that wants to evict the ‘invaders’.(Barca, 2016)

The “Estatuto da Cidade” (City Statute) is a federal law implemented in 2001 and voted in São Paulo in 2002, with the approbation of the Plano Diretor Estratégico (PDE) (Prefeitura de São Paulo, 2014). It introduces the social function of urban property - a notion supposed to limit long term vacancy and simultaneously help to implement affordable housing. Local governments can debit from owners of empty or underused buildings, a tax called “Imposto Predial Territorial Urbano” (IPTU) whose value increases through time. In case the owner does not pay the IPTU, the Municipality can even claim the property as a payment of the debt. Put in force since 2011, this procedure remains difficult to be applied in reality, because of the very open interpretation of the social function notion and the contradictions some find in the Estatuto da Cidade (Bonduki, 2010).

The presence of a doorkeeper - ‘porteiro’ – is a human figure controlling who enters the community. It is a fulltime job for three of the inhabitants, entirely financed by the movement. Each inhabitants must sign the occupation register each time he leaves or enters the occupation in order for the movement to keep trace of its members mobility. This system is the most common in all the occupations managed by the sub-movements of FLM. However, in Occupation São João [SJ - p.224], the use of a key replaces the doorkeeper.

The recent acquisition of Prestes Maia by COHAB in September 2015 illustrates clearly this legal ambivalence: the owner did not pay the IPTU since 1986 (Agência Brasil, 2015). Nevertheless, the transition will only be legally fulfilled only once the building will be emptied of its inhabitants.

Beside formal law, occupations are ruled by more informal regulations. The multi-cultural community is very diverse and cultural clashes can emerge out of differences, along with high density. The inner organization set up by the movement aims to limit such tensions.

To the attention of all the inhabitants, house rules are pinned to the wall of the occupation hallway: the panel recalls the respect of the curfew, the prohibition of weapons, drugs and alcohol consumption in the building, the obligation to wear a shirt in the common areas, the interdiction for couples to shower together and to make noise after 10 p.m., the prevention of violent behaviour and above all, the active participation in movement activities including protests and assemblies. On a black board the planning of the next movement’s meetings and assemblies is updated each week. On every floor hangs another list: the cleaning planning of the common spaces and bathrooms which is shared between all the inhabitants.

151

[Donasci, 2012]

[Moraes, 2014]

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

House rules are cleaning schedule are set into motion from the moment the occupation start (illustrated by Hotel Lord & Prestes Maia)

152

(IN)FORMAL TENSIONS / LIMITS OF COLLECTIVITY Despite their informal character, the collective spaces carry also the signs of official regulations - and tensions. On the whole height of the 21-floortower, a fire hose hangs in the staircase. Its presence imprints the fragility of the occupation, and the constant threat of eviction. Indeed, the hand-made infrastructures supporting the life of 478 families are subject to failure that can be fatal for the community. On the 7th of September 2003, a deadly fire incident started on the 4th floor, spread quickly and costed the life of a child (Campos, 2007). Today, each occupation of FLM fulfils all the fire regulations in order to avoid evictions as result of violating these laws. In the meantime, the basement of Prestes Maia is totally flooded. Mould covers the leaking wall of the lower floors. Due to infiltration, the atmosphere is saturated of humidity up to the 5th floor, causing health troubles among the inhabitants.

153

[Moraes, 2014]

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

Staircase in the 21-floor tower / humidity and fire hose.

154

EMPOWERMENT A series of figures are responsible for the good management of an occupation. Beside the “porteiro” and the technical team mentioned upper in the text, a whole hierarchy frames the activities of the movement.

In some occupations, like in Prestes Maia and Hotel Cambridge, an administration’s office equipped with old computers manages the list of the member and keeps a record of the individual inhabitant’s debts to the movement. Two to three people work full time in the secretary in exchange of a monthly salary.

Within the movement, social empowerment is a reality, as long as members show active participation to “assembleias” and “atos”. Floor coordinators are selected amongst the most participative inhabitants.

They manage the collective life on one floor inside the occupation, taking care of the respect of the movements rules and the cleaning schedule to ensure good relationships between families. According to the movement, they do not receive any salary for this service.

Above, the occupation coordinator is responsible for one community. He is weekly trained by the movement’s leader and is responsible for communicating upcoming actions to its inhabitants, collecting the monthly fee, and managing small internal conflicts.

On the one hand, practicalities ask for the implementation of real jobs, financed by the contributions of the community: employees in the secretary, the “porteiros”, the technical team and in some cases, the cleaning one. Part of the monthly rent families give to the movement in exchange of the right to live in an occupation feeds these functions, as well as the salary of lawyers and doctors occasionally hired by the movement, or the rent of buses to bring members to demonstrations.

On the other hand, roles which directly refer to the ideological aspect of the fight for housing like coordinators and leaders appear not to be paid. This division in tasks and money flows is relatively similar to the way political parties are ruled.

155

[Stevens, 2016]

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

“Porteiro” in prestes Maia

156

POLITICAL HOUSING The movement uses the collective spaces to pursue its political agenda in the occupied buildings. In turn, inhabitants reproduce further the signs of the fight in the realm of domesticity: slogans (like “Quem não Luta ta Morto”) are painted on the walls, stickers supporting PT leaders and catholic prayers are glued on the individual doors, etc.1 Through occupation, the movement is actually constructing what could be refer as “political housing”, allowing for and facilitating the development of political action. Furthermore, by inserting affordable housing in constructed centres, within pre-existing social and urban logics, it contributes to the drawing of the baselines of the city of tomorrow, positioning the housing question at the centre of the political space - the city.2 1 Inspired from: Jaque, 2016 2 Inspired from: Hers & Ristelhuebers, 1980

157

[Moraes, 2014]

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

“Quem não luta ta morto” (“If you don’t fight, you die”) is sprayed on walls in the shared bathroom.

[Campos, 2007]

158

[Stevens, 2016]

Hairdresser in Prestes Maia

Selling posters are hanged on the staircase.

SPONTANEOUS LIFE Spontaneous life emerges out of this relatively structured and regulated setting. The high housing density generates opportunities for the development of complementary services: a wide diversity of shops and activities contribute to the development of the micro-city. Posters hanged on the staircase mention a long series of commercial activities, including a few general stores “that provide the community with

chips, milk, sodas, small ready-made meals, tampons, diapers and numerous other sundries” (Barca, 2016).

Further, hairdressers, masseuse, manicurist, clothing store “where articles can be paid off in up to three instalments” (Barca, 2016), babysitter, etc. Density of shops is higher on the lower floors and reduces with the height.

organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

159

LEVEL 21

12 TO 14 UNITS/FLOOR

LEVEL 10

LEVEL 09 picture p 144

picture p 145

24 TO 27 UNITS/FLOOR

LEVEL 03

LEVEL 02

[Drawn by authors]

LEVEL 01

LEGEND: SHARED SERVING SPACES: TOILETS, SHOWERS & LAUNDRY MACHINE(S)

0 1 2

COLLECTIVE SPACES GRADIENT: LITTLE TO HIGHLY PASSAGE OF INHABITANTS COLLECTIVE SPACES IN PRESTE MAIA WITHIN A GRADIENT OF INTENSITY OF USES.

5

SCALE:

METRO LUZ STATION

10m

160 In each tower, the central part is kept collective, while the edges along the façades are turned into private units. This division provides interesting common spaces in the twenty-one-floor-tower, where inhabitant enjoy spending time.

In both structures, spontaneous activities have emerged in the housing units. Considering the interdiction from the movement to rent an “apartment” exclusively to launch a commerce, inhabitants insert in their own private space their shops.

5,5m

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Level -01 - Basement

Level 24

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LEGEND: 00 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

Outdoor spaces

Level 21

Unused spaces Level 20

Self-construction Collective Spaces

Level 19

Secretariat Level 18

Spontaneous Shops Occupation entrance

Level 17

Former main entrance (blocked) Former entrance (blocked)

Level 16

Secretariat General shop (Tania) Ice Cream Celphone credit General shop Tapioca & cigarettes Ice Cream Manucure Clothes General shop Hairdresser Celphone credit Hotdog General shop Cake Hairdresser Hotdog Cake

Level 15

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Level 14

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Level 01 Ground Floor Av. Tiradentes

Rua Brg. Tobias

Level 00 Basement

Section AA’

0

1

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07

Level 19

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organizing a community I organização de uma comunidade

02

A Aâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; 00

Rua Brg . Tobia s

Av. Tiradentes

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Level 00 - Ground Floor

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162 FLM MMLJ SÃO LUIS

+

+ [PM]

apt. 105

+

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[PM]

3RD FLOOR

APT. 105

TANIA

Tania in her shop on the 3rd floor of Prestes Maia

INES is 39 and comes from São Luis (State of Maranhão, North-East). She has lived in São Paulo (Aclimação) for 23 years and five years ago moved in the occupation Prestes Maia with her mother and her daughter. They received an apartment on the first inhabitable floor.

Back then, the mother of Tania was making juice to sell them in the street understood that the very dense occupation was missing general stores. She divided her unit in two, hiding her bed behind a shelf, installed

Inhabitants queuing in front of Tania’s shop

a window in the wall giving on the common space and started the first economic activity in the occupation.

Meanwhile, Tania left her previous job and joined her mother in the shop which is open every day, from 9 or 10 a.m. to 11.30 p.m.

The products are bought in supermarkets around, depending on the weekly promotions, and then sold to the occupation’s inhabitants for a slightly higher price.1 1 Interview with Tania - Occupation Prestes Maia, Luz - 11th of March 2016

ORGANIZING A COMMUNITY I organização de uma comunidade

+

PERU

+

FLM MSTC

+ [JB]

BED

+

SP

AMERICA

Shops in Bom Retiro STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[JB]

5TH FLOOR

DEMETRO

STORY OF DEMETRO Demetro working in his apartment on the 5th floor of José Bonifacío

DEMETRO is 55 and comes from Peru. He has lived in São Paulo (Bom Retiro) for 11 years and entered the occupation José Bonifacío last year.

Demetro sews shirts and trousers that he sells afterwards in four shops nearby, all located in Bom Retiro. Working alone, he produces every week between 150 and 180 pieces.1

He lives alone in a double unit, which allows him to develop its own productive activity in the occupation.

Several tables with different kinds of sewing machines are filling the whole place, where only one bed hidden behind a curtain recalls the housing function of the unit.

1 Interview with Demetro - Occupation José Bonifacío, Sé - 17th of March 2016

163

164

FLM MSTC

+ [HC]

+

SÃO BERNARDO DO CAMPO

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[HC]

7ND FLOOR

LUANA

Luana in her shop on the 2nd floor of Hotel Cambridge

LUANA is 25 and comes from São Bernardo do Campo (State of São Paulo). She moved in the occupation Hotel Lord two years ago, with her husband and their three children (9, 7 and 6 years old - Luana is currently pregnant). They live together in a room located on the 7th floor of the former hotel, and have their own kitchen and bathroom. Besides, she hopes to be able to stay in Hotel Cambridge, if the retrofit project goes through.

Luana is working in Hotel Cambridge: she helps in the cake factory that has been developed by the inhabitants in the former hotel’s kitchen. The production of “bolos” - cakes - is relatively intense (about 50 a day), and at some occasions the cakes are sold out of the occupation. However, the production is as well oriented towards the inhabitants and movement activities.1 1 Interview with Luana - Occupation Hotel Cambridge, Bela Vista - 18th of February 2016

165

ORGANIZING A COMMUNITY I organização de uma comunidade

Aswering a pressing housing need, occupations are also the support for some punctual economic and productive activities, spontaneously developed by inhabitants despite the strict rules imposed by the movement.

They vary in size, frequency and visibility. Some are exclusively turned inwards, some others outwards, and a few of them contract with both the realm of the occupation and the formal city. However in term of logistic, almost all of them need both environments.

166 EM RELAÇÃO A METRÓPOLE - UMA CONSTELAÇÃO DE COMUNIDADES

TOWARDS THE METROPOLIS - A CONSTELAATION OF COMMUNITIES

HOTEL LORD 320 FAMILIES 770 M² COLL. SPACES

LEGEND: METRO LINE + STOP CLAIMED PUBLIC SPACES PUBLIC SPACES

DEMONSTRATION

CAMP DEMONSTRATION PUBLIC BUILDING

OCCUPATION FLM

COLLECTIVE SPACE CASE-STUDY: CIRCULATION ORGANIZATION

COMMERCIAL FUNCTION TOWARDS INSIDE COMMERCIAL FUNCTION TOWARDS OUTSIDE

From an occupation to another, size and shape of collective spaces vary, supporting more or less activities. At the scale of the centre, the constellation of buildings appears like a metropolitan city ran by FLM, with its occupations for neighbourhoods, proposing different kinds of services, spaces and atmospheres, and even their own sub-managements.

MAUA 237 FAMILIES 1 335 M² COLL. SPACES

PRESTES MAIA 478 FAMILIES 4 028 M² COLL. SPACES

SÃO JOÃO 85 FAMILIES 1 350 M² COLL. SPACES

HOTEL CAMBRIDGE 170 FAMILIES 1 250 M² COLL. SPACES

[Drawn by authors]

JOSÉ BONIFACÍO 95 FAMILIES 825 M² COLL. SPACES

0 1 2 5

SCALE:

10m

168

COMMUNITY I COMUNIDADE

The collective life is a key element of an occupation. This inner world imagined and controlled by the movement is the backstage of the fight on the public space. Daily life of the community is paced and regulated by the claim for housing.

To certain extent, the life in an occupation appears like a reproduction of the condominium-like organization, very much turned on interiorization (Holston, 1998) in negation to the city. As such, the “porteira/o” reminds the doorkeeper of exclusive real estate projects, etc.

The previous chapter on the self-construction in José Bonifacío puts the light on a first aspect of the city the movement is contributing to: the preparation of the ground for the collective life to unfold. It corresponds to what James Corner considers as the first layer of the contemporary city, involving “land division, allocation, demarcation and the construction of surfaces” (Corner, 1999).

To certain extent, the present analysis of the collective life in Prestes Maia focusing on spatial distribution and the development of micro-economies illustrates the second urban layer defined by James Corner: “to establish services and pathways across the surface to support future programmes”.

The third aspect mentioned by the author is “ensuring permeability to allow for future permutation, affiliation and adaptation”. Here, it could be argued that this layer is actually included in the previous ones, knowing how temporarylike, under perpetual adjustments and flexible they are. The following chapters illustrate in a way this permeability inherent to each building occupation performed by the movement, dealing with a certain context and engaging with it to always precise and refine its own logic.

COMMUNITY I COMUNIDADE

169

INVESTMENTS MAUÁ

[David Lee, 2013]

OCUPAÇÃO

172 OCUPAÇÃO MAUÁ

OCCUPATION MAUÁ 2 500 m

SURFACE TOTAL AMOUNT OF INHABITED FLOORS

ADDRESS FORMER FUNCTION OWNER

YEAR OF ABANDON

DATE OF OCCUPATION MOVEMENT(S)

6 240 m² 6 floors

rua Mauá 340, Luz HOTEL Private (Leon Zsniefr and his brothers) IPTU debt > 2,8 millions R$ in 2014 Negotiations with COHAB since June 2013

End of 1990’s

March 2007

FLM - [MSTC] - MMLJ 2007 - 2014 2014 - today *Frente da Luta por Moradia **Movimento Sem Teto do Centro ***Movimento Sem Teto Luta por Justicia

AMOUNT OF FAMILIES/UNITS MONTHLY RENT

OCCUPATION’S COORDINATOR

237 150 R$/month

Ivaneti Araújo

(+ floor coordinators)

Social movement are reacting upon vacancy through temporary reconversion of outdated structures into affordable housing and the introduction of new forms of collective life inside the envelope. However, and despite appearances the investment is not restricted to the inner realm of an occupation. In the beginning, façades are key figures in the expression of the fight. Through time, uninterrupted occupations gain more legitimacy and the risk of eviction decreases [PM - p.122]. Façades become then the testimony of the movement’s engagement with the city, turning claim into dialogue. Through long-term occupations, FLM actively invests in the urban renewal of decadent neighbourhoods.

500 m

0m

rua Mauรก 340

LUZ

174

The simultaneous expressions of abandonment and occupation confers to occupations’ fronts a claiming attitude. In the centre of São Paulo, the constellation of occupations competes on signs and symbolic to express their engagement with the city, some movements more than others.

“Pixações”1, broken windows, walled up entrances, etc. are all indicators of building’s vacancy. They form the initials elements movements have to deal with when occupying an empty structure. [DM - p.38] The red flag(s) with the initials of the movement is the most common expression of an occupation, and 1 “Pixações” are a sort of written graffiti evoking Gothic calligraphy illegally drawn on (abandoned) façades. Their meaning is not really clear. The anthropologist Teresa Caldeira associates them to an urban movement performed by youths from the periphery, trying to imprint the biggest and the highest their presence in the centre. (Caldeira, 2012)

the first to come. Easily carried and visible, they are hanged to widows and balconies, while competing on dimensions.

Through time, FLM initiates for some buildings the cleaning of tagged walled and their provocative meaning: “pixaçoes” are progressively removed and avoided, to leave room for other kinds of languages.

Artistic paintings cover some of the old protective walls, marking the presence of cultural activities in the occupation, or just hailing passers-by on the housing question with all range of catchy slogans and poetic quotes. Some FLM’s façades benefit from a reddish refurbishment, upgrading the quality of the urban environment, always with the symbolic of the fight as background.

175 SE ENVOLVER COM A CIDADE

ENGAGING WITH THE CITY

Occupied city - constellation of faรงades1: a gradient from an almost invisible occupation to the presence of flags, until investment in refurbishing the facade.

1 Occupation present during fieldwork February-March 2016

[Monteiro, 2014]

176

Courtyard of Occupation Mauá

The occupation Mauá is currently the oldest uninterrupted one performed by FLM. It takes place in a former hotel organized around a courtyard to which the rooms are opened. The large building is set back from the street: a row of five long and narrow commercial spaces fills the gap between the hotel and the public realm.

The building is located on rua Mauá, a street alongside the train station of Luz, highly followed by daily commuters on rush hours. In contrast, the neighbourhood is marked by an impressive state of vacancy, a stone’s throw away from Crackolândia, standing next to the disastrous scares of the aborted Projeto Nova Luz [PM - p.122].

177

[Drawn by authors]

engaging with the city I se envolver com a cidade

0 1 2 5

BUILDING ENVELOPE OF OCCUPATION MAUĂ

SCALE:

10m

178

1954

1990’S

The Hotel Santos Dumont is built by the Polish trader Mayer Wolf Szifer.

Despite the growing decay of the area in the second half of the 20th century, influenced by the development of Crackôlandia [PM - p.122], the hotel works until the end of the 1990’s.

1ST WAVE OF INFORMAL RE-CONVERSION: At that period, a first wave of informal re-use of the deteriorating structure takes place: some of the hotel rooms are informally rented (cortiços), some others requested for the owner’s personal uses. Mayer Wolf’s widow lives in the building until her death in 2002.

The occupation Mauá is located in the same neighbourhood than Prestes Maia: Luz [PM - p.122].

CORTIÇO

179 HOTEL - CORTIÇO - OCUPAÇÃO

HOTEL - CORTIÇO - OCCUPATION

Hotel Santos Dumont stands on the list of the buildings to be demolished for the development of the Projeto Nova Luz.

JULY 2003 - SEPT. 2003

MARCH 2007

...

MSTSRC and its young branch MSTC gather to perform a “pipoca” [DM - p.43] in the centre of São Paulo. Six buildings are occupied simultaneously by the movements’ members, including Hotel Santos Dumont. 350 families resist in the decaying hotel for two months before being evicted in September 2003.

What remains of Hotel Santos Dumont is occupied for the second time by an association of movements gathered under the banner of FLM: 237 families members of MSTC, MMRC and ASTC-SP settle in the building.

(In 2012, the University of São Paulo (USP) studies the possibility of implementing a social housing project of 160 apartments in the former hotel.)

In June 2013, the Municipality intents to buy the building but the agreement with the owner does not unfold.

180

The old façade of occupation Mauá presents a very strong separation between inside and outside: the inner organization seems “withdrawn in a defensive manner from the city” (Bhatia & Roach, “Urbanism from within”), protected behind blind walls, blocked front shop and covered with tags and “pixações”. The presence of the movement is just indicated in capital letters painted at the entrance. Behind the door, the presence of a door keeper reinforces this multi-layered protective mechanism, carefully regulating the access to the building.

In the end of 20121, MSTC undertakes the refurbishment of the old hotel façade. The ageing concrete structure gets a refreshment in red and white, colours of the social movement and fight for housing. More permanent than a flag, this intervention makes the whole façade stating loud and clear the movement’s presence in the city. (Bries & Devos, 2015) 1 Corresponding to 5 years of uninterrupted occupation. Cfr. The “Social Function of a Property” in the Plano Director which mentions that if after five years of progressive of IPTU the owner of a vacant property does not develop a project on it, the Municipality may expropriate it, based on the market value of the property and through the payment of public debt.

Three years later, the front façade of the building opens up again on the street. Initiating re-investment in the decadent neighbourhood, the movement supports the creation of five shops managed by occupation’s inhabitants.2 Along rua Mauá where half of the commercial spaces are closed, the movement actively introduces new dynamics on the public space. The shops activate the streetscape and open the dialogue with the outside world. They participate to the decriminalization of the movement’s image.

In general, the investments of the movement nuances through time the series of thresholds that make the transition between outside and inside. To the extreme, the re-opening of shops adds permeability to the façade, transforming it into an urban interface, blurring the strict distinction between private and public spaces.

2 Interview with Ivaneti - Occupation Mauá - 11th of March 2016

[CuT, 2007]

engaging with the city I se envolver com a cidade

[Picture based on author with adjustments through google streetsview]

Faรงade of the Occupation Mauรก in 2007

Faรงade of the occupation refurbished together with the opening of new commercial activities in front.

181

[Lopez & Laroza, April 2014]

[Stevens, February 2015]

182

Corridors in Occupation Mauรก before refurbishment of wall painting.

In the case of occupation Mauรก, intervention on the faรงade appears as a priority: it takes place before the refurbishment of the inside which imprints as well the traces of abandonment and decay. This chronology illustrates how the image that the movement communicates to the outside prevails over the living quality an occupation offers.

Corridors in Occupation Mauรก with a first round of wall painting.

Corridors in Occupation Mauรก after refurbishment of wall painting and new floor tiles.

[Jeroen Stevens - February 2015]

engaging with the city I se envolver com a cidade

183

184

LEGEND: RENEWED WALL PAINTING RENEWED FLOOR TILES

In 2015, three years after the faรงade refurbishment, MMLJ1 invests in the corridor renewal. New tiles are placed on the floor and the wall painting is renovated with the same colour code. In addition to the multitude of political stickers and religious preaches glued to the individual doors, the colourful hallways recall to the thousands inhabitants their everyday engagement to the fight for housing. [PM - p.122] Under the envelope, the movement invests also in its infrastructures. In 2013, FLM proceeds to the replacement of the hydraulic and electric systems of the old hotel, improving considerably the daily life of the inhabitants.

Additionally, occupation Mauรก is an example of the alternative production performed by the social movement, where spontaneous urban practices naturally unfold: the courtyard transformed into a football field by a flock of children or the opening of a little shop on the 1st floor.

1 In 2014, MMLJ emerges out of MSTC as a new FLM sub-movement. Since then, it pursues the management of the occupation Mauรก.

engaging with the city I se envolver com a cidade

185

LEVEL 06

LEVEL 05

LEVEL 04

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LEVEL 01

[Drawn by authors]

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INCREMENTAL INVESTMENTS IN OCCUPATION MAUÁ

SCALE:

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186 The whole series of investments that the movement performs in occupation Mauá could be interpreted as a way to legitimate their illegal presence. It echoes to some extent recurrent discourses amongst leaders who justify their action arguing that they “break the law to enforce it”1. Using the interstices of the legal framework [PM - p.122], FLM tries indeed to force the effective implementation of the law. In a provocative and interventionist way, the movement goes against the speculative logic of the private market, demonstrating how else the urban reality could transform.

This engagement towards the city goes beyond the mere financial investment. It is also a fight on symbols.

The ambiguous notion of property is here decomposed into a right - the claim of the movement - and an duty 1 Carmen, MSTC leader, 2016

3,5m

1m

3,75m

23m

towards the society. Making the occupied building “proper” is a way to demonstrate how the movement - as occupier - fulfils its obligations.

Nevertheless, behind the appealing banner of the bottom-up alternative urban renewal, interventions on occupied buildings recall as well some more standard real estate models. To certain extent it seems that the condominium set back from the street, surrounded by fences and walls under the constant surveillance of a doorkeeper fascinates social movements as well as it revolts them at the same time. Despite the protesting discourse of FLM, the obsession of safety and cleanness and the appreciations of luxury are all reproduced in the example of occupation Mauá, illustrating once again the contradictions between ideology and goals that animate occupations.

3,5m

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Level 06 Level 05 Level 04

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SHOP

rua Mauá 0

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187

ENGAGING WITH THE CITY I SE ENVOLVER COM A CIDADE

A

08

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09

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uá

Level 00 Ground Floor

Level 01

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A’

LEGEND: Refurbished surfaces (floor tiles, wall painting) Outdoor space (courtyard, balcony) Garden Shop Shop entrance Occupation entrance

01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09

Level 04

Level 05

“Porteira” Shop (type Lanchonete) Shop Shop (clothes) Shop Movement’s meeting room Courtyard Garden General shop (towards inside)

Level 06

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188

Advertising for a condominium under construction in Santa Cecília

[Drawn by authors]

GROUND FLOOR EXISTING

GROUND FLOOR PROJECTED

0 1 2 5

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10m

Swimming pool project in Occupation Mauá

Furthermore, concerning the building’s future, Ivaneti1 proudly shares her upcoming swimming pool project, as a claimed reproduction of elite’s exclusive urban reality.2 It could be argued that this sum of investments being either visible to the outsiders or not contributes to the inhabitants feeling of being part of the society.

1 MMLJ’s leader 2 Interview with Ivaneti - Occupation Mauá - 11th of March 2016

The example of Mauá autonomously moving towards a consolidated form of housing illustrates how the contemporary production of exclusive environment in São Paulo inspires the movement and feeds its imaginary. The copy (or the promise of it) seems to carry the possibility of being modern and having a future. (Larkin, 2012)

189 A PROMESSA DE UM CONDOMÍNIO

THE PROMISE OF THE CONDOMINIUM

Outside, the decaying façade is refurbished, repainted with the movements' colors: red and white The corridors are carefully maintained by the movement: paintings and tiles ensure a clean living environment

OCCUPATION MAUÁ - INVESTMENTS

[Drawn by authors]

The movement nourrishes the desire to construct themselves a swimmingpool in its courtyard.

190

INVESTMENT I INVESTIMENTO

In central São Paulo, façades imprint the recent history of disinvestment: tagged, blocked or refurbished, they carry the signs of both abandonment and re-occupation.

In building occupations, façades are not static elements. Through time, they express the evolution of the fight, from the provocative claim printed in capital letters on red flags to the desire to integrate the formal city through maintenance and refurbishment of decaying landmarks.

The movement uses the envelope to demonstrate property rights and obligations, under their own logic of breaking the law to enforce it.

In general, the image given to the outside prevails and lead investments.

Façades’ refurbishments come often before the improvement of the inside.

Performing acupuncture investments for the reactivation of decaying urban tissues, movements manifest their engagement with the city, while simultaneously decriminalizing their image.

Finally, occupations paradoxically present similarities with the contested model of condominium. The regulation of the entrance by a “porteiro”, the reproduction of images associated to middle-class and privileged environments, etc., are common in organization and discourses. [HL - p.262]

PROJECT I PROJETO

191

05 CENTRALITIES HOTEL CAMBRIDGE

[Stevens, 2015]

OCUPAÇÃO

194 OCUPAÇÃO HOTEL CAMBRIDGE

OCCUPATION HOTEL CAMBRIDGE 2 500 m

SURFACE TOTAL AMOUNT OF INHABITED FLOORS

7 851 m² 15 floors

Headquarters of MSTC ADDRESS

Avenida Nove de Julho 216, Bela Vista HOTEL

FORMER FUNCTION

OWNER

YEAR OF VACANCY

COHAB Bought in 2011 for xx $R 2002

DATE OF OCCUPATION

24th of November 2012

MOVEMENT(S)

FLM* - MSTC**

*Frente da Luta por Moradia **Movimento Sem Teto do Centro

AMOUNT OF FAMILIES/UNITS MONTHLY RENT COORDINATOR

170 150 R$/month Carmen da Silva Ferreira

500 m

Beside the spatial organisation of housing units in an abandoned structure, the occupying movement uses the space to organize the fight. Weekly or monthly meetings are set up by occupations and base groups coordinators to discuss and communicate about the agenda to their members. Each sub-movement within FLM has its own headquarters or “sede” where the administration is located. Often they correspond to the places where leaders address issues related to occupations or members’ participation, offering enough space for large meetings. Hotel Cambridge is the “sede’ of MSTC, centralizing most of the movement’s activities.

0m

196 DILAPIDAÇÃO E RESSURREIÇÃO DE UM VALE DO RIO

DILAPIDATION AND RESURRECTION OF A RIVER VALLEY

Occupation Hotel Cambridge is located along one of the main avenues of Central São Paulo. Avenida Nove de Julho starts at the confluence of the Saracara and Anghangabaú river valleys. The river Y-figure is emphasized in the Plano de Avenidas: avenida Nove de Julho is one of the main axis connecting the historical centre to avenida Paulista. Verticalization takes place along the avenue, anchored on the steep river bank and marking the contrast between the prestiges front and the secondary back side.

From the 1970’s on, the avenue started to lose its attractiveness due to congestion. Institutions progressively moved out, generating vacancy along the avenue. This resulted in a collection of a few well-known empty buildings such as INNS Nove de Julho, which has been regularly occupied

by FLM . Today, the sense of vacancy is strengthened by the overall underuse, especially at night. Hotel Cambridge is strategically located, nearby the metro station Anhagabaú and the bus terminal Bandeiras. [ProtoUrbanisms]

197

[Guilherme,1892]

[Rosenthal ,1940]

198

Valley Anhangabaú is characterized by steep riverbanks, which continues along the river Saracura.

Avenida Nove de Julho is an icon avenue that connects the historical centre with the new centre Avenida Paulista.

Ú

RA SA

BA GA

AN

H AN

CU

RA

PARQUE ANHANGABAÚ

The construction of the Viaduto do Cha crossing the valley of Anhangabaú in 1877 directed the urban development on both sides of the river. In the densifying city, the river floodplains remained empty, used as a productive land. In the early 20th century, the city centre modernized with the implementation of projects of grandeur. The valley was turned into a park, and become a favourite destination for the urban elite.

199

[Assis Ferreira, 1952]

Dilapidation and resurrection of a river valley I dilapidação e ressurreição de um vale do rio

Along the avenue, vacant plots are taken in by parking spots. This contributes to the increasing congesting city centre.

1930’S INFRASTRUCTURE AND PEDESTRIANIZATION

1990’S VACANCY & PUBLIC REINVESTMENTS

With the implementation of the Plano de Avenidas in 1930, avenida Nove de Julho opened up space for car mobility and attracted the construction of high-rise buildings along, including Hotel Cambridge.

(Briers & Devos, 2015) This new configuration marked the limit between the Centro Velho (Sé) and the Centro Novo (República).

With the development of the new centrality of avenida Paulista, traffic congestion started to paralyse the avenues.

Investments dropped in the area and avenida Nove de Julho’s tissue gradually vacated.

200

201

Dilapidation and resurrection of a river valley I dilapidação e ressurreição de um vale do rio

0m

400 M

BUILT

NON BUILT

GROUND FLOOR: The river bed marks the topography of the area. Bridges and elevated walkways ensure the continuity of car and pedestrian mobility. Buildings are mediating height differences between front sides facing the avenue and back sides facing smaller streets.

Topography

Pedestrian Network

Case study

150 High rise

100

50

15 0m Low rise

202 High-class international hosts visit the hotel, attesting of its grandeur.

EARLY â&#x20AC;&#x2DC;90â&#x20AC;&#x2122;S

In the early 1990â&#x20AC;&#x2122;s, the hotel is deeply renovated to maintain its high profile and glamour.

Architect: Francisco Bak. 1946

Hotel Cambridge was built in 1946 by the architecture Francisco Bak along avenida Nove de Julho, an arterial road flanked by high-rise buildings that connects the historic city centre to the new economic ones developing in the southwest of the city.

2002

Like many others building along avenida Nove de Julho, the hotel eventually closes its doors in 2002.

Dilapidation and resurrection of a river valley I dilapidação e ressurreição de um vale do rio

FUPAM

APRIL 2011

Following the FUPAM research, [HL - p.262], COHAB buys the building for R$ 6,5 million*. A first project including 119 housing units is made to estimate the feasibility and the costs. * about 26 million Euros

PUNCTUAL USES

In between phases of vacancy, the largest hotel rooms such as the lobby and restaurant are adapted to new uses: Hotel Cambridge becomes a popular nightclub.

NOVEMBER 2012

...

MSTC occupies Hotel Cambridge to pressure COHAB for realizing the project, in collaboration with the movement.

FILM PROJECT

Hotel Cambridge gains in visibility to the outside world thanks to different projects set up by and in collaboration with independent stakeholders.

2015

2016

Because of the high costs for the retrofit into social housing, COHAB proposes to sell part of the planned apartments on the private market. FLM camps in front of the city hall [DM - p.38] to claim its full transformation in social housing and eventually succeeds.

A final social housing project is proposed by COHAB and in its last stage before implementation. It will eventually accommodate ... units that will all go to FLM members.

203

[Noites do Centro, s.d.]

204

(ground floor) The lobby of the hotel is used as a popular nightclub from 2003-2004.

205 REUTILIZAÇÃO DE UMA ESTRUTURA

[Donasci/UOL, 2012]

REUSE OF A STRUCTURE

(2nd floor - former restaurant) Its vacancy for almost 10 years left its marks in the condition of the building. Nevertheless, the sustainable expensive materials used for building its prestiges character helped in preserving its quality.

The spaces of the lobby and restaurant evoke the former grandeur of Hotel Cambridge. Their generous dimensions can host large scale activities. This is reflected in the building’s capacity to accommodate shifting uses in the large spaces, like lobby, lounge, restaurant and bar: from a hotel to a night club, to a cinema, library, capoera classes and so on. Today, more than 170 families live, meet, work and celebrate in the occupied structure.

206 The common spaces are located on the lowest floor in the logic of a hotel structure, specific because of their larger size and double height ceilings. The other floors present a series of units configurations organized around a corridor that is used collectively by the different families living on the same level. On the rooftop, projects are imagined to turn it into collective space for the occupation, although they are mostly closed-off because they are regarded unsafe by the coordination.

9,5m

1,5m

10,5m

1,5m

9,5m

53m Level 17 Ground Floor 50m Level 16 47m Level 15 44m Level 14 41m Level 13 38m Level 12 35m

Level 04

Level 11 32m Level 10 29m Level 09 26m Level 08 23m Level 07 20m Level 06 17m Level 05

Level 09 14m

Level 04 11m Level 03 8m Level 02 4m Level 01 Ground Floor

Section AAâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

0

1

2

5

10m

Level 14

02

D

S

D

04

S

01

00 03

Level -1 - Basement

Level 01 - Ground Floor

Level 02 - Sub Floor

Level 05

Level 06

Level 07

Level 10

Level 11

Level 03

Level 08

Level 13

Level 12

LEGEND: Outdoor spaces Unused spaces Communal Spaces Administration Occupation entrance

05

Level 15

Level 16

Level 17

00 01 02 03 04 05

Large Meeting Area Dressing Shop Small Meeting Area Cake Factory Large Meeting Area Vegetable garden project

0 1 2

5

10m

208

(2nd FLOOR) - Assessoria Técnica Peabiru was invited to expand on the future social housing project that will be built in the east zone of the city and is commissioned by the movement. All interested members were invited, resulting in the attendance of around 200 people. For such meetings, MSTC only holds Hotel Cambridge in their possession that is able to carry the crowd.

MSTC mobilizes the qualitative structure of the former prestigious Hotel Cambridge for its internal organization.

While initially the movement had left these spaces empty behind locked doors, it gradually realized how the existing infrastructure could serve the organization of the fight, hosting various meetings and activities involving inhabitants.

Weekly “assembleias” are indeed crucial events for mobilizing members. At these occasions, leaders, coordinators and members address pressing issues and exchange over the next strategies. The presence of all inhabitants is mandatory, and rewarded through a pointing system.

On the one hand the structure of the building is fixed. On the other hand, it depends on the movement to effectively take advantage of it, providing space for leisure, or work, or family. The community within the building grows stronger thanks to the dynamic infill’s: from large meetings, to children’s movie night to a market, etc. It is a gradual learning process in which the popular organization constantly discovers and tests out new spatial possibilities, inside the conquered structures, seeking to take profit of their structure in the best possible way.

209 MOVEMENT’S MEETINGS

ASSEMBLEIAS

The movement flag and slogals are spread all over the building, reminding the inhabitants of the fight.

Participation by the inhabitants is obligatory.

The previous hotel structure provided a rich lobby, today used for large meetings.

The movement leaders address their members weekly.

(ground floor) - The lobby of Hotel Cambridge allows to accommodate large weekly meetings or “assembleias” of the inhabitants. The throne already present in the hotel perfectly allows movement leader Carmen to clearly position herself within the room and forcefully addressed her members.

210

In 2010 an acclaimed Brazilian movie producer, Eliana Caffé, is introduced to MSTC. Inspired by the theme of occupations, she uses Hotel Cambridge as the protagonist in her new story: the integration of refugees in the Paulistan city. Eliana fully commits her work to the occupation’s inhabitants. Part of Cambridge is transformed into a film set and inhabitants become the actors of their own story. Carmen da Silva, leader of MSTC, appears to be a natural acting figure as her real life appearances are very forceful. To follow the script, a few elements are added in the building, like

a central room to organize skype meetings with family left behind. The room was present but locked most of the time. (Caffé, 2016) Carmen points out how “Lily” (Eliana Caffé) encouraged the movement to open such spaces for the inhabitants instead of parcelling them out to implement more housing units. Here again, the architectural capacities and possibilities of the formerly obsolete building are piecemeal explored and adapted according to new insights and ever-changing objectives.

211 “IT WAS AT HOTEL CAMBRIDGE”

[Era o Hotel Cambridge, 2015]

“ERA O HOTEL CAMBRIDGE”

During the production of “Era o Hotel Cambridge”, the full building was spatially analyse to use occupation to its full potential.

212

Following the success of the movie project, MSTC develops more collaborations with “outsiders” and starts to get interested in the spatial quality of collective spaces within occupations. Cultural events and collectives are invited to enter the building. With the help of architecture students of Eliana Caffé’s sister - Carla Caffé, teaching architecture at the “Escola da Cidade” -, MSTC sets up a library for the inhabitants.

Refugees are welcomed to join the fight and a spinoff movement emerges out of this new opening: GRIST - Grupo de Refugiados e Imigrantes Sem Teto – aims to assist immigrants in their integration in São Paulo, combining education about the fight for housing with training towards cultural adjustments.

The involvement of outsiders is twofold. On the one hand, Hotel Cambridge offers more activities to all MSTC members, progressively transformed into the movement’s “sede” - headquarter. It connects other occupations as their inhabitants are invited

to join the activities or take advantage of the space that the former hotel offers. A small fabrication of cake revitalized the former hotel kitchen space, and developed it into a small factory, selling its products in shops at “lanchonettes” nearby [PM - p.122]. On the other hand, a quest for “positive” visibility begins to grow in the movement’s ambition. As the movie wins several international prices, the story of Hotel Cambridge is broadcast to the world. (Carmen, 2016) More and more Cambridge becomes the movement’s “showcase” occupation where they proudly and happily invite students, collectives, journalists and the like.

Acknowledging the potential benefits of collaborations for the visibility of the movement’s fight for housing, MSTC develops more relation with outsiders.

Journalists are invited to “atos” to live report on their social media a carefully crafted and performed image of the movement.

“era o hotel cambridge” I “it was at hotel Cambridge”

Meeting Room

VARIOUS COLLABORATIONS FOLLOWED OUT OF THE PRODUCTION OF THE MOVIE. Communication Education

213

214

OCCUPATION _ COMMUNITY

[Stevens, 2013]

[Ocupação Hotel Cambridge, 2016]

UNIT _ FAMILY

Urban garden student project on the rooftop

Children playing the hallway.

Capoeira classes

Childrens’ movie night

Library space transformed by student project

The private life of the families expand towards the collective space by small scale, daily activities that add to the living quality and decide oneself to the occupation.

Outside stakeholders organize small weekly activities that contribute to the feeling as a community. A student project tried to redesign the 2nd floor and rooftop to benefit the inhabitants more.

[Stevens, 2015]

[Stevens, 2015]

[Stevens, 2015]

Weekly self-maintance of the building by the man of the families.

215 ESCALAS DE CENTRALIDADE

SCALES OF CENTRALITY MOVEMENT _ SOCIETY

[Stevens, 2015]

[Ocupação Hotel Cambridge, 2016]

OCCUPATION _ MOVEMENT

Journalists organize themselves before a large pipoca.

Workshop held by Eliana Caffé, movie producer Era O Hotel Cambridge

Music festival of grist in front of the occupation

Second-hand market or Brecho

Workshop Insurgent Urbanism 2015_organized by KULeuven.

Larger activities, directed to all members of MSTC, are held in the large collective spaces of Hotel Cambridge.

This ranges from a childrens’ party to a workshop, to a second hand market with small party.

A few activities, some larger then others, are oriented towards both inhabitants as well as outsiders. The occupation becomes the stage for other groups.

[Stevens, 2015]

[Stevens, 2015]

[Stevens, 2015]

Childrens’ Easter party

216

Each activity takes place in a specific room. They are mainly organized on the first three floors, on the largest communal spaces of the hotel, and more recently on the rooftop. In the headquarters for MSTC, the secretary is installed on the second floor. The “bolo” (cake) factory is implemented in the former restaurant’s kitchen.

217

scales of centrality I escalas de centralidade

ROOFTOP

LEVEL 15

[Drawn by authors]

8 TO 10 UNITS/FLOOR

LEVEL 03

0 1 2 5

SCALE:

10m

LEVEL 02

28 LEVEL 01

LEVEL 00

32

82

[JB_p.73

218

The base organization of the movement is highly hierarchical. Besides the ever changing constellation of occupations, the movements gathers its members in base groups. These groups function on the basis of weekly meetings or “assembleias”. New members of a movement must first join a base group where they are introduced to the principles of the movement, the importance of an active participation, and the basics of “collective” living and acting. From there, they have the opportunity to join a new occupation or participate to the “festa” [DM - p.38]. Each base group is linked to a specific movement, whereas one occupation functions as the headquarters.

The weekly meeting are in any case important and obligatory, whether it is in an occupation or base group.

They have different purposes. One week, practicalities are tackled: members are informed on updates about future “atos”, evolution in movements’ agenda and vision, etc. Teaching (about history, politics, etc.) is

at the program of the next week, providing popular education in the basics of citizenship rights and Marxist theories on class-struggles in which they are purportedly participating.

FLM functions on a similar base. Meetings with movements’ leaders and main coordinators are organized at the headquarters on avenida São João.

Manuel Del Rio is the main figure: his profile as a lawyer and educator, and the director the association Apoio gives him the necessary background. Communications and teachings are then reproduced in the different occupations and base groups, to be spread among all the members. For the movement’s revolutionary aspirations this popular schooling of members and leaders is crucial for acquainting their rights and duties; or concept heavily and often explicitly inspired

by Freire’s “Pedagogy of the Oppressed”. (Freire, 1968)

219

scales of centrality I escalas de centralidade

0m

400 M

MMLJ

TNG

MSTRU

MSTC

MEMBERS MSTC 482

762

3500

220

LEGEND: FAVELA’S & CORTIÇOS > 45% LOW INCOME FAMILIES 30% - 45% LOW INCOME FAMILIES 0-30% LOW INCOME FAMILIES [Low income: 0-3 minimum wages per family - IBGE, 2010] LINK BETWEEN FLM & SUBMOVEMENT AREA OF ORIGIN PAST & CURRENT OCCUPATIONS BASE GROUP, AND # MEMBERS 100 200 300 500

1 000

Overall, the main base groups of the movements of FLM and therefore the critical mass of their members are located in the periphery, which is not necessarily the region in which they act. Base groups are mostly situated in the low-income zones at the fringes of the city or within the decaying central areas with high percentage of cortiços, as these are the main target audience. A few sub-movements have a specific focus on the periphery: north (Zona Norte), east (Zona Leste) or south (Zona Sul).

Others gather members that are involved in the fight, without willing to join an occupation. Being involved with the movement allow them to benefit from its achievements, like the construction of social housing.

In order to gather the mass during demonstrations, buses arranged by the movement bring the members to the place of action in the city centre.

Through active participation, members earn points on their membership card, ensuring them a good position in the ranking to access social housing, or a better room/apartment in the occupation, seeking to establish a valorization-system “outside” of capitalist logics, based on active participation and engagement rather than financial resources or status.

scales of centrality I escalas de centralidade MSTLV

221

MSTRN

0m

50 KM

CECASUL

FOMMAESP

POVO & AÇÃO

JARDIM IPANEMA

[Image based upon GIS-data Municipality of São Paulo, 2016]

MMLJ TNG MSTRU MSTC

222

CENTRALITY I SEDE

Hotel Cambridge has proven to make a movement more conscious about the spatial quality an occupation in itself can offer. It frames the centrality within MSTC, labelled as a â&#x20AC;&#x153;sedeâ&#x20AC;? or headquarters. It allows for collaborations with outsiders that turn Hotel Cambridge into a tool to broadcast the fight. At the same time the specific structure of the former hotel is ideal for large scale fill-ins, gathering members of MSTC beyond Hotel Cambridge itself.

OCUPAÇÃO

[Centro Cultural Ocupação São João, 2015]

CULTURE SÃO JOÃO

226 OCUPAÇÃO SÃO JOÃO

OCCUPATION SÃO JOÃO 2 500 m

SURFACE TOTAL AMOUNT OF INHABITED FLOORS

3 690 m² 7 floors

Headquarters of MSTRU

ADDRESS

Avenida São João 588, República

FORMER FUNCTION

OWNER

HOTEL

UNKNOWN, contact through an agent May 2016: MCMV-E

YEAR OF VACANCY

DATE OF OCCUPATION MOVEMENT(S)

1993 4th of Octobre 2010

FLM* - MSTRU**

*Frente da Luta por Moradia **Movimento Sem Teto por Reforma Urbana

AMOUNT OF FAMILIES/UNITS MONTHLY RENT

COORDINATOR

85 150 R$/month

Antonia Donasemento

500 m

Over time, it wasn’t only important to occupy a building as a statement itself, but by dealing with the life and inhabitants inside, it offered a new tool to the movement. Together with outside stakeholders, many projects have been set up in the past. Occupation São João goes a step beyond whereby the movement MSTRU itself took the opportunity of culture as way to change their image and to reach not only their members but outsiders as well. Mildo stated how culture has become one of their 5 action tools.1 1 Interview with Mildo Ferreira, 18th of February 2016

0m

avenida São João 588

REPÚBLICA

[Fotolabor, 1950]

228

Avenida São João is the main artery of the new Centre, República, 1950.

THEATRE, GLORY OF THE NEW CENTRE

With the consolidation of the 2nd centre, o centro novo or the new centre, the new Republic had to be represented. Not only the business or residential area (for the elite) expanded but as well investments in the leisure and grandeur. Avenida São João was the first avenue, flanked by various theatres and hotels. The walking along the avenue became iconic, as a way to be seen.

The crossing with avenida Ipiranga was seen as the new core.

229 REPÚBLICA, O CENTRO NOVO

REPÚBLICA, THE NEW CENTRO

Today, Avenida São João is a testimony of different of time frames with a succession of investments and vacancy.

BUSINESS CENTRE OF REPÚBLICA

CULMINATION OF THE VACANCY

Over time, República modernized with new high-rise investment whereas the first popular investment in cortiços was intertwined.

República was framed by three main sectors: the banks, media and ...

Over time, República modernizes with new high-rise investments.

At the same period, the informal rental housing market (cortiços) develops in the centre. As the main businesses present in República moves out towards avenida Paulista, vacancy characterizes more and more the area. Today, it is highlighted by the numerous housing occupations and cortiços perceptible from the public space.

Conveying a criminalized image, they enhance the neighbourhood’s overall sense of decay.

230

RepĂşblica is the main commercial area besides SĂŠ. At night it is highly abandoned, making it very unsafe.

República, the new centro I República, o centro novo

The occupation is located along Avenida São João which was the heart of the “new centre” and its expansion.

231

232 0m

400 M

GROUND FLOOR: Open galleries and numerous pedestrian streets enhance the passages through the neighbourhood. Ground floors are either in use with shops or restaurants or blocked and vacant. In order to serve the commercial functions, empty buildings

BUILT

NON BUILT

often function as paid parking lots. The avenue serves the public transport network that concentrates in the centre.

Topography

Pedestrian Network

Vacant

Underused

Parking

In use

Commercial

Case study

Vacant

Underused

Cortiรงo

Occupation

Case study

235

RepĂşblica, the new centro I RepĂşblica, o centro novo

0m

400 M

TOP FLOOR: A few all-floor-galleries strengthen the commercial character that RepĂşblica still holds and increase the permeability of the area. Although many of them were developed as business ans expensive commercial centres, most of them popularized an host now small secondary businesses.

150 High rise

100

50

15 0m Low rise

236

1944 Hotel Columbia was constructed along the prestigious avenida São João. The hotel is on top of a commercial ground floor.

1993 Despite the growing decay of the area in the second half of the 20th century, the hotel remained active until the beginning of the 1990’s.

Occupation São João is installed in an abandoned hotel. Over time, the building was adapted to simultaneously host new functions, such as the “Centro Cultural” that enriches the “usual” housing units.

RepĂşblica, the new centro I RepĂşblica, o centro novo

85 families

FLM

mstru

FUPAM

2009 _ FUPAM As a result of being part of FUPAM [HLp.258], COHAB conducted a feasibility study towards a renewal project.

Estimated costs were very high.

OCTOBER 2010 ...

While the movement occupied the top floors, the ground floor remained partially in function until today, in use by a snack shop.

JANUARY 2011 The first cultural project was set up, which led to the establishment of a Cultural Centre.

APRIL 2016 MSTRU applied to Minha Casa Minha Vida Entitades [HL-p.258] and is pending funds for a social housing project, that is led by the movement.

237

238 IMAGEM DESCRIMINALIZAR

DECRIMINALIZING IMAGE

Located along the former prestigious and theatrical avenue São João, MSTRU took advantage of this situation to rethink the logic of the occupation. The coordinator Mildo explains their ambition to enter in dialogue with the formal city, as to improve their mutual co-existence. A quick look at public news feeds testifies how housing movements are generally heavily criminalized by influential media groups. The movement believes that culture could be able to shift the negative image and preconceptions. In January 2011, a cultural collective is introduced in the occupation, benefiting from the ideal location at São João, near public facilities and transportation. The facade is left intact and therefore holds marks of decay. MSTRU envisions a face-lift that should strengthen the visibility of the cultural centre and reflect the popular investment.1 However and despite the presence of a so-called “Centro Cultural”, entering occupation São João appeared to be a difficult task. Several unsuccessful attempts during fieldwork attested thereof. Fortunately, the participation to a workshop “Conversa com Paula Z. Segal: Promovendo a Propriedade não-especulativa: a Cooperativa Imobiliária de Nova Iorque” focusing on the promotion of non-speculative investments and organized in the occupation on the 13th of February 2016 brought insights on the organization of a cultural event. At this occasion, all the cultural spaces were freely accessible. Nevertheless, this experience did not allow for a relevant estimation of the potential cross-benefits for the movement and the city, as none of the inhabitants attended the event.

1 Interview with Mildo Ferreira, 18th of February 2016

240 With the ground floor still in use by an independent “lanchonette”, the occupation is set up on the upper six floors transforming the former hotel rooms into housing units and the communal spaces serving as cultural centre. Being a former hotel, occupation São João hardly required any self-construction. However, vacated for almost two decades, the building lost a lot of its prestige. Intense cleaning and partial improvised renovation works made the structure inhabitable. In order not to overload the electricity and water network one single bathroom per floor is to share.

10,5m

5m

7m

10,5m

22m

Level 06 19m

Level 05 16m

Level 04 13m

Level 03 10m

Level 02 7m

Level 01 4m

Level 00 Ground Floor

Section AA’

Lanconette Rei Do Mate

0

1

2

5

10m

241

Aâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;

04

00 03

01

02

Level -01 - Basement

Level 00 - Ground Floor

Level 01 - Sub Floor

A

Level 04

Level 02

Level 03

LEGEND: Unused spaces Outdoor spaces Self-construction Cultural Spaces Secretariat Occupation entrance

Level 05

Level 06

00 01 02 03 04

Exhibition Area Library Main Cultural Space Outside Cultural Space Urban Gardening

0 1 2

5

10m

[MSTRU Archive, 2010]

242

The former restaurant and bar room of the hotel needed to be studded as the structure became unstable while being vacant. Nevertheless, a large open space became available for use.

243

[MSTRU Archive, 2010]

DECRIMINALIZING IMAGE I imagem descriminalizar

The inner courtyard was as well restored by the movement. It offers easy accessible outdoor space for the inhabitants.

Debate about the refurbishment of the inner courtyard was organised between the artist Por Graffitrilhas, and the inhabitants of

[Por Graffitrilhas (2015)]

Occupation São João. The poster in the back states still their fight: “Many roofs are falling, many people without a roof”.

[Centro Cultural da Ocupação São João, 2016]

246

On 25th of October 2014, the theme of the evening was: “Is private property more important then life?

The reintegration of human rights”. The picture used on the poster refers to a protestation and a police action in front of the occupation whereby the fight for their rights often is lined with heavy violence.

247 INTERFACES DE CULTURA

INTERFACES OF CULTURE

LOGO CENTRO CULTURAL DA OCUPAÇÃO SÃO JOÃO The logo interplays with the often degraded facade of vacant buildings which are the main blueprints for the occupations, and a circus tent.

In January 2011, just a few months after the “festa” [DM - p.38], a first cultural project is launched in the occupation. At the beginning, students and youngsters are the first to take part in the movement’s initiative, but over time events gain in diversity, alternating kids movie nights, debate sessions, urban interventions, music, films projections, promotion of local artists, etc. Today, ‘Café Imaginário’ is the most emblematic event organized. As a regular meeting, it gives the floor to a variety of artistic and cultural interventions, including music sessions and debates always in one way or another related to the movement’s social struggle. According to Mildo, it gathers a wide range of actors.

Movement’s members, scholars, experts, anyone willing to join is invited to sit at the same table to address social and urban issues.

Coordinator Mildo states how the creation of the cultural centre has built a certain community pride within the occupation. Some inhabitants who before where ashamed of living in an informal environment, are now proud of what they achieves as a community and thought art.

Similarly, the movement seeks to shed a positive light on their action and decriminalize their interventions. The use of a formal terminology “Centro Cultural Ocupação São João” like the mobilization of posters hung out on the streets are all part of this legitimization strategy. Their official logos of both the cultural centre and FLM stand always next to the ones of event’s partners.1 The movement prioritizes educational trainings within the community to give to inhabitants the opportunity of becoming cultural agents.

Often the topic of the event correlates to their actions and popular forces. Referring to the theory of Freire, cross-cultural debates between inhabitants and outsiders are used as acts of creation. This initiates cyclic dynamics within the community, where movement’s members become multipliers from inside-out and learn how to better appropriate the cultural space. Culture here is not only to legitimate the squatters’ subversive actions, but also as an emancipatory and pedagogical tool. (Freire, 2005) Finally the organization of cultural events with entrance fee generates a micro-economy within the occupation, allowing to maintain and improve the condition of the building. Beside this, some of the events are financed through public funds which the movement applies for through their associations.2 1 Interview with Mildo Ferreira, 18th of February 2016 2 Interview with Mildo Ferreira, 18th of February 2016

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Multicultural market, open to the diversity of members.

â&#x20AC;&#x153;Be realistic, ask the impossibleâ&#x20AC;?, an event addressing the fight of the movement.

Debate about Women and their presence in history.

The cultural centre kicked of with a first theatrical performance.

2011

2012

2013

The timeline is drawn to the best of our knowledge and base on information on the facebook page of the cultural centre.

interfaces of culture I Interfaces de cultura

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“Black consciousness is daily present.”

“Tutoring in independent spaces”.

[Centro Cultural da Ocupação São João, 2016]

Family relationships are put in the picture, with the help of NGO Apoio, fighting for human rights

Various stakeholders join the event about “Popular Cultures”.

2014

2015

“Art and dialogue as a political platform to talk about who you are”; 3 event in the mindset of Black Culture

2016

250

The hotel structure offers a set of communal spaces that are used to various extents. Already at the early occupation moment, the former lobby was used as an exhibition room, presenting artistic realizations next to a series of old photographs of the Hotel Columbia and the process of occupying it. The large FLM logo painted in the back reminds inhabitants and outsiders, about the ongoing fight. Today, the cultural activities are concentrated on the first floor, where the restaurant used to be. It also serves as playground for the numerous children mainly coming from the periphery, and hence not used to live in the dense tissue of the centre. The hallway holds an informal exhibition and a small library. Other initiatives such as an urban garden on the back roof and artistic interventions in the inner courtyard need the regular involvement of the inhabitants.1 However, both projects seem unfinished and their effective success remains unclear. The top floors filled with housing units, connected through a central staircase, are inaccessible to outsiders.

1 Interview with Mildo Ferreira, 18th of February 2016

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[Drawn by authors]

interfaces of culture I Interfaces de cultura

0 1 2 5

SCALE:

10m

252

To enter the “Centro Cultural”, outsiders pass trough a series of interfaces.

Starting from the outside, the access to occupation São João is not controlled by a “porteira” or doorkeeper: each family has its own key.

Based on mutual trust, inhabitants enter freely. In that case, no curfew is imposed. During cultural events, visitors wait in front of the entrance for a movement’s member to let them in. Furthermore, despite a colourful decoration suggesting a certain cultural activity, the front door of the occupation does not manifest itself as an entrance. Passers-by and people waiting for the bus often stand in front without noticing it, illustrating the movement’s struggle in balancing its alleged need for defensive selfprotection and its increasing interest in “opening doors” for public events.

Inside, the initials of FLM are utterly present. The environment of the cultural centre holds evidence of previous activities: posters glued on the wall, graffiti, chairs left in a circle, etc. The setting is continuously evolving with the cultural agenda of the occupation and iteratively enriched with new artistic interventions that “have their impact” on the architecture of the building.

interfaces of culture I Interfaces de cultura

The cultural centre hosts multiple kinds of events ...

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Various artists and projects decorated the courtyard of Hotel Columbia Palace throughout the years

Each activity is introduced by a poster.

[Drawn by authors]

Open to outsiders, the movements uses the space to recall the ongoing fight for affordable housing in the centre.

Internal walls are used as exhibition space.

From the streets, the cultural centre is marked by a colourful entrance.

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The “Centro Cultural” in occupation São João is unique of its kind. However it is not the first attempt to introduce culture inside. At the moment of the first occupation of Prestes Maia in 2003 [PM - p.122], artistic collaborations were set up. More than 120 artists, including theoreticians and collectives ,joined the cause of the movement. Their intervention was aiming to expose on the ongoing fight for housing and the reality of life inside an occupation. It transformed Prestes Maia for three weeks, ending on the “Cultural Saturday” - a highly iconic moment when open invitations brought outsiders in the occupation, attracted by a series of movie projections and debates among others. This initiative allowed to collect more than 3.500 books through donations and “Shopping Rua” [JB – p.72]. (Folha de São Paulo, 10th of February, 2006) Although a high involvement of the inhabitants was envisioned, the cultural collaboration could not reach the expected full participation. However, it has been suggested how the multitude of artistic interventions have contributed to a relatively peaceful eviction in 2007.

In the current occupation of Prestes Maia, culture has been left on the side.

However, Ivaneti (MMLJ leader) plans to re-introduce it, and is looking for collaborations.1 1 Interview with Ivaneti, 11th of March 2016

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[CMI Brasil, 2006]

[Dâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;angelis, et al. 2007]

interfaces of culture I Interfaces de cultura

[VIANA, 2006]

The library was open both for inhabitants as well as outsiders visiting.

Culture was used during the fight of eviction to set the occupation in a different daylight to the outside world.

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Occupation Quintino Bocaiúva (MSTC) - Although the library is announced through a banner on the facade, it is almost not used. Only 3 children that live in this occupation have the ability to read.

Occupation Hotel Cambridge (MSTC) - The library was upgraded as a student project in collaboration with the movie Era o Hotel Cambridge. [HC - p.192] Since then, the room is more opened and so used.

Although after the eviction of Prestes Maia in 2007, the collection of 3.500 books has been destroyed and never restored, each occupation managed by FLM presents its own little library. Banners hanged on a few façades promote their existence and invite outsiders to donate materials.

Nevertheless, most of them seem hardly used. Some are inaccessible, because installed in locked room [JB – p.72]. Some others do not fit the occupation’s organization: the books are randomly stored in improvised shelves and inhabitants seem to ignore their presence [HL – p.258]. Finally, in the most successful cases, it appears that very few children effectively benefit from it. The introduction of culture in FLM occupations stays often rather superficial, and in some cases appears more as a “gimmick” to legitimize their presence in another’s property.

interfaces of culture I Interfaces de cultura

[Drawn by authors]

Occupation José Bonifacío (MSTC) - The only large space is simultaneously a meeting room, a library and the office of the occupation. Often behind locked doors, inhabitants don’t use it often.

Nevertheless innovative cultural projects continue to develop and improve.

Currently, inhabitants of occupation José Bonifacío [DM - p.38] must join the headquarters of MSTC Hotel Cambridge to attend extraordinary events [HC - p.192]. However, a potential collaboration with a theatre group “Grupo Caminhando de Teatro” is on the table. Negotiations between the actors and MSTC are ongoing.1 Together, they envision hosting a stage in the vacant ground floor of the occupation and the opening of a bar on the commercial rua José Bonifacío. Involvement of the inhabitants is aimed for, but until now no concrete plans have been made yet. With this project, the theatre group aims to reactivate the vacant centre of Sé, a project that is part and parcels of their cultural agenda.

1 Interview with Jairo Maciel, manager of the theatre group, March 2016

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258 CONSTELAÇÃO DE PROJETOS CULTURAIS

CONSTELLATION OF CULTURAL PROJECTS

LEGEND: CULTURAL ACTIVITIES HIGHLY USED

PRESENT BUT NOT USED FUTURE PROJECT

HOTEL LORD 320 FAMILIES FEW BOOKS ARE PRESENT

ARTISTIC OCCUPATION

Today, the insertion of cultural programs in building occupation vary in scale, range of users, and goals in relation to the social movements’ vision. They develop from a mere necessity to a clear fighting tool. As such, investments in the largest rooms less suitable for housing purposes have proved to carry the potential for meaningful interactions and exchanges between realms.

Besides housing occupations, a few abandoned buildings are especially invested by artists to be turned into experimental and informal cultural hubs.

Occupation Ouvidor 63 is perhaps the most iconic one in the city centre [Cultural Agitation]

CASA AMARELA CULTURAL OCCUPATION

BY ARTISTS

PRESTES MAIA 478 FAMILIES PAST LARGE CULTURAL PROJECT WITH LIBRARY, EXHIBITION, ...

IN SEARCH OF NEW PARTNERS

SÃO JOÃO 85 FAMILIES CULTURAL CENTRE

OUVIDOR 63 CULTURAL OCCUPATION

BY ARTISTS

JOSÉ BONIFACÍO 95 FAMILIES LIBRARY BEHIND LOCK FUTURE THEATRE PROJECT

HOTEL CAMBRIDGE 170 FAMILIES LIBRARY AND CULTURAL ACTIVITIES BY EXTERNAL ACTORS QUINTINO BOCAIÚVA 50 FAMILIES LIBRARY ADVERTISED ON THE FACADE

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CULTURE I CULTURA

In a few occupations, culture become part and parcel of the movement’s toolbox. While most of the projects are only turned inwards, a few open up towards the city. Inviting outsiders to enter, they stimulate productive exchanges on contemporary urban issues, bridging formal and informal world. The recuperation of official images and names, like the “Centro Cultural” facilitates the mediations between the two, while illustrating the desire to become integrally part of the city. Similarly, the social movements try to introduce a certain mixity in their projects, testing new combinations between functions: housing is here associated to cultural activities, in order to strengthen a sense of community life.

However, reference to formal urban environments generates misunderstandings among outsiders that are in fact not always welcome. The projects are clearly still experimental. Confronted with the dilemma of hosting the most inhabitants, it is a challenge to convince movements’ members of the potential benefits culture inputs can raise.

261

PICTU

URE ??

PROJECT OCUPAÇÃO

HOTEL LORD

264 OCUPAÇÃO HOTEL LORD

OCCUPATION HOTEL LORD 2 500 m

SURFACE TOTAL AMOUNT OF INHABITED FLOORS

8 421 m² 12 floors Rua das Palmeiras 54

ADDRESS

HOTEL

FORMER FUNCTION OWNER

YEAR OF ABANDON

DATE OF OCCUPATION MOVEMENT(S)

SANTA CÉCILIA

Rua das Palmeiras 54, Santa Cécilia

COHAB (since 2011) 2009

28th of October 2012

FLM* - TNG** + MMJI*** *Frente da Luta por Moradia **Terra Nossa Gente ***Movimento de Moradia Jardim Ipanema

AMOUNT OF FAMILIES/UNITS MONTHLY RENT

320 150 R$/month

(covers fixed fees: elevator maintenance, porteiros & cleaning team)

OCCUPATION’S COORDINATOR

Maria do Planalto (+ floor coordinators)

500 m

Occupations are not an end in itself. They are rather a practice towards a temporary kind of urbanism that later on seeks to evolve into a more permanent product. Entering an empty structure and consolidating housing inside is part of a complex partnership between the movement and the state, where the first is recalling the second of its role and obligations, meanwhile autonomously initiating the first steps towards it. Building occupations are performed to actively stimulate the production of affordable housing in the centre of São Paulo.

0m

[x,1952]

[Calixto Rios, 1970]

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Avenida São João, Santa Cécilia in 1952

Minhocão under construction, Santa Cécilia in 1970

VERTICALIZATION OF SANTA CÉCILIA

Until the 1930’s, Santa Cécilia evolved as a rich neighbourhood, developed by the commercial elite into a privileged place for trading business. With the coffee crisis, the population pattern changed; the mansions were abandoned, either turned into “cortiços” or demolished to give place to speculation and verticalization.

267 VACÂNCIA NA SANTA CÉCILIA

VACANCY IN SANTA CÉCILIA

Real estate project next to hotel lord and along the Minhocão

MINHOCÃO: DISINVESTMENT, VACANCY & PARKING’S

From the 1970’s the vacancy that starts to characterize the central area of São Paulo reaches the district of Santa Cécilia: the economic activities are transferred to the South West region, near avenida Paulista.

The construction of the Minhocão accentuates the overall decadence of the neighbourhood. Empty plots – leftovers of years of abandonment – are turned into parking.

“PARQUE MINHOCÃO” SPECULATION

The multiple closures of traffic on the elevated highway inspire a new start to the decaying area. The remaining heritage of Santa Cécilia is refurbished while speculations around the next identity of the Minhocão arise. Real-estate projects emerge on both sides of the concrete ribbon.

268 0m

400 M

GROUND FLOOR: Santa Cécilia is a neighbourhood where low-budget commerces and “lanchonetes” (popular snack

BUILT

NON BUILT

restaurants) share the street with middle class commerces. The environment of the Minhocão underscores its doubleforced realm, combining traces of decay and signs of opulence. Protective fences and street dwellers share the same walkways.

Topography

Pedestrian Network

Vacant

Underused

Parking

In use

Commercial

Case study

Vacant

Underused

Cortiรงo

Occupation

Case study

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vacancy in santa cécilia I vacância na santa cécilia

0m

400 M

TOP FLOOR: The skyline of the neighbourhood conflates old low-rise structures of the historic elite’s “sobrados” (mansions - [Proto-Urbanisms]) with more recent residential towers. Decaying testimonies of the second half of the 20th century’s verticalization wave persist next to the recent germs of a growing real estate fever. While full abandonment stays out here, many building are only partly used.

150 High rise

100

50

15 0m Low rise

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Culturally in São Paulo, home ownership has become a standard since the second half of the 20th century marked by the booming of auto-construction in the periphery. [Proto-Urbanisms]

conviction in the popular mindset: no life without your own house. Finally, also the urban elite has also contributed to this growing culture, considered to “consolidate an urban labor force” (Holston, 1991).

The state has played a determining role in the development of this contemporary mindset. On the one hand, the implementation of the “Lei do Inquilinato” (Renter’s Law) in 1942 to refrain private investments in the rental market limited the availability of rental units especially during the inflation of the 1970’s and 1980’s (Holston, 1991). The provision of infrastructures to open the city to the periphery (and legalize the self-constructed plots), or the creation of national banks supposed to help the low-income groups to access home ownership are other factors towards the generalization of home ownership. Through time, social housing programs have privileged the ownership-formula to the rental option. (Interview with the Assessoria Técnica PeaBiru, 15th of March 2016) More recently, large public and private investments in the socialist “Minha Casa Minha Vida” social housing program, launched in 2009 imprinted a radical

However, according to Holston, this consensus on individual property has “opened the arena of urban land conflict to the mass”. Despite the more favourable context, property ownership remains a lifelong struggle for most of the Brazilian workers class. Introducing notions like the “politicization of domestic life”, Holston argues how the remaining difficulty simultaneously with the newly acquired opportunity to reach ownership has encouraged the urban poor to organize themselves into movements and collectively claim their rights.

Holston analyses how housing movements have become experts in approaching the legal system and engaging with institutions to achieve individual home ownership: “In this strategic opportunism, they overturn deferential patron-client relations to law and government and overcome traditional sources of humiliation.”(Holston, 1991, p. 453)

273 “A CASA PRÓPRIA”

[Drawn by authors]

“A OWN HOUSE”

FAÇADE OF OCCUPATION LORD

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1958

2004

Simultaneously to other high class investments, the luxurious Hotel Lord is built in 1958 in the elite’s neighbourhood of Santa Cécilia, after the design by architect Francisco Della Mana.

The hotel host 124 rooms and the restaurant on the ground floor has a capacity up to 200 people.

The hotel closes. However, the restaurant located on the ground floor functions until 2009.

The same year, 27 artists enter the vacated hotel to organize an exhibition “Lord Palace Hotel” supposed to illustrate transformations over time and communicate about the abandonment of the building.

(Assis, 2009)

“a own house” I “a casa própria”

2011 The abandoned building is bought by COHAB that developed a reconversion project into social housing for 176 families.

28TH OF OCTOBER 2012 During the massive pop corn action of the 28th October 2012, 12 buildings are simultaneously occupied by FLM. TNG, originally engaged with peripheral land occupations and part of FLM, is able to hold the former hotel.

(Oliveira, 2016)

RETROFIT PROJECT By occupying, the movement puts pressure on the municipality to develop the intended housing project, this time in collaboration with TNG. PeaBiru is hired by an association of TNG as Assessoria Técnica to help in the administrative management of the MCMV-Entidade funding.

[Mutirão, 2016]

275

[Ferreira, 1991]

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Rua das Palmeiras in 1991 - Hotel Lord is situated strategically, close by the metro stop Santa CĂŠcilia

277 PARA UM PROJETO

[mORAES, 2014]

TOWARDS A PROJECT

Front façade of Hotel Lord occupied - View from one of the many parking plot in the area.

From the luxurious hotel to the occupation and later the retrofit project, the story of Hotel Lord follows the evolution of the district of Santa Cécilia. Today, the building stands in a neighbourhood under transformation. On the one hand, decades of disinvestment have encouraged the apparition of parking lots, scars on the urban tissue. On the other hand, new exclusive towers are emerging along “Parque Minhocão”, signs of real estate speculation.

[COHAB Archive, 2011]

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[COHAB Archive, 2011]

Hotel Lord abandoned - Corridor

Hotel Lord abandoned - common space in the basement

In 2011, when COHAB acquires the building with a budget provided by the “edital” of the program “Minha Casa Minha Vida 3” [HL - p.262], the luxurious past of the hotel is still very visible in both the durable quality of its materiality and its internal arrangement. At that moment, the last activities in Hotel Lord stopped only two years before and the abandoned place is in a good condition.

[COHAB Archive, 2011]

TOWARDS A PROJECT - A FORMER HOTEL I PARA UM PROJETO - UM HOTEL ANTIGO

[COHAB Archive, 2011]

Hotel Lord abandoned - Standard room (Levels 2-9)

Hotel Lord abandoned - Suite (Level 11)

Following the procedure of the federal funding program â&#x20AC;&#x153;Minha Casa Minha Vida 3â&#x20AC;?, COHAB develops a retrofit project for the abandoned building. In order to reach maximal capacity on the two parcels, a second building is constructed in the garden next to the existing one. A whole set of regulations (minimal dimensions for a unit/room, diversity in the amount of rooms for each apartment, etc.) are ruling the production of social housing. If they remain flexible for existing structures, they are strict for new constructions. As a consequence, the project foresees the implementation of 174 units in total, far below the 320 families that currently live in the occupation.

279

280 The ground floor and basement currently parcelled off by the movement to provide housing units of highly questionable spatial quality, are turned into commercial spaces opened towards the rua das Palmeiras. The entrance to the housing blocks is displaced to rua Helvétia, formalizing a strong separation between both uses.1 Collective spaces are reduced to corridors. Despite the pressure from the movement to increase the housing density, the rooftop is also preserved as a potential common terrace for the future inhabitants. It is a recurrent paradox in most of the movement’s formal projects. Quantitative objectives seem to overrule qualitative considerations, in fact following market-logics of the so-called criticized real-estate developers, as movements seek to house the largest amount of members for the lowest price possible.

As such, discourses of “communality” and “collectivity” fade when they engage in actual architecture projects; making way for standardized individualistic “units”, The Assessoria Técnica PeaBiru is hired by the movement to assist them in the “Minha Casa Minha Vida” procedure. Part of their program is to organize a workshop with the current occupation’s inhabitants to initiate reflection on what could happen on the collective spaces as an architectural attempt to raise awareness about their importance in the future project.2 LevelLevel 02 02 1 Interview with Leticia Brandão - COHAB, 14th of March 2016 2 Interview with PeaBiru - Assessoria Técnica, 15th of March 2016

7,5m 7,5m 3m

Level Level 12 12

3m 2

1,52

2,5m 2,5m 6m

1,5 6,5m 6,5m

02

6m 10m

10m

3m

1,5 3m

1,54m

4m

02

Level Level 11 11 Level Level 10 10

LevelLevel 05 05

Level Level 09 09 Level Level 08 08 Level Level 07 07 Level Level 06 06 Level Level 05 05

Level Level 04 04

LevelLevel 08 08

Level Level 03 03 Level Level 02 02

Level Level 01 01 Ground Ground Floor Floor

01

01

Rua Rua Palmeiras Palmeiras Level Level 00 00 Basement Basement

Section Section AA’ AA’

0 1 20 1 2 5

5

10m

10m

LevelLevel 11 11

rua Helv ĂŠtia 01

Level 00 Basement

Level 01 Ground Floor

Level 03

Level 04

Level 06

Level 07

01

rua das Palmeiras

Level 10

Level 09

LEGEND: Outdoor spaces New Project Occupation entrance Commercial entrance 02

01 Commercial area 02 Collective rooftop 012

Level 12

5

10m

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Hotel Lord Occupied - Coordinators and inhabitants gather in the former lobby, current main entrance.

Hotel Lord Occupied - basement is turned into units, the left-over collective space is used by the playing children

In 2012, Terra Nossa Gente (TNG), movement originating from Zona Leste and affiliated to FLM transformed the former hotel into home for 320 families. Standard rooms became small apartments, while suites were parcelled off to increase the housing capacity. One elevator is still in use: trips follow a schedule, like a collective transportation inside the occupation [PM - p.122].

TOWARDS A PROJECT - AN OCCUPATION I PARA UM PROJETO - UMA OCUPAÇÃO

Hotel Lord Occupied - most of the units have similar lay-out, being inhabited by different family-sizes.

Hotel Lord Occupied - the elevator in function

By performing occupations, the movement can apply to public funding from MCMV-Entidade [HL - p.262] to implement the social housing project designed by COHAB.1 1 Interview with PeaBiru - Assessoria Técnica, 15th of March 2016

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284

Since the 1990’s, the state starts to react to the organized pressure that social movements and unions of cortiço dwellers have put on the city centre.

Programs to provide affordable housing ran either by the municipality of São Paulo, the State or the federal government of Brazil slowly emerge, and punctual projects gradually develop in the older tissue, while previously they would only happen in the periphery.

The first ones are developed as opportunities to renew the decadent built form through the introduction of new shapes and programs especially financed through Mutirão (early project of FMH –“Fundo Municipal de Habitação” or Municipal Housing Fund)1, and more lately as a way to recycle outdated building structures.

1 The limited budget given by the public program serves first to buy the materials and pay the technical teams, if they are needed. The auto-construction is ensured by the inhabitants.

A first list of vacant buildings eligible for reconversion into social housing is initiated by the social movements at the end of the 1990’s and later completed by the “Grupo Técnico de Analises de Imóveis” (GTAI) of the Housing Secretary “Secretaria de Habitação” (SEHAB) to identify the characteristics of vacant buildings in São Paulo, between 2001 and 2004. On the 317 mentioned by the list, 99 buildings empty or underused are retained because they are higher than 3 floors and located in the central area of the city (perimeter of Operação Urbana Centro) (Silva, Biava & Sigolo, 2010) In 2009, COHAB appoints the “Fundação para Pesquisa Ambienta” FUPAM (research unit of the Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo da Universidade de São Paulo — FAUUSP) to update the old list and identify vacant structures in the central area, suitable for housing purposes. In total, 221 buildings are selected and described.

NEGOTIATIONS AND AGREEMENTS I NEGOCIAÇÕES E ACORDOS

After a closer look at a series of requirements (like the presence of hydrological and electrical installation, the possibility to cope with or easily adapt to recent fire regulation, a total surface higher than 1000m² to support the investment in collective equipments and infrastructures, etc.), 53 of them are kept to initiate an expropriation procedure under the program’s label “Renova Centro”.2 [DM – p.34] The Municipality (COHAB) which acquires the first buildings in 2011, plans to produce more than 2500 units in total under the program “Renova Centro”. They could be bought by families whose monthly income is below 10 minimum salaries. (Programa Renova Centro) Hotel Cambridge [HC - p.192] and Hotel Lord for which a project already exists, were both purchased during that year and occupied by the movement one 1 The program “Renova Centro” focuses on 13 districts of the centre, including Sé, Répública, Bom Retiro, Santa Cécilia, Consolação, Bela Vista, Liberdade, Cambuci, Brás, Pari Móoca, Belém and Barra Funda.

year later (on the 28th of October 2012), to force the Municipality to effectively put in place or accelerate the transformation process, while pressing to give the priority to the movement’s members.3 The occupations José Bonifacío, Mauá and Prestes Maia are also on the list. As formerly presented [PM - p.122], discussions about the purchase of Prestes Maia have turned out well and the expropriation will only be official once the building will be vacant. The price of José Bonifacío and Mauá remains under negotiation.

1 Interview with Carmen (MSTC leader and Hotel Cambridge coordinator) - 22nd of February 2016

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286

Santa Cécilia, Ana Cintra (MSTC, 1997-2006, PAC)

Bela Vista (Cortiços inhabitants, 2011 - PAC)

Maria Paula (Fórum de Cortiços, 2001-2003 - PAR)

Baronesa Porto, Santa Cécilia (Fórum de Cortiços, 2000-2008, Locação Social/FMH)

Asdrúbal do Nascimento, República (Fórum do Cortiços/ MTSTRC, 2000-2008, Locação Social/FMH)

Riachuelo, República (Fórum de Cortiços/FLM/MMC/ ULC, 2001-2008, Locação Social/FMH)

The first retrofit projects (from the program “Morar no Centro”1) are not especially made in dialogue with the movement and the housing units are usually given to people that did not occupy the place beforehand.

However today, movements have reached a certain recognition and expertise, which allow them to bypass official waiting lists for social housing. (Sanches, 2015) Surprisingly, this procedure raises significant contestations, as it somehow favours “squatters” above those that follow the so-called “official” of “formal” procedure, which mostly involves multiple years of waiting on an invisible waiting list.

1 The program “Morar no Centro” was launched in 2001 by the Municipality of São Paulo to coordinate the retrofit of vacant buildings in the historic central tissue.

A series of interviews conducted during fieldwork in the retrofit project Riachuello (2008) highlight how a part of the original beneficiaries of affordable housing units do not live there any more, as they sold their property.2 The centre of São Paulo counts a few examples of reconversion into affordable housing both on the initiative of the state and achievement of the movement.

In total, Sanches counted 38 social housing projects built in the centre as public initiative between 1990 and 2012, half of which were initiated by and directly involved social movements. (Sanches, 2015) 1 (Interviews in Riachuello, 24th of March 2016)

TOWARDS A PROJECT - CONSTELLATION OF REALIZATIONS I PARA UM PROJETO - CONSTELAÇÃO DE REALIZAÇÕES

Senador Feijó (ULC, 2001-2008, Locação Social)

Palacete dos Artistas (2012-2014 - PEHP)

Hotel São Paulo (Fórum de Cortiços, 2004-2007 - PAR)

Labor Brigadeiro Tobias (MSTC, 1999-2005 - PAR)

Fernão Sales (MMC, 1999-2001 - PAR)

Riskallah Jorge (MMC, 1999-2003 - PAR)

[pictures from: SANCHES, 2015 & http://www.fau.usp. br/docentes/depprojeto/e_nobre/pos_grad/aula_10.pdf] NEUHOLD, R., “Os movimentos de moradia e sem-teto e as ocupações de imóveis ociosos: a luta por políticas públicas habitacionais na área central da cidade de São Paulo”, São Paulo, 2009, 165p.

Olga Bénario Prestes (ULC, 1999-2002 - PAR)

Joaquim Carlo (ULC, 1999-2006 - PAR)

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[Bartsch Nagle & Silva Medrano, s.d.]

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Plan of the retrofit project of Edificio Riachuelo into housing (120 units) which was executed between 2003 and 2008, a collaboration between Locação Social and COHAB.

The Edificio Riachuelo is a former office and commercial building localized near the valley of Anhangabaú in the centre of São Paulo that was built in the 1940’s. Vacated in the 1980’s, the building has been occupied three times by social movements (between 1998 and 1999 by MTSTRC).1 COHAB reconverted the building into housing between 2003 and 2008. (Amancio & Fabricio, 2011) Part of the units were sold to members of the housing movements 1 https://jornalismoresponsavel.wordpress.com

(including Fórum de Cortiços, FLM, MMC and ULC) (Neuhold, 2009), while the rest was given to families that used to live in an area near the Municipal Market evicted to build a SESC (Serviço Social do Comércio non-profit institution that promotes culture).2 With a footprint around 500m² and 17 floors, the building counts now 120 units ranging from 46 to 52m².

2 Interview with João - Retrofit Project Riachuelo, Sé - 24th of March 2016

towards a project I para um projeto

MST?1

+

[RI] + MINAS GERAIS

+

+

SP

BRAZIL

STATE OF SÃO PAULO

[RI]

XXTH FLOOR

JOÃO

João in his apartment on the 5th floor of the retrofit project Riachuelo

JOÃO is 57 and originates from Minas Gerais. When he arrived in São Paulo 19 years ago with his wife and their son, he started to live in Ipiranga. Responsible for the loading and unloading of trucks, João never lived in an occupation.

However is was member of the “Movimento Sem-Teto”1 for 8 years. Once a month on Sunday, he would go to meetings at base groups in São Miguel, Brás or Santa Vírginia. In 2008, he eventually received the opportunity to “conquer” his own apartment in the retrofit project Riachuelo conducted by COHAB. Since that day, João stopped taking part to the movement’s actions and eventually quit it.2 1 João could not remember the name of the movement 2 Interview with João - Retrofit Project Riachuelo, Sé - 24th of March 2016

289

290

Despite the growing tendency in the realm of housing activism to adapt to the legal framework in order to get funding, FLM keeps on providing housing alternative through building occupations, as a way to demonstrate its claim. Each intervention of the movement is one more attempt to lead public interest and money in the strategic recycling of the city, with the hope to resettle as much movement members as possible. At the same time, they are not waiting, but instead start piecing together temporary housing solutions in occupations with the means at hand.

Minha Casa Minha Vida (“My House My Life” - MCMV) is the latest federal funding program that was launched in 2009 to help low-income families to acquire “casa própria” - their own house. It replaces to certain extent the previous tradition of Mutirão that developed during the 1990’s and where the limited amount of money was delivered to buy only the necessary materials. Though time, the part left to auto-construction decreased with the development of higher and larger housing blocks.

[Mutirão, 2016] On the municipal level, COHAB is in charge of the management. The program launches “edital’s”, public calls to which social movements can apply in order for COHAB to buy vacant buildings previously identified on the list of FUPAM with the budget of the MCMV program to develop a project together with the movement.

Once the movement acquires either a building to renovate or a terrain to build on, its legal side - the association to which it is paired - can ask for funding to develop social housing. It is the “MCMV entidades” - a

one percent fraction of the complete envelope reserved for funding “entities” such as the housing movements that finances the future project to be developed on the new property.

A strict set of regulations and practicalities have to be followed by the Assessoria Técnica hired by the movement’s association. The condominium is the only possible production allowed by the program MCMV, which explains the standardization during realization. Despite the radical opposition that the new constructions often present in comparison to traditional urban poor lifestyles and dwelling cultures (in favelas’ low-rise auto-constructed neighbourhoods and occupations), social movements generally share a positive opinion on the condominium. Most of the realizations financed by the program are located in the periphery, where empty plots remain the only ones affordable. (Cruz, 2016) Here again, actual architectural “achievements” of the movement embody very little of the spatial experimentation in occupations, largely copying and aspiring standardized “middleclass” gated condominiums.

However, the MCMV program recently moved to the centre as well. After the refurbishment of a former occupied hotel on avenida Ipiranga 895, Hotel Lord is probably the second retrofit project initiated by FLM and financed by the program in the centre. The “Association dos Amigos do Jardim Ipanema” linked to the movement MMJI (“Movimento de Moradia do Jardim Ipanema”, partly responsible for the occupation of Hotel Lord) is in charge of the legal procedure.1 1 Interview with the Assessoria Técnica PeaBiru on the 15th of March 2016

291 PROGRAMA “MINHA CASA MINHA VIDA”

[Nogueira, 2016]

[Nascimento, 2010]

PROGRAM “MY HOUSE MY LIFE”

The abandoned hotel, avenida Ipiranga 895 in 2010.

The refurbished building, avenida Ipiranga 895 in 2013.

292 CONSTELAÇÃO DE HABITAÇÃO SOCIAL NO CENTRO - NEGOCIAÇÕES E ACORDOS

CONSTELLATION OF AFFORDABLE HOUSING IN THE CENTRE NEGOTIATIONS & AGREEMENTS

3 000 m

EXECUTED SOCIAL HOUSING INITIATOR: SOCIAL MOVEMENT CORTIÇOS

OCCUPATION: CURRENT FORMER OWNED BY / ON COHAB’S LIST FOR “RENOVA CENTRO”

VACANT BUILDING: RENOVA CENTRO (54) FUPUAM (200)

SELECTION 1 SELECTION 2

GTAI (90)

SELECTION 1 SELECTION 2

Today the centre of São Paulo gets progressively reshaped and reinvested by simultaneous and echoing processes of long-term building occupations and retrofit projects. Official lists of potential conversions into affordable housing are challenged by the creative activity of social movements that always stress new opportunities for urban regeneration. Overall the impact seems still very acupunctural, disseminated on the large amount of vacancy and trivial in comparison to investments in peripheral social housing. However, social movements and cortiços dwellers associations have undoubtedly played a crucial role in the small – but definitely ongoing – production.

500 m

0m

294

PROJECT I PROJETO

Social movements are taking the initiative in the production of affordable housing, forcing the government of São Paulo to follow. Through a strategic selection and re-use of existing structures and iconic abandoned landmarks they actively engage with the city of tomorrow and rethink its evolution logic, demonstrating opportunities for reconversion. Their action diversifies the urbanity in the central area and multiplies the possibilities for the city to regenerate. On strategic locations, they perform a kind of acupuncture and incremental urbanism, introducing and testing new programs on decaying landscapes.

Social movements use legal interstices to legitimize their action and turn it into public concerns. Once an official procedure is undertaken, they assist each step and when necessary recall to the Municipality its commitment.

However complete achievements remain sparse and little compared to the other ongoing urban dynamics (real estate speculation and to some extent, the persistence of vacancy). Agreements on funding take time and do not always succeed, tributary of fluctuations in the political landscape. Furthermore, social housing projects answer to strict regulations that often cancel the creative freedom occupations involve. Collective life fades under the individual logics, supported by both the hygienist vision of the public authorities and the movement to which it eventually appears that collectivity is more a mean than a goal.

Overall, the production of dignified housing remains a struggle. And at the same time, a promising partnership, however one that is highly depending on political support. In that regard, it is worth mentioning that the present political crisis in Brazil, set in motion with the impeachment of the leftist president Dilma Rousseff, will undoubtedly have major impact n the movement’s ability to engage also in “formal” project. One of the first initiatives of the present right-wing interim-president Michel Temer (PMDB) was to cancel the MCMVentidades budget. A few weeks after, Temer canacelled on top of that the entire MCMV program. It hence needs no saying that the future for movements is forcing a potential pivotal turn, after leasing support of the federal powers.

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297 COMPONENTS E CONSTALAÇÕES DE UMA CIDADE AUTOCONSTRUÍDA

COMPONENTS AND CONSTELLATIONS OF A SELF-CONSTRUCTED CITY

Until recently, the urban tissue of central São Paulo has been characterized by a prominent rate of vacancy; a result of decades of disinvestment and displaced economic centralities towards the south. Despite the recent turn over in speculative investments, empty buildings remain a common image associated to the historical city centre.

Simultaneously, the housing deficit and growing speculation of the real estate market in the centre continue pushing the poor to the urban margins.

Excluded, they have settled either in self-constructed peripheral neighbourhoods or cortiços, informal interstices in the centre’s built tissue left to a hazardous and precarious rental market.

Within these urban fragments, various social movements have developed and diversified their actions. Constructing their own language of claims, illustrated by explicit names, slogans and logos, they have differentiated themselves amongst each other, while on the opposite gathering under one banner and cause. FLM is one instance of this diversity uniting 10 different movements, advocating for a collective fight focusing on the centre of São Paulo.

From the 1980's, housing movement have been demonstrating in the street, using the multi-layered urban context as a stage to protest. For a day or more, they reused historic urban axis and squares as stages for claiming right to the city. Avenues and squares carrying for a couple of hours the moving body of the contesting mass, stretching and compressing on strategic locations, from the most middle-class areas, such as Avenida Paulista, to the symbol of democracy, Praça República.

Charging their action with urban symbols and references, housing movements set up a whole choreography to characterize these demonstrations almost as theatrical performances. This frame allows for both spontaneous appropriation as well as

sustainable action. Always, they seek for high visibility and media coverage to ensure testimonies of their presence and mass. Through tags, they imprint their marks on the urban environment, broadcasting their message by massively filling the spaces of the city.

Since 1997, social movement have diversified their actions, shifting from the sole manifestation to the demonstration of how vacancy could be turned into an asset. Therefore they enter empty buildings and use the existing legal framework to their benefits, supporting their actions. They manage to transformed decaying structures into temporary housing accommodations as a way to prove the latent opportunities for affordable housing that the historic tissue of the centre holds.

Within this they illustrate a first way of approaching the existing city from a different way. Vacancy touches all kinds of building structures, offering an interesting range of possibilities for occupation. Self-construction is often needed to adapt previous functions unintended for housing. This demonstrative power illustrates how the vacancy can be turned over to the needs of the minority while providing housing for their destitute members who are pushed out of the formal housing market. Besides, it is a tool that allows the movement to reach an increased density with minimal investment to offer the most units to their members. Through this, various units are in questionable living conditions. The lack of daylight, clean water or sewage system limits the quality of the unit.

The structure of the occupation sheds light on the provision of qualitative collective spaces, building up the notion of community. Each time the ambiguity between filling one structure with the highest amount of inhabitants versus keeping large common spaces for all the extra needs of the collectivity is faced. In any case, the inner world imagined and controlled by the movement is the backstage of the fight on the public space. Daily life of the community is paced and subordinated to the claim for housing.

298

Nevertheless, the diversity of inhabitants creates a complex world whereby each members is characterized by individual goals and aspirations, led by a multitude of origins, cultures (migrations) and ages. By paying less rent, some inhabitants are able to invest in their apartment. Often they aspire the same consumption pattern as the middle-class. Some cases illustrate how members are indeed able to grow out of the lowest income class and settle independently.

Others are irrevocable linked to the movement and its occupations. Eviction threats therefore put high pressure on families who could loose everything. The high mobility of the urban poor, as well as the social diversity hidden behind the apparent homogeneous economic profile of social movement’s members contribute to the challenge that the community presents as a project.

Within this, inhabitants show a growing empowerment through being part of the movement. Sometimes their participation grew into responsibility as a coordinator.

Differently, some become innovative and start to contribute to the community by installing new functions the whole community can benefit from, while gaining as well personal profit. This is often represented by small shops or services. A high density within the occupation can be crucial for its success. Within this scope, some occupations start evolving into peculiar urban micro-cities.

These new practices enhance the introvert character of an occupation. Initially movements manage the buildings from a very protective perspective whereby the facade is blocked to the outside and a control system of doorkeepers, who control who enters or leaves the occupation, is set in place. It is exactly these facade that outsiders are faced with, strengthening their criminalized image. Over time, the movement started to break these boundaries with new collaborations and investments, although they remain at pains to establish new interfaces between their very distinctive internal urban modus operandi and the “outside” city.

First of all, the facade expresses the evolution of the fight: from the provocative claim printed in capital letters on red flags to the desire to invest in the city through maintenance and refurbishment of decaying landmarks. Hereby the spatial transformation is the most visible, but at the same time the movement still uses the envelope to demonstrate property rights and obligations, under their own logic of breaking the law to enforce it.

In general, the image given to the outside prevails and lead investments. Façades’ refurbishments come often before the improvement of the inside.

These actions are as well delayed when an eviction is pressing. Large investment are therefore more likely to happen after five years of occupying, when the movement is more secured of the profit of these investments, simultaneously decriminalizing their image. Improvements to the units are often depending on the choice of the inhabitants themselves.

Lately, FLM has become more aware of the opportunities that interaction with outside can bring to their cause. A migration of the sole agenda of an occupation to the setting of a platform of exchange between two realms is under construction. As such, bringing culture inside and inviting outsiders in what looks subtracted from the public scene refers to the same decriminalization logic. While giving thickness to the façade in order for it to become a medium for interaction between opposing worlds, it opens the door to cross-communication about urban issues.

Nevertheless, the limits of the cultural project are quickly reached, attesting through a whole set of unfruitful or superficial attempts, illustrating how this so-called interaction is difficult to realize.

COMPONENTS AND CONSTELLATIONS OF A SELF-CONSTRUCTED CITY I COMPONENTS E CONSTALAÇÕES DE UMA CIDADE AUTOCONSTRUÍDA

Social movements are taking the initiative in the production of affordable housing, pressuring the government of São Paulo. Through a strategic selection and re-use of existing qualitative structures and iconic abandoned landmarks they actively engage with the city of tomorrow and rethink its evolution logic, proving the opportunities for reconversion.

Their actions multiply the possibilities for the city to regenerate. On strategic locations, they perform a kind of acupunctural incremental urbanism, introducing and testing new programs on decaying waste-scapes.

Social movements use the legal interstices to legitimize their action and turn it into public concerns. Once an official procedure is undertaken, they assist each step and when necessary recall to the Municipality its commitment.

However complete achievements remain sparse and little compared to other ongoing urban dynamics framed by real estate speculation and the persistence of vacancy. Agreements on funding take time and do not always succeed, tributary of fluctuations in the political landscape. Furthermore, social housing project answer to strict regulations that often cancel and “normalize” the creative freedom occupations are built upon.

In the same idea, the temporary character observed through the self-construction by using a modular and easily movable system, reflects also how these communities are ephemeral, dependent on infrastructural breakdowns and eviction threats.

Recurrent signs in dwelling practices illustrate a paradoxical conformism: most occupation dwellers aspire to be part of the middle-class society. Very often, the “communal” life that is unfolding inside the precariousness of occupations and base groups is only a means for achieving individualistic goals. To the extreme, life in an occupation echoes the contested condominium-like organization, very much turned on itself and in negation to the city. Finally, collective life often fades under individual logics. The particular communities that germinate in occupations are mostly

rather a means than a goal; while “participation” is often rather a necessary performance for climbing the movement’s internal hierarchy, instead of a purpose or devotion in itself.

Overall, each element represented by a specific case contributes to the overall discourse of the movement.

While primarily they acted mainly by demonstrating in the public space, they took the opportunity within the vacancy, claiming the city back for and by people. As their tools have been diversifying of the years, the occupations themselves become part of a very dynamic network. Not only are they inextricably temporal, their role within FLM is exploited further.

They surface, in that regard, as remarkable “protourbanisms”, evoking an urbanism “in the making”, as their actions put a finger on appealing urban issues while projecting, initiating and demonstrating potential future solutions. Increasingly, these actions are picked up by governmental institutions and consolidate into urban projects. Exactly there, in performing alternative urban futures, their power is remarkably strong.

299

LEGEND: MOVEMENT ACTIVE CENTRE

MOVEMENT ACTIVE PERIPHERY

*

ASSOCIATION

RELATION UMBRELLA VS SUBMOVEMENT

BUILDING OCCUPATION

CASE-STUDY

TERRAIN OCCUPATION

ONGOING RETROFIT PROCEDURE

SOCIAL HOUSING PROJECT

BASE GROUP

CONNECTIONS: MEMBERS MOBILITY

OUTSIDERS MOBILITY

LINK TO LEGAL FRAMEWORK

R$

information

MONEY FLOW

302

INTERVIEWS 16.02.18 & 16.03.14:

Mildo Ferreira [MSTRU] - São João 588 coordinator and inhabitant

16.02.20 & 16.03.05: Rosicler [MSTC] - Coordinator Terrain occupation & Base group - André de Almeida (Zona Leste) 16.02.16 & 16.03.07

& 16.03.22

Nadia Somekh [CDHU] - Architect and Urbanist, Head of the Department of Heritage and Chairman of CONPRESP for the Municipality of São Paulo; professor at the faculty of Architecture and Urbanims, Presbiteriana Mackenzie University - head of Urban Projects, Productive restructuring and Clusters.

16.02.21

Eliana Caffé - Brazilian Film Producer who’s latest project took place in Hotel Cambridge

16.02.21 Pitchu [MSTC] - inhabitant of Occupation Hotel Cambridge and Movement Leader of

GRIST, a movement specifically focused on immigrants and refugees and their quest to housing and integration.

16.02.22 & 16.03.10:

Maria do Planalto [TNG] - Movement leader and Hotel Lord coordinator

16.02.22:

Carmen da Silva [MSTC] - Movement leader and Hotel Cambridge coordinator

16.02.23:

Vera Pallamin [FAU & FFLCH - USP] - Architect and Urbanist, Professor at the department of Architecture and Urbanism

16.02.24: Pedro Arantes [UNIFESP] - Former partner of Assessoria Técnica Usina, Architect and

Urbanist, Professor at the department of Art History, the School of Philosophy, Lettres and Human Sciences.

16.03.03:

Paulo Novolhar & Occupation UMM in Héliopolis,

16.03.04:

Junior [MMLJ] - Coordinator Occupation Prestes Maia

16.03.07:

Vanessa Fernandes Correa - Architect, Employee at the Department of Heritage at the Municipality of São Paulo - presenting her work on the neighbourhood of Luz

16.03.09:

Manuel del Rio [FLM] - Lawyer, FLM leader and Director Apoio

16.03.11:

Benedito Barbosa [UMM] - Lawyer, Movement leader and Partner Gaspar Garcia, ngo that fights for Human Rights, especially focussed on people living in precarious conditions

16.03.11:

Ivaneti Araujo [MMLJ] - Movement leader

16.03.14:

Letícia Brandão [COHAB] - Architect, Project manager at the department of COHAB for the municipality of São Paulo

16.03.14:

He Nem Kim - employee of the Municipality of São Paulo, department of Planning collaborator in the Plano Director 2016 of São Paulo

16.03.15:

Fernano Rodrigues, Maria Rita Horigoshi, Alexandre Hodapp [PeaBiru] - Architects of the Assessoria Técnica responsible for the project in Hotel Lord [TNG], Hotel Cambridge

BIBLIOGRAPHY I BIBLIOGRAFIA

[MSTC], and Rio Branco [MSTC]

16.03.17 & 16.03.25:

Ronaldo [MSTC] - Coordinator Occupation José Bonifacio

16.03.19:

Erika [TNG] - Coordinator Occupation rua Honduras

16.03.21:

Deborah Sanches [Belas Artes] - Architect and Urbanist, Professor at the faculty of Architecture and Urbanism in Belas Artes; finalized PhD in 2015 on the social housing production in the city centre of São Paulo.

16.03.24:

João [UMM] - Inhabitants Social Housing Riachuelo

16.03.24:

Sidnei Pita [ULCM] - Movement leader

16.03.25: Maria & Vera [UMM] Inhabitants of social housing Jaoquim Carlos & Coordinators Basegroup Celso Garcia 16.03.25:

Teresa & Leni [UMM] - Inhabitants Mutirão Celso Garcia

16.03.26:

Hêliose [FLM] - Administrative Assistent at Apoio and FLM

16.03.26:

Geni [MMLV] - Movement leader and coordinator Occupation XX

16.03.26:

[MLSM] - Inhabitants Occupation Benjamin Constant

16.03.28: Luiz Kohona [Gaspar Garcia] - Civil ingeneer, who made a work on the cortiços of São Paulo Conferences & (public) events: 16.02.13: Participatory Workshop in Occupation São João - speaker: Paula Segal - subject:

“Promoting non-speculative property: the Reas Estate Cooperative of New York.”

16.02.16:

Bruna Frigonezi - Architect and employee Municipality; presentation her masterthesis on urban renewal project in the city centre of São Paulo

16.02.21:

GRIST music event [MSTC] - music and dance in front of Hotel Cambridge

16.03.06:

Rua São Domingos [MSTC] - Weekly base group meeting

16.03.08:

Public demonstration for the Woman’s Day

16.03.12:

Polical base-group coordinators’ meeting in Zona Leste

16.03.17:

[FLM] Public demonstration in front of the Law Faculty

16.03.18:

Public demonstration to support the PT president Dilma Rousseff against impeachment:

16.03.21 & 16.03.28:

São João 1495 [FLM] - Meeting with most movements leaders, conducting a basic survey to obtain more data about the different submovements.

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304

READINGS AGÊNCIA BRASIL, (2015) “Edifício Prestes Maia será transformado em moradia popular”. Retrieved 3 August 2016, from http://ultimosegundo.ig.com.br/brasil/2015-10-20/ed-prestes-maia-sera-transformado-em-moradia-popular.html AMANCIO, R., & FABRICIO, M. (2011), “Reabilitação de Edifícios Antigos para HIS: o diagnóstico em três estudos de caso”, PROARQ/FAU/UFRJ and PPG-IAU USP, Rio de Janeiro, 14p. Retrieved 5 August 2016, from http://www.iau. usp.br/ocs/index.php/sbqp2011/sbqp2011/paper/viewFile/374/215 BARCA, A. J. (2016), “Prestes Maia, el rascacielos de los okupas”, in El Pais Brasil, 11th February, 2016. Retrieved 6 July 2016, from http://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2016/02/09/politica/1455015637_003155.html BBC News (2014), “Venezuela Tower of David squatters evicted”, Retrieved 2 August 2016, from http://www.bbc. com/news/world-latin-america-28426529 BHATIA, N. & ROACH, C. (2016), “Urbanism from within”, in Domestic Urbanism, MONU, Vol. 24, Spring 2016, pp.90-97 BRIERS, C; DEVOS, L (2015), São Paulo Ocupada, city making in Central Margins - a manifesto. Thesis. KU Leuven.

BOMFIM, V.C. (2004). O Centro Histórico de São Paulo : a vacância imobiliária, as ocupações e os processos de reabilitação urbana. Cadernos Metropole, 12(2nd semester), pp.27–48.

Bonduki, N., (2011). The urban development model of Sao Paulo needs to be reversed. Estudos Avançados, 25(71), pp.23–36.

BOYD, A., MITCHELL, D. O., eds. (2013), Beautiful trouble - a toolbox for revolution (Pocket Edition), OR Books, p.

140.

BUTLER, J. (2012), Bodies in Alliance and the Politics of the Street, in McLAGAN, M (ed), Sensible Politics: the visual culture of nongovernmental activism, New York, Zone books, pp. 117-137.

CALDEIRA, T. (2012), “Imprinting and Moving Around: New Visibilities and Configurations of Public Space in São Paulo”, in Public Culture, Vol. 24 (2), pp. 385-420.

Cambridge Dictionary (2016), Definition of “demonstration”, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://dictionary. cambridge.org/dictionary/english/demonstration CAMPOS, C. (2007), “A Vida na (Des)Ocupação”, in: Rolling Stone [online], Vol. 9, Retrieved 3 August 2016, from http://rollingstone.uol.com.br/edicao/9/a-vida-na-desocupacao#imagem0 CANTERO, J.A. & GHOUBAR, K. (n.d.) “Sobre a sustentabilidade da produção pública de habitações populares para a “locação social” na cidade de são paulo”, USP, 10p. Retrieved 7 August 2016, from http://www.usp.br/nutau/ CD/130.pdf CORNER, J., (1999). “The Agency of Mapping: Speculation, Critique and Invention”, in COSGROVE, D., Mappings, pp. 213-300.

CRUZ, F. (2016) “Moradores de ocupação no centro de SP reivindicam regularização”, in: Agência Brazil. Retrieved 18 July 2016, from http://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/geral/noticia/2016-04/moradores-de-ocupacao-no-centro-de-spreivindicam-regularizacao

BIBLIOGRAPHY I BIBLIOGRAFIA

FERNANDES, T. (2015), “Habitação social nas Metrópoes: Rio de Janeiro e São Paulo”, Universidade Federal de Rio de Janeiro, 203p. Retrieved 7 August 2016, from http://www.peu.poli.ufrj.br/arquivos/Monografias/Thaissa_ Fernandes.pdf FLM portal (2012), Ocupamos 11 predios esta noite, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.portalflm.com.br/ ocupamos-11-predios-esta-noite/ Folhapress (2013), Grupo de 200 sem-teto invade prédio no centro de São Paulo, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.valor.com.br/brasil/3262626/grupo-de-200-sem-teto-invade-predio-no-centro-de-sao-paulo GOMES, R. (2012) Famílias ocpam 11 prédios para exigir moradia popular em São Paulo, in: Rede Brasil Atual, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.redebrasilatual.com.br/cidades/2012/10/sem-teto-ocupam-11-prediosna-capital-para-exigir-moradias-populares HABRAKEN, NJ. (1970), “three r’s for housing”, Scheltema & Holkema, Amsterdam, p38.

HERS, F. & RISTELHUEBER, S (1980)., “Intérieurs”, AAM, p125.

HOLSTON, J. (1998), Spaces of Insurgent Citizenship, in HOLSTON, J. (ed.) Cities and Citizenship, Duke University Press, Durham, pp. 155-173.

HOLSTON, J. (1991), “Autoconstruction in Working-Class Brazil”, in Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 6 (4), pp. 447-465.

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LARKIN, B, “The Politics and Poetics of Infrastructure”, in Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 42, October 2013, pp. 327-343 LEVY, C., “Social Movements and Political Parties in Brazil: Expanding Democracy, the ‘Struggle for the Possible’ and the Reproduction of Power Structures”, in Globalizations, 2012, Vol 9 (6), pp. 783-798 LAZZARINI, L. (2016), “Redefining the Domestic between New Forms of Dwelling and Emerging Social Problems”, in Domestic Urbanism, MONU, Vol. 24.

LOECKX, A. (1998), “Kabylia, the House and the Road: Games of Reversal and Displacement”, in Journal of Architectural Education, Vol. 52 (2), pp. 87–99.

Machado, L. (2015), Nos anos 70, fechamento de ruas do centro gerou discórdia na cidade, in Folha de São Paulo, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://saopaulosao.com.br/nossoscaminhos/582-nos-anos-70,-fechamento-de-ruas-do-centro-gerou-disc%C3%B3rdia-na-cidade.html# MOSQUEIRA, T. (2007), “Reabilitação da região da Luz - Centro histórico de São Paulo: Projetos urbanos e estratégias de intervenção”, FAU-USP, São Paulo.

NEUHOLD, R. (2009), “Os movimentos de moradia e sem-teto e as ocupações de imóveis ociosos: a luta por políticas públicas habitacionais na área central da cidade de São Paulo”, São Paulo, p165.

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305

306 Prefeitura de São Paulo (2015), “Funçao Social da Propriedade, Parcelamento, Edificação e Utilização Compuls´rios em São Paulo, São Paulo, p. 28.

SAMORA, P. (2012), “Misusing the City Statute in São Pulo: TheNova Luz Urban Renewal Project”, 7th International Conference on Urban Regenration and Sustaibaility, Organised by Wessex Institute of Technology, UK Universita Politecnica delle Marche, Italy, 7-9th May 2012, pp.405-416 SANCHES, D., (2015). Processo Participativo como Instrumenta de Moradia Digna: uma avaliação dos projetos da aréa central de São Paulo. Ph. D. Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie.

SILVA, H., BIAVA, A. & SIGOLO, L. (2010), “Tributos imobiliários e imóveis vazios no centro de São Paulo”, Final Report, p75. Retrieved 7 August 2016, from http://www.fau.usp.br/depprojeto/labhab/biblioteca/textos/silva_tributos_ vazios_centrosp.pdf SOMEKH, N. (2014), A cidade vertical e o urbanismo modernizador., Editora Mackenzie, Romano Guerra, São Paulo, p. 248.

SOLNIT, R. (2001). Wanderlust, A History of Walking, Londen, Granta Publications, p. 324.

SOLNIT, R. (2010). A Paradise Built in Hell: The Extraordinary Communities That Arise in Disaster, Viking Adult, p.

353.

STAR, S.L. (199), “The ethnography of infrastructure”, in American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 43 (3), pp. 377–391.

UPMEYER, B (2016) “The Home as Political Arena” – Interview with Andrés Jaque, in Domestic Urbanism (2016), MONU, Vol. 24, pp. 8-9.

VANSUDEVAN, A. (2014). The makeshift city: Towards a global geography of squatting. Progress In Human Geography, 39(3), pp. 338-359.

VIANA, N. (2006), Integração sem posse, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://integracaosemposse.zip.net/ arch2006-02-01_2006-02-28.html

DATA FUPAM, (2009). Estudo para Implantação de unidades habitacionais no Centro de São Paulo. Prefeitura São Paulo: Planejamento Urbano e Paisagismo.

GIS data Prefeitura São Paulo, (n.d.) Retrieved 15 August 2016, from http://www.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/cidade/ secretarias/financas/servicos/des/index.php?p=2424.

IBGE 2010 (2010) Retrieved 15 August 2016, from http://smdu.prefeitura.sp.gov.br/informes_urbanos/pdf/35.pdf Prefeitura de São Paulo & COHAB-SP (n.d.), “Programa Renova Centro. São Paulo e o Centro”, 20 slides. Retrieved 7 August 2016, from http://www.habitacao.sp.gov.br/casapaulista/downloads/ppp/apresentacao_programa_renova_ centro.pdf Prefeitura de São Paulo (2014), Plano Diretor Estratégico do Município de São Paulo, São Paulo, 248p.

Observatório dos Direitos do Cidadão (2003), “Fundo Municipal de Habitação”, Instituto Pólis/PUC-SP, p104, Retrieved 7 August 2016, from http://www.polis.org.br/uploads/861/861.pdf

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IMAGES All unreferenced pictures are taken by the authors during the fieldwork of February and March 2016.

Pictures referenced to Jeroen Stevens are taken during various fieldtrips within the period February 2015 and today.

All image accessed through a website were retrieved by the 19th of August 2016.

INTRODUCTION p. 26-27: FLM - Frente de Luta por Moradia (2016), Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.portalflm. com.br/ p. 34-35:

Image based on: IBGE. Censo Demográfico 2010. (2010) Projeção Estatística da Amostra.

Domicílios com renda domiciliar de até 3 salários mínimos

DEMONSTRATIONS p. 42-43: LAMAS, O. (1978), Metalúrgicos do ABC Paulista ocupam avenidas e praças do Centro de São

Paulo durante aot dindical, próximo ao Viduto do Chá, em 1978, Retrieved 16 August 2016, from http://acervo.oglobo.globo.com/fotogalerias/lula-as-greves-no-abc-paulista-9246658)

X, (1984), Movimento Diretas Já, na Praça da Sé, de janeiro de 1984, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.blogdosarafa.com.br/?p=19913 p. 48-49: Frente de Luta Por Moradia, (2010), Viaduto do Chá - rotina - ocupaçã, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://www.flickr.com/photos/frentedelutapormoradia/albums/72157623953791998

CAMARGO, M. (Agencia Brazil), (2013), Sem-teto acampam em frente à prefeitura de São Paulo,

Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://mancheteatual.com.br/sem-teto-acampam-em-frente prefeitura-de-sao-paulo

Drawing based upon picture: LOPES, G, DIÓGENES, J, O Estado de S. Paulo (2015) Barracas

montadas na frente da Prefeitura de São Paulo, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://sao-paulo. estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,por-moradia--grupo-monta-barracos-na-frente-da-prefeitura-e- interrompe-haddad-,1763376 p. 50-51: MARCELO, D. Sant, (2016), Dia de luta: mulheres realizam protesto por direitos feministas em SP

Leia, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://noticias.bol.uol.com.br/fotos/imagens-do-dia/2016/03/ 08/dia-de-luta-mulheres-realizam-protesto-por-direitos-feministas-em-sp.htm#fotoNav=7

SCHINCARIOL, M., (2016), Apoiadores de Dilma Rousseff se concentraram no Anhangabaú, em

São Paulo, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://jcrs.uol.com.br/_conteudo/2016/04/politica/4940 12-manifestacoes-em-sao-paulo-dividem-grupos-pro-e-contra-impeachment.html p. 54-55: VIEIRA, F. (2016), Integrantes da Gaviões da Fiel protestam no Vale do Anhangabaú, Globo,

Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://g1.globo.com/sao-paulo/noticia/2016/04/torcedores-da gavioes-da-fiel-protestam-no-vale-do-anhangabau.html p. 58-59:

FLM, (2005) Quem Não Luta Tá Morto, Information brochure FLM, p.8.

p. 60-61

MARQUES, R. (2012), Fernando Haddad (PT) é o novo prefeito de São Paulo, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://veja.abril.com.br/galeria-fotos/prefeitura-de-sao-paulo/

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MARQUES, R. (2012) Militantes do PT comemoram eleicao de Fernando Haddad PT a prefeitura

de Sao Paulo. Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://veja.abril.com.br/galeria-fotos/prefeitura-de sao-paulo/ p. 64-65:

Based on: Mapografias Urbanas AUH_FAU USP. (https://mapografiasurbanas.wordpress.com/ pesquisa-2/mapografia-das-ocupacoes-no-centro-de-sao-paulo), Retrieved 3 June 2015.

Interviews with all leaders of Frente de Luta Por Moradia

p. 68-69:

Frente de Luta Por Moradia (2010), Ocupação Prestes Maia - 26.05.2010, Retrieved 18 August 2016, from https://www.flickr.com/photos/frentedelutapormoradia/albums/72157623815997155

DONASCI, F; (2012) Sem-teto ocupam antigos hotéis de luxo em São Paulo, UOL. Retrieved

19 August 2016, from http://noticias.uol.com.br/album/2012/12/15/sem-teto-ocupam-antigos-hoteis -de-luxo-em-sao-paulo.htm#fotoNav=17 p. 72-73: Based on: Mapografias Urbanas AUH_FAU USP (2013). Retrieved 3 June 2015, from https:// mapografiasurbanas.wordpress.com/pesquisa-2/mapografia-das-ocupacoes-no-centro-de-sao paulo & Interviews with all leaders of Frente de Luta Por Moradia

JOSÉ BONIFACÍO: p. 78-80: Based on: BRIERS, C., DEVOS, L., (2015), São Paulo Ocupada, city making in Central Margins - a

manifesto. Thesis. KU Leuven, p. 187. p. 84-85: MALUSARDI, (1920), Old Postcard São Paulo Rua Direita: Casa da Época, Retrieved 19 August

2016, from http://picclick.com/Old-Postcard-SAO-PAULO-Dolls-Store-Casa-da-Epoca-2808966 30978.html ROSENTHAL, H. (1940), Largo da Sé e a Catedral sendo construída, São Paulo – década de 40,

Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://apto.vc/blog/2015/08/07/sao-paulo-antiga-em-23-fotos/

Arquivo Folhapress. (1976), Nos anos 70, fechamento de ruas do centro gerou discórdia na

cidade, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://saopaulosao.com.br/nossos-caminhos/582-nos- anos-70,-fechamento-de-ruas-do-centro-gerou-disc%C3%B3rdia-na-cidade.html# p. 92-93:

Plans & Section based upon fieldwork observations and: BRIERS, C; DEVOS, L (2015) São Paulo Ocupada, city making in Central Margins - a manifesto. Thesis. KU Leuven.

p. 94-95:

FLM archive (2012), First days of occupation, FLM private data archive.

PRESTES MAIA p. 126-127: BARCA, A. J. (2016), “Prestes Maia, el rascacielos de los okupas”, in El Pais Brasil, Retrieved 6

July 2016, from http://brasil.elpais.com/brasil/2016/02/09/politica/1455015637_003155.html p. 130-131: BRASILIANO, A., (2006) Escola Popular Prestes Maia, Retrieved 2 August 2016, from http:// integracaosemposse.zip.net/arch2006-04-01_2006-04-30.html

GIRA, (2006), Prestes Maia Bloqueia a av. Prestes Maia, Retrieved 2 August 2016, from http://

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integracaosemposse.zip.net/arch2006-02-01_2006-02-28.html p. 132-133: GAENSLY, Guilherme (1900) Estação da Luz, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www. portalsaofrancisco.com.br/alfa/sao- paulo/imagens/estacao-da-luz-1900a.jpg p. 134-135: CAMARGO, M. (2013), Cracolândia em São Paulo: com os dias contados?, in: Agência Brasil,

Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://brasileiros.com.br/2016/01/cracolandia-de-sao-paulo-levara dois-anos-para-acabar-diz-diretor-denarc/ p. 142-143:

Plans & Section based upon: Substituição de Plantas Predio para Escritórias (1958), Companhia Nacional de Tecidos, COHAB archive.

p. 144-145: PARRA, H. (2006) http://www.midiaindependente.org/pt/red/2006/02/345306. shtml]

extracted from a short movie: Caio Castor, (2011) “Ocupação Prestes Maia, uma escultura social no centro de SP”, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n4A5Tz4G_-I

p. 150-151: MORAES, L. (2014), Copa ocupada numbero 03, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www. archdaily.com.br/br/623980/ensaio-fotografico-copa-ocupada-numero-03-por-leandro-moraes/53c 3ffdec07a80aa8900011c

Donasci, F., UOL, December 2012 : [http://noticias.uol.com.br/album/2012/12/15/sem-teto ocupam-antigos-hoteis-de-luxo-em-sao-paulo.htm] p. 152-153: MORAES, L. (2014), Copa ocupada numbero 03, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.arch daily.com.br/br/623980/ensaio-fotografico-copa-ocupada-numero-03-por-leandro-moraes/53c3ff aac07a80aa89000119 p. 156-157: MORAES, L. (2014), Copa ocupada numbero 03, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.arch daily.com.br/br/623980/ensaio-fotografico-copa-ocupada-numero-03-por-leandro-moraes/53c3ff aac07a80aa89000119 p. 158-159 CAMPOS, C. (2007), A Vida na (Des)Ocupação, Retrieved 13 July 2016, from http://rollingstone. uol.com.br/edicao/9/a-vida-na-desocupacao

MAUA p. 170-171: DAVID LEE, J. (2013) Ocupação Mauá, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://cameradecampo. blogspot.be/2013/02/ocupacao-maua.html p. 176-177: MONTEIRO, P., (2014) Ocupação Mauá 340, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://issuu.com/ patriciapm/docs/maua340 p. 180-181: CUT (2007), Após 17 anos de abandono e dívida de R$ 2,5 milhões em IPTU, movimentos pela

moradia ocuparam, em 2007, o prédio na Rua Mauá, no centro, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.spbancarios.com.br/Fotos.aspx?id=213 p. 182-183: LOPES, D.; LAROZZA, F. (2014) Passei um Dia na Comunidade Mauá, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.vice.com/pt_br/read/passei-um-dia-na-comunidade-maua

310 p. 196-197:

Plans & Section based upon: FUKASAWA, B. N., et al. (2012) Reabilitação da Moradia e o Morar no Centro, Ocupação Mauá, FAUSP, São Paulo, p. 236.

HOTEL CAMBRIDGE p. 198-199: Gaensly, Guilherme (1892), Viaduto do Chá e Vale do Anhangabaú, Retrieved 5 June 2016, from https://sampahistorica.wordpress.com/2013/05/30/viaductodocha/

HABERKORN, W. (1945), Avenida 9de Julho, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://memoriado daee.wordpress.com/2013/04/29/sao-paulo-antiga-vamos-recordar/ ASSIS FERREIRA, S. (1952), O teatro portátil, Retrieved 7 July 2016, from https://quandoacidade. wordpress.com/category/cinemas-e-teatros/page/2/ p. 204-205 Noites do Centro (n.d.), Samba Rock, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.planejarlojas virtuais.com.br/sambarock/Fotos_Bandas01a.asp?Cod=176&Foto=9

DONASCI, F./UOL (2012) Estado de conservação de salão do antigo Hotel Cambridge, na

região central de São Paulo. Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://noticias.uol.com.br/cotidiano/ ultimas-noticias/2012/12/15/sinais-de-devastacao-marcam-antigo-hotel-de-luxo-de-sao-paulo- ocupado-por-sem-teto.htm#fotoNav=50 p. 206-207:

Plans & Section based upon: COHAB (2013) Planos Originais Hotel Cambridge, COHAB Archive.

p. 210-211:

Era O Hotel Cambridge (2015), Facebook group Era O Hotel Cambridge, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://www.facebook.com/eraohotelcambridge/photos

p. 214-215:

Ocupação Hotel Cambridge (2016), Facebook group Ocupação Hotel Cambridge, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://www.facebook.com/ocupacaocambridge/?fref=ts

SÃO JOÃO

p. 224-225: Centro Cultural da Ocupação São João, (2015) Facebook Group Photo’s, Retrieved 19 August

2016, from https://www.facebook.com/Centro-Comunit%C3%A1rio-e-Cultural-da-Ocupa%C3% A7%C3%A3o-S%C3%A3o-Jo%C3%A3o-490900594319238/photos p. 228-229: Fotolabor (1950), Av. São João, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.saopauloinfoco.com. br/wp-content/uploads/2014/04/Avenida-S%C3%A3o-Jo%C3%A3o-em-1950..jpg p. 240-241:

Plans & Section based upon: Ibara Empreendimentos LTDA (1987) Projeto de Adaptação às normas de segurança, COHAB Archive.

p. 242-243:

MSTRU (2012), Picture of first moments during the occupation, FLM archive.

p. 244-245:

Por Graffitrilhas (2015), Bate-papo realizado com os moradores no dia 21/03, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://graffitrilhas.com.br/acoes/primeira-acao/

p. 246-247: Centro Cultural da Ocupação São João, (2016) Portfolio, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https:// www.facebook.com/Centro-Cultural-da-Ocupa%C3%A7%C3%A3o-S%C3%A3o-Jo%C3%A3o-49 0900594319238/photos/?tab=album&album_id=887887174620576

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p. 248-249: Centro Cultural da Ocupação Cultural, (2016) Portfolio, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https:// www.facebook.com/Centro-Cultural-da-Ocupa%C3%A7%C3%A3o-S%C3%A3o-Jo%C3%A3o-49 0900594319238/photos/?tab=album&album_id=887887174620576 p. 254-255: D’ANGELIS, C. K., et al. (2007), Pelo Direito à Cidade - A desocupação do Edifício Prestes Maia

em São Paulo, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.vitruvius.com.br/revistas/read/ minhacidade/07.079/1932

CMI Brasil, (2006), [ocupação Prestes Maia] biblioteca, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http:// www.midiaindependente.org/pt/red/2006/02/345004.shtml

VIANA, N. (2006), integração sem posse, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://integracaosemposse .zip.net/arch2006-02-01_2006-02-28.html

HOTEL LORD p. 266-267: X (1952), São Paulo em 1952, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.saopauloantiga.com.br/ av-sao-joao-1952-2014/

Calixto Rios, G. (1970), Os pés da minhoca, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from https://quandoacidade. wordpress.com/page/46/ p. 276-277: FERREIRA, C. (1991), A rua das Palmeira em 1991, Agencia Estado, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.estacoesferroviarias.com.br/avenidas/p/palmeiras.htm

MORAES, L. (2014) Ensaio fotográfico “Copa Ocupada #01”, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http:/ /www.archdaily.com.br/br/623422/ensaio-fotografico-copa-ocupada-numero-01-por-leandro moraes p. 278-279:

COHAB (2011) Fotos Ditec, COHAB Archive.

p. 280-281: Plans & Section based upon: Peabiru (2014) Reforma com Modança de Uso e Aumento de Área, COHAB Archive. p. 286-287:

SANCHES, D. (2015). Processo Participativo como Instrumenta de Moradia Digna: uma avaliação dos projetos da aréa central de São Paulo. Ph. D. Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie.

NOBRE, E., (n.d.) “Grandes Projetos Uranos em São Paulo: crítica da prática recente”, FAU-USP,

São Paulo, p.11, Retrieved 7 August 2016, from http://www.fau.usp.br/docentes/depprojeto/e_ nobre/pos_grad/aula_10.pdf p. 288-289:

BARTSCH NAGLE, C.; SILVA MEDRANO, L. (2014), Retorno à Cidade, Habitação social no centro urbano consolidado da cidade de São Paulo, Congreso Internacional de Vivienda Colectiva Sostenible. Barcelona: UPC, p. 316-323.

p. 290-291: NASCIMENTO, D. (2010), Europa Palace Hotel / Vanguard Ipiranga, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://www.saopauloantiga.com.br/europapalacehotel-vanguard/

NOGUEIRA, A. (2016), Prédios velhos recauchutados são relançados a preços competitivos,

Folha, Retrieved 19 August 2016, from http://especial.folha.uol.com.br/2016/morar/paulista-centro /2016/05/1766317-predios-velhos-recauchutados-sao-relancados-a-precos-competitivos.shtml