Logos: A Liberal Arts Academic Journal Vol. VIII

logos A Liberal Arts Academic Journal

logos A Liberal Arts Academic Journal

EDITION VIII MANHATTAN COLLEGE BRONX, NY SPRING 2021

STAFF Editor-in-Chief Lilly Brown Submissions Editor Rory Graham Production Editors Nicole Rodriguez Emily Hollar Cover Artist Rosemary (Wade) Wiedemann Review Board Gabriella DePinho Darby Zelaskowski DeVaughn Harris Ivana Mulcahy Liam Farrell Kaya Simpson Faculty Advisor Dr. Adam Koehler

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LETTER FROM THE EDITOR On behalf of the editorial board, I am honored to present the eighth annual edition of Logos: A Liberal Arts Academic Journal. Logos serves as an opportunity for students to bring their research to the public sphere, to work in pursuit of the boundaries of what we know. The journal publishes widely across a range of disciplines and interests in the School of Liberal Arts and has been, in short, a home for the academic voice of Manhattan College students. If research in the liberal arts is the call to prepare us - reader and writer - for a world with complex and nuanced problems, then Logos, for the last eight years, has been Manhattan College’s response.

However, this past year presented issues beyond immediate comprehension. Our

States, ignited following the murder of George Floyd and underscored by an increase in xenophobia against Asian communities. Logos stands in solidarity with people of color on our campus, in our Bronx community, and nationwide. It is our duty to look inwards while we bring the margins to the forefront of academia.

It is our hope that this eighth edition of Logos restores faith through newfound creativity, the challenge of multi-disciplinary research methods, and a willingness to persist through uncertainty. Mostly notably, Egan Award winner Meredith Taylor explores opposition to the 1977 gay-rights ordinance in Dade County, Florida, in her paper “Imagining and Combatting the “Militant Homosexual:” Hard Borders as the Foundation and Instrument of Anita Bryant’s ‘Crusade.’” Her work provides a critical examination of the heteronormative lobbying which contributes to the lack of legal space for the LGBTQ+ community today. And Egan Award Honorable Mention winner Eunice Nazar, in her

put it, “by the American military to conquer and control the 7,800 islands of the Philipine archipelago in the early twentieth century,” navigating research across three languages while carving out her own original perspective on this complex occupation. Additionally, Jessica Villano’s research paper “Access Control and Hookup Culture: A Lasallian Response” explores access control policy changes that took place in the fall of 2019. As Villano facilitates dialogue between two ideas that appear to be mutually exclusive, “hookup culture” and Lasallian values, she analyzes the impacts of the new policy to suggest that the livelihood of our campus is dependent upon our ability to connect with one another.

After last year’s issue had to go digital because of the pandemic, we are delighted to connect with you, reader, in this revived print edition of Logos. We are also proud to stand by the excellent research included, a product of how our Manhattan College community has handled such unparalleled circumstances. This issue - the work of our evidence of the devotion, intellect, and community that the liberal arts produces. We hope you enjoy.

Best Regards, Lilly Brown, Editor-in-Chief

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Emilia O’Neill Liquid Luminism and Hazy Halos

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Taylor Oslacky 13 Sonnets and Pastorals: How Wroth and Behn Critiqued Gender Politics Isabel Frazza Feminism vs. Womanism

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Jessica Villano Access Control and Hookup Culture: A Lasallian Response

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Deirdre Heavey 73 There’s Only 1 Train: All Aboard the Cosmopolitan Canopy from 242nd St. to South Ferry Grace Campbell 91 Analysis on The Imitation of Katherine Phillips Angela Ramoni “Perhaps I’m a Bad Catholic”: Religion and Rebellion in Silvia Moreno-Garcia’s Mexican Gothic 4

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Days of Rage: The FBI and the New Left

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Lilly Brown 130 Police Brutality: A Moral Disparity between Law Enforcement and Civilians Jilleen Barrett 141 “Enemies of Fairness and Equality, Hear My Womanly Roar”: How Parks and Recreation Enforces Feminism In Comedy Gabriella DePinho Women’s Writes!: An Oral History of the Women of The Quadrangle

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Eunice Nazar: Egan Award Honorable Mention 169 American Occupation in the Philippines: The Use Control Filipinos Meredith Taylor: Egan Award Winner 193 Imagining and Combatting the “Militant Homosexual”: Hard Borders as the Foundation and Instrument of Anita Bryant’s “Crusade” Acknowledgements

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Emilia O’Neill Emilia O’Neill is a freshman from Delhi, NY, locatmajoring in Psychology and minoring in Spanish, with hopes of becoming a Child Psychologist in the near future. She loves to travel and enjoys experiencing new cultures. In her free time, she loves listening to music, taking photos, and spending time with Art History class, where Dr. Marisa Lerer explored all periods and styles of art, eventually assigning a her paper, “Liquid Luminism and Hazy Halos,” Lake George is symbolic of her childhood family vacations and growing up near similar lakes and mountains.

She explores and analyzes the beautiful work of John Frederick Kensett through her artistic knowledge and appreciation of natural and artistic beauty.

Liquid Luminism and Hazy Halos

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In the late 1800s, at the turn of the nineteenth century, artist John Frederick Kensett created a dreamy representation of Lake George. As Kensett’s days as an artist were coming to an end, he brought oil-based paint to the canvas and created one of his last pieces, Lake George (1869).

As Kensett frequently visited the Adirondacks, he made several paintings while admiring the beauty of the world around him, and Lake George is one of his most accomplished and appreciated works. Kensett attributed this piece to his stylistic tranquility and the mountains’ illuminating presence behind a body of water. Kensett was known for capturing the beauty within his luminescent landscape depictions. Through the articulate application of scale, light, shadows, texture, luminism, and purposeful brushstrokes, Kensett created a dreamy, romantic portrayal of Lake George in the mid 19th century. With rich knowledge of artistic strategy and the ability to deliver reveals his interpretation of the landscape.

Kensett, a native to Cheshire, Connecticut, born on March 22, 1816, was an esteemed landscape painter of the 1800s. He began his artistic career as an engraver in his hometown. He eventually moved to New York, where he continued as an engraver, until he in time embarked on his journey as a landscape painter, painting his way through Europe (The National Gallery of Art). During his time working as an engraver in the mid-1830s, Kensett in a New York exhibit and had fallen in love with landscape painting, consequently becoming a full-time painter (The National Gallery of Art) shortly after. While abroad, he gained a higher appreciation for 17th-century Dutch States, where he continued creating.

Kensett established his artistic presence in New York, where he had his studio, and entrenched his niche in luminescent landscape painting throughout New York and New England, adhering to atmospheric light practices and principles in the process of oil-painting. He is most closely associated with the Hudson River School, commonly referred to as “Amertify a group of New York City-based landscape painters that emerged about his later years, he spent a considerable amount of his time developing his technique and style beyond the traditional Hudson River School approach and is seen as the master behind luminism (Avery 2004). This is when he 7

indeed adopted his devotion to luminescent landscapes. The National Galof his career. “Kensett’s early works were generally richly painted and owed much to the inspiration of Thomas Cole (1801-1848) and English landscape painters such as John Constable (1776-1837) (The National Gallery of Art).

Kensett evolved as an established landscape painter from his respected For the tragic and staggered loss of the highly esteemed artist in 1872, meeting death by pneumonia, his legacy continued to prosper. Many of his paintings were hung in The Metropolitan Museum of Art succeeding his death. The beginning of the end was sparked at his seasonal studio in Connecticut, which was the “site that the artist precipitated his death...when he plunged into the sound trying to save Colyer’s wife [a friend of his], who drowned. Recovering in New York from the trauma, Kensett was found lifeless in his studio a month later” (Avery 2009). His death was seen as “virtually a national tragedy” (The National Gallery of Art), and following his death, many of his paintings were auctioned and brought in an astonishing sum for the period.

Through Kensett’s time, he became a prosperous and devout artist and was “appointed a member of the National Art Commission” in 1859; and later became a founder of The Metropolitan Museum of Art in 1870, where many of his paintings hang (The National Gallery of Art). Following his death, he was honored with a funeral at The National Academy of Design, and the next year his paintings were introduced into an exhibit at The MET in his memory (Avery 2009), where several remain on view today.

Kensett traditionally preferred to work on smaller canvases; however, Lake George was an exception. The painting itself is one of Kensett’s larger pieces at 44 1/8 x 66 3/8 inches. Contrary to the preference of many artists at the time, “Kensett generally preferred to work on small to medium-sized canvases” (National Gallery of Art). Kensett’s creation of Lake George “was painted for the wealthy New Yorker Morris K. Jesup,[and] is perhaps the masterpiece of Kensett’s renderings of this site. [As discussed], the artist those, the delicate texture of his brushwork was concentrated to produce pure and exquisite states of light and atmosphere, today referred to as luminist” (Avery 2009). Among Kensett’s creation’s topography is the natural depth portrayed by the strategically placed and varied sized objects on the canvas. The Metropolitan Museum of Art notes that “Kensett took some artistic liberties; distances have been substantially foreshortened, some of the islands have been omitted, and others merged into the mainland” 8

(The MET). The distance portrayed in the piece, although it compliments shore to mountains, Kensett brought intimacy into the work and united each landscape aspect. Anne Diggory stated in “John Frederick Kensett’s Point of View in Lake George, 1869: A Correction” that Kensett “took considerreveals that in fact, the handling of the topography is fundamentally accurate, although Kensett did seek to strengthen the composition by shortening mountains” (Diggory). Although he altered the composition, his addition to the piece is fundamentally accurate and compliments the topography of the scene. attempting to portray. With Black Mountain as the highest focal point of mainland to block the vast sky behind them and introduce the water and surrounding mountains as most remarkable. Diggory states, “The islands enclose the space and block most of the view of Tongue Mountain, allowing Black Mountain to dominate the other elements” (Diggory). Additionally, bringing the landmasses together compliments his attempt to make the scene more intimate by providing a natural wall surrounding the body techniques of every artist are unique to their style. With Kensett’s devoto make aesthetic adjustments and develop an encapsulating scale, with the coherent utilization of oil paints on canvas.

The ambiance and intended mood of a painting are critical to its interpretation and appreciation. Kensett emphasized the light, shadows, and texture of the landscape to capture his interpreted and intended ambiance and tone of the terrain. The highlights and shadows presented help provide depth, dimension, and an overall mood in the piece. The tone of a painting refers to the level of color that Kensett engages in developing the landscape. comes the ability to lighten it or darken it, exemplifying the use of tone.

Kensett was attempting to create a glum and dreary ambiance by attributing in Lake George, the inky mountains rest beneath the luminescent sky, re-

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sky and murky clouds that sit atop the dark mountains help to introduce the dreary ambiance. Furthermore, the natural light shining through the clouds illuminates the sky, consequently providing the shadows’ direction and location of the shadows. Although the clouds may look like the lightest aspect was trying to portray a gloomy day. The storm clouds, the dark greens and browns in the mountains, and the muddy lake bear the overcast and glum day.

As discussed, Kensett’s known mainly for his adoption of lumiapplied paint that suggests the shimmering quality of atmospheric light, a careful and deliberate arrangement of forms in precisely ordered planes of spatial recession, and the experience that time and motion are immobilized” (Hartel). The inclusion of natural light in most paintings is standard; however, luminism is more than merely the presence of natural light. It is practices, such as Kensett, has to pay careful attention to the arrangement of every other aspect of the landscape when attempting to capture the intricate details of the space. Hartel goes on to mention, “ they [luminist paintings] have resulted in highly realistic paintings that capture the essence of the American terrain and climate, and yet many of them convey a subtle, equivocal abstraction in depicting nature” (Hartel). The ambiance is greatly piece’s purity is revealed.

The texture helps to develop the dimension and sense of naturalism within the piece. With the inclusion of minor textural details throughout the work, the viewer can easily picture themselves at the location. The delicate and purposeful brushstrokes provide for realistic blades of grass and textured mountains. Therefore, in this painting, the texture is crucial as it provides for a level of realism that makes it appear authentic. The mood and overall ambiance produced by light, shadows, texture, and luminism techniques greatly enhance the painting’s symbolic value and attributes it to the topographic scene’s authenticity.

John Frederick Kensett was one of the most famous landscape painters of the nineteenth century. Herbert R. Hartel Jr. stated in “Luminism, Transcendentalism, and Abstraction in the Landscape Paintings of John F. Kensett,” “Kensett paintings encompass the diversity of nineteenth-century American landscape painting...Kensett’s many Coastal scenes often lent 10

times resulted in fairly abstract approaches to composition and color” (Hartel Jr.). As mentioned, Kensett’s style represented all that was seen during 19th-century art. His approach and appreciation for luminism within each nearly 150 years since the tragic death of the highly esteemed artist, Kensett continues to be recognized as one of the most promising and successful tively illustrate the scale, light, shadows, texture, and luminism within a of the landscape. Kensett’s portrayal of Lake George epitomizes his artistic impact on the mid-19th century art world. Kensett’s aesthetic adjustments and artistic liberties opened the door for many artistic movements thereafter.

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Works Cited Timeline of Art History. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of (December 2009).

Avery, Kevin J. “The Hudson River School.” In Heilbrunn Timeline of 2004).

Diggory, Anne. “John Frederick Kensett’s Point of View in Lake George, 1869: A Correction.” Metropolitan Museum Journal, vol. 48, 2013, Hartel, Jr, Herbert R. “ Luminism, Transcendentalism, and Abstraction of Chicago Press Journals, 2002, www-jstor-org.www.library.

Artnet. “John Frederick Kensett.” Artnet, n.d., www.artnet.com/artists/ john-frederick-kensett/.

The National Gallery of Art. “National Gallery of Art.” Artist Info, n.d., www.nga.gov/collection/artist-info.1434.html.

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Taylor Oslacky Taylor Oslacky is a senior double major in English and Communications with a concentration in journalism from Monroe, NY. She is a digital media intern pute Resolution. She will be attending New York Law School in the fall where she will prepare for a career in criminal defense. In her paper, Taylor discusses how early modern female poets used their platform to critique gender politics while also utilizing various forms.

Sonnets and Pastorals: How Wroth and Behn Critiqued Gender Politics In the early modern period, women poets used their platform to critique the gender politics present in society with similar ways inside a variety of forms. Lady Mary Wroth’s notable sonnet series “Pamphilia to Amphilanthus” is about the melancholy inconsistent love can bring but also supplies criticism on the way the patriarchy operates. Opposition to the patriarchy and female autonomous desire is especially provoked in Wroth’s Sonnet One and Sonnet Seven from the series. Aphra Behn, a female poet who started writing slightly after Wroth’s time, also comments on the sexother pastorals, “The Disappointment” and “The Willing Mistress” explore Behn’s criticism of gender politics. While Wroth uses sonnets to comment on the patriarchy, Behn publishes her poetry in the pastoral form. Both forms allow the poets to express the female desire for freedom of choice in their lives rather than a male-based decision common in the patriarchy. form as poets to critique gender politics. writing shows an expression for a desire of equal partners in a couple. Since their writing takes place in the 1600s, the poets are advocating for mutual 13

that create a relationship. The female poets argue for equality in romantic relationships and scholarship has paid attention to this quality in both their bodies of work. In Tomas Jajtner’s article “‘The True Forme of Love’: Transforming the Petrarchan Tradition in the Poetry of Lady Mary Wroth (1857-1631)”, the American literary scholar Risa S. Bear makes the argument that an “extraordinary element” inside “Pamphilia to Amphilanthus” is “the fact that Pamphilia expects the same from Amphilanthus” (17). Pamphilia expecting the “same” from Amphilanthus to introduce an element of er. This is criticizing the expectations of the patriarchy present in Wroth’s time when a female had to maintain a passive attitude when dealing with an inconsistent male lover. This equality is noted in scholarship about Behn’s pastorals as well. Elizabeth V. Young notes in her article “Aphra Behn, Gender, and Pastoral” that Behn utilizes the “pastoral convention of nostalgia” which can “present a vision of a world without gendered social structure,” (537). A world without gendered constructs is a world existing in equality.

Without gender, there are no harsh gender restraints that are placed upon women, simply for being a woman. Behn uses this “vision” throughout her pastorals and imagines a place where lovers can simply be lovers, null of gender-imposed expectations like in the real world. One can only assume that Behn also had a desire for equal responsibility in a relationship like Wroth’s intention.

In the seventh sonnet of “Pamphilia to Amphilanthus”, Wroth makes her desire for equality and awareness of the patriarchy known in her writing.

Written to her lover Amphilanthus, Pamphilia declares, “I ame thy subject, conquer’d, bound to stand” (Line 6). This line shows a clear understanding though he is her lover. With this line, she mocks the state of the restrictive society. By writing how women are treated and feel in the patriarchy, she is equality. Most importantly, she knows that her lover should not have control over her, especially not this level. Wroth knows that she lives in a society where women are not allowed to have free thought and by engaging in this feministic language, she opens the door to a conversation about women’s oppression in the present patriarchy. She ends the poem with “your boyship I dispise; / Your charmes I obay,” (Lines 13-14). She attacks her lover’s gender by referring to it as “boyship” and that she “despises” him as a member of the opposing gender that oppresses her own. Again, she shows societal awareness by knowing that men “charm” women into accepting their sub14

ordinate position and that she must “obey” as a female. She must listen to her lover and the other men in her life to survive in her limited world but yearns for more by despising it. Lady Mary Wroth shows a desire for equal participation in romantic relationships.

Aphra Behn uses the previously mentioned imagined world by Young included in her pastorals to express her similar desire for equality in romantic partners, especially in her poem “The Willing Mistress.” Behn manipulates the pastoral to set an environment where her expression of equal love can exist. Like many of her pastorals, she uses nature as a setting where both lovers can hide from the world and focus on their love. In lines 13-14, the speaker says, “A many Kisses he did give: / And I return’d the same.” This act of the male lover giving the female speaker “many Kisses” and her returning “the same” is an act of equal love. In this imagined hidden reader can assume from this act that the couple has an equal relationship with their love. Behn includes this language of equality for a reason. She purposely utilizes the ideal world in her pastorals and includes this scene of equality for her readers. Including equality into this form represents not only a desire for this equality in real-life society but also for other women to ciety where women cannot express their true desires, the speaker criticizes the inequality present in the seventeenth-century society. Placing this equality into this form makes the reader realize that this equality is not available desired. The equality in the couple present in “The Willing Mistress” signiAnother way that Wroth and Behn expressed gender political criticism is through their use of women’s desire throughout their poetry. Both women lived in a time where a woman’s desires were most likely not satexpress or even discuss their desires because of the restraints imposed on them as women. Both women go against this social norm and assert that women do indeed have desires and they should be expressed, just like men.

The scholar Jajtner notes that Lady Mary Wroth expresses this idea through Pamphilia’s own decision to love by writing the progression of the sonnet sequence “makes clear that Pamphilia’s initial malady and passivity turns into a conscious decision for love: she is thus neither a Petrarchan lover tormented by the ensaring gaze of the beloved, nor just a passive victim of Cupid’s whim,” (16). Wroth writes her speaker Pamphilia to know that it is her choice to be involved in love and her desire for her lover. Her desire 15

was not predetermined by a male or expected by any third-party element.

Pamphilia herself actively chose to love Amphilanthus and all the melancholy that this might bring. Scholars have also noted similar active desire in Behn’s poetry. In Lisa M. Zeitz and Peter Thom’s article “Power, Gender, and Identity in Aphra Behn’s ‘The Disappointment’”, the authors note Behn’s added elements of female desire. The authors write that her poetry “depicts female sexual desire in a way that leaves no doubt that Nature-the power of natural desire- operates equally in men and women,” (Zeitz and Thomas 503). Although Behn focuses more on sexual desire rather than Wroth’s more romantic desire, the poet still focuses on women having desires and a place for them to express their desires, unlike the atmosphere that the authors lived in. In Behn’s pastorals, there is no denying the fact that women have desires, and the poet advocates for their desires to be expressed by representing desire expression in her poems. Wroth and Behn critique gender politics by going against the commonly accepted notion that women should not have desires or express them in society by including female desire in their poetry. hibits the female speaker’s desire. Although a poem with a dark tone, the sonnet follows the speaker as she discusses desire and love. In her sleep, Pamphilia is visited by a “Chariot drawne by wind’d Desire,” (Line 5). This chariot is pulling the “bright Venus Queene of Love,” (Line 6). The speaker leaves no room for guessing within these lines. The speaker implies that love and the “Queen of Love” are driven by desire as this imagery demonstrates the concept. With these lines, the speaker is saying that love comes from desire, and desire exists before love. Desire is a servant to love as the queen steers where the “wind’d Desire” goes. This image sparks discourse about female desire in society. At this time, it was frowned upon for women to have the desire. These lines show that the female speaker, a representative for the female demographic, indeed does have the desire and speaks about it within her lines. And by including this within the poem, the speaker is advocating for women to be able to express their desires and their wishes without the permission of men. By writing this to Amphilanthus, she is expressing to a man that she does indeed have a desire and that leads her to her ability to love. Having desire goes against the gender agenda set by men at this time yet the speaker still promotes this idea within her thoughts.

Wroth condemns the restraints placed on women involving desire in seventeenth-century politics.

Behn writes about women having desires despite male implications that women should be limited in their desires. In “The Disappointment” 16

Behn writes the poem around the rape of Cloris by Lysander with elements of Cloris’s desire mixed within the encounter. Although rape strips a woman of her honor and Lysander intends on completing this action even if Cloris struggles. But, although a violent and cruel crime, Cloris expresses a desire for Lysander in her heart. In Lines 27-28, Cloris says to Lysander, “My Cloris knows that her honor will be lost when this happens and speaks to the negative connotation it will bring when she loses that honor. She knows that in this male-driven society she must resist and tell him no, although certain parts of the poem make it seem that Cloris does want to make love to Lysander. She must not give “retire,” she must not stop the resistance that she’s not entirely sure she wants. She is almost more concerned more with others’ disappointment at the loss of her honor as she follows these lines with, “Or take that Life whose chiefest part / I gave you with the Conquest of my Heart,” (Line 29-30). But in these following lines, she almost admits her love and desire for Lysander. She says that he has already won the “Conquest” for her heart, there is no battle to be fought anymore as she has decided to keep him in her heart already before this. And because this for Lysander and his devious intentions. This desire is included in other ways around the poem including when she is being touched in the fourth stanza and refers to each touch as “new Desires alarms!” (Line 44). Despite sure at the moment. This admission of her pleasure and ultimately desire of Lysander shows to the male audience that women do have a desire. By including this within her poem and using this perspective, Behn presents the idea of female election desire to a world that this idea has yet to accept. The speaker criticizes the male-driven world that dictates she must resist the loss of honor despite the possibility that she may enjoy some amount of pleasure as she has already committed to love with Lysander. The speaker criticizes the patriarchy for having this idea about love and desire for women while also encouraging the acceptance of female desire.

Both female poets write poems with speakers that are aware of their choice of desire in their respective forms. Lady Mary Wroth and Aphra Behn deliberately choose desire-aware speakers despite the limitations on women’s desire to critique the obscene emotional oppression of the patriarchy. For Lady Mary Wroth, scholars have noted her speaker Pamphilia’s choice of desire is to love. She chooses to engage in desire as she chooses to love, not her partner at the end of the day. Throughout Wroth scholarship, it has been discovered that the poet views “love is a commitment and her 17

true object, i.e., her ‘true forme’ is love itself, not the individual partners,” (Jajtner 21). The reader can see how this is Wroth’s choice of desire as women were supposed to love only their partner, not love and the passions that come with it. Aphra Behn also includes elements in her speaker’s words that show a choice of desire and an awareness of the female’s choosing of the following desire. Elizabeth V. Young writes in her article that Behn has “a way of uniting the speaker and her audience in an acknowledged, but secret, recognition that the woman desired and enjoyed illicit sexual activity,” (Young 530). Behn communicates to her audience a secret of female desire titude around women’s desire and uses this platform as an opportunity to express women’s choice of desire. Both Lady Mary Wroth and Aphra Behn incorporate women’s choice and awareness of desire into their poetry to tackle the patriarchy’s limited view on women’s passions.

In Sonnet One of “Pamphilia to Amphilanthus,” Pamphilia describes to the audience her tormented state brought to her by her desire for love.

The poem sets a dark tone to discuss the agony she feels, caused by her inconsistent lover but no doubt her choice to be involved with love, her desire to love another. When talking about the Goddess of Love, Venus, Pamphilia says, “He her obeyed, and martyred my poor heart,” (Line 12). She uses imagery to visualize the “martyring” of her “poor heart” as she is wrapped up in this love that she is experiencing. But, this is love that she chooses as dreams as it would depart; / Yet since, O me, a lover I have been,” (Line 13-14). She hopes that this would “depart” as “dreams” do, referring to the agony she is experiencing from her love. But the second and last line she desire to have been a “lover” still as the poem starts to slow down with the use of the commas. In this poem, she has become aware of her desire and the choice to feel this desire is her own. And by realizing this choice of desire is her goes against the views of the restricting patriarchy. By acknowledging that she has desires shows that women can choose what desires they agony. Pamphilia seems to justify that this agony is worth it with the freedom of her choice of accepting her desires. Wroth critiques gender politics by writing about female desire and having Pamphilia have self-awareness of her choice of desire.

Aphra Behn shows the choice of female desire within her pastoral “The Disappointment.” As previously mentioned, the controversial poem 18

describes a rape but also shows Cloris’s desire for Lysander. After Lysander dishonors Cloris, she awakes from her unconscious state. The speaker describes this as, “Cloris returning from the Trance / Which Love and soft Desire had bred,” (Line 110-111). After this encounter, the speaker regards Cloris’s perception as a trance of “soft Desire.” Despite the violent and heinous intentions of Lysander, the speaker maintains that Cloris experienced desire. Cloris is also aware of this desire as she is awakening from a place of desire. No doubt that she is aware of the pleasure she received and the warming feeling of “Love.” If it was not from a place of desire, the speaker would not have regarded it as so. The speaker would rather focus on the awful act of rape if Cloris did not experience any pleasure. And therefore, the speaker goes against the patriarchy by introducing an element of female desire and pleasure in the poem. By saying that women do indeed experience sexual pleasure and have sexual desire, although not in a forceful setting, overturns the ideals that were present during this time. This is Behn’s “secret” between her audience and her: the exposure of female desire.

The early modern poets Lady Mary Wroth and Aphra Behn both forms. While using sonnets in her sequence, Wroth speaks about the restraints imposed on women in the patriarchy while Behn uses pastorals for a similar message. Both women write about the desire for equality in romantic relationships, rather than a one-sided love from the woman’s side.

Wroth and Behn also write about female desire, an element that is often excluded in the patriarchy, especially in the seventeenth century. The poets also write their speakers with the awareness of their choice of desire, and in Wroth’s case, to choose her desire for love. With these elements, the poets criticize the gender politics evident in their societies as these dynamics are restricted in their lives as women. They mock the limitations imposed by then by exposing women’s desires and the equality they pursue. Wroth and Behn critique the same themes of gender politics in their preferred forms.

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Works Cited Behn, Aphra. “The Disappointment.”

Behn, Aphra. “The Willing Mistress.”

Jajtner, Tomáš. “‘The True Forme of Love’: Transforming the Petrarchan SCOhost, doi:10.1515/pjes-2016-0001.

Wroth, Lady Mary. “Sonnet One.” Wroth, Lady Mary. “Sonnet Seven.”

Young, Elizabeth V. “Aphra Behn, Gender, and Pastoral.” Studies in ENglish Literature,1500-1900, vol. 33, no. 3, 1993, p. 523. EBSCOhost, doi:10.2307/451012.

Zeitz, Lisa M., Thoms, Peter. “Power, Gender, and Identity in Apra Behn’s ‘The Disappointment.’” Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900, vol. 37, no. 3, 1997, p. 501. EBSCOhost, doi:10.2307/451046.

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Isabel Frazza Isabel Frazza is a junior from Meriden, CT, majoring in Religious Studies and Peace Studies, with a minor in Philosophy. She is currently a Student Fellow for the campaign of Manhattan District Attorney Candidate Eliza Orlins. She is the Secretary of the Manhattan College Senate, and a Campus Organizer for attending law school after graduation, with hopes to work in public interest law. In her paper, Isabel critiques feminism for its exclusivity, and presents wom-

Feminism vs. Womanism Liberation theology as a whole aims to expand upon the understandings of previous theological traditions. Mary Daly, a well-known feminist theologian, focuses her work on dismantling the male idols and gender stereotypes found within Christianity. In her version of feminism, Mary Daly makes many right claims in regards to the negative impacts that male religious symbols have had on society as a whole. However, Daly is dismissive complex experiences by Daly, along with other white feminists, leads to the various forms of oppression, including both racism and sexism. As a white feminist theologian, Mary Daly fails to recognize the intersection of sexism and racism, while Audre Lorde and Delores Williams acknowledge that all women do not share the same experiences and struggles within a society which is both patriarchal and racist. in American society. In her book, Beyond God the Father, Mary Daly argues that the patriarchy has been built upon, and maintained by traditional sexual stereotypes (Daly, 15). In making this argument, Daly gives examples of the traditional sexual stereotypes that she is referring to. Daly provides terms that she says society equates with being either masculine, or feminine. The 21

stereotypical masculine individual is hyper-rational and aggressive. By contrast, the stereotypical feminine individual is hyper-emotional and passive (Daly, 15). Daly focuses on the polarization of these two categories, and the inability for the two sexes to cross these societal boundaries, and take on the characteristics of the other sex. She encourages women, as well as men, to move beyond these stereotypes, and become “androgynous human persons” (Daly, 15).

By focusing her argument for feminist liberation around these stereotypes, Daly narrows her reach. The stereotypical, traditional femininity that she refers to, and then advocates against, is found only in the Victorian model of the ideal woman. Daly ignores the reality that black women in America have not been assigned the same stereotypical feminine characteristics as white women. Rather, black women in America have long been gressive, the opposite of the passive stereotype that has been assigned to white women. Through the presentation of these terms as stereotypes given to all women in American society, Daly centers her argument around the women. Thus, her feminism cannot be for all women. This is because it does not begin with the acknowledgement of the wide array of false stereowell as their race. The very starting point for her argument is found within an exclusive image of stereotypical femininity. Thus, the resistance to this stereotype is exclusive as well. In her book, Sisters in the Wilderness: The Challenge of Womanist God-Talk, Delores Williams raises the question, “If this issue of white women as exclusive model of female humanity is not addressed in feminist and womanist theological anthropology, does this theology- by its silence on the issue- not perpetuate the idea of white-woman humanity as the model of all female humanity?” (Williams, 163). As Williams points out, feminist theology like Daly’s is reliant on a model of femininity that is exclusive to the experiences of white women in Ameriwomen, Daly perpetuates her argument in support of feminist liberation for only white women, an argument that is racist, and sexist in and of itself.

Through her feminist theology, Mary Daly not only advocates for women to break from traditionally feminine stereotypes within society, but to also remove themselves from the traditional roles that have been assigned to them (Daly, 15). Daly advocates for women to not solely reach for roles she says, women can become whole, “Instead of settling for being a warped 22

half person” (Daly, 41). Black women, however, have never been given the chance to be this “half person” that Daly references in her argument.

They have had to take the traditional roles of white men, white women, black men, and what was expected of themselves. In her book, Sisters in the Wilderness, Delores Williams uses the biblical story of a female character named Hagar to bring light to the experiences of black women in women. Hagar was a slave who was responsible for carrying a child by her slaveholder, acting as a forced surrogate. Williams references Hagar as a symbol for surrogacy that has consistently been forced upon black women throughout American history. She then goes on to give examples as to how this forced surrogacy presents itself, through roles that contrast those given to white women. For example, black women have often been forced to take the roles of both mother and father, for their children, and for the children of their white bosses (Williams, 54-74). Since Daly does not acknowledge this important distinction in roles forced upon black women, versus white women, her argument towards resisting these roles is exclusive. Daly’s femthan all women. the existence of black women, she does so by speaking for them, and making assumptions about their experiences, as if they are similar to her own.

Daly boldly proclaims that black women will not be rewarded enough if liberation, the prize achieved by black women is the same status as white sisters, they will have an empty victory” (Daly, 57). Mary Daly assumes sumption that she should not, and cannot possibly make rightly as a white woman. Delores Williams emphasizes this when she writes, “Obviously, African-American women need to divide their own terms, express their own ideas, garner their own support for describing black women’s reality so that their oppression by black men, their oppression by white men, and their oppression by white-male-white-female-dominated social systems can be seen clearly” (Williams, 164). Daly oversteps in this element of her argument, without personal experiences to support her bold claim. Perhaps Daly is right. The elimination of racism in American society may still leave black women with struggles due to the continued presence of patriarchal structures. However, that is not a call for Daly, as a white woman, who maintains privileges that come with her race to make. Black women are oppressed to 23

women who should decide where, when, and how they want to resist the structures that have been stacked against them.

In making her argument, Daly acts as if the experiences of all women within a patriarchal society are the same. When she does acknowledge that black women exist in the society she talks so much about, she speaks for them, and their goals, while failing to acknowledge that their experiencaspects of Daly’s work. In the letter, Audre Lorde emphasizes, “But you fail forms and degrees of patriarchal oppression, some of which we share and some of which we do not” (Lorde). The patriarchy is harmful to all women, but it does not treat all women the same. As a queer, black woman, Lorde ences that Mary Daly cannot possibly understand, and should certainly not speak on at a personal level. With this being said, Daly can, and should acso, she must also allow the space for black female voices like Williams, and ety, one that does not allow space for black women to be uplifted alongside white women. gy and Feminist Theology, Mary Daly writes, “Yet it was not women who brought slaves to America” (Daly, 57). White women did not rip African people from their homes, and transport them to another continent. Nevbe compliant with white supremacy today. In Sisters in the Wilderness, Delores Williams acknowledges this when she writes, “...they participate in and help perpetuate the terrible social and cultural value systems that oppress all black people” (Williams, 164). Williams provides various examples of moments in history where white women have joined white men to degrade black women, as well as black men. In the workplace, white women have joined white men to protest the hiring of black people, going against fellow women, and siding instead with their white supremacy (Williams, 113). Daly is somewhat correct in her argument. No, white women have not historically been given the opportunity to hold positions of political power like their male counterparts. Yet, they have still contributed to, 24

Meanwhile, white women have complied with these racist structures, for ready hold these racial privileges out of her movement towards feminist liberation. In doing so, Daly fails to acknowledge the various privileges granted to white women in a racist and patriarchal society that are simply not granted to black women. The method of resistance against patriarchal structures cannot be the same for those who hold these privileges, and those who do not. Therefore, Daly’s method of resistance, and movement towards patriarchy, Daly leaves black women out of the conversation. When she does include them in the dialogue, she is dismissive of the various degrees of oppression that black women face as a result of the intersection of both racist and patriarchal structures within American society. Where Mary Daly, and other white feminists fall short, womanists, like Audre Lorde, and DeRather than become defensive in response to criticism, or remain in denial nist theologians and womanist theologians alike, aim for the destruction of structures that negatively impact marginalized groups. Williams encourages that, “Women must learn to help each other see when and how they are instruments of their own and other people’s oppression” (Williams, 165).

White feminists like Mary Daly, can only improve their work, and promote the inclusivity of their movements, through insightful dialogue with womanists, like Delores Williams and Audre Lorde. When white feminists learn

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Works Cited Daly, Mary. Beyond God the Father. Beacon Press, Boston, 1973.

Lorde, Audre. “An Open Letter to Mary Daly.” 1979, http://www.historyisaweapon.com/defcon1/lordeopenlettertomarydaly.html.

Williams, Delores. Sisters in the Wilderness: The Challenge of Womanist God-Talk. Orbis Books, New York, 1993.

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Jessica Villano Jessica Villano is a senior from Guilford, CT, majoring in philosophy with minors in business and French. She will be attending the Antonin in the Fall and is interested in pursuing public interest and advocacy. In her paper, she puts three culture--Lasallian values, hookup culture, and the access control policy--in conversation with one another to uncover valuable insights about how they interact.

Access Control and Hookup Culture: A Lasallian Response Introduction In my time at Manhattan College, I have seen many changes occur ones who graduate to new policies and protocol changes on campus. Yet, despite the changes, the campus retains its strong sense of community and culture. Currently, I am a Manhattan College senior, and I have spent my last three and a half years residing in the college’s on-campus residence halls. When a new access control policy was implemented during the Fall 2019 semester, I noticed a shift in student interactions that got me thinking regards to hookup culture. Hookup culture, in this sense, must be regarded as a student culture on campus, since there are groups of students who actively, and often, participate in it. Personally, I would hear from friends and other students around campus about the policy and how it created seemed to be becoming increasingly more divided on campus, something that seemed to go against the inclusive community that the college was known to have. These comments from students at Manhattan College led me to wonder how access control and hookup culture may or may not be 27

related on campus. While thinking about these connections, I also began to interact on a campus that is grounded in Lasallian values and virtues.

The purpose of this project, then, is to further analyze each of these aspects of Manhattan College- Lasallian values, hookup culture, and access control- individually to understand fully what each is by itself and to see whether they are in conversation with one another or not. Throughout my hookup culture on campus and whether or not it emulated Lasallian values and virtues. Additionally, I wanted to see whether hookup culture, a concept that does not seem to align with traditional Catholic beliefs, could be viewed through a Lasallian lens to improve how we perceive it.

In order to understand the general consensus, I created a survey to ask students of the college about the access control policy and hookup culture on campus. The survey was only given to seniors and sophomores since they have the largest age disparity and their experiences with access control and hookup culture would likely vary. The survey enabled me to understand student opinions about access control and hookup culture and had many surprising conclusions that I otherwise would not have reached.

Aspects of the survey may, however, have been altered due to the pandemic and students either not coming back to campus at all or choosing to commute rather than dorm. Nonetheless, the survey is still valuable...

It is important to recognize the impact that the Coronavirus pandemic may have had on this survey and this project as a whole, since very restrictive addendums were made to various policies that if they were to continue after the pandemic would create even more of a divide between students. When I began the research, the only changes to the access control policy had been made prior to the beginning of the Fall 2019 semester; consider the Coronavirus pandemic. While the project originally had very clear, established objectives, as the project continued I realized I had to include another unforeseen circumstance that resulted from the pandemic.

To my mind, this research is more important to talk about now more than ever during the Coronavirus pandemic as we are seeing policies being altered policies that are being made as safety precautions now will become the new norm and continue even after the pandemic ends.

The fear that policies may continue to be implemented like the access policy before the Fall 2019 semester and like the coronavirus addendums is concerning for a multitude of reasons. The access control policy was 28

implemented with a lack of student considerations and little regard for Lasallian values and virtues that are essential to the college as well as a disregard for present campus cultures. Thus, at the end I will explain how ideas as well as not to impede upon campus cultures that are integral to Hookup Culture If I were to ask a group of people what they meant when they were hookup for one person may mean a makeout session in a crowded bar, and for another it may mean going home with someone and having a sexual experience. With such an ambiguous term, most people who write on the commitment and without emotional attachment to that person at least in that moment (Garcia, “Sexual Hookup Culture: A Review”). In the Online intercourse while 35 percent of students thought it only consisted of making out with a partner (England, Online College Social Life Survey). Clearly there

have gained popularity among students and have created a dominant culture that surrounds and dictates how, when, and with whom students hookup, even as administrators have grown fearful of the idea. This culture is aptly named “hookup culture,” and it is a largely part of what is considered the “typical college experience” that is expected when someone steps onto a typical college campus (Beste, College Hookup).

What is Hookup Culture?

The system of hookup culture underlies the social aspects of college life. It’s presence is most noticeable on the weekends when students are able to de-stress from the academic expectations and work of that week. On some fun. This cycle is almost ritualistic in the sense that each weekend college students anticipate the events of Friday and Saturday and almost always do the same thing across colleges and universities. To understand the routines that are associated with hookup culture, I am going to illustrate a typical weekend night of someone who regularly partakes in this culture.

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The rituals seem to begin before the party even starts. The “pregame,” or the pre-party preparations, start either in the dorms or apartments with a smaller group to consume as much alcohol as possible before the actual event, “the idea being that no one wants to show up to a party sober” (Beste, College Hookup). Since not showing up to the party sober is the ultimate goal, everyone tends to come to the pre-game with ample alcohol. However, while it seems that in hookup and party cultures everyone seems to partake actually do pre-game.1 For men, the getting ready process is quick, and the pre-game consists of gathering with friends and often a “competition to see who can become the most impaired in the least amount of time” (Beste, College Hookup). Only when they feel like they are impaired enough are they willing to leave their pre-game and go to the actual party.

In contrast, women’s pre-games consist of getting ready for upwards of three hours to be sure that they have made their appearance as perfect

getting ready is to look as provocative as possible to attract men to want to hookup at the party (Wade, American Hookup). For Wade, hookup culutre is primarily a heteronormative culture. Women may know the “game” that is being played, but may not know that they are actually playing one. The women’s objective, like men, is to drink copious amounts of alcohol before leaving for the party, so that they are not too sober or not not drunk enough.

The reason to draw this distinction early in the social aspect of partying is to recognize that pre-party rituals are characteristic of hookup culture ideals like women having to appear hot in order to get a man’s attention, attractive, and alcohol consumption shaping hookups and party culture. The routine of it all masks the game that is being played. Women are willing to Once at the party, the competition begins. The prep from the pregame--to be the most drunk or to look like the most attractive version of

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1 In her book College Hookup Culture and Christian Ethics, Jennifer Beste assigned students to become student ethnographers and observe how hookup culture worked on their college campus. However, due to limited diversity amongst student ethnographers, the majority of whom were white and heterosexual, the data that she collected has few accounts from members of the LGBTQ+ community and non-white persons, which is why the language used here is primarily binary language (Beste, College Hookup).

yourself--is the means by which you attract someone. The objective is to dance with or talk to the right person. And the right person is the most attractive “hot” person (Wade, American Hookup). So, while hooking up with someone may seem like the only objective of hookup culture, the real aim is to hookup with someone who is equally attractive or more attractive than you. The same goes for social status. If someone is higher in social status on campus, most commonly athletes or large fraternities or sororities for a school with a heavy Greek Life presence, then they will be seen as a more desirable hookup partner. It is not enough for you to think that your hookup partner is “hot”; your friends and peers must also think so as well.

Once you and your prospective partner leave the party, potentially to have intercourse or maybe just to make-out, the next steps of hookup up are as follows: establish meaninglessness, be (or at least claim to be) distance with your partner (Wade, American Hookup). Once all of these “rules” have been established between two people, then the hookup, in its drunken ambiguity, can commence (Wade, American Hookup). students gather with friends in dorm rooms and dining halls to tell the stories that happened the night before. Dramatic retellings of the night before are told, sparing no details, of what happened, who the hookup was with, and consolations to those who did not have any. For some, this “recap” or “debrief” is one of the best aspects of hookup culture (Wade, American Hookup). Discussing what happened amongst friends drives a hookup since “most hooking up happens so that someone can say they did something” (Wade, American Hookup hours depending on with whom and what happened during the hookup.

Once the “recap” has ended, the hookup experience has ended as well (Wade, American Hookup).

How History has Shaped Modern Hookup Culture the majority of an older generation. As Jennifer Beste points out, the early one where “informal dating and romantic relationships were the sexual and relational norm; casual sex occurred, but it was neither expected nor a normative part of the ‘typical college experience’” (Beste, College Hookup).

However, the actions of modern hookup culture actually began during the Roaring Twenties, when younger working class people started to “date,” a term that had not been invented prior (Wade, American Hookup). The date itself was a “shared, erotically charged evening of entertainment arranged 31

and paid for by men,” which was a drastic change from how courtship was before this time. Before the Roaring Twenties, women had control over the courting process, known as “calling,” in the sense that if a woman was interested in a man, a female of the family would invite him over (Wade, American Hookup). If the woman took a liking to him, she could invite him over again, which could potentially lead to marriage, but, if not, then that was the end of their time together. With dating, the dominant roles of the and romantically (Wade, American Hookup enjoy “city life” by themselves since they were paid substantially less than men at the time, so women relied on men to pay for them as a “treat” (Wade, American Hookup). Since this was the case, women tried to conform to the ideal standard of beauty and to appear sexy. In doing so, they were additionally showing that they were sexually available, to a certain degree, and potentially willing to give sexual favors (Wade, American Hookup).

Here, we can see the cognitive shift from what courting was to how it is now and the way that appearing sexy, or even sex itself, becomes a form of currency. Instead of women being in the position of power to pick and choose with whom they would go out as they once did, the power dynamic shifted to men. male soldiers, women were constantly being forewarned about the so(Wade, American Hookup). Out of fear, women stopped “dating” and opted for “going steady” instead (Wade, American Hookup). Going steady allowed for monogamous relationships that had the potential to end in a marriage proposal and reduced some of the fears that women of the time had. However, this craze of monogamy seemed to encourage intimacy.

Since women were not having intimate relations with a bunch of men, and thus doing a few intimate activities with each, they were more likely to “go all the way” with just one (Wade, American Hookup). This led to an increase of premarital sex, a decrease in the average age of marriage, and an increase in the number of babies born before nine months after the wedding date, despite public attitudes condemning premarital sex (Wade, American Hookup).

As time progressed, the “going steady” craze seemed to decline.

This decline seemed to occur after new feminist ideas were beginning to become popularized. The new ideas that seemed to cause such a shift were the beliefs that women have the right to be a sexual being without a societal stigma surrounding their sexualities, for their sexualities to be recongized as 32

legitimate, and for them to have sex for pleasure like their male counterparts (Wade, American Hookup). It’s through these demands that the modern woman comes to think of the hookup and hookup culture as a means to “‘reject oppressive sexism,’ ‘pursue sexual liberation,’ and challenge the idea ‘that women are supposed to be passive''' about sexual intimacy (Wade, American Hookup). At the same time as these shifts in feminitst thought, there was a wider movement that encompassed other aspects of American life. For instance, there was the idea of free love, social activist victories in response the civil rights movement as well as the rise in popularity of gay liberation (Wade, American Hookup). Historical events such as the Stonewall riots ushered in an era where primariliy gay, trans, and queer men express their sexuality which “was very liberating because it removed the shame” that had been placed over them (Wade, American Hookup).

These ideas at the forefront of feminist sexual liberation and the broader abandonment of conventional ways of thinking about intimate realtionships that were adopted in the 1980s translated to college campuses typically involved some casual sex, yet not at the same frequency as it is practiced today. The fact is that between one generation, a large part of the typical “college experience” that undergraduates face now is not the same as what undergraduates of the nineties or before experienced. It is why Jennifer Beste, in her research, took to learning about campus culture through her students and using their sober observations of party and hookup culture to understand what is actually happening in campus social settings (Beste, College Hookup). Similarly, later in the paper I use student observations regarding the hookup culture at Manhattan College to better

the two cultures meet and diverge.

The Reality about Hookup Culture There are plenty of myths surrounding hooking up. One of the most believed myths is that the majority of college students are having a lot of sex a lot of the time. However, in sociologists Kathleen Bogle’s 2008 study entitled Hooking up: Sex, Dating, and Relationships on Campus, when students were asked to guess how often their peers were having intercourse, American Hookup).

Additionally, when asked what percentage of men in college were having 33

sex on any weekend, the young men who answered estimated that 80 percent of college men were (Wade, American Hookup). However, the fact of the matter is that only 80 percent of college men had ever had sex in their lives, not on any given weekend. If college students are overestimating how much their peers are having sexual relations with someone, then, presumably, older generations might be, as well. sexual partners each time they go out and hookup with someone, the truth of the situation is that they typically have fewer partners than the average Gen-Xers at the same age and actually more accurately resemble the baby Survey (Wade, American Hookup). This information wildly contrasts the image of the average college student on campuses today, since the average student is more sexually conservative than was previously thought. Some research suggests that students who are sexually active are averaging about eight hookups in total for all four years of college (Wade, American Hookup). Out of those eight hookups, approximately half are with the same partner, which indicates that most sexually active students are not going from one partner to another to another, but having recurring hookups with one partner. Additionally, about one-third of college students will go all four years at their institution without hooking up once, indicating that there are students who completely opt out of hookup culture (Wade, American Hookup). While hookup culture typically has a negative connotation, the studies prove that there is not as much hooking up happening on college campuses as some originally thought. The relationship and beliefs that people have about hookup culture are skewed from the reality of the culture.

This may have to do with the way students discuss these interactions or the group of students who are engaging in these activities. Typically, groups of students who opt to be a part of hookup culture discuss their encounters with others who engage in the culture which can lead to the idea that many people are hooking up at the same frequency as them which can lead to that skewed way of thinking.

Another misconception about hookup culture that adds to the current connotation is the gendered gap in respect to hookup regret. Hookup regret is the regret one feels after a hookup, which can be any hookup and does that occurred between heterosexual students that had casual sex (whether between gendered hookup regret. The conclusion of this study was that “the 34

vast majority of hookups--irrespective of what takes place within them--

societal components that may lead women to have more regret after a hookup, such as social stigmas that women should not have as many sexual partners as men, the perception that vaginal intercourse is most intimate, a a hookup are instances, just to name a few, where societal norms create the Why Women Regret Sex”).

There is no doubt that there is an already established hookup culture at Manhattan College--one that is shrouded in myths and misconceptions by both students and faculty alike. The culture, at a surface level, does not seem to incorporate Lasallian values and virtues, yet I believe that there are valuable insights to be seen when you apply Lasallian values to a culture that seems absolutely outside the realm of the values.

Lasallian Values De La Salle Through Manhattan College’s Lens on campus, the larger campus community, which includes students, College, as a Lasallian Catholic institution, prescribes to the ideals of John Baptist De La Salle’s teachings. Those values, according to the Mission statement, are supposed to provide the ethical, religious, and pedagogical framework for campus decisions and behaviors.

According to The Green Book, Manhattan College’s handbook that is distributed to each student during orientation, the Brothers and faculty at Manhattan College strive to continue the mission of De La Salle and the Lasallian tradition (Manhattan College, MC Green Book). This tradition is rooted in the life of John Baptiste De La Salle, whose ideas on education became a core aspect of his teaching when he decided to open a new school was expected to have--one of prestige, comfortability and respect from community members (Salm, The Work is Yours). In founding the schools, De La Salle applied new methods of teaching to education. He realized that not only the poor students of the school needed to be educated, but also the educators themselves. De La Salle acted as a model for his educators, even as the administrative presence at his institutions (Manhattan College, MC Green Book).

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In looking to Manhattan College’s Green Book for information about teachings that Manhattan College values. Additionally, after researching the historical perspective of the Lasallian tradition, I am in a better position to relate how Lasallian traditions, values, and virtues developed and how they can be a model for Manhattan College future policy decisions about student behavior, which I will address in my conclusion.

The Teachings of John Baptist De La Salle John Baptist De La Salle placed special emphasis on the way teaching occurred in his schools, putting community at the forefront of his ideology. In his schools, teaching was considered to be a shared activity that allowed a deep sense of community to be cultivated (Manhattan College, MC Green Book). De La Salle’s’s schools and pedagogical reform center of his ideology: faith in the presence of god, respect for all people, quality education, inclusive community, and concern for the poor and social justice. These values appear on the Lasallian star, which was adopted by the Institute of the Brothers of Christian Schools in 1751. It is also a principle part of the sign of faith seal (Manhattan College, MC Green Book). While each of these values is crucial in understanding the Lasallian tradition as a whole, for the sake of this project, I will focus on the values of respect for all people, quality education, and an inclusive community as most at stake in access policy issues (Manhattan College, “Lasallian Catholic Heritage”).2 Respect for All People: This Lasallian value calls for each person to treat all other people in the community, regardless of race, gender, status, or socioeconomic background, with respect. Much like the original community that was created in the schools of John Baptist, at Manhattan students are able to receive an education, respect, and equal treatment regardless of wealth, something that was customary at the time. According to Manhattan College themself, “every human being “deserve[s] dignity and respect” which is not only central to the value itself, but the Lasallian community, as well (Manhattan College, “Lasallian Catholic Heritage”). This Lasallian value person in the community, from peers to administrators and faculty, should be shown respect and respect each person in their community regardless of

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2 I did not include the two other Lasallian values, concern for the poor and social justice and faith in the presence of God, in this analysis because they are implicit in the arguments of the other values. Additionally, the lasallian value of concern for the poor and social justice is addressed in inclusive community and the poor boys while faith in the presence of God is implied in each value.

make up the diverse student population. Lasallian values call for us to remember, in such a diverse population, to respect each person as they are.

This key value of the Lasallian tradition must be recognized on campus by Manhattan College.

Quality Education: As a value, quality education for all persons is a cornerstone of Lasallian beliefs. The belief that everyone (or poor boys, in the time of De La Salle) should have access to education is an idea that is deeply ingrained in the Lasallian tradition. As an institution, Manhattan College takes this value very seriously and takes pride in making quality education “as accessible to as many people as possible by supporting families” (Manhattan College, “Lasallian Catholic Heritage”). One of the most important aspects of this value is that each person of the community, from students to faculty members, are asked to critically assess and be engaged with their role in the education system (Manhattan College, MC Green Book).

Inclusive Community: An inclusive community, as in the time of John Baptist De La Salle, is a community that embraces diversity and this meant allowing poor boys to be admitted to his schools, while today it means that diversity amongst gender, ethnicity, sexualty, faith, and socioeconomic status is allowed, encouraged, and valued. As an institution should, the community of Lasallian schools “embraces the uniqueness and sacredness of all people” and invites a diverse group of people to join its community (Manhattan College, MC Green Book).

The Twelve Virtues John Baptist De La Salle ascribes the twelve virtues of being a good teacher. Manhattan College, in the Student Code of Conduct, names these as the “the 12 virtues of a good Lasallian” (Manhattan College, MC Code of Conduct). When only looking at these virtues through De la Salle’s initial lens, the virtues seem to not apply to administrators or students, but with Manhattan College’s stance, I believe we must apply these to every person who attends or works at the college. The virtues themselves and their hold valuable insights. These twelve Lasallian virtues include: gravity, silence, prudence, wisdom, patience, reserve, gentleness, zeal, vigilance, piety, and generosity (Miller, “12 Virtues”). These virtues were central to 37

They were so important to De La Salle that they were a part of The Conduct of Schools that was written by De La Salle himself (Miller, “12 Virtues”).

Manhattan College emphasizes that it holds these virtues in high regard by including them in the Student Code of Conduct.

While The Conduct of Schools was originally written by John of the Christian Schools, published a commentary of the virtues about eighty years later (Mistades, “21st Century”). Both De La Salle’s original work and Brother Agathon’s helped to create the modern understanding that we now have of Lasallian pedagogy. However, I have chosen the virtues of gravity, prudence, reserve, wisdom, and generosity as most important for understanding Manhattan College’s access control policy as well as the current hookup and social cultures already present on campus. These values, in particular, are especially useful when evaluating policies and procedures on campus because they highlight the relationships among teachers, administrators and students.

Gravity: Gravity, sometimes referred to as seriousness, is the virtue that places the utmost importance on the relationship between the student and teacher, which is to be cultivated out of respect. This relationship, according to Brian Miller, a Lasallian educator, “does not begin and end with the bell” (Miller, “12 Virtues”).3 Instead, this relationship is extended to every interaction and responsibility of the students at all times. Manhattan exterior of a Lasallian to modesty, politeness, and good order” (Manhattan College, MC Code of Conduct).4 This distinction between a Lasallian educator's understanding of De La Salle’s virtues and a Lasallian institution-one that focuses on the deeper relationships that are necessary and one that educator places value on the relationship that is cultivated in and beyond the classroom, while the institution is primarily focused on the appearance of upholding the virtue. We must ask ourselves which interpretation is more education and should allow for individual growth among students to be able to fully practice gravity.

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3 4 It should be noted that in the “Student Code of Conduct” the heading is “The 12 Virtues of a Good Lasallian” which is not restricted to the dynamic between student and teacher, but all people. However, the virtues outlined in this section of the Code of Conduct are identical to those outlined in De La Salle’s The Conduct of Schools and in Brian Miller’s explanations of the virtues. A footnote to the Code of Conduct states that the “The 12 Virtues of a Good Lasallian” was inspired by Brother Agathon.

Prudence: When acting as both a “good teacher” and as a “good Lasallian,” one should act with prudence, or the ability to know what needs to be done and what should be avoided (Manhattan College, MC Code of Conduct). An educator, if they are aware of what needs to be done, should then do what needs to be done. This virtue, especially on the part of the educator, is of the utmost importance, and it is a knowledge that one would hope would be instilled in students (Miller, “12 Virtues”).

Reserve: Reserve, as outlined by De La Salle, emphasizes the asks that the person practicing this virtue be aware of how they act and speak to be sure that it is in line with other values and virtues. Additionally, when practicing reserve, a good Lasallian will act with control and exemplify moderation, modesty, and discretion for others (Manhattan College, MC Code of Conduct).

Wisdom: The virtue of wisdom allows the educator to apply their knowledge and experiences to various situations that arise. The wise teacher should remain “updated in the current developments and trends in ”). Additionally, the wise educator remains a “lifelong learner” so that they continue to acquire knowledge from their various experiences and resources. This virtue allows the educator to remain informed, continue to learn, and apply their knowledge to the situation at hand. The wise educator, in staying “updated,” should also be up-to-date are. Being informed of what is happening in the students' lives can allow educators and administrators alike to better understand their students more completely, and thus be better able to educate them .

Generosity: Generosity is the virtue that calls for educators to be “12 Virtues”). In regards to educators and administrators at Manhattan College, it is important to keep generosity, as a Lasallian virtue, in mind when creating policies. Being generous in policy making would call for administrators to create policies that are not solely in line with their vision for the college, but take into account what is best for students as well. spiritually and socially” to maximize their potential (Miller, “12 Virtues”).

Lasallian Virtues and Values in the Modern Age John Baptist De La Salle’s teachings were undoubtedly written long ago, yet there have been many scholars who are trying to bring those ideas into the modern age, which is critical especially when applying them 39

to a contemporary institution. From 1962 to 1965, the Second Vatican Council decided to “re-examine the charism of their founders and the meaning of their founding documents in light of modern circumstances” (White, The Frequency of Implementation of Lasallian Pedagogy). These founding documents include the works of John Baptist De La Salle and were reviewed by the De La Salle Christian Brothers. This review brought spirituality and practicality in the Lasallian tradition. It led to an attempt to mend this discrepancy and bring about a more modern understanding of the contemporary issues like hookup culture because it would allow for those same institutions to meet their students where they are and to understand issues from a student perspective (White, The Frequency of Implementation of Lasallian Pedagogy).

In 2002, the Brothers of the Christian Schools and Manhattan Colleges Board of Trustees reasserted their relationship to the Lasallian faith and declared the “strong desire of both parties to continue and to enhance this relationship … as we move into the 21st century” (Manhattan College, MC Green Book). The re-examination of Lasallian values, virtues, and traditions in light of the modern age is a testament to the ability of educators and persons to follow this faith regardless of time period. Many of the values have been obstructed by Christian traditions that do not acknowledge the changing eras across the world today. It is imperative to recognize that while these traditions are able to survive and be applied to meet students where they are. Without such recognition, the traditions may become oppressive or completely lost to new eras as time goes on.

A key aspect of the Lasallian tradition is addressing the issue of marginalization and meeting students, and individuals more broadly, where they currently are (Pascoe and Scott, “A Lasallian Response to Rape Culture” ). De La Salle’s schools made a point to provide education for those who were too poor to receive it elsewhere--which both meets the students where they are and speaks to the marginalization of those students. In the time of De La Salle, marginalization was in the form of socioeconomic status and the inability to pay fees for an education, a practice which John Baptist decidedly stopped when he opened a school for poor individuals and gave them the opportunity for a quality education despite their socioeconomic status. To meet students where they were in 1706 was, however, quite 40

century. Today, there are behaviors that are relatively accepted that were not in De La Salle’s time; however, that does not mean that the virtues and values foundation for such contemporary issues to ground Lasallian institutions such teachings. It is imperative that educators and administrators alike meet students where they are to be able to create policies and environments on campus that keep the student in mind and do not impede upon student cultures--which are valuable in their own rights for both students and the community as a whole--that are already present on campus.

Access Control Policy For the remainder of this paper, I will use the Lasallian values and virtues explained above in detail as a lens to understand modern policies and cultural norms that are present on college campuses that follow in the Lasallian tradition and then to Manhattan College, in particular. including Manhattan College. I looked at each of these schools’ dorming regulations and compared them to Manhattan College. Most of the schools had similar policies to Manhattan College; however, all of the other schools are in Memphis, Tennessee, essentially has the same policy as Manhattan College save for some minor changes.5 Illinois; Saint Mary’s College in Winona, Minnesota; Saint Mary’s College policies to Manhattan College in regards to limited visitation, same-sex hosts for overnight guests only, and guest passes required for overnight guests approved by Residence Life. However, each of these schools are in more rural areas of the country, where typically more conservative views are these schools, yet has virtually the same conservative policies they hold.

The only other Lasallian institution that was in a similar metropolitan area for a host to have a guest of any sex; however it was unclear in the policy whether that included overnight guests as well. The most surprising aspect in as an overnight guest without Residence Life’s pre-approval. Manhattan 5 Instead of visitations being from Sunday through Thursday 8 a.m to 12 a.m and 8 a.m to 2 a.m on Friday and Saturday at Manhattan College, they are from Sunday through Thursday 9 a.m to 12 a.m and 9 a.m to 2 a.m

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Lasallian institutions that appear to directly oppose the policies in place at the only other urban Lasallian university. In fact, the policy was changed in the Fall 2019 semester commenced and was announced through an email

by Residence Life on August 13, 2020. Much of the student population was email. The Director of Residence Life, Charles Clency, stated, in a story published by the on-campus newspaper, that the policy was a proactive and preventative one with the ultimate goal to “provide a better quality of living and a safer environment where our students reside” (The Quadrangle, “MC Community”).

Manhattan College’s “access control policy” can be found in the Student Code of Conduct in the section titled “Student and Guest Visiting Policy.” In that section, the changes from the new policy that were enacted right before the Fall 2019 semester are detailed. The policy, as seen there, Manhattan College residence hall entering with a resident host between 8:00 a.m. and 12:00 a.m.” (Manhattan College, Student Code of Conduct) for weekdays and until 2:00 a.m. on weekends. A guest could be either another Manhattan College student or not; as long as they have a state issued ID or their Manhattan College ID, they would be able to be signed in. Dependent on the dorm hall, the student and guest would have to leave their ID cards a time can be signed in. An overnight guest must be approved by Residence Life at least 24 hours prior to the guest arrival and the guest must leave their building. Additionally, the overnight guest must be of the same gender of the host or they must have another person of the same gender agree to let them stay in their room for the remainder of their stay.

Survey Summary: Demographics campus near the campus. Due to this, as a part of the project I decided to conduct a survey to better understand the access control policy and hookup culture through the eyes of Manhattan College students. The survey was only available to Manhattan College students who will be rising seniors and rising sophomores during the Fall 2020 semester, since the age disparity is the largest between these two groups on campus. In addition, this allowed 42

group, 80 were rising seniors and 41 were rising sophomores, with a wide commuter students as well. When asked what residence hall the respondents will be their dorm hall. This corresponds to the fact that the majority of respondents are upperclassmen. They may have chosen Overlook because they were not able to secure a spot there the year prior due to the lottery housing process, not necessarily because of access control policies. The lottery housing process prioritizes credits to designate a time slot to choose where and in which room one will reside in the following academic year.

This means that juniors typically have the earliest times in the lottery and tend to choose rooms in Overlook. Since the senior respondents would have been sophomores in the Fall of 2019, they would have had the option to reside in Overlook Manor, but may not have had enough credits to reserve a time that allowed them to secure a room in the building. Regardless, there were still responses from respondents who lived in each residence hall, 6

MC’s Hookup Culture When asked to describe the college’s campus culture and student life to the best of their ability, respondents had mixed reviews. Overall, surveyors responded positively to Manhattan College’s campus life, emphasizing that clubs and sports create that strong campus community, yet they chalked it up mostly to the person. Many relayed that the school was small and had a “family oriented culture” (Anonymous Respondent #1).7 Another student stated that it was a “friendly inclusive, and expressive” campus (Anonymous culture, revolved “around going to Fens and sporting events” (Anonymous Respondent #3).8 However, according to survey respondents, that same community culture can be isolating to those who are less likely to involve 6 Excluding Chrysostom Hall because only freshman students can reside in that building. Given who the survey was limited to, no respondent would be able to live there in the Fall 2020 semester.

7 Each respondent was assigned a number for the sake of anonymity.

8 “Fens” is the term used for the popular sports bar, Fenwick’s, that students frequent near campus.

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social life, for those who partake, revolves around weekend night-life, whether or not you partake in hookup culture. If you do not have a concrete group of friends to go to local bars, restaurants, or parties with, it can be Respondent #4). Other factors to take into account are where you live oncampus and how old you are. These factors in themselves can be limiting because they dictate what you are able to do on the weekends, as well as who you meet through your dorm hall. Older students are more likely to live in the all upperclassmen dorm, and only freshmen are allowed to stay night-life are available.

Despite all the positives about campus social life, there were also negative depictions of the college’s culture. Many commuter students who responded said that the campus is more directed to dorming students and that it is “really hard for commuters to get that same experience” (Anonymous were due to the new access control policy and how it discouraged commuters and residents alike not to invite other Manhattan College students over to their dorm halls. The policy, they suggest, altered the campus culture and life.

Since campus social life is sometimes synonymous with campus party-culture and thus campus hook-up culture, I wanted to see how many any given week.9

times per week. I postulate that since there was a large number of student commuters answering the survey, and, since they are rather removed from campus party culture due to restrictions, there may have been a slight less than once a week. That being said, there are still plenty of students who choose to opt out of that aspect of campus life who live on-campus or near campus. culture at Manhattan College. When asked about how often respondents

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9 include on-campus gatherings or dormitory parties.

said almost every time, and no respondents said every time. To better understand these results and to see how the term is used on this campus in of what a “hook-up” is. There was a mix of responses; each response was attempts to capture both how students use the term and how it is generally stated that hooking up could be oral, anal, or penetrative sex but could also be inferred as kissing and making out. However, virtually all respondents gave some variation of those combinations, saying that hooking up was as being intimate with someone that they are “not in a relationship with.”

Others stated that it was with a stranger, a one-time occurrence, and not personal. Furthermore, some students established a public aspect to hooking up, like parties or public gatherings. One respondent said it best: “Hooking with someone random, or it could mean having sex with someone after a night out” (Anonymous Respondent #6). There is clearly a range of action, but potentially many actions, gives insight into how to discuss what it is. The responses lead me to believe that the ambiguity of the term is lost and denounced when it is limited solely to mean sex, especially in the eyes of older generations. Yet as shown by student respondents, that is not necessarily the case. It appears there is an inherent disconnect between how students see hookups and how the older generations see them. However, to fully realize all the meanings and implications of the term “hook-up” as used by college students is to meet them where they are on the issue and to understand this aspect of collegiate life through the eyes of students. To do so is a Lasallian viewpoint that is critical for a Lasallian institution.

to inquire about all the years a student had resided at Manhattan College.

majority of respondents who had brought a person back to their dorm hall 45

for the intention of hooking up only did so seldomly. However, this also accounts for respondents who only brought a hookup back to their dorm of participants who never brought a hookup back to their dormitory hall, most attributed this to one of three reasons: opting out of hookup culture or sexual intimacy all together, worrying about security and safety, and wanting serious relationships or having already existing partners. This data infers that not every person on campus is willing or wants to partake in Manhattan College’s hookup culture, contrary to popular belief among students and administrators.

MC’s Access Control Policy The next part of the survey inquired about the school’s access control policy, the policy that limits access to buildings other than one's own dorm on Manhattan College’s campus. Many respondents expressed annoyance and purely social reasons, which overall implies that the policy may not be working as imagined. It is important to clarify that a hookup, due to its ambiguous meaning, can take place outside the dorms and continue in them or may begin solely in the dorms or take place completely outside of them as well. In this sense, bringing someone back to the dorms can be a part of hookup culture, but it does not necessarily have to be. Through

dependent on which dorm hall they live in. For example, Lee Hall, Horan Hall, and Overlook Manor all have twenty-four hour security personnel to enforce the policies to a greater degree than other dorms like Chrystostom and Jasper Halls, which do not have the same security to enforce the same policies. In the responses, participants detailed that after 8 p.m, it is reason, presumably because the bridges to both Horan Hall and Lee Hall are supervised at that time but not before, and guest students must go in through the front entrance. Yet these policies are not enforced the same in other dorm buildings. For instance, the procedures for a “day-guest” in Horan, Lee, and required information into the visitor log,” and both the resident’s ID and guest’s ID will be kept at the security desk for the duration of their stay 46

in the building or until they are mandated to leave (Manhattan College, “Access Policy Document”). However, in the same document, there is no Hall, only loose generalizations that technically apply to all other dormitory halls. There is no distinction between day or night guests in the document as well, yet there are in-depth procedural instructions detailing the security parameters for Lee Hall, Horan Hall, and Overlook Manor. While this might those buildings, since the document appeared to be addressed to inform halls on campus.

because they were unaware of what the policy actually entailed or the policy itself annoyed them. Five students expressed irritation with the inability to study or do group work with people in dorm rooms and common areas, and, if they did go through the correct sign-in process when they arrived, they would be required to leave at 12 a.m or 2 a.m, depending on the day. This may seem like a reasonable time to have guests leave for older generations, yet in a collegiate setting these time restrictions are very limiting. For until 1 a.m. and, on a weeknight without the responsibility of classes, may stay awake catching up with friends until 3 a.m. Respondents expressed irritation at having to stop studying and having to walk back to their dorm Other participants suggested that the policy could lead to dangerous situations. One respondent in particular detailed a time when a commuter was too impaired to drive and had no way of getting home; they had expected their guest pass to work, but unfortunately it did not. Despite applying for a refused to let the student stay in the building. However, the respondent said they were able to “sneak [them] into Jasper with other friends at 1:30 a.m. because we obviously didn’t want [them] driving home” (Anonymous Respondent #7). This incident not only put a student and their friends who after expecting to receive a guest pass, but also they had to break access control policy rules to be able to have a safe place to stay for the night.

This experience is in line with participants observations that the policy encourages sneaking around and promotes exclusion between students.

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Additionally, students pointed to safety issues and felt uncomfortable about having to make friends, or even themselves, walk across campus or to main campus when they are required to leave a dorm building. The policy intends to increase safety for students in dorm buildings by knowing who is in their own buildings, it can put the exact people’s safety, those whom they are trying to protect, at risk. declined to answer, and one respondent stated that at one time they had tried, but could not get in. The follow up question asked whether or not the

experienced when trying to have a guest over. They insinuated that it was a long process that sometimes appeared unnecessary. However, other students, potentially to by-pass access control, explained that “sneaking in” was a

and rude to work with at times or that there was a lack of communication between the procedures and rules of the policy and what students actually knew about the policy and how it was to be enforced.

In order to know if students were aware that there was an access control policy being enforced on campus, I asked each respondent to describe the policy in their own words. For the most part, almost all student respondents knew that the access control policy existed and was being enforced in Manhattan College residence halls. However, they stated that they did not know the policy in its entirety and primarily got their information from word-of-mouth around campus. Others cited the email sent by Residence Life before the beginning of the Fall 2019 term, but received more information from Residence Assistants upon arriving on campus. It also appeared that there were a lot of misconceptions about the policy, where many students stated they believed it was to keep other students out of the dorms, not to promote safety in dorm halls. Some students believed that there was access control in some buildings and not in others, despite the policy technically being applied to all dorms on campus. Most students, however, were able to recall at least a few of the regulations of both my perspective and that of the students I asked, lies in the fact that 48

students who were on campus before, during, and after the change in the policy have no recollection of the actual policy. When asked, students could only recall bits and pieces of the “original'' policy, and even that information seemed biased by who was being asked and how they interacted with the would use another student's ID to scan into a building that wasn’t their own.

Certainly that could not have been explicitly stated in the policy, but it was what students remembered.

This lack of accurate knowledge becomes a problem not just about the policy in place now, but also about how recollections of policies are the policy prior to Fall of 2019, and some of the information about the current policy came from an email sent regarding the changes and not the policy itself. Even casually asking other seniors who had experienced the policy before and after the revisions did not provide me with anything concrete about the policy before the new policy was instituted. The fact that none of the students whom I spoke to could recall anything from the actual policy is concerning in the sense that there is the opportunity for the collective institutional memory of students to be erased, especially given the turnover of students in a collegiate setting every four years. Many of the sophomore class respondents from the survey were unaware that there were revisions made to the access control policy at all. While the policy was highly contested, in a few years time there will be no recollection of a policy change by any of the students (barring another revision to the policy) since all of the students who experienced such a change would have graduated.

Without easily accessible, detailed information about policy changes, the institution can essentially mold campus life with no consquences after a few years have passed. This makes it imperative to have student input on life that is fully inclusive and advocates for a strong sense of community are unlikely to put in place policies that create divides amongst community members. Moreover, the administration is held accountable to these Lasallian values and virtues, and should seek to strengthen their impact on campus, not undermine them.

On the Manhattan College website, the “Community Standards and Student Code of Conduct” states that there were changes to the visitor and Even now, writing this during the Coronavirus pandemic, there have been major alterations of the policy that have changed the way access control 49

policy works on Manhattan College to promote safety for students. As of right now, students are no longer able to host guests who are not Manhattan College students and can only have one guest per student at any given time.

Moreover, all overnight guests have been suspended while Covid restrictions are still in place. Of course this is all for the health and safety of students, yet in conjunction with the previous problem of institutional memory, there is the possibility that the current policy that has been enacted to prevent pandemic has been resolved. Thus, my goal is to create a toolbox for policy makers and administrators to ensure that this outcome will not happen.

To understand students’ attitudes toward the policy I also asked each participant to recount an advantage and disadvantage of the policy. For shared advantages of the policy, students attributed the security and added safety in dormitory buildings as positive, especially since it should prevent people who are not supposed to be in the building from entering. However, in this section, more students recounted negative attributes of the policy and suggested that it is ultimately disadvantageous to the community. The most commonly attributed disadvantages to the policy were: its limitations of interactions between students from other buildings and other Manhattan College students; the lack of consistency in enforcing the policy dependent on where one lives; the necessity of getting a guest pass approved in advanced; the isolation of commuter students; a reduction of safety for students who are trying to partake in campus social activities; the lack of freedom students feel they have; and the “excessive” nature of the policy.

When asked if they were aware that the access control policy was Life policy, however this can be attributed to the greater number of seniors who answered the survey since they were made explicitly aware of these changes. From the respondents who were aware about the new policy change, few were able to give exact insight into how or why the policy was abruptly changed from before the Fall 2019 semester and the policy that was enacted during that semester. Most respondents considered the addendum to the policy mid-semester as the only changes made to the policy and thus did not acknowledge or know about the prior policy at all. For those who did comment on the previous policy, a common word throughout the responses 50

was the word “stricter.” One student respondent stated “that the rules were nowhere near as strict as they are now and people barely even knew that there was an access control policy before then” (Anonymous Respondent

to see how the policy works on campus through the eyes of the students. in a particular dorm and it was not as regulated as others. Many respondents session got cut short due to the timing issues, while others relayed times that they were unable to have friends over due to the limited number of guests one could have. Most respondents replied with a variation of how the policy can be “very inconvenient and can restrict the ‘college experience’ to towards the policy, it was surprising to see that the access control policy

declined to answer the question as it had not applied to them. However, as some surveyors added to their responses, their decision for the Fall 2020 and the coronavirus pandemic. Additionally, when participants were asked

Only three student respondents discussed in their survey how the policy

negative views that they had about campus social culture, such as not being as available to commuters as it is to students who dorm.

Survey Analysis understand why student participants responded in the ways they did. My 51

It is important to address the fact that the data collected from the survey had a high number of commuter participants, which may have

the respondent could reside in the areas around campus and thus still be may not be as involved in those same activities. While it may be seen as unnecessary to keep the information from commuters in the data set, I see responses in mind, it provides a fuller picture of campus life--one that does not exclude non-resident students. Exclusion from campus life was one of the larger concerns described by many commuter student respondents. They expressed concerns about not being able to be a part of campus life or feeling exclusion of non-resident students--was repeatedly brought to my attention throughout the survey. Many students felt as if the access control policy was prohibiting students of the college from interacting with one another.

Both commuter and non-commuter students felt that the policy worked to separate and divide students based upon where they lived. Dependent on where one lived, it was easier to “sneak around” and gain access to a building if it was more lax with the access control policy.

For students who do not live in the more easily accessible buildings, the primary issue with the policy seems to stem from the time restrictions and number of guests per person that someone is allowed to have at any given time. The time restrictions put a limit on how long someone is able person limits how many people someone is allowed to claim as a guest.

First, the curfew seems to put a cap on how long someone is able to be with a pressure on students to conform to the curfew and either hinders student interaction or encourages students to sneak around the rules. The phrase “sneaking around” has a negative connotation associated with it, yet most of the instances described in the survey were from individuals who were trying to do non-romantic and non-intimate activities with fellow students in another dorm, like studying or watching television. To sneak around in the context of access control does not necessarily mean to sneak around 52

for sexual purposes like administrators may believe, but instead it means to have a fuller, more inclusive sense of community on campus. Sneaking to spend more time with friends or for studying.

Additionally, many felt that the policy limited who you were able to be with, but, again, this was only applicable to some residence halls.

Dependent on where one lived, the rules of the access policy are enforced Manor are seen to be much more strict than Jasper Hall or Chrysostom Hall.

This, presumably, is due to the fact that the aforementioned “more strict” buildings have security guards that are available to enforce the policy, while Jasper and Chrysostom Halls do not have such parameters in place. This creates a disparity between residence halls on campus, and it becomes a factor when deciding where to live. There is an inherent inequality in how each dorm hall is policed as some are heavily guarded while others have next to none, without a clear reason as to why. This in itself is interesting since the dorms that are primarily underclassmen dorms, Jasper and Chrysostom Halls, are the dorms that have the least amount of security on campus.10 While it may seem that only negatives were discussed in the survey, some respondents pointed to positive consequences associated with the have policies in place, like having good security to ensure the safety of students, knowing who is in the building, and even preventing people who are not supposed to be in a building from entering. Clearly, students see however, they do not see such advantages when restrictions are placed on Manhattan College students. of the policy, many still seemed to reject at least some aspects of the policy. their dorms if they lived in another residence. The students who said that they being enforced and who was doing the enforcing, harsh or rude security at 10 making, some respondents attributed their decisions to other factors, and in the time of This meant that students did not have to be on campus to attend their classes, and thus did not need their dorm room like they may have in a “normal” semesterThe choice to semester.

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to dangerous situations and possibly hinder safety in particular situations. better protect and uphold the safety of Manhattan College students. Each of these reasons point to the larger issue: students are unhappy and take issue with the policy currently in place. In the following paragraphs, I will recount experiences from student respondents to the survey to explain why these issues are validated and necessary for understanding how the policy is actually working in campus dorm halls.

Many students told of their own experiences with access control detailing these consequences with their own personal accounts and interactions with the policy in residence halls at Manhattan College. One of the instances recalled by a student respondent indicated that “no one really

there was much confusion about the protocols. Students received an email on August 13, 2019, approximately two weeks before the start of the Fall 2019 semester began, detailing a brief overview of the policy that included the student host and guest must present their IDs and manually sign-in their guest. There was no mention of a curfew in the email. When students got to campus there was an apparent disconnect between what students knew about the policy and how it was being enforced. Even now, students have limited access to the actual protocols of the policy, and what little is explained is found in the Student Code of Conduct. However, the title “access control policy” is not once used in the Code of Conduct; instead administration uses the name “Student and Guest Visiting Policy.” If I were to search for the name of the policy provided by the email sent by residence life detailing

policy, but it also can create confusion among students when they are trying to better understand what limited portions of the policy they have access to. entire policy for each residence hall. I requested information from various

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information in regards to the policy. Charles Clency, director at Residence Life, declined to be interviewed and did not provide information regarding the policy when asked. That being said, Residence Life had been undergoing many changes due to Covid-19 restrictions and creating new policies on campus to ensure that students could be in a safe environment if they wished to return. However, once I received the information from Residence Life, I noticed that the procedures detailed in the document were not mentioned anywhere in the Student Code of Conduct and appeared only to be addressed are expected to know.

The fact that the document detailing the in-depth procedural the confusion and variability of application of the policy. Students were Student Code of Conduct. They were not informed of the procedural aspects of the policy, so the apparent disconnect and frustration is to be expected. Students portrayals of “rude” security on campus may be a result of these frustrations because of that disconnect, yet there also may just be instances that an on-campus Many students indicated that the policy could potentially lead to more dangerous outcomes--the exact opposite goal of what the policy is supposed to accomplish. Some students explained that they felt “uncomfortable to have my friends walk back to main campus alone” -- presumably speaking about Overlook Manor (Anonymous Respondent #11). This is a genuine concern that many students, especially female students, worry about when they want to visit another student on campus.

The mandated curfew can put some students at risk when they live farther away and may even divide students further if they truly do not wish to be put into such a situation in which they feel uncomfortable. Moreover, if a student does not live on campus, and they are incapacitated or too intoxicated to drive, and they applied for a guest pass and were denied or place to stay on-campus. While students are not supposed to drink alcohol on campus, especially if they are under the legal drinking age, that does not mean that they should be made more unsafe when they do. If a student has into another dangerous situation by either having to drive home impaired or to sleep somewhere undesirable. One student respondent detailed a time 55

in which their “commuter friend” was enjoying the social atmosphere at Manhattan and expected their overnight pass to work, but unfortunately it did not (Anonymous Respondent #12). Since it was not valid, the student would have either had to stay in their car or someplace else, since they were too impaired to drive themselves safely. The student respondent explained that they were able to sneak their friend into Jasper Hall for the night, but had they been unable to do so they “don’t know what [they] would’ve done.” Access control put these students in a dangerous situation and was unaccommodating toward a commuter student at the school who was trying to be a part of the typical college experience. The access control policy is supposed to protect students and be sure that they are safe, yet it nearly caused another student of Manhattan College to be put in another dangerous Astonishingly, taking the survey as a whole, hook-up culture seemed to be absent from why students had issues with the access control policy in almost every question that respondents answered. Instead, students were more concerned with the social and academic aspects of college life.

This is especially startling given that the administration places particular emphasis on prohibiting sexual relations between students with access control, especially with the condition in the policy that requires a member of the same sex to be a host of a guest, regardless of their relationship to that person. Not only does this aspect of the administrative policy not recongize LGBTQ+ relationships as legitimate relationships, but it also emphasizes that heterosexual relationships are the only relationships that administration is concerned with. However, some students indicated that they require overnight passes for friends, siblings, and even other students to stay in their dorm hall. Because Catholic ideology, and thus Lasallian ideology, looks down upon sexual relations between unmarried individuals, it seems that the access control policy works to control those relationships under the guise of safety precations. Yet students did not explicitly discuss these types of relationships in their responses. Instead, they tended to focus on the academic and social aspects of collegiate life, completely separate from sexual relationships. This indicates that, while the administration puts particular emphasis on prohibiting intimate relations, it appears they are focusing on something that is not even at the forefront of students’ minds when it comes to dorm access. They are focusing on the wrong Lasallian values--not the Lasallian values that the college claims drive its mission.

Conclusion In this section, I intend to synthesize the campus hook-up culture, Lasallian values, and the access control policy that I have discussed above 56

as they work on Manhattan College’s campus to identify whether the access control policy aligns with our College’s core set of values and hook-up culture on campus. First, I will connect Lasallian values to hookup culture to understand a way in which the sexual culture on campus can be understood through the lens of Lasallian values. Next, I will analyze the relationships between hookup culture and the access control policy and, lastly, access control and Lasallian values and virtues. In addressing them in pairs, I hope to recognize valuable connections between the various components of Manhattan College’s cultures, beliefs, and policies.

Lasallian Values and Access Control Respect for All Persons that policy must be respect for all people. Currently, it seems that the policy is relegating students to a child-like position in which there are limitations on who they are able to see and when they are able to stay. The policy does not respect students, both those who are commuters and residents on campus, as people who are adults. As of right now, the current policy divides and limits interactions between students. Many commuters felt that most aspects of campus culture did not apply to them, despite being a part of the same community and still being considered Manhattan College students.

Additionally, the policy does not seem to respect LGBTQ+ relationships in the sense that a female student cannot have a male guest stay overnight, unless they have another male resident agree to let that guest stay in their room. However, if a person is someone who prefers the same sex, they do not have that same issue. While this may seem like a positive aspect of how the policy does not recognize those relationships as legitimate as well as the policy’s unequal application and blindspots. By not recognizing same-sex relationships as legitimate relationships, whether romantic or platonic, the policy does not coincide with respect for all people. Since the access control policy does not acknowledge same-sex relationships, it is Inclusive Community we might imagine a policy that fosters an inclusive community with fewer restrictions for students. It appears that the restrictions, like a curfew and College’s inclusive community on which the college prides itself. Basic bonding activities that were once taken for granted by students became 57

halls make last minute plans with friends in another dorm to watch a movie until 3 a.m. on a weeknight or study late for a test in a community common room. These simple bonding acts that used to unite the community have been diminished by time constraints and safety concerns. Students would rather not sign guests in for the sake of convenience or rather sneak their wedge between community members while the second goes against the Additionally, these same restrictions create potentially dangerous situations for its community members that the policy means to protect.

Students who have to walk far distances at odd hours of the night because they were forced to leave a dorm hall are forced into instances that have the potential to be harmful to them. Students may choose to not to visit in potentially dangerous situations, thus creating a rift in the inclusive community that is meant to be upheld or put community members in harm's so they do not have to put themselves in potentially dangerous situations Manhattan College touts its close-knit on-campus community, yet that same community is creating divides amongst students--both commuter students and on-campus residents-- through the access control policy. Since changes to the policy were made, keeping that strong sense of community other residence halls than their friends and peers as they must follow the rules of the policy even though it can potentially put them in dangerous strong sense of community across living arrangements, Manhattan College’s access control policy must be more understanding of student lives. To create processes to ensure that the community takes into account all students and the broader community at large. In fostering this sense of community, the college will be in line with following one of the core principles of De La Salle and a value that is cherished by students and the school alike.

Quality Education As discussed in an earlier portion of the paper, the original school that was developed in De La Salle’s vision was for poor young boys education today and the school is open to all regardless of race, gender, and socioeconomic background, Manhattan College, while following the same values as in Jean Baptiste De La Salle’s schools, has obviously changed.

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As time has evolved, so has the school and cultures surrounding the school.

No longer do students need to know the proper way to eat soup or exactly what amusements you are not permitted to partake (De la Salle, Civility and Decorum). Students' education is constantly evolving, and it is in part due to what the educator, or in this instance the administrators, deem worthy to be included. However, much like the evolution of curriculum from the time of De La Salle to now, the access control policy should be willing to adapt to a changing culture when there is a legitimate reason for it. After policy in the end, but many aspects of the policy that students had taken issue with remained intact. There was a discussion with students in the form of a “town hall” where students could discuss the policy with administrators which led to some addendums.11 Even though there were changes to the policy made after these town halls, there was still much resistance to any addendum of the policy and only minor details of the policy were changed.

De La Salle created an entire education system, values, and virtues, to give poor young boys the opportunity to have an education. He was willing to meet those students where they were, as they were unable to pay for their education and would have been unable to get one otherwise.

The access control policy, when enacted without student insight, did not not meeting students where they are as both students and as adults. In access control, administrators ultimately made a less informed decision that was thought to be the best course of action for students in the Fall 2019 semester and beyond. However, that decision, and the failure to incorporate student populations and created a less inclusive community on campus and across the entire culture.

The Twelve Virtues Gravity Gravity, as a virtue, requires a mutual relationship of respect between educators and students. However, some of the regulations in the access control policy show a lack of respect for students as adults and autonomous beings. Having a curfew for college students reduces the authority they 11

These addendums to the policy included extending visitor hours on Friday and Saturday to 2 a.m. when it was originally 12 a.m. and allowing for each host to have 3 day guests at a time as opposed to the original 2 guests per host. All of this information was given through various emails through Residence Life.

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have at school to that of a child. Students, either all legal adults or soon to be legal adults, are unable to study or see friends past 12 a.m. on weekdays and 2 a.m. on weekends. Additionally, students were very minimally consulted in the implementation of the access control policy, which reduced the relationship between students and administrators to an authoritarian one, instead of a relationship fostered out of mutual respect.. In these ways, the access control policy itself and the ways in which it was implemented undermined the respectful relationship between students and administrators and thus is in violation of gravity as a virtue.

Prudence The access policy was prudent in recognizing the need for security and better safety precautions in dorm halls. In that respect, administrators would mend those issues. In this regard the policy and administration did act in accordance with De La Salle’s virtue of prudence by doing what Reserve Reserve, in the writings of Jean Baptiste De La Salle, is the and educators. As previously stated, when the access control policy was implemented there had been little communication between administrators and students, especially in the later stages of the administrative process. year, Isabel Quinones, stated that the student government board had discussed the policy change to some extent, but were unable to fully talk over “Access Control”). Additionally, in the past major campus changes have gone through both the Student Government and Student Senate, which are channels to allow student concerns to be voiced, albeit this process is not mandated for campus-wide policies. However, these channels allow for issues with the proposed change to be shared with administrators before they are given to the President of the college and the Board of Trustees (MC Quad, “Access Control”). The virtue of reserve places emphasis on violated the virtue of reserve. Their decision showed a lack of respect for the topic of access control.

Wisdom 60

Wisdom allows the educator to apply the knowledge they have to certain situations. In this instance, the educator would be the policymakers and those enforcing the policy. Throughout the analysis section, experiences were detailed explaining shortcomings of the policy that promoted unsafe conditions. While some of these instances may not have been explicitly reported, the policy enforcers involved, in most cases the public safety according to student narratives, failed to apply empathy and knowledge in these situations. In doing so, the policy enforcer, while properly doing their job in abiding by the regulations of the policy, was also creating a potentially dangerous situation. Wisdom, in these situations in particular, should be applied to promote the safety of the students. Additionally, the wise administrator should continue to be a “lifelong learner” (Miller, “12 Virtues”). In this respect, the administrators who do not acknowledge and adapt to the student experiences with the policy are not being “learners” in the sense that they are unwilling to apply the information that they have learned from the students to make additional addendums to the policy.

Generosity The college’s interests seem to be straightforward especially in respect to promoting safety in residence halls. However, it appears that other interests were also taken into account in the decision to implement the policy, in particular to hinder sexual activity amongst students of the college, in an attempt to follow traditional Christian ideology, even though it appears that hooking up is not a primary concern for residential students.

In this way, it seems that the administration was not following De La Salle’s and socially” (Miller, “12 Virtues”). The policy, while masquerading as a means of protection, in reality hinders students ability to experience growth in all aspects of college life. Academically, students are unable, with the current policy, to meet with classmates in a comfortable setting, like a dorm, to study or work on projects after a certain time. This essentially limits the interactions between students on campus and divides classmates from other dorms, as well. Socially, students are not able to meet with friends in a stress-free environment with the curfew hanging over them and the dangers friends over but makes it undesirable, too. Students would rather not have to interact with the policy, than have to obey rules that they do not see the evade the policy and results in students sneaking around.

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Additionally, since the policy limits growth in academic and social spheres on campus, it is also not allowing students to grow as adults. Students, who either come to campus as legal adults or come of age sometime during position within the school where they are told when, where, and who is allowed to be over at a given time.

Hookup Culture and Lasallian Values While Catholic ideology, and thus Lasallian ideology, does not encourage pre-marital sex, it should come as no surprise that students are having intimate relations at this Lasallian institution. As much as Lasallians and Catholics alike would prefer to rid campuses of these relationships, it is as much a part of the “typical college experience” as going to class (Beste, College Hookup). It would be impossible to completely separate hookup culture from collegiate life as there are students who do partake in the culture, just maybe not as many as previously thought. Despite being a very real part of college culture, it is often seen as being a harmful part. To counter those claims, I want to view hookup culture through the lens of Lasallian values and virtues that will illuminate how hookup culture operates and how it is to many, sounds like something that wouldn’t align with Lasallian values.

However, I think that valuable insights can be learned about hookup culture to better understand it as it is now on Manhattan College’s campus and to see how it can be reimagined when looking at it through a Lasallian lens complexity and range of students’ intimate relationships.

Respect for All People Critics will say that hookup culture can be damaging in the sense that it does not respect all parties involved, and that it is typically centered around male pleasure, at least in heterosexual hookups. However, I envision respect for all people, in the context of hookup culture, to be primarily concerned with consent regardless of gender and sexual orientation. In this sense, respecting all people quite literally means the whole person and their boundaries in an intimate situation no matter what their gender unambiguous, and voluntary agreement between the participating to engage Student Code of Conduct).

For hookup culture to be fully in line with this value, there must be a mutual respect between the participants. On a microcosmic scale, this may seem like an unattainable goal. How would anyone be able to incite change 62

within each individual student in a cultural setting that supposedly does not allow for mutual respect between all parties? In my opinion, there must be a macrocosmic, campus-wide change. For students to be able to cultivate that respect for their partners in a hookup, they must know that what they are doing-- an intimate situation where both parties mutually consent-- is deserving of respect. As of now, it appears that Manhattan College does not acknowledge sexual relationships between students, which in turn may promote sneaking around for intimate purposes instead of decreasing those relationships. By not acknowledging them, the college perpetuates the idea that intimate student relationships are not worthy of respect or are devalued for not being in line with Catholic values, as if they are something that should be secretive or held as transgressive or a crime. However, if hookup culture is a part of campus culture, something that the administration cannot get rid of, they cannot and should not be separated from one another. The best way to make this culture align with Lasallian values and virtues is to trying to prevent it all together.

Inclusive Community To have an inclusive community is to think nonheternormatively.

This means to include members of the LGBTQ+ community within the culture, as they may not always be able to fully or actively participate in hookup culture and especially on college campuses. For hookup culture to truly be an inclusive community for all people on college campuses, it must recognize its heteronormative strutures and tendencies and actively push against them. Typically, due to the heteronormativity of hookup culture, it can be isolating to members of the LGBTQ+ community. This can lead to an unwillingness of members of the LBGTQ+ community to not participate in the culture because they do not feel comfortable at a party or bar, or feel that there is no opportunity for them to actually participate in the culture itself. This exclusion creates a community within hookup culture that is not entirely inclusive to all.The culture itself is one that is deeply heternomative, as it does arise out of a heterosexual history, but that does not mean that it must be exclusionary now. For hookup culture to be the inclusive community that it should be, and thus in line with Lasallian values, it must be actively changed by the people within the culture who extend it to include other people within their campus communities.

Quality Education Hookup culture is not something that is discussed at Manhattan College, at least from an administrative perspective. Those who do participate in the culture, either occasionally or often, may have no idea 63

that they are even participating in it. It just seems like another part of college life. For hookup culture to be in line with Lasallian values, students must be inculcated with Lasallian values at all levels and then apply them through their actions. One thing that students should be informed about is intimacy and healthy relationships as intimacy is a part of an adult’s life.

Without this education, students are more likely to repeat patterns that are deemed problematic or are harmful. Hookup culture cannot be separated from campus life as a whole, but it is often not discussed at all. It may seem unrealistic for there to be a discussion of hookup culture on a Lasallian campus, but it is the duty of the school to provide a quality education in all aspects of collegiate life, which includes addressing the hookup culture on a college campus. Students must be educated about healthy and safe sexual relationships and interactions so they are able to make wise, positive, and healthy choices for themselves and do not dangerously hookup.

Moreover, the administration should be educated on these same matters themselves. College campuses, even Catholic college campuses, have greatly changed since most administrators have been on a campus as undergraduate students. Thus those same people who are making policies and decisions for students are virtually out of touch with the campus cultures. It is the reason why experts on the subject of hookup culture, like Jennifer Beste and Lisa Wade, felt the need to ask their students about the on campus. The value of quality education should not be limited to only students, but educators and policymakers as well, especially when the ideas that they may have on the subject from their own time at college may not as closely resemble the realities of students today. To truly be a Lasallian educator, one must meet students where they are which means that they must educate themself about where these students are.

Additionally, students must be able to learn and grow from their choices, another important aspect of a quality education. By restricting or that they can potentially learn from taken away. In a way, hookup culture can aid in the development and education of oneself through the experiences that one has by partaking in the activities of the culture and learning to make choices that show respect for all people.

Gravity While in the Lasallian tradition gravity typically refers to the relationship between students and teachers, I believe that it can be used in the context of hookup culture between two consenting participants. As Brian Miller states,the relationship between teacher and student “does not begin 64

and end with the bell” (Miller, “12 Virtues”). I think that this can be a valuable metaphor to use with hookup culture, not as a superior and subordinate relationship, but creating an interaction between two individuals as equals.

Gravity is sometimes referred to as seriousness, something that is necessary for a healthy intimate relationship, however brief it is. In acknowledging the seriousness of the relationship, not just within the hookup, but also outside and after it has ended, like the bell in Brian Miller’s metaphor, one creates a more serious and respectful interaction both during and after. Lisa Wade discusses how after a hookup, the relationship between the two people is “demoted” (Wade, American Hookup). However, if students were to invite gravity to be a part of their interaction, there would be no “demotion” of status to either person. Instead, the relationship would remain intact, as it was, before and after the hookup. This can happen through recognition by the school that these relationships are worthy of respect and thus both partners should be treated with respect. As of right now, the schools does not respect these relationships, so how can students be expected to fully respect them either?

Prudence Prudence calls for the “good teacher” to know what needs to be done and what should be avoided. In the context of hookup culture, this can be related to issues of consent and holding a partner accountable. Some hookups contain issues of consent whether due to intoxication of one individual or any other number of reasons. That is why both partners must practice being prudent. If in a hookup situation where one person realizes that the other is in no condition to give consent or if they seem unwilling in any way, they should be prudent and know that sexual conduct in that moment should be avoided. To practice prudence in the context of hookup culture calls for both individuals to be the metaphorical teachers and recognize, if necessary, when sexual activity should be stopped or avoided altogether. As of right now the access control policy is mitigating intimate relationships; however, the policy itself is not practicing Lasallian values itself and therefore leaves much to be desired in terms of practicing healthy intimate relationships between students. Instead of controlling hookup culture through the policy, Lasallian values should be shaping that culture.

Reserve Reserve, as a virtue, emphasizes the importance of communication between students and educators. As with previous virtues, I wish to reimagine the value in the context of hookup culture, to better understand and make

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or any type of sexually intimate occasion, both participants will know the works to set these boundaries and enables participants to be able to speak to when those boundaries are crossed. Not only is this important when setting boundaries with a hookup partner, but it also aligns with the idea of consent.

Setting boundaries and respecting those boundaries allows each partner to know what they are consenting to.

Wisdom Wisdom within hookup culture is being able to recognize the culture as it is on a college campus and applying what you know from that culture to meet students where they are and to make better informed decisions based upon those past experiences and one’s own preferences. For instance, if party goer, but they were visibly intoxicated, a wise student would approach such a person and ask if they were alright or if they needed help in that situation. In such an instance, the wise party goer is applying knowledge they learned either from personal experience or about hookup culture in general to help out another fellow student. In being able to recognize the reality of hookup culture, students can make better and more informed decisions when engrossed within the culture and apply the knowledge they have to situations they face within the culture.

Generosity Generosity within hookup culture looks like equal pleasure for both parties involved. Commonly, within hookup culture, there is the idea that male pleasure is the priority in the interaction, especially within heteronormative relationships. This may be true in many instances, which is why it is imperative to utilize generosity during a casual intimate interaction with another person. If generosity is brought into the space themselves” (Miller, “12 Virtues”). When generosity is used within the setting of intimacy, there it is more likely to be a more equal interaction in terms of pleasure and satisfaction. Without it, there will continue to be their pleasure a priority within a hookup, generosity must be thought of as not only doing something for oneself, but putting the needs and desires of the other at the forefront of the situation. When both partners do this, they will likely both have their needs met.

Access Control and Hookup Culture 66

Throughout the research I conducted, the access control policy this project, I thought that it was primarily because it limited the students ability to participate in hookup culture if they decided to. However, as the project progressed and the research was conducted, I was able to understand that, at least from my sample of respondents, students weren’t as concerned with hooking up as much as I thought. For the most part, students were more interested in the fact that the policy worked to limit other aspects of collegiate life like academics and social spheres. This realization changed the research from focusing solely on hookup culture to also examining it from a perspective outside of that realm as well.

However, despite the lower than anticipated concern with hooking up on Manhattan College’s campus, it seems that the access control policy was put in place to prevent sexual intimacy between students which includes hooking up. The policy works by putting a curfew on when students are to study together and even be intimate with one another. By creating a policy that attacks a “problem” that is not even recognized as a substantial part of college culture by students themselves, and diminishes other aspects of the college that are seen as commendable, the administration clearly cannot be in tune with student desires and overall student life as it truly exists on campus.

The administration implies that the policy was solely put into

record of who is in the building at any given time as well as leaving their Resident Assistants must call or knock on all the doors of students who have not left the building and ask them to leave. However, if the policy was primarily concerned with who is within the building at any time, the ID cards at the front desk should be enough to know who is in the building at any given time. Having a curfew in addition to that procedure clearly indicates that there is another reason as to why the policy was put in place: to restrict intimate relationships from happening between students, as it would go against Catholic ideology, and thus Manhattan College’s ideology.

However, this concern may not be warranted to the degree that administrators believe, since many of the respondents to the survey indicated that they do not participate in hookup culture often.

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The administration, by not requesting input from students to create a policy, made a policy that was damaging and out-of-touch with the actual culture that existed at Manhattan College. Even though hookup culture was not a primary concern for respondents, there is something valuable to learn from its inherent restriction in the policy. To be able to truly meet students where they are, the administration must look for insight from students to create a policy that respects pre-existing cultures on campus and does not diminish other aspects of students’ collegiate experience.

How-To: The Toolbox After exploring whether the Manhattan College access control policy, hookup culture, and Lasallian values were in conversation or not, I noted that there was a large disconnect between how the administration creates policies and the students who then have to follow them. If we are must shift the focus onto those values and imagine a policy that allows for a widely inclusive community that does not create divides between students and also recognizes the changing times. To do this, the administration needs times by staying educated on the current trends of the culture. For the policy between policymakers and students as mutually respecting. To do this, I suggest we need a sort of metaphorical toolbox with various “tools” or methods that can be used for future policy making to make it align more with Lasallian values and existing student cultures. need for students to be invited into the conversations to address how it will administration and thus the only people on campus who truly see how it is into the policy making process, there will likely be less of a disconnect between policies and student life. When their considerations are heard by administration, policies will not encroach on the already established community or student relationships that are pivotal parts of college life and lead to students being more apt to follow the policies. The community itself will not be divided and thus more inclusive. Moreover, such a process will respect students as the adults that they are. It would also ensure that the college meets students where they are, as both adults and as students who are, we can be sure to gain valuable insights about the community itself and about the students from their perspectives, as they are fully immersed 68

within the culture.

Another tool that can be added to the toolbox is the need for dialogues between student organizations on campus and administrators.

This method can help, again, to create that sense of an inclusive community on campus by bridging the gap between students and administrators and help student presences into conversations, Lasallian values that are important to students and to the school, like respecting all people and the need for an inclusive community, will be foregrounded. Moreover, the administration can more regularly meet with these organizations as opposed to individual students, so there is more of an opportunity for communication between students and policy makers.

The last tool that should be added into the policy-making toolbox is the need for students to be able to view the full policy at once, in written and easily accessible form, and to be able to see past changes to the policies in detail. As of right now, the documentation of the access control policy is online, but it does not explicitly state the changes of previous editions to know exactly what has been changed. This means of record keeping makes it nearly impossible for students to have a recollection of changes, especially after many generations of students have passed through the college. This “tool” of having an updated document that explains the changes of the policies would be helpful to show how previous policies acted in accordance with Lasallian values and student cultures or not. By having these measures in place, they will ensure that policies are being shaped in fair and evenhanded ways across the entire campus and be inclusive to residents and commuters.

These “tools” are suggestions, but they will help to align policies and ensure that those policies are made with core Lasallian values and virtues in mind as well as existing student cultures. When both are taken into consideration, Manhattan College can be more representative of them.

After I graduate, I hope these tools can shape future discussions in order to create policies that take into account students’ realities and experiences and meet them where they are. The college’s overall objective, whether it is for a campus culture that aligns its core values with student values, and that will be truly Lasallian.

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Translated by Richard Arnandez, FSC and edited by Gregory Wright, FSC. 1990, reprinted 2007. Lasallian Publications, 2007.

Baptiste de La Salle, Jean. Meditations. Translated by Richard Arnandez, FSC, and Augustine Loes, FSC and edited by Augustine Loes, FSC, and Francis Huether, FSC. 1994, reprinted 2007. Lasallian Publications, 2007.

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DePinho, Gabriella and Liggio, Joe. “MC Community Rallies Against New Access Control Policy.” The Quadrangle. https://mcquad. org/2019/09/03/mc-community-rallies-against-new-access-controlpolicy/ Emerson, Richard. Green Book. 2nd ed., Manhattan College, 2017.

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Kasper, Gabrielle and Zduniak, Alyssa. “Consent Through The Lasallain “Lasallian Catholic Heritage.” Manhattan College. https://manhattan.edu/ about/lasallian-catholic.php Lewis University 2020-2022 Student Handbook. Lewis University. http://www.

Liggio, Joe and DePinho, Gabriella. “Access Control: What You Need to Know.” The Quadrangle. https://mcquad.org/2019/08/27/accesscontrol-what-you-need-to-know/ Miller, Brian. “12 Virtues of a Good Teacher.” SmartTeacher, 30 March, 2011, http://smarterteacher.blogspot.com/2011/03/12-virtues-ofgood-teacher.html “Residence Life.” Lewis University. https://www.lewisu.edu/studentservices/ housing/index.htm Pascoe, Jordan and Scott, Sarah. “A Lasallian Response to Rape Culture.”

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Intersections: Racial Justice, our Lasallian Heritage, and the Catholic Tradition.” AXIS: Journal of Lasallian Higher Education 9, no. 2 (Institute for Lasallian Young, Lizzy. “Review of American Hookup: The New Culture of Sex on Campus by Lisa Wade Women & Language, vol. 42, no. 2, Fall

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Deirdre Heavey Deirdre Heavey is a senior Communication major with a concentration in journalism and dual minors in English and political science. Deirdre’s published essay "There’s Only 1 Train: All Aboard the Cosmopolitan Canopy from 242nd St. to South Ferry" was chosen for presentation at the 112th Annual Eastern Communication Association Conference. As a communication major, she wrote this essay for her senior seminar course where she was able to draw from a dynamic Liberal Arts background to produce a piece of research representative of her personal and professional interests.

There’s Only 1 Train: All Aboard the Cosmopolitan Canopy from 242nd St. to South Ferry Abstract: To determine whether New York City practices the progressive ideologies it preaches, I conducted an ethnography of New York City’s 1 Train. The 1 Train subway riders form an imagined community because they communicate verbally and non-verbally on a daily basis without knowing one another beyond their shared subway space (Anderson, 2006, p. 49).

Through critical moments of communication, gestural and verbal speech acts coordinate and create meaning in this social world. (Pearce, 2007, p. 105). Through ethnographic research, I concluded that 1 Train subway riders coordinated their actions through critical moments of communication with respect, revealing the presence of a cosmopolitan canopy (Anderson, 2011, p. 4). Diverse members of this imagined community create the cosmopolitan canopy through their demonstrated comfortability on the 1 Train and both every day and COVID-19 safety-related episodes. The 1 Train’s cosmopolitan canopy represents the transcendence of New York City’s progressive ideology into practice.

Introduction The melting pot, the capital of the world, the center of the universe, 73

internationally renowned as a diverse city of opportunities. The liberal ideology that dominates the City in 2020 yields representation for the most marginalized members of society, including women, people of color, members of the LGBTQIA+ community and refugees. Within the liberal bubble of the concrete jungle, student activists walk out of their classrooms in protest for climate justice. Women put on their pink hats every January for the annual Women’s March. People of color and their white allies risk exposure to COVID-19 to march in support of the Black Lives Matter movement. New York City is undoubtedly a city of activism that has the potential to spark political and social change. activism, New Yorkers walk by the same homeless man on the street every day. White college students order a sandwich from the same Middle Eastern bodega worker for four years. The taxi driver who can’t speak English decade, it’s worth considering whether or not New York City is the diverse, progressive city it’s considered to be. every day. Beginning at South Ferry on the southernmost tip of Manhattan and traveling uptown to the northernmost tip of the Bronx at 242nd Street, the 1 Train transports individuals from every background, race, class, ethnicity, gender and sexuality. When New Yorkers enter the subway, boroughs or ethnic enclaves. Within the imagined community of New York City’s 1 Train, how do critical moments of communication between subway riders create or negate a cosmopolitan canopy?

Literature Review subway has become integral to New York City culture (Cudahy, 1995). The contemporary 1 Train, which extended to 242nd St. and Broadway on Aug. 1, 1908, continues to transit the city’s eight million people every day in 2020 Park, the local 1 Train makes 38 stops in approximately 59 minutes. For better or for worse, the 1 Train brings individuals together across class, race, gender, sexuality and ethnic lines.

Over a century since the subway’s debut, it stands the cultural test 74

outdated system and extensive delays, New Yorkers have remained united in their plight against its inconsistencies. According to Brian J. Cuhady, during the subway’s opening weekend in 1904, “there were frequent complaints about crowding in the trains and stations, a problem the New York subways have yet to solve” (1995, p. 7). “Anything is better than the 1 train,” wrote A$AP Rocky, Harlem native and American rapper, in his song “1Train” on his debut studio album in 2013.

Mirroring these sentiments, local news journalists have articulated Times on June 28, 2017, showcases the subway’s issue of overcrowding and delays which “reached a tipping point with the system no longer easily able to absorb the extra riders” in 2013 (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017, p. 5). John Hague, a commuter in Lower Manhattan, said, “the platform is completely awash with people, and there is nothing to be done. I walk down and walk straight back up and pray that the train isn’t so bad” (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017, p. 7). The extensive delays described by Hague are a result of the increase in ridership that has led to overcrowding in the subways (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017). As a result of delays and overcrowding, riders have grown accustomed to frustrating occurrences during their commutes.

When a subway car was too full for KC Brown to get on, the doors closed on her face; the passengers on board made eye contact with her and reacted with a sad face. (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017, p. 7). Brown described the interaction as “a nice human moment” (Fitzsimmons et al., 2017, p. 8).

Despite the subway’s outdated system and inability to accommodate for growing ridership, the subway has created an imagined community among New Yorkers.

The 1 Train travels in a loop from the northernmost point of the Bronx to the southernmost tip of Manhattan. Along the way, individuals enter the shared space from varying socioeconomic backgrounds. Most of these subway riders will never know one another beyond the walls of the subway, yet they have developed an imagined community. The term framework for understanding nationalism. Anderson describes a nation as imagined because “the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion” (2006, p. 49). Subway riders on the 1 train form an imagined community because they will never know one another, yet they abide by a subconscious ordinance in the form of social cues and norms. Despite a subway rider’s inability to know how 75

their steady, anonymous, simultaneous activity” (2006, p. 26). Through an imagined community, subway riders are able to develop a set of coordinated actions.

Since 1904, subway riders have been following unwritten social on the New York subway” (Cudahy, 1995), his chivalry has been replicated subway, this critical moment established a social law within the imagined community of the New York subway. Today, it is customary for younger and react to critical moments that shape the subway culture.

These moments are what W. Barnett Pearce would refer to as critical moments under the Coordinated Management of Meaning, CMM. CMM is “the dynamic dance between coordinating actions and making/managing (Pearce, 2007, p. 105). Pearce describes these critical moments as instances “in which what we do changes the social worlds in which we live” (Pearce, 2007, p. 2). To coordinate and create meaning in a social world is not a passive experience, but one in which every member actively contributes.

According to Pearce, “our actions in any given moment can be seen through the lens of coordinating with our families, professions, religions, sports club, friendship, etc” (2007, p. 82). An individual enters any moment of communication with a unique experience of socialization, inevitably shaping how he or she perceives and responds to the interaction. CMM makes meaning of our social world by examining the “complexity of meanings in the unknown connections among things, and the multiple levels of meaning embedded” (Pearce, 2007, p. 96) in even the most mundane of interactions.

By identifying critical moments in communication, CMM creates a lens to make sense of how individuals interact within imagined communities.

In a public space, such as the imagined community of the 1 Train, meaning is coordinated through communicative “speech acts” (Pearce, 2007, p. 105). Speech acts occur when “the two faces of communication ongoing patterns of communication” (Pearce, 2007, p. 105). Speech acts, both gestural and verbal, impact those in a public space. As imagined communities develop their own social order, speech acts play a large role in the creation of these coordinated actions. According to Pearce, “each speech act performed by others elicits a response from us” (2007, p. 120). The cycle 76

of speech act performance and reaction creates clusters of communication, known as “episodes.” These episodes are what establish the environment of a public space.

Other such episodes include the coordination of space, relating primarily to gestural speech acts. Anthropologist Edward T. Hall refers to these unspoken modes of communicating in his book The Silent Language.

Just as verbal speech acts can serve as critical moments of communication, other is part and parcel of the communication process” (Hall, 1959, p. 204).

While social distancing has become a public health requirement to stop the spread of COVID-19, distancing has long been ingrained into our social order. For instance, “the normal conversational distance between strangers illustrates how important are the dynamics of space interaction. If a person person backs up.” (Hall, 1959, p. 204). Within the ethnographic context of COVID-19, the silent language communicated through gestural speech acts economic backgrounds, genders and religions engage in cross-cultural interactions with civility are known as cosmopolitan canopies (Anderson, 2011, p. 4). Through interactions in public spaces, such as on buses, in restaurants and on the street, Anderson describes how pedestrians typically “‘look past’ or ‘look through’ the next person, distancing themselves from oblivion” (Anderson, 2011, p. 15). Rather than embrace the community of people walking, eating and commuting in a shared space, Anderson describes how people enter these spaces guarded and uncomfortable (Anderson, 2011, diversity of people can feel comfortable enough to relax their guard and go about their business more casually” (Anderson, 2011, p. 15). Only through the careful navigation of speech acts can strangers enter public space with civility. For an imagined community to elicit a cosmopolitan canopy, its participants must carefully coordinate their words and actions to create a positive cycle of meaning. for making sense of the Coordinated Management of Meaning theory.

By observing critical moments on the 1 Train through the cosmopolitan critical moment of communication that I observe will determine whether the imagined community on the 1 Train operates under the acceptance of 77

diversity across background, race, class, ethnicity, gender and sexuality.

Method Ethnography will be the guiding method for my research.

Ethnography is a useful method to draw conclusions about how people think, behave and interact based on factors such as ideology, rituals and attitudes. According to Brennan, “ethnography focuses on understanding what people believe and think, and how they live their daily lives. It is used to answer questions about people’s beliefs, rituals, attitudes, actions, stories and behaviors, emphasizing what people actually do rather than what they say they do” (2017, p. 166). Ethnography helps people understand how their Brennan’s methodological process and emphasis on observation will guide my research. Brennan describes the process of ethnography as “the qualitative method of observing, talking to and interacting with people in their natural environments” (2017, p. 167). Natural environments can include where people work, eat or play on a regular basis. The method of ethnography is to observe, interview and engage with the people who regularly contribute to the atmosphere of an environment in order to draw conclusions about the people and the place.

I will also base my ethnography on Elijah Anderson’s participant observation in The Cosmopolitan Canopy. Anderson constructed his research throughout Philadelphia, establishing relationships with the characters described in his book, conducting interviews and recording

and Black people shopping, eating and interacting in public places such as at 30th Street Station, Reading Terminal Market and Rittenhouse Square break down racial tensions in diverse cities. I will be mirroring Anderson’s Train.

1 Train. Heading downtown, I will enter the 1 Train at the last stop on the line at Van Cortlandt Park on Broadway and 242nd St. in the Bronx and ride all 38 stops to South Ferry station, then back uptown. My research will be conducted in fall 2020, during September and October. The ethnography will be conducted every weekday, Monday through Friday, to observe commuters for two weeks, amounting to 20 hours of total ethnographic research. In order to observe the maximum number of everyday commuters, I will conduct my 78

242nd St. at 8 am, riding 38 stops downtown then 38 stops uptown, returning it embodies a large community of everyday subway riders who create and participate in the culture of the imagined community on an everyday basis.

Essential to the consistency of my ethnography, I plan to board the second car from the back on the 1 Train each day. Not only will this assist in my establishment of and participation in an imagined community, but this car tends to arrive closest to the platforms’ entrances which I hope will yield a high number of riders. Riding the second car from the back each day will can observe. It is vital to my ethnography to observe the individuals whose speech acts dictate the CMM, which is why the morning commute hours are most appropriate to my research.

The units of analysis for my ethnography are the gestures, facial expressions, actions and words, or speech acts, shared between subway riders. For this ethnography, I am especially interested in how subway riders interact with one another through verbal and non-verbal forms of communication. To draw conclusions about these interactions, I will need to be aware of subtle gestures or actions and language used. Some non-verbal gestures communication gestures I aim to observe include: avoidance of eye contact, staring, moving subway cars, pushing to enter or exit the subway, way, allowing riders to exit the train before entering, how one sits or stands, maintaining a social distance from fellow passengers, wearing a mask, moving seats and cell-phone usage. Critical moments, such as pushing, staring and avoiding eye contact, would negate the cosmopolitan canopy contribute to the cosmopolitan canopy. In terms of verbal communication, I will be listening for words such as “sorry” or “excuse me.” The critical moment will be established by reactions to these episodes or critical moments of communication through verbal and gestural signals. While an individual may not consider how their subtle actions create subway culture, I am interested in identifying critical moments that contribute to or deter from the cosmopolitan canopy, through either explicit or tacit episodes.

The more I ride the subway, the more I will be able to identify the episodes of speech acts that take place between subway riders. I will refer to these moments of communication as critical moments, or instances “in which 79

what we do changes the social worlds in which we live” (Pearce, 2007, p.

2). While Elijah Anderson’s ethnographic research lays the groundwork for imagined community. Much of my research will be focused on observing that imagined community and creating a code of critical moments to qualify genders and religions engage in cross-cultural interactions with civility (Anderson, 2011, p. 4). This unit of analysis will determine whether the imagined community of the 1 Train operates under a cosmopolitan canopy.

The goal of my ethnography is to determine whether the imagined community of the 1 Train operates under a cosmopolitan canopy as determined by critical moments in communication. My research will consist of ethnographic work on the 1 Train fueled by participant-observations. As I through New York subway riders’ collective disapproval of constant delays and overcrowding. Through my ethnography, I am interested in how the diversity of race, class, religion, ethnicity, disability and sexual orientation operate on the 1 Train to elicit a cosmopolitan canopy.

Results The Cosmopolitan Canopy While the 4.3 million people who ride the subway every day might appear to be strangers to the unfamiliar eye, for the daily commuters who establish the ethos of the subway “in the minds of each lives the image of their communion” (Anderson, 2006, p. 49). Through the imagined community, subway riders have developed a level of comfortability mimicking that of which exists in their own living rooms. From scrolling aimlessly on their phones to eating breakfast, tapping their feet to their neighbor’s music, York City’s 1 Train to serve as far more than a transportation service for many of its daily commuters.

By my tenth-morning subway ride, I had recognized the faces of subway riders who frequented the second car from the back of the 1 Train.

Some notable characters included: the woman who boarded in black-framed glasses, only to switch to red-framed glasses after a few stops to read her religious print-outs, and the Hispanic man who typically boarded or exited the car around Dyckman St. with his utility cart, who once stumbled upon an old friend and caught up in Spanish the duration of their ride. Arriving at the end of the line at South Ferry, I was greeted each morning by a middleaged Hispanic woman who disinfected the second car of the 1 Train. On a 80

few mornings, she reminded me, “Last stop,” as if questioning why I hadn’t my desire to stay on the subway without ever telling her. These interactions reinforce the premise of the imagined community, revealing the 1 Train’s ability to unite strangers and old friends alike and eliciting a level of comfortability that invites its riders to settle into their seats as they transport across the City.

Given New York City’s reputation for diversity, I was curious to discover whether that sentiment fabricated itself onto the 1 Train. Meeting revealed the diversity of the imagined community. I quickly observed that ethnic enclaves scattered throughout the Bronx and Manhattan yielded a diminished within the security of the imagined community of the 1 Train. As Elijah Anderson described this phenomenon, “here, ethnic and racial borders are deemphasized, and opportunities for diverse strangers to encounter one another in a relaxed context are created. The cosmopolitan canopy and its lessons contribute to the civility of the increasingly diverse city” (2011, p. 1). Middle-aged white men commuting to Wall Street, homeless people using the subway as a warm place to sleep, young women returning from workout classes, a Hispanic mother and her son boarding the subway in the Bronx, a stylish Black couple boarding at Dyckman St. to exit at 14th St. and parents taking their children to school are just some of the individuals who make up the diverse community of the 1 Train during the morning rush hour.

For diverse individuals to belong to an imagined community is one thing, but for those individuals to act with civility toward one another creates the cosmopolitan canopy. As I headed back uptown on Tuesday, Oct. 6, I witnessed a white man greet a Hispanic man with a huge grin around 215th about dating and a mutual friend as they sat across from one another in the southernmost corner of the subway car. On Friday, Oct. 30, a woman of color in a hijab dropped a few coins into the cup of a white panhandler man, 26, a Deaf man conducted a conversation with a stranger across from him on the subway, using sign language and lip-reading. These are just a few of the everyday interactions I witnessed during my ethnographic research that create a cosmopolitan canopy in the imagined community of New York City’s 1 Train.

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The COVID-19 Canopy As my research was initially proposed in fall 2019, I could not foresee the spark social and cultural shift that would occur as I conducted my research in fall 2020. While I initially viewed the COVID-19 pandemic as a limitation to my research, my research soon revealed that the virus had created new critical moments of communication between 1 Train commuters within the post-pandemic climate. For instance, speech acts that demonstrate respect and civility in a post-pandemic climate include wearing a mask and maintaining social distancing. As I prepared to ride the subway for two hours a day in a time when the virus continues to pose a real threat, I was aware of the safe COVID-19 practices that I expected to observe on the subway. The context of COVID-19 allowed me to narrow the scope of my project to determine the presence of a cosmopolitan canopy through the lens of communication on the 1 Train during COVID-19. While certain critical moments transcended the limitations of the virus, most of my observations during my two weeks of research related to COVID-19 in one way or another.

In terms of actualized limitations as a result of COVID-19, there has been a dramatic decrease in subway ridership from the shift to remote learning and working. As reported in “Train wreck; NYC's MTA” by The Economist, “on August 31st, 1.4 million people rode the subway, but that greater toll than the Great Depression; passenger numbers declined by only in my need to stand against a sea of strangers on my daily commute from 242nd Street to 23rd Street via the 1 Train in summer 2019, it was rare if there were no empty seats on the 1 Train in fall 2020. Due to the low number of commuters in New York City at the time of my research, the imagined community of the 1 Train shifted to adapt to the culture of COVID-19. These cultural adaptations have manifested themselves into new critical moments of communication, establishing new social laws and norms to which riders abide by.

New Subway Laws 8:06 a.m. on Tuesday, Sept. 30, 2020, I found myself wondering, “Can critical moments of communication really be understood in 2020 without to identifying the social laws created both by policy and by subway riders themselves in a post-pandemic social environment. As policy would have it, 82

MTA established written laws pertaining to COVID-19 safety. Rather than the typical advertisements riddled between MTA maps on the walls of the subway, subway cars were covered with COVID-19 safety signage. “Mask accompanied by the adage, “Stop the spread. Wear a mask,” signaling the necessity to wear a mask on the subway. Other signs depicted two cartoon above an illustration of two people conversing without masks. The second image depicted two individuals speaking to one another with their masks riders looking down and keeping to themselves with the word, “Best.” The explicit signage establishes mask-wearing and social distancing as a sign of respect and indicated this behavior, or lack thereof, as critical moments within the context of COVID-19.

Within the 20 hours of research I conducted on the 1 Train, I encountered only one instance when someone did not wear a face mask. The man sat across from two young women in the northernmost corner of the subway car. Staring at the women across from him, he asked, “does it make you uncomfortable that I’m not wearing a mask?” The women whispered among themselves before inevitably exiting the subway soon after. Not only has mask-wearing been encouraged and written into policy by New York City and the MTA, but the practice has been adopted by the vast majority of daily subway riders as an act of civility. For someone to enter the subway not wearing a mask, and then to attempt to get a reaction out of responsible riders is a critical moment of communication that lacks civility and invites arise over turf and territory, particularly when a member of one group considers a member of another to be out of place or even threatening.

In these circumstances, the ‘gloss’ that people put on to smooth their interactions can wear thin” (Anderson, 2011, p. 154). When an individual is deemed threatening, whether due to an implicit bias or an actual perceived fear such as this, the canopy’s civility and comfortability are weakened.

Considering this was an isolated scenario encountered in my research, this had been a reoccurring situation, it would have a catastrophic impact and comfortability on the 1 Train. Members of the imagined community demonstrated respect toward their fellow subway riders by wearing their masks every day, creating a cosmopolitan canopy.

While maintaining 6 feet of social distance has become the standard 83

of respect on the subway, Hall once referred to this length of distance as a “public distance” in our coordination of space (1959, p. 209). Given the overcrowded nature of the subway before the pandemic, riders were accustomed to sharing a “very close” space with strangers, pushing up to Hall, this “very close” space is the closest range of distance in a public MTA has extended the distance between subway riders by six ranges (Hall, 1959, p. 209). The shift from “very close” to “public distance” in the public in intimate moments of gestural or verbal communication in the same way they had pre-pandemic.

In addition to MTA’s written laws of communication, there were a number of unwritten social norms pertaining to COVID-19 safety that I observed during my 1 Train rides. The most apparent social distancing attempt I noticed were riders leaving empty seats between passengers aboard the 1 Train. Most commonly in my observations, riders respected and maintained social distancing when they could by leaving seats open and standing six feet from the nearest rider. These unwritten social laws were established within the community of 1 Train riders, independent from the explicit MTA laws. While the coordination of space between seats is an entirely new phenomenon as a byproduct of COVID-19, human beings have been socialized to coordinate our actions in public space. According to Hall, “our concept of space makes use of the edges of things. If there and two miles north). Space is treated in terms of a co-ordinate system” (Hall, 1959, p. 203). In this scenario, 1 Train riders have coordinated their social distancing, for the health and well-being of subway riders. Within the space of the 1 Train during COVID-19, the creation of these imaginary lines to promote social distancing is a critical moment of communication; an episode in which 1 Train riders have coordinated their actions in a way Protecting the Canopy In contrast, when passing through a busier station like 59th St., civility continued to shine through in these episodes. While riders were 84

New York city self-motivation, 1 Train riders were willing to practice social distancing, but they had no problem piling onto an overcrowded subway car to make it to work on time. However, despite slight overcrowding, subway riders collectively adjusted to the new space to create an even sphere of social distance between each rider. In these scenarios, subway riders adjusted their space from “public distance” to “neutral” (20 to 36 inches) or “near” (12 to 20 inches) to accommodate for more riders (Hall, 1959, p. 208). Despite inching beyond the six feet social distancing range, subway riders rarely dared to enter the “close” (eight to 12 inches) or “very close” (three to six inches) range (Hall, 1959, p. 208). With the threat of overcrowding, New Yorkers demonstrated civility toward one another by moving to accommodate more riders and accepting the new sphere of attempted social distance.

As intimacy increases with each range, these spatial jumps seem noticed this spatial pattern on Thursday, Oct. 22, almost a month after my by the day; COVID-19 restrictions were being phased out and more New nd

from the start with as little as four riders often boarding at 242nd riders piled into the second car of the 1 Train by 125th St. On that Thursday morning, a middle-aged black woman wearing a lime green sweatshirt boarded the busy car, immediately abandoning the socially distanced seating by sitting directly between two men directly across from me. The subway riders around her seemed unbothered by her disruption to the rules of the COVID-19 canopy. However, as soon as the train arrived at 96th St. where several passengers transferred to the express trains, the riders immediately shifted to accommodate social distancing once again. W. Barnett Pearce categorized the coordination of speech acts to create better social worlds in three ways: changing our present situation to yield a better outcome, preventing an undesirable speech act, and facilitating desirable speech acts (Pearce, 2007, p. 106). In this way, the riders coordinated their riders coordinated their actions strategically, demonstrating respect for the cosmopolitan canopy in an imagined community that values COVID-19 safety.

Beyond the scope of COVID-19, I observed several instances 85

when subway riders shifted their actions to protect the canopy. The most Thursday, Oct. 29. When I boarded the 1 Train at 242nd St., I immediately noticed a middle-aged woman fast asleep, laying across the subway seats on the northeastern long, middle row of seats. Around 207th St., there were eight passengers on board the second car of the 1 Train; each of them sitting on the southern half of the subway to avoid the woman sleeping across the way. When a young Hispanic woman frantically entered the subway car from the northernmost door, she walked to a seat across from the sleeping woman, looked at the woman, noticed the empty seats on the other side of the subway, and slowly made her way over to claim a seat within the protection of the canopy. Two women who boarded the subway soon after followed a similar pattern. The women who moved across the subway to theory, these women are showing the potential to “prevent or resist the performance of undesirable speech acts” (Pearce, 2007, p. 106). When the women noticed the sleeping passenger aboard the 1 Train, they recognized the potential threat of waking her up and moved to prevent that potential aggravation, which would disrupt the cosmopolitan canopy. These women were correct in their supposed estimation as I witnessed the woman wake up. Around Rector St., she let out a large moan, stumbled to her feet and squatted between subway cars to urinate. As I was alone on the subway car with her when she woke up clearly agitated, I exited the subway at Rector St. to wait for the next train. This episode reveals how 1 Train riders can coordinate their actions to protect the cosmopolitan canopy.

Negating the Canopy While the results of my ethnographic research revealed that 1 Train riders created a cosmopolitan canopy through their critical moments of communication, there were a few outlier scenarios that negated the canopy. around 8:43 a.m. at the World Trade Center stop. After a young couple exited the car, I was the only person left on the subway. As I was taking photos of the empty subway car, an elderly Black man who exited the subway from across from me, well beyond the range of “public distance” for such an open space, regardless of the social distance restrictions. The man asked me if I had ever been to Staten Island and whether the train was going uptown.

Feeling uncomfortable, I exited the subway at Rector St. and waited for the 86

acts, I changed my current situation to yield a better outcome (2007, p. 106).

This situation revealed the inability to separate myself from the imagined community of the 1 Train. Despite my role as an observer, I was also a participant in the imagined community; my speech acts had as much of an impact on the cosmopolitan canopy as the man who sat opposite of me. Given my subjectivity to the situation as a young white woman, both my discomfort. Perhaps, if I had stayed on the subway, the man and I could have engaged in a civil discussion. Yet, the fear of a potential threat outweighed my desire to see that episode to fruition. From my perspective, I prevented an undesirable episode from occurring. From his perspective, I of the perspective, this critical moment of communication negated the cosmopolitan canopy.

Similar to 1 Train riders’ willingness to overcrowd a subway car in order to make it to their destinations on time, the imagined community allowed this self-motivation to prevent them from donating money to panhandlers. On numerous occasions, panhandlers politely asked for spare change from the morning subway riders. Time after time, members of the imagined community ignored their pleas, absorbed in their own scrolling or reading. On the morning of Monday, Oct. 19, a young Black woman asked,

to any of the seven panhandlers I encountered in my research. While the imagined community did not act overtly uncivil toward panhandlers, their repeated lack of concern for them negated the cosmopolitan canopy. Even in these negative episodes, the morning 1 Train riders demonstrated such episode.

As much as I contributed to and participated in the canopy, the subtle glances and questioning looks I received from my fellow subway riders revealed my status as an outsider to the cosmopolitan canopy. For instance, on Tuesday, Oct. 6, an elderly Hispanic woman hummed along as she peacefully played music from her phone aloud. While this woman outsider presence gave her noticeable tension or discomfort. Through her furrowed eyebrows and following eyes, I realized the threat I posed to the cosmopolitan canopy by watching and observing the imagined community.

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Following this interaction, I noticed at least one person staring at me during each of my subway rides. While I threatened to negate the cosmopolitan the cosmopolitan canopy.

Conclusion Because 1 Train subway riders interact with one another comfortably despite ever knowing each other beyond the turnstiles, New York City’s 1 Train is an imagined community. Through my ethnography of the 1 Train during the morning rush hour for two weeks, I found that critical moments of canopy. Within the protection of the cosmopolitan canopy, men, women civility toward one another. Given the context of COVID-19, civility was social distancing norms. However, the interactions and episodes between diverse individuals that promoted positivity, demonstrated through respect, proved to be the driving force of the 1 Train culture. Pandemic or not, the imagined community of 1 Train subway riders participate, engage and scroll, dance, sing, sleep, study, type, eat and travel. The 1 Train functions as an equalizer: a place where classist divisions are diminished under the protection of the cosmopolitan canopy. As New York City is renowned as a liberal bubble of diversity, the 1 Train has proved to be representative of that rhetoric. In a time when our country feels more divided than ever, Suggestions for Further Research While my ethnographic research revealed the validity of the cosmopolitan canopy on the 1 Train, my role in this ethnography was solely to observe. While I had initially intended to conduct interviews with those I observed on the subway, I was unable to complete this portion of my research due to the scale of the project. Not only would it have been ethnography, but COVID-19 safety did not permit the “close” conversations these interviews would require. As I laid out instances where my subjectivity dictated my perception of negating or creating a cosmopolitan canopy, it would be valuable to document multiple perspectives in the analysis of this the presence of a cosmopolitan canopy beyond my own interpretation. As 88

a young, college-educated white woman, my interpretation of the canopy In addition to interviews, my ethnography just begins to scratch the surface of the potential for this on-going ethnographic study. With more time, I would have had more opportunity to witness new critical moments of communication. Each subway ride taught me something new about the function of the canopy, and I can only imagine the depths of understanding I could gain for this imagined community if I continued my observational hours. Notably, I only conducted research during the morning commute hours of 8 a.m. to 10 a.m. The morning commuters on the 1 Train could Additionally, morning commuters seemed to be tired and quiet on their way to work, whereas a late-night subway car could yield groups of excited party-goers. For example, I did not encounter a single street performer during my research as they tend to perform in the afternoon or evening hours. Street performance is a subway essential, so I can only imagine the series of episodes that more research times would reveal. In order to truly understand the 1 Train’s cosmopolitan canopy, ethnographies need to be conducted at every hour of the day. More research will only reveal more characteristics of the imagined community.

Considering the depth of COVID-19 research conducted, this entire ethnography could be adjusted to analyze the cosmopolitan canopy from a solely COVID-19 context. While I dedicated a great deal of my research to subway riders’ compliance with COVID-19 safety laws, more research could be dedicated to the very subtle episodes that relate to mask-wearing and social distancing. Further research could be conducted to analyze the degree to which COVID-19 alters how we communicate with strangers in public spaces.

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Works Cited and spread of nationalism. London: Verso. pp. 48-58.

Anderson, E. (2011). The cosmopolitan canopy: Race and civility in Barone, V. (2019). Commuters rail against delays. AM New York, New York, NY: Newsday LLC. Brennan, B. (2017). Ethnography and participant observation. Qualitative research methods for media studies. pp. 166-202. the greatest subway system in the world. New York: Fordham Fitzsimmons, G., Fessenden, Lai. (2017) Every New York City subway line is getting worse. Here’s why. The New York Times.

Hall, E. (1959) The silent language. New York, NY: Anchor Books.

Pearce, W. Barnett. (2007). Making social worlds: A communication perspective. Malden, MA: Blackwell Pub. Socioeconomic disparities in subway use and COVID-19 outcomes in

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Grace Campbell Grace Campbell is a junior majoring in English, with minors in communications and digital art. On campus, she contributes to various student publications and is New Jersey, Grace aspires to work in publishing, particularly that of music and art content. She is a passionate feminist and social justice advocate who in their ability to connect people to such topics. This was exactly the goal Grace had in the production of her poetry and analysis; the following demonstrates the kind of work that inspires her and that she wishes to contribute to one day.

Analysis on the Imitation of Katherine Phillips Katherine Philips’ “To Mrs. M.A. at Parting” and “A Married State” both demonstrate her reputation as a renowned feminist poet of the seventeenth century. At the same time, these two poems complement each other to be studied as mutually responsive pieces. In the same way they share Phillips’ disdain for the standard marriage, and the sexism that labels her other relationships invalid, I wrote “To Your Device in Examination” and “A Clouded Society.” Through these imitations, I express my discontent with the unhealthy relationships most have with their cell phones, and the arguments in the best way possible, and to amplify the importance of the placement of Phillips’ poems, I adapted her structure and motivation into my own writing and created something completely new.

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To Your Device in Examination: An Imitation of “To Mrs. M.A. at Parting”

By Grace Campbell On every single day.

Of your living and inspect, Who it is that declares your way.

What they beg they need you to do, And the small extent needed to peer you through.

It’s likely they’re not old, Yet profound in their care.

They’re rewarding as gold, Never not having your stare.

Post and prior all hours of sleep.

By accustoming to the unwarranted glow.

But contrary to your near or far sight, Somewhere in midst of your loving obsession, Your full potential could be their primary prevention.

Since isolation is seldom desired, Frequent surrounding of friends is the goal.

Going out and meeting those would be required, But on you takes a physical toll.

How nice is the option of staying recluse, With knowledge comes power, Both I’m sure you’d love to obtain.

Why learn through its required many an hour?

When information is even simpler to gain.

Acquiring new “strength” needs little to no space They become put above others, Whether you like it or not.

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Why make them reach to your brothers, When you get responses from one spot?

Life moves fast so speed is preferred, So much so that to your friends you’re unheard.

After all, what good is a discussion shallow?

A certain soul knows you best.

The one who speaks to you as the whole day goes, That’s the friend who’s above the rest.

Take claim of the guilt of relations that’ve dispelled, Between the breathing hands you once held.

Would they do anything, Or are you confused?

Might they really just do everything, Can you distinguish the abused?

To be enthralled makes one ignorant, But you see the damage, you’re reluctant.

Many fear that their lovers will die, But have faith the connection lives on.

You shutter at the thought of you in the sky, And your tangible life in them not gone.

Aside the secrets meant for two, Attached to what is fake, More importantly harmful.

Is my disguised advice what you’ll take?

Or is it their reassurance not enough to pull.

You’ve prioritized material intimacy, MAN and PHONE.

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A Clouded Society: An Imitation of “A Married State”

By Grace Campbell A clouded society is opposite of its sound.

This is worse than people who just don’t live on ground.

They’re clouded in terms of non-tangible, Only a certain type here succeeds, The goal is validation, We’ve created a game to promoteSomething that acts as a scapegoat, To a competitive experience.

Women are most susceptible to the ridicule; No longer valued is what they earn from school.

When did we become such a destructive kind?

And to think it all manifests on the made-up online.

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In a time where to be a married woman was to be a tyrannized one, “To Mrs. M.A. at Parting” depicts two female companions whose adoration for one another runs so deep, that not even death would be capable of dissipating it. Ironically, as technology advances, inhuman objects have replaced this reciprocation we so highly value. I imitate Phillips’ rhyme scheme, unique characterization, and passionate language describing an attachment, to depict another relationship familiar to us all today.

I apply the romantic aesthetic of Phillips’ writing to the notion that one’s phone is typically the most intimate thing to them nowadays.

Realistically, this position should be held by another human. This reality serves as a parallel to the controversy of Phillips’ love profession to someone other than her spouse. I personify the phone under the label of cell phone the title of a living being makes clearer the analogy of an abusive relationship, while mirroring Phillips’ ode to another person.

Imagery is key to understanding Phillips’ message. She uses visual language to describe familiar feelings and helps the reader resonate. The rhyme scheme of ABABCC, emphasizes the last words of each line, and example, in “To Mrs. M.A. at Parting”, stanza I indicates that the narrator and her partner are intensely connected for life, but to such a soulful extent that death would not even break it, “There's none I grieve to leave behind/ But only, only thee./To part with thee I needs must die,/ Could parting sep'rate thee and I” (Phillips 3-6). On the outskirt of this stanza, there are the words “behind” and “die”, signifying the gravity of a hypothetical separation, while “thee” and “I”- the two souls of the story- close the poem’s have the last words of my lines be diagnostic, and dependent on one another to tell a story. A supporting example from “Your Device In Examination”, is from stanza IX “You shutter at the thought of you in the sky,/ And your gates your souls will go through” (Campbell 51-54). Here I provide the same sense of separation between the two, which is death, i.e., “sky” and “gone”. your souls will go through”, imply that this relationship does not consist of two partners of the same kind. Rhyme scheme is a technique that provides plenty of assets besides its pleasing ring. It can appoint a single word all the power of its surrounding phrase and serves as a productive catalyst for delivering the thematic concept of “Your Device In Examination.”

Not all of the poetic techniques found in Philips’ work are necessary 95

to clearly show either imitation’s message. In both imitations I refrain from completely sticking to Philips’ syllable pattern, primarily due to the limited language existing on the topic of modern technology. The act of imitating the given poems exclusively together, and applying their respective rhyme I imitate “A Married State” and of that its rhyme scheme- AABBCCin “A Clouded Society” again to emphasize the most vital pieces of its phrasing. The featuring of couplets allows for more detailed statements to form in a pair of lines, and grants the opportunity for certain moments of the very complementary of “To Mrs. M.A. at Parting’s” open interpretation- and is the exact reason why including this second imitation of Philips’ work is that were prevalent during the time of its creation. “A Clouded Society’s” purpose is the same as “A Married State’s”. They both unironically express lives that we all participate in due to our overuse of social media. Similar in its critique, “A Married State” is a seventeenth-century wife’s description of the stagnant inferiority that she and many women remain under in a marriage. This oppressive phenomenon is what drives Phillips’ connection to her female companion in “To Mrs. M.A. at Parting”, and why she provides these two works in her collection.

Toxic patriarchal scenarios, such as a standard marriage in the seventeenth century, can be poetically compared to technology addiction and the challenges social media has imposed on our modern society. The struggle with technology that many of us face, and for that matter, can be applied to illuminate any other dilemmas that may go unforeseen in our everyday lives.

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Work Cited Robson, Catherine, et al. The Norton Anthology English Literature. W.W.

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Angela Ramoni Angela Ramoni is a sophomore Religious Studies and English major from Yonkers, NY. In her paper, Angela explores the importance of Catholic feminism in Silvia Moreno-Garcia’s novel Mexican Gothic.

“Perhaps I’m a Bad Catholic”: Religion and Rebellion in Silvia MorenoGarcia’s Mexican Gothic In what some readers may take to be the climax of Silvia MorenoGarcia’s novel Mexican Gothic, the protagonist, Noemí Taboada, dreams of the past of Howard Doyle, her cousin’s father-in-law. Through Noemí’s to combat his impending death. Doyle goes to a cave “seeking a remedy for those who were beyond remedies” (Moreno-Garcia 205). Those in attendance drink “a hideous liquid” from the same cup (204). Noemí states that instead “of a peregrination to a holy site, he’d come to this wretched cave” (205).

She describes the place Doyle attends as a “holy site of a strange sort,” one that has fungus hanging from its walls and a “pile of old bones” on a “crude altar” (206). According to Noemí, Doyle knew “it was in his blood” to react well to this special fungus and that he could use the blood of his relatives to achieve his quest of immortality. At the dream’s conclusion, Doyle kills the priest, declares that “he [is] holy,” and watches those in the cave who are “forced to remain on their knees” bow down to him (207). This excerpt illuminates the twisted form of divinity towards which the Doyle family strives. By presenting us with a white English family who partake in occult practices in hopes of gaining eternal life, Moreno-Garcia rejects tropes of classic Gothic literature that situated Catholicism as a perverse religion and instead depicts the religion as an agent of good.

Gothic literature has a “legacy of preoccupation with menacing yet compelling ‘others’” (Shapira 108). In having a distinct other, there Moreno-Garcia immediately subverts these expectations by situating the 98

“embodiment of cruelty and perverse desire” (108). But in Mexican Gothic, it is the Doyle family who take part in the cruel and perverse actions of incest and murder in order to achieve their end goals. In early Gothic works, the “stock villains...were Catholics “and the good characters were “openly says to her is that she is “much darker” than her cousin Catalina (29). We are thus immediately made aware of the fact that the Doyles have some sort of odd preoccupation with race. However, within Moreno-Garcia’s novel, it is the white Doyle family that takes on the role of stock villain and the Mexican, Catholic woman who is our heroine. Within the traditional Gothic, characters often fell into two categories: “good characters whose values and sensibilities align...with those of Enlightenment Protestants” or “bad ones whose evil ways are...linked to their position within a corrupt and violent Catholic establishment” (115). Moreno-Garcia by no means connects the pseudo-religion of the Doyles to Protestantism, but she makes the traditionally safe, white family be the ones who participate in a system of evil. In addition, she takes the old establishment of Catholicism and positions it as the more rational and enlightened force of the novel. cousin Catalina, who has married into the Doyle family, writes a strange letter in which she claims that her husband Virgil is poisoning her and that Noemí must come to save her. From its beginnings, the novel positions Noemí as a savior. Noemí goes to the Doyles’ estate called High Place.

The name “High Place” carries Biblical overtones. In the Old Testament, God. This telling name relates both to Howard Doyle’s belief that he is for Howard to continue his life of immortality. The “pursuit of immortality stem[s] from...the religious...ideas of Christianity” (Lien 68). In “Judeomen and women” (69). The tree in the Garden of Eden “grants the gift or curse of immortality” (69). After Adam and Eve disobeyed God by eating from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, God “casts” them out “from the Garden of Eden” and from “their access to immortality” (69).

Western literature, which is “rooted in this tradition,” has many “cautionary tales” of the “consequences of forbidden knowledge and the elixir of life” (69). Through Mexican Gothic, Moreno-Garcia also participates in this 99

Howard Doyle’s daughter. Ruth attempted to kill her father before killing herself. It says that perhaps High Place would be “endurable, if not for him” (172). She refers to Howard as their “lord and master” and their “God” (172). The family has been taught that “Gods cannot die,” but Ruth believes that her “death will be no sin;” it will be her “release and salvation” (172).

Lien writes that according to Christians, while it is “well and good to speak of sainthood” and “eternal life in heaven,” one must not associate those traits with earthy life (69). The power of “omniscience and true physical immortality...belong[s] to the domain of the gods” (69). Therefore, “the immortals of Gothic literature” are portrayed as “the most Godless of them all” (69). Francis, the nephew of Howard, and Noemí’s only ally in the Doyle family, tells her that in looking back on the many generations “characters” that “pursue...forbidden knowledge and/or immortality” are forever alienated “from the rest of mankind” (69). Francis tells Noemí that any sort of humanity in his quest to live forever. He is feared by all those who do not succumb to his belief in eternal life. violent[’s]” goal is to “breed cruelty in a perverse fertility of blood” (132).

Those in Gothic literature who attempt to create life as if they are God will face consequences “because [they] [are] not God” (137). Those who try “to become God” can only become “a sick parody” (138). Before we are made aware of the true nature of the home and the use of Agnes’ mind to control the “gloom,” we learn that there is a marble statue of her in the cemetery on the house’s grounds. The statue points toward a mausoleum entrance that bears the name Doyle “above the doorway along” with the phrase “Et Verbum caro factum est these words, Howard Doyle directly positions himself as being on the same level as Jesus Christ. As the family is keen to bring Noemí into their fold, she is made to visit Doyle. Doyle looks like “a corpse” but he still remains extreme lengths to preserve his life. This emphasizes that Doyle can never be God. For Doyle has to go to extreme lengths to achieve something that is natural to the God in which Noemí believes. At her visit with Howard, sickening need to be worshipped (204). Throughout the novel, Noemí has 100

many dreams in which she is able to see the past, present, and future of the Doyle family. By receiving knowledge in this particular way, Noemí is likened to the prophets of the Bible. Finally, Francis explains to Noemí that the Doyle family uses fungus to preserve life and that fungus is embedded in the walls of the home. The fungus has a “symbiotic relationship with humans” and all thoughts, memories, and events that occur in the home are stored in what is called “the gloom” (211). Francis describes the Doyle bloodline as “special” and “immortal” (212). Noemí learns that Howard “transfers his consciousness to the gloom and then from the gloom he can live again, in the body of his children” (212-3). The children “become him” and the transfer of consciousness “goes down the bloodline” (213). The gross cycle in which the Doyle family partakes emphasizes the distance their beliefs and practices have they from real religion. Instead of valuing more bodies to transfer into.

A concept in “gothic textuality” that was often drawn upon included “accusations of cannibalism caused by literal interpretations of the catholic sacrament of the Eucharist” (Hoeveler 143). Moreno-Garcia subverts this accusation by making the Doyle family partake in a gross ritual of actual priest silver which likens him to Judas Iscariot, Jesus’ apostle who receives thirty pieces of silver from the high priests as payment for betraying Jesus. The priest and Doyle’s transaction can perhaps be seen as Doyle betraying humanity in the pursuit of immortality. In another entrance into the gloom, Noemí sees Howard Doyle at his own new altar to perform his pageantry is another nod to the ways in which older Gothic works would have “detailed descriptions of Catholics riches and pageantry” to insult and demonize Catholicism (Shapira 115). But here it is the Doyle family who is preoccupied with the spectacle of “worship” as opposed to any real faith practices. In this vision, Noemí sees a child being born and hears the phrase “Et Verbum caro factum est” the gods” (Moreno-Garcia 217). Whereas in Catholicism, Jesus asks for the apostles to partake in consuming his body and blood in remembrance of him, Doyle has his family partake in this cannibalism to make himself more

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Later in the novel, when Noemí asks Francis if his family performs with fungus helps bind them to their patriarch (281). The family likens their perverse practices to communion because they are brought up to believe that Howard is God. At the wedding service between Noemí and Francis, Noemí wonders if the fungus that she and Francis are forced to eat had of the communion wafer” (257). Noemí recognizes that the consumption of a fungus taken from the body of Doyle is a twisted version of a practice from her own religion’s traditions. Noemí refuses to accept the family’s belief that Howard is equivalent to God by shouting to them “that sick fuck is not a god” (213). Noemí remains steadfast in her own personal beliefs and is swayed by the seemingly unstoppable forces working against her.

The “British gothic” was “rabidly anti-Catholic and sought to demonize foreigners” (Hoeveler 151). However, within Mexican Gothic “outsiders’ whom we can trust. Moreno-Garcia perhaps places some of the novel’s most overtly Catholic imagery around Marta Duval, the town healer While Marta might have been traditionally viewed as a sorceress, we see her wearing the Marian color of blue. Marta’s home has “a picture of the that Marta and Catalina met at church. Moreover, Marta is the one that supplies Noemí with the means to escape High Place. She is the one who gives Noemí the tincture that works to break the fungus’ bonds on those who consume it. Also, Marta asks Noemí for one of her cigarettes. Marta says that the cigarettes she has given her are for her statue of St. Luke the Evangelist (69). Later, it is discovered that these cigarettes also help break the bond that the fungus forms with the house. Moreover, St. Luke is the patron saint of healers, of which Marta is one, and his is only gospel to tell the story of the angel Gabriel visiting Mary. The Gospel of St. Luke is the only gospel to place Mary in a role of action; it is this gospel that recounts Mary’s conversation with the angel and her verbal consent to be the mother of Jesus. In a novel that pushes back against many classic Gothic tropes, we are reminded of the powerful potential of women through this invocation of Mary’s autonomy. Just as it is Mary’s actions that allow God’s plan to occur, it is Mexican Gothic’s female characters who are willing to take action in order to defeat the evils of the Doyle family. In addition to her Catholic imagery, it is during her time with Marta that Noemí receives valuable 102

information on the High Place and the Doyle family. Marta helps Noemí Catalina’s belief that the Doyle home may be haunted.

In his book Haunted Presence: The Numinous in Gothic Fiction, S.L. Varnado states that while “supernatural tales” are “not drawn from the ordinary,” they attempt to “evoke an echo from the reader’s sense of reality” the house evokes “images of ghosts” (20). One can immediately imagine the haunting presence of an old home. Varnado mentions that peoples’ “emotional life and feelings” will often be dictated by “religious impulses” and that they might interpret events that could seem irrational to others in this “sphere of religion” (qtd. in Varnado 9). Noemí’s Catholic background her. But Moreno-Garcia positions the religious beliefs of the Taboada women as something positive and powerful. It is perhaps their belief in the divine and unknown that allows them to pursue their feelings that the Doyles’ irrational and illogical behavior is actually evil.

A numinous experience takes place when a person “feels that there is indeed” something otherworldly present before them. (Varnado 14). Within Mexican Gothic, Noemí certainty believes that what she is experiencing is not normal. Gothic novels often blend “the numinous with religious instinct” (26). Throughout the novel, Noemí’s Catholicism is mentioned or thought of frequently; and each time Noemí is reminded of her faith, she is able to gain more insight into the wrongdoings of the Doyles and, ultimately, able to escape. Very early on, Florence tells Noemí not to smoke in the home, and she thinks of her childhood education in which “she’d learned rebellion while muttering the rosary” (23). Noemí, similar to the Mary of St. Luke’s gospel, is a woman who makes her own decisions. She because she exercises independence. As Noemí and Virgil discus his theory on a person’s “predetermined nature,” Virgil says that if Noemí is a “good Catholic” she must have an opinion on “original sin” (89). While Noemí retorts that maybe she is a “bad Catholic,” we are made aware of the fact that her “eldest uncle was a priest” and she is expected to “attend mass” (89). In this moment, Noemí also thinks about her “golden cross” that she has not worn in some time and grows distressed by the “absence of it” (89).

Here we learn that Noemí is granted comfort by her religion and is hyperaware of the oddness of the Doyle family because of her intimate knowledge of organized religion. Another example of the ways in which Noemí’s Catholicism helps her to realize that the Doyle family is partaking in strange 103

practices occurs when Virgil suggests that Catalina tried to make herself ill.

Noemí screams at him that “we are Catholic. It’s a sin. she wouldn’t, never ever” (152). While the church’s viewpoint on suicide has shifted from the 1950s, Noemí knows at this time it was considered a mortal sin and knows Catalina would never do such a thing. Noemí is able to surmise that Virgil has completely lied to her, and she now is more fully aware of the fact that everything occurring at High Place is sinister.

Varnado writes of the mysterium tremendum unknowability of things is a prevalent theme in Catholicism. Catholicism teaches that there will always be certain phenomena that will never be revealed to humanity, but they are to be believed anyway, and MorenoGarcia mobilizes this concept of believing in what may not be seen. After many odd occurrences happen at High Place, Noemí is “sure” that the house is “haunted” (120). And while Noemí says that she is not “one for spook and demon and evil thing” that “might be crawling about the Earth” (120). Noemí’s certainty in the evilness that is present in the Doyle home is aided by her religious background where one is taught that such evilness exists. Noemí questions Francis about whether he believes that the house is haunted and when Francis responds that there are “no such things as ghosts,” Noemí counters with “but what if there were” (176). Noemí then wonders if her “cousin is perfectly sane” and if there is a “haunting” in the house that cannot be “explained logically” (176). This dialogue once again emphasizes that Noemí is able to look past the physical world because she has belief in the spiritual one.

The early Gothic relied “on Catholicism as a source of suspense and horror” (Shapira 114). In Mexican Gothic, all of the suspense and horror stems from the Doyle family. Very early on, we are drawn to the family’s symbol of “black serpent biting its tail” (38). Francis tells Noemí that it is an ouroboros and depicts a “snake eat[ing] its tail” as a way of representing Doyle’s wife Agnes who is being trapped against her will to control the gloom of the home. However, because of the novel’s Catholic motifs, we cannot see the symbol of the snake without thinking of Satan. The Doyle family’s entire mission is to achieve immortality and a level of knowledge that is god-like. Just as the serpent tempted Adam and Eve to gain restricted knowledge, the Doyle family perceives themselves as having knowledge that is equal to the gods. Before Noemí is aware of the workings of the Doyle family, she questions Francis about Howard’s “illness.” Francis responds 104

that his ulcers “won’t be the end of him” and they will “never be the end of him” (154). This statement works to create deep questions about Howard Gothic’s reliance on Catholicism for horror and instead has those who take that Doyle used the mind of his dead wife Agnes to control the gloom. It is stated that “cannibalization of the priests’ remains could not bring true order to give himself eternal life.

In the past, England was unable to escape from Catholics so Mexican Gothic, the members of the Doyle family are the ones who entrap and haunt others. Many times, the family forces Noemí to drink their wine to inject more fungus into her body. On one occasion, Howard Doyle tries invokes imagery from the Last Supper. But unlike the Last Supper in which the apostles consent to have a meal with Jesus, Doyle forces everyone to consume the wine. Noemí is being haunted by the Doyles because they want her to join their fold and produce children that will be able to continue in their horrid legacy. Florence tells Noemí that “God” knows that she is recognizes that Howard is “lord and priest and father” to his family, and they are all “his acolytes, blindly obeying him” (248). When the family forces Virgil, working as an agent of his father, participates in the imprisonment of Noemí. In Moreno-Garcia’s novel, it is thus the Doyle family that serves as inescapable, horrifying “avatars.”

Francis, Catalina, and Noemí are able to escape High Place as a result of the actions that Catalina and Noemí take. Moreno-Garcia once again draws our attention to the power of strong women. High Place burns to the ground with the rest of the remaining inhabitants inside. Francis, due to his long exposure to the fungus, takes more time to recuperate. In (294). The use of St. Jude, patron saint of desperate cases, may symbolize the concern that Noemí still has regarding her and Francis’ future. While Noemí has hope and prays to the God she believes has helped save her, she perhaps recognizes that her life will not be perfect from this moment forward. On the other hand, St. Jude is also a popular saint in Mexico City 105

and may symbolize the new beginning Noemí and Francis hope to start Silvia Moreno-Garcia continuously undermines the preexisting characterizations of Catholicism that appear in older Gothic works. She creates a strong, independent, non-white, Catholic woman and allows her to utilize both her femininity and faith to overthrow injustice. Moreover, Moreno-Garcia presents Catholicism as a powerful force that enables Noemí and Catalina to be hyper-aware of the wrongness occurring around which in turn destroys the entire home. The burning fungus creates a Pentecostal imagery in describing the destruction of the Doyle family. At longer physically with them. It is Noemí’s knowledge and belief in unseen things that allows her to bring about tangible change in Mexican Gothic.

Noemí comes to save Catalina and in turn is also able to save Francis. By presenting us with a prophetic female character, one who has as much faith in an empowering, loving God as she does in her own convictions, MorenoGarcia reminds us that Noemí’s Catholicism is the force that allows her to be the gothic heroine she is.

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Works Cited Hoeveler, Diane Long. “Regina Maria Roche’s The Children of the Abbey: Contesting the Catholic Presence in Female Gothic Fiction.” Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature, vol. 31, no. 1, 2012, pp. 137-158.

Project Muse, muse.jhu.edu/article/51750.

Lien, Fontaine. “Defying Death: Stigmas and Rewards of Immortality in Taoist and Gothic Literary Traditions.” , vol. 53, no. 1, 2018, pp.68-91. Project Muse, muse.jhu.edu/ article/690998.

Millbank, Alison. God & the Gothic: Religion, Romance & Reality in the English Literary Tradition Moreno-Garcia, Silvia. Mexican Gothic. Penguin Random House, 2020.

Shapira, Yael. “‘Whatever Bigots Say’: Isaac Harby's The Gordian Knot and the Anti-Catholic Gothic.” Studies in American Jewish Literature, JSTOR, doi:10.5325/33.1.0107.

Varnado, S. L.. Haunted Presence: The Numinous in Gothic Fiction.

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Griffin Hayes He is majoring in Political Science and History. His paper examines the surveillance campaign used by the FBI against the New Left in the late 1960s and early 1970s.

Days of Rage: The FBI and the New Left Introduction represented a coalition of young people and college students who found common cause in their opposition to the Vietnam War and support for free speech. The group focused on building coalitions, which were foundational because the term “New Left” encompassed everything from liberals to anarchists and socialists. The rise of the New Left as an alternative to mainstream politics drew attention from the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

1968 which brought together white and black college students along with community activists to protest racist policies by the school.1 The protests led to the creation of a COINTELPRO operation against the New Left.2 COINTELPRO was the label for FBI counterintelligence and surveillance which began in 1968 and formally ended in 1971. The New Left was made up of working and middle-class young people who attempted to build solidarity with marginal communities and challenge American imperialism.

The FBI’s campaign to discredit them has contemporary relevance to leftwing movements and the actions of American intelligence agencies. This paper will examine why the FBI attempted to destroy the New Left. It will 1

Blake Slonecker, “The Columbia Coalition: African Americans, New Leftists, Journal of Social History 41, no. 4 (2008): 967-96, 967, https://www.jstor.org/ (Accessed October 24, 2020).

2 108

FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnew-york-part-01-of-02/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 27.

its behavior. Leftists attempts to overcome harassment and the antiThe FBI has a long history of repression of political dissidents and this program was a continuation rather than a unique period. While it was not a this operation against the New Left unique and contributed to its decline.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation’s surveillance and disruption of the New Left under Operation COINTELPRO in the 1960s and early 1970s raises questions about state repression, freedom of speech, the right to protest, and the legitimacy of intelligence agencies. Studying COINTELPRO can teach us mass movements can be subverted by the state. Looking at a mass movement through the lens of an agency trying to destroy it can give us a unique perspective on what makes mass movements vulnerable and powerful. This paper will provide an overview of historical writings on both the FBI and the New Left. These historians have debated many of the issues that I will be addressing.

Historiography Race and the relationship between the New Left and Black Power groups is a major area of disagreement of historians’ works on the New Left.

Coalition” by Blake Slonecker, a social historian, highlights the ability of the New Left to create coalitions. Slonecker argued that the reason for the New Left, Black Power groups, the local community, and more apolitical students to create a list of demands together and express solidarity.3 His view was that this coalition-building empowered all groups and was a major part of the success of the initial student protests.4 A Hard Rain Fell: SDS and Why It Failed by David Barber is a book that disagreed with Slonecker’s optimism. Barber argued that the New Left and its leading student group, Students for a Democratic Society, failed because of their inability to overcome racism and sexism. He demonstrated that the SDS was mostly made up of white male college students who ended 5

He wrote, “the New Left failed not because it was too radical in its support 3

Blake Slonecker, “The Columbia Coalition: African Americans, New Leftists, Journal of Social History 41, no. 4 (2008): 967-96, 986, https://www.jstor.org/ (Accessed October 24, 2020).

4 Slonecker, “The Columbia Coalition,” 968.

5 David Barber, A Hard Rain Fell: SDS and Why It Failed Press of Mississippi, 2008), Kindle, 87.

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of the black nationalist movement but because it was not radical enough.”6 Barber took a more intersectional approach, by focusing more heavily on approaches of Slonecker. Barber acknowledged FBI repression but argues that the Bureau was merely capitalizing on divisions that already existed.7 Columbia as an example that solidarity could be shown between the two groups.

Two works argued that the FBI used the media to smear the New Left are Hoover’s FBI and the Fourth Estate and Fighting Black PowerNew Left Coalitions. Hoover’s FBI, written by Matthew Cecil, examined the way the FBI utilized public relations in order to gain legitimacy in the eyes of the public.8 The book helped to produce a greater understanding of how the FBI cultivated its own image and how they sought to portray their enemies. Cecil argued that the Bureau used the press to maintain legitimacy for what he described as the actions of a secret police.9 John Drabble in Fighting Black Power-New Left Coalitions similarly showed how the press was used to discredit the New Left in the eyes of the public and to create paranoia in the groups.10 He argued that separating the two groups was a key goal of FBI counterintelligence against both groups.11 Agreeing with Barber’s argument, John Drabble argued that while the FBI was actively working against Black Power-New Left cooperation, they were exacerbating an already existing issue.12 Drabble revealed how the FBI deliberately tried to reate the impression of racism in the New left for Black Power groups by falsifying letters. Cecil has a background in journalism which makes his work unique and Drabble is distinguished from the others as he is the only international historian in this study.13

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6 Barber, A Hard Rain Fell, 247.

7 Barber, A Hard Rain Fell, 82.

8 Matthew Cecil, Hoover’s FBI and the Fourth Estate: The Campaign to Control the Press and the Bureau’s Image 11.

9 Cecil, Hoover’s FBI and the Fourth Estate, 2.

10 John Drabble, “Fighting Black Power-New Left Coalitions: Covert FBI Media Campaigns and American Cultural Discourse, 1967-1971,” European Journal of American Culture 27, no. 2 (2008): 65-91, 65, https://ur.booksc.org (Accessed October 24, 2020).

11 Drabble, “Fighting Black Power-New Left Coalitions,” 66.

12 Drabble, “Fighting Black Power-New Left Coalitions,” 89.

13 Cecil, Hoover’s FBI and the Fourth Estate, 4.

counterintelligence against the New Left. David Cunningham’s There’s Something Happening Here is a study of the FBI’s COINTELPRO activities on both the New Left and white hate groups. He argued the FBI was focused on eliminating the New Left altogether, whereas with white hate groups they were simply interesting in limiting violence.14 He emphasized the culture war between the New Left and the FBI as the FBI’s motivation.15 as the motivating force behind repression rather than J. Edgar Hoover as Director of the FBI.16 to understanding how the Bureau functioned.

Kenneth O’Reilly’s article, The FBI and the Politics of Riots, 19641968, provided a counter-argument to Cunningham’s work since he argued for J. Edgar Hoover as the main factor in the FBI’s acts of repression rather than the structure.17 His contribution is in showing how in order to expand the FBI’s ability to conduct counterintelligence and to pursue a law and order agenda that was contrary to the stated goal of the Johnson Administration, Hoover was able to politically outmaneuver President Lyndon B. Johnson.18 The article, by highlighting the political savvy of Hoover, positioned him than Cunningham’s argument about its structure. Cecil also agreed with the emphasis on Hoover as he viewed the Bureau’s public relations as a part of 19 O’Reilly’s article, despite of Hoover. O’Reilly makes an interesting connection between the paranoia of Hoover and the actions of his Bureau. of New Orleans, 1968-1971.”, which told the story of a SDS chapter at the 14 David Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here: The New Left, the Klan, and FBI Counterintelligence Kindle, 242.

15 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 252.

16 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 1174.

17 Kenneth O’Reilly, “The FBI and the Politics of the Riots,” The Journal of American History 75, no. 1 (1988) 91-114, 92, https://www.jstor.org/ (Accessed October 25, 2020).

18 O’Reilly, “The FBI and the Politics of the Riots,” 114.

19 Cecil, Hoover’s FBI and the Fourth Estate, 2.

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Like Cunningham’s work, it shows the tactics used to disrupt and discredit the New Left in the eyes of the student body. The article is unique in that rather 20

this was a case of the FBI attempting to destroy a New Left movement on campus before it had really begun.21 The pre-emptive nature of the operation supports his argument about FBI paranoia.

In an essay on Southern Illinois movement to get a broader insight into the New Left. Like the article on New Left. Liberman and Cochran made the argument that the New Left needs to be understood as a local, grassroots movement rather than focusing on national organizations.22 is similar to The Columbia Coalition since both told the story of the development of did not gain traction until after a small protest was met with violence from the police.23 Both Slonecker and this essay revealed how New Left groups built on local issues to make broader arguments about Vietnam and civil rights.24 A key argument is that the personal is political which is similar 25

Left by writing narratives that focus on the New Left in smaller and less discussed colleges. However, since the FBI is a national organization, a larger scope was needed for this paper.

Why the New Left failed was a point of contention among these scholars. Cunningham, who studied the FBI, viewed the counterintelligence as the reason for the New Left failing. The historians Barber and Lieberman and Cochran that focused more on the New Left place the blame on the 20

Louisiana History 43, no. 1 (2002) 53-74, 57, https://www.jstor.org/ (Accessed October 24, 2020).

21 22 The New Left Revisited, edited by John McMillian and Paul Buhle, 147-436 (Philadelphia PA: Temple

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23 24 25

New Left itself.26 Though they have disagreements, Slonecker and Barber agree that coalition building was crucial for the New Left.27 Lieberman and Cochran’s argument about the New Left as a grassroots and localized movement points to the idea that each individual chapter and campus of New Left organizations need to be studied and a national narrative is inappropriate for studying its failure.28 Another category that can be used that is useful to understand these works is the sources used by each. Cunningham, Drabble, and O’Reilly drew heavily from FBI documents and memorandums.29 Drabble also used primary sources of FBI propaganda designed to alienate the New Left and black power groups, such as the memos written by the FBI agents.30 Both Barber and Cecil focused on other sources like works by the New Left and works on journalism.31 Slonecker and Lieberman and Cochran drew from primary sources that come from the groups in the university they studied such as pamphlets and posters. The sources used by each scholar can help explain their arguments. For example, Cunningham, who mostly used FBI sources, put more blame on the FBI. Whereas scholars like Barber, who blame internal reasons for the New Left failing, used mostly New Left sources. The works of these scholars were helpful in providing background on the topic and for formulating my arguments.

The Threat and Prevention of Coalition-Building A key goal of the FBI’s campaign was to prevent coalitionbuilding in the New Left with counterintelligence. The FBI memo that started the COINTELPRO operation in May of 1968 stated the goal was to “destroy and discredit” the New Left.32 In the memos, one of the tactics for discrediting them was writing letters to parents, administrators, and legislators that encouraged them to get left-wing student groups banned.33 action against them. The documents also show an FBI strategy was to get 26 Barber, A Hard Rain Fell, 87.

27 Slonecker, “The Columbia Coalition,” 968.

28 29 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 4731.

30 Drabble, “Fighting Black Power-New Left Coalitions,” 79.

31 Barber, A Hard Rain Fell, 3994.

32 FBI Records: The Vault https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-left-hq-part01-of-05/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 171.

33 FBI Records: The Vault https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnew-york-part-01-of-02/view (Accessed November 9, 2020). 15.

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The goal of this strategy was to isolate these groups and limit their ability to exercise their right to free speech.

34

a part of a larger movement.35 Since overt confrontation by the state made these groups correctly seem like victims, a covert approach was taken where they would destroy these groups from the inside by sowing paranoia and decreasing membership.36 The ability of the New Left to build solidarity was limited by the FBI sending fake letters or using informants that would be sent to potential allies to discredit the student groups.37 The FBI feared that regular college students would be recruited by groups like the Students for a Democratic Society.38 Much of the FBI’s population by trying to make them look ridiculous to apolitical students.39 On college campuses, the New Left posed a threat to the popularity of America’s foreign policy not only for their staunch opposition to the Vietnam Corps programs.40 general public that groups like the Students for a Democratic Society were not representative of general public opinion on Vietnam.41 Making groups like the SDS seem unreasonable and obnoxious was often carried out by agent provocateurs.42 The goal was to contain and isolate left-wing groups on these campuses. Coalitions were targeted as the New Left itself was not

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34 FBI Records: The Vault https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftphoenix-part-01-of-01/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 53.

35 36 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnew-york-part-01-of-02/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 248.

37 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnew-york-part-01-of-02/view (accessed November 8, 2020). 16.

38 39 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-left-hqpart-01-of-05/view 133.

40 Slonecker, “The Columbia Coalition,” 967.

41 42 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-left-hqpart-01-of-05/view (Accessed November 20, 2020). 133.

one coherent ideology, but a coalition of left-wing young people. The goal of the FBI to break the New Left coalition and preventing the New Left from expanding and creating new coalitions.

Creating Tensions between The New Left and Marginalized Groups The FBI also targeted New Left coalitions with Black Power groups.

Since the goal was to divide and conquer the separate left-wing movements, this explains the attempt to divide the New Left and Black Power groups.

The New Left was heavily inspired by the Civil Rights movement.43 The Port Huron Statement, written in 1962 by Tom Hayden, considered the founding document of the New Left, described their political awakening, “As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism.”44 The campaign to divide the two by the FBI included portraying the New Left as racist. Intentionally patronizing and racist messages from “New Left” groups which were written by the FBI were sent to groups like the Black Panthers.45 The author of the anonymous letter stated that “black campus organizations are busy biting the hands itself is titled “The Black Racist with A Megaphone Mouth” which accuses Black Power leaders of antisemitism.46 These letters were used by the FBI to create distrust among the two groups to prevent cooperation between the two sides. The letter campaign was largely successful as the New Left and Black Power groups scarcely worked together.47 By portraying the New Left as white, entitled college kids, they drove a wedge between the white and black left-wing movements. While the SDS was composed of mostly white students, the SDS did release statements and essays that challenged white supremacy and linked the struggle against imperialism to the struggle against racism.48 One essay from 1967 by a New Leftist linked both struggles and said The greatest ideological barrier to the achievement of 43 “Port Huron Statement,” Sixties Project, Hanover History. https://history. hanover.edu/courses/excerpts/111huron.html (Accessed November 8, 2020). 1.

44 “Port Huron Statement,” Sixties Project, 1.

45 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnew-york-part-01-of-02/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 28.

46 28.

47 Barber, A Hard Rain Fell, 245.

48 Noel Ignatin, “A Letter to Progressive Labor,” SDS 1960s, https://www.sds1960s.org/WhiteBlindspot.pdf (Accessed November 8, 2020). 148.

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proletarian class consciousness, solidarity, and political action is now, and has been historically, white chauvinism. White chauvinism is the ideological bulwark of the practice of white supremacy, the general oppression of black by whites.49 The essay challenges leftists to confront racism and to express solidarity with black power groups. While Many New Leftists wanted to express solidarity the FBI. the Bureau and the New Left. In multiple memos from this era, the way New Leftists dressed and their lifestyle drew more criticism than their politics.50 Even undercover FBI agents often refused to assimilate the countercultural 51

There was a strong contrast between the rigid and conservative Bureau and the counterculture of the New Left. For example, FBI agents were not allowed to use profane language in memos so they would have to ask for permission for usage in quoting a leftist or group name.52 The Bureau of employees, all of whom worked in menial service.53 It also did not openly employ LGBT individuals. In fact, one of the ways the FBI would attempt to discredit leftists were either by outing them or spreading false rumors about their sexuality.54 One memo from 1968 describes how “A leading member of the CP youth was neutralized when neutralize them.”55 These tactics reveal that the FBI was not just policing the political status quo, but also policing conformity to cultural roles. Both FBI agents and New Leftists came from similar backgrounds of college education and often elite schools. Also, many came from the middle class

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49 Ignatin, “A Letter to Progressive Labor,” 149.

50 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnewark-part-01-of-01/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 105.

51 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 2355.

52 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 2349.

53 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 1605.

54 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftphiladelphia-part-01-of-01/view (accessed October 12, 2020). 133.

55 133.

and were disproportionately white and male. Some New Leftists were aware of this and for FBI agents this likely made them dislike these groups even more for bring these protests to their elite universities. The similarities in background reveal that even if there was a demographic crossover, there was still a wide ideological gap between the conservative Bureau and the New Left.

FBI Tactics and Public Opinion The FBI’s history of repressing extreme left-wing political actors is also a factor. Dating back to the Palmer Raids of the 1920s, the FBI has sought to protect America from what it perceived as foreign threats that they were agents of a foreign country.56 Most notably, socialists and actions against the New Left unique was that even with no link to a foreign country, they were still systematically repressed. Part of the explanation was that since this was a covert operation, they did not need to justify their actions to the public as they had previously since the public was not aware of COINTELPRO. However, both the Black Panthers and the New Left were deemed enemies to the American way of life regardless of any connection to foreign governments. The Bureau also targeted the civil rights to the Communist Party and donations from members.57 While the FBI may have felt they were acting on behalf of the public, the approval rating for the Bureau cratered after COINTELPRO was revealed to the public in 1971. According to Gallup polling, “the proportion of Americans with a ‘highly favorable’ impression of the FBI plummeted from 84 percent in 1965 to 37 percent a decade later.”58 The

the structure of the FBI post-1970s. Crucially, while the COINTELPRO was ended counterintelligence operated would still continue according to 59 The ongoing legacy of counterintelligence shows that COINTELPRO, while extreme in its methods, was not a strong departure 56 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 474.

57 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 500.

58 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 2651 59 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-lefthq-part-05-of-05/view 22.

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from the history of the FBI. Among the public and scholars, there is widespread debate today over whether or not similar programs are still ongoing. A reason to think little has changed is the fact that no one involved in COINTELPRO faced criminal charges. The only exception was Mark Felt who was ordered to pay also known as “Deep Throat” from the Watergate scandal, was pardoned

by President Ronald Reagan.60 J. Edgar Hoover was not even removed as that oversaw this blatantly illegal program sends the message that the Bureau can act will impunity. Also, news of this operation was leaked when seven Without it being leaked, it is impossible to say how long COINTELPRO would have continued. There have been massive changes over time to the technology that can be used in counterintelligence since the 1970s. Even as intrusive as the Bureau was during COINTELPRO, they did not have access to the amount of personal data that can be collected since the passage of the PATRIOT Act in 2001. While repression is not unique to the FBI’s history, regards to the New Left.

The tactics used by the FBI help illustrate their motivations and give a sense of how they perceived the New Left. As mentioned, common tactics to discredit them.61 a college. But rather than being there to ensure safety, these were agent provocateurs who would try to incite violence.62 In order to achieve the goal of discrediting the New Left, the FBI sought to portray them as violent. Since that was largely false, they tried to cause violence and have it blamed on the New Left. The FBI inciting violence as a strategy gives greater insight into they were policing. Another tactic was to spread a rumor that a New Left member was an FBI agent. Planting the idea of informants created distrust and paranoia among the members. The strategy may have been somewhat harmful to the FBI’s goals as it meant the New Left became vigilant against

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60 New York Times (April 16, 1981).

Proquest Historical Newspapers, https:// www.proquest.com/ (Accessed November 22, 2020).

61 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnew-york-part-01-of-02/view (accessed November 8, 2020). 16.

62

63

the New Left than it was with groups like the Klan because the New Left 64

to the paranoid environment these rumors created.65 These were the tactics often used against groups.

Jerry Rubin were also personally surveilled by agents.66 founder of the Youth International Party, also known as the Yippies, had a the publication of one of his books as well as reports from agents surveilling him.67 One of the more shocking tactics used were “black bag jobs,” which were break-ins designed to illegally obtain private information.68 When discussing institutions like the FBI, human factors like paranoia can be lost.

But the extreme measures to destroy New Left groups, even small ones, leave the impression that either the FBI felt the New Left was a bigger threat than it actually was or because this was a covert program, they could get away with anything. A similar point is made by FBI scholar David 69

The FBI used arrests for marijuana possession were used as a tactic to imprison New Leftists.70 Since this was under COINTELPRO and not the narcotics division, this was done to silence their freedom of speech 63 Students for a Democratic Society, “New Left Notes 5/13/69,” Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/new-left-notes-sds-1969-05-13/mode/2up (accessed October 12, 2020).

64 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnewark-part-01-of-01/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 105.

65 Students for a Democratic Society, “New Left Notes 5/13/69.”

66 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-lefthq-part-01-of-05/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 11.

67 FBI Records: The Vault view (Accessed November 20, 2020). 160.

68 FBI Records: The Vault, (Accessed November 20, 2020). 8.

69 Cunningham, There’s Something Happening Here, 1346.

70 FBI Records: The Vault https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-left-hqpart-01-of-05/view (Accessed November 20, 2020). 133.

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rather than simply policing drug laws. The context of these arrests was the beginning of the War on Drugs in the Nixon Administration during the late 1960s. The War on Drugs is an example of how the New Left was 71 Another similar tactic An example of this tactic involved a raid of the Students for a Democratic Society headquarters in which they were violently arrested despite no resisting and then had the charges promptly dropped after booking them.72 The fact that the Bureau had no intention of pressing charges shows that this was simply an intimidation tactic.73 Both of these methods are examples of the Bureau manipulating the law to silence the New Left.

COINTELPRO was done by the FBI to sway public opinion against the New Left. The FBI’s use of media is crucial to understanding how they sought to portray themselves to the public. The Bureau would work with friendly reporters to print articles that generated positive publicity for the FBI and negative publicity for the New Left. The Bureau had indexed lists of both friendly journalists who would be willing to “help” and unfavorable journalists and publications that the FBI refused to speak to.74 The use of journalists willing to print Bureau propaganda and the blacklisting of those who refused reinforced the FBI’s ability to get favorable press. It also created the same paranoia in the press that they sought to sow in the New Left, showing how central fear was to the FBI’s operation. The image they sought “The FBI”, which aired in 1959 and 1965 to 1974, respectively. Hoover’s paranoia about the press is demonstrated in a telephone conversation from 1971 with President Richard Nixon where Hoover describes Washington Post owner Katherine Graham as a “mean old bag.”75 The clean-cut image of the FBI was contrasted by how they sought to portray the New Left as shrill, ungrateful beatniks.

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71 133.

72 Students for a Democratic Society, “New Left Notes 5/13/69,” Internet Archive. https://archive.org/details/new-left-notes-sds-1969-05-13/mode/2up (accessed October 12, 2020).

73 Students for a Democratic Society. “New Left Notes 5/13/69.”

74 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftphiladelphia-part-01-of-01/view (accessed October 12, 2020). 133.

75 J. Edgar Hoover to Richard Nixon, http://nixontapeaudio.org/jeh/006-084.mp3 July 1, 1971, (Accessed November 20, 2020).

The FBI’s stereotypical portrait of the New Left includes cartoons where they are mocked for screaming and their desire to overthrow the government.76 The FBI outlined ridicule as a useful tactic for discrediting the their popularity. It also helps explain their paranoid mentality. While it is clear the FBI was manipulating the press, Hoover felt that this was just the Bureau responding to a smear campaign against them.77 The defensive the repressor feels they are the ones actually being repressed. FBI paranoia helps explains how the Bureau could justify both their illegal disruption of the New Left and their smear campaign against them in the media. The motivation for the FBI was also ideological as the unfavorable publications became a part of the conspiracy against the Bureau, leading the FBI to keep The FBI strove to create tension between soldiers in Vietnam and the New Left. FBI documents from 1968 show that they would often use veteran front groups to release anti-New Left propaganda. The FBI also 78

However, the New Left often worked with soldiers and veterans in their protests, using slogans like “Stop the war! Bring the troops home!” The protests were during the era of the draft so many of the New Leftists who of the troops but also with being unamerican. 79 The idea of the New Left as anti-American was voiced by Hoover who said that the New Left “call 80 The federal crackdown on anti-war protests included arrests for burning draft

76 133.

77 Cecil, Hoover’s FBI and the Fourth Estate, 39.

78 “FBI Memorandum 5/29/68,” 133.

79 8/20/76,” FBI Records: The Vault, (Accessed November 20, 2020). 34.

80 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-left-hqpart-01-of-05/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 71.

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those anti-war protestors could not receive permits for protests.81 Denying access to permits would either stop the protests from happening or give law enforcement an excuse to violently break up “unlawful” protests. By disrupting the ability of the New Left to protest the war, the FBI yet again stopped the New Left from working with allies.

COINTELPRO operation against the New Left was and what impact the Bureau had on the collapse of the New Left.82 The FBI’s campaign certainly multiple splinter groups in the New Left.83 One of the breakaway groups being an outlier among New Left groups for its use of violence, it received a lot of media attention. Is fracturing the Left and creating so much paranoia that a terrorist cell forms a success from the FBI’s point of view? It was ultimately a success as the goal was never to limit violence but to destroy Prairie Fire, written by leaders like Bill Ayers in 1974, they argue, “Without mass struggle there can be no revolution. Without armed struggle there can be no victory.”84 The FBI sowed so much paranoia in the New Left that a common tactic of informants was to accuse other members of being informants.85 The FBI tactics broke the coalition that made up the New Left and prevented that coalition from joining with other groups, such as Black Power groups, veterans and soldiers, and their fellow students. While the FBI likely was not the sole reason for this, the aim behind the FBI’s tactics in COINTELPRO, destroying and discrediting the New Left, did come to fruition.

While repression against the New Left was generally successful, the New Left a challenging target. The Bureau acknowledged that 81 105.

82 Barber, A Hard Rain Fell, 87.

83 8/20/76,” FBI Records: The Vault,

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(Accessed November 20, 2020). 26.

84 “Prairie Fire: The Politics of Revolutionary Anti-Imperialism,” SDS 1960s. https://www.sds-1960s.org/PrairieFire-reprint.pdf (Accessed November 20, 2020). 14.

85 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnewark-part-01-of-01/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 105.

countercultural attitudes and ideology. As one memo from 1968 put it, It is believed that the nonconformism in dress and speech, neglect of personal cleanliness, use of obscenities (printed and uttered), publicized sexual promiscuity, experimenting with and the and unusual jewelry tend to negate any attempt to hold these people up to ridicule.86 The memo then mentions that negative publicity about the New Left would often only increase their popularity since it raised awareness for them, especially among young people.87 Because the New Left were questioning New Left Notes, the newspaper of the SDS, wrote “’loose lips sink ships’ is only a humorous way of saying a crucially important principle which must be TO SOMEONE ELSE IF THEY DO NOT NEED TO KNOW IT.”88 Even though it was made up of college students, the article displays that the New Left was not naïve about law enforcement. The suspicion of the FBI limited advantage by having informants accuse others of being informants.89 In they viewed pressure from that state as a sign of success.90 They reasoned that the FBI and cops being nervous about them was a signal that they were a real threat to the mainstream establishment. However, while they were skeptical of law enforcement, they did not know the scope and scale of the counterintelligence operations against them as this was not public information at the time. Which reveals the importance of the FBI’s use of the media since it created a false narrative of what the Bureau was. Even if the New Left saw through this to an extent, they could not have known the whole truth of the matter. While the New Left did begin to decline in the 86 FBI Records: The Vault, https://vault.fbi.gov/cointel-pro/new-left/cointel-pro-new-leftnewark-part-01-of-01/view (Accessed November 8, 2020). 105.

87 105.

88 Students for a Democratic Society, “New Left Notes 5/13/69,” Internet Archive, https://archive.org/details/new-left-notes-sds-1969-05-13/mode/2up (accessed October 12, 2020).

89 90 Students for a Democratic Society, “New Left Notes 5/13/69.”

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1970s, there are other factors to consider, like the end of the Vietnam War and the electoral defeats of Eugene McCarthy and George McGovern. So while the FBI certainly contributed and achieved its goals, it cannot be said that COINTELPRO was the only reason.

The New Left groups like the Yippies would also use ridicule to its advantage, by using humor and outlandish gestures to make arguments. police) insanity with our own insanity.”91 would use obscenities heavily, which infuriated the agents surveilling him.92 seven activists were put on trial for crossing state lines to incite a riot at the were charged. To deny legitimacy to the court and the establishment, the as their lawyer, handing money to one of the witnesses for the defense, and wearing court robes to the proceedings.93 The amount of attention paid in the culture war, both the FBI and the parts of the New Left used humor were not enough to overcome state repression, but they are what made the operation against the New Left unique and give a better understanding of both the New Left and the FBI. Conclusion The story of the FBI’s covert counterintelligence operations against the New Left has startling implications. The fact that a government institution had free rein to violate the rights of political activists and break FBI in this heightened period of repression can help us understand how and why they act today. Knowing how intelligence agencies can operate with expanded power is particularly useful in light of the PATRIOT Act of 2001

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91 Records: The Vault, view (Accessed November 20, 2020). 8.

92 FBI Records: The Vault, of-65/view (Accessed November 20, 2020). 90.

93 160.

FBI

which expanded the ability of these agencies’ surveillance power. A clear parallel can be made between this period and the surveillance and paranoia of the War on Terror. The COINTELPRO operation against the New Left was created because the Bureau and Hoover disagreed with the politics and lifestyles of the New Left. In their paranoia, they came to believe that the violation of the rights of these activists would prevent them from taking power and eliminating those same rights that the FBI was violating. Paranoia was stoked by the Bureau’s director, J. Edgar Hoover, whose politics and belief in the cultural status quo informed the FBI’s actions at every level.

The Bureau acted as though the New Left’s ideas were too dangerous to be presented to the mainstream. The FBI successfully stopped the New Left not only from achieving revolution but even reform in the system. After the Democratic National Convention in 1968, Republican presidential candidates would win 5 of the next 6 elections as the country took a clear right-wing turn. While the New Left was motivated by presenting an alternative both to the conformality and conservatism of America, the FBI helped ensure there would be no alternative. In many ways, there has been no successful lessons for the present day. By examining the tactics used to break a mass movement, we can see what gives these movements strength. The FBI’s extensive focus of dividing the New Left shows that they recognized the strength in numbers and unity for a grassroots movement. While the New Left failed, learning from the mistakes of the New Left and the tactics used against them by the FBI could be a valuable asset for any movement that wants to provide a successful alternative to the status quo.

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Lilly Brown Lilly Brown is a junior, economics major and english minor from Ringwood, NJ. Along with serving as the Editor in Chief of Logos, she is a pole vaulter on the for the Center for Academic Success. This summer, she will be a Community Engagement intern at The Written during the height of civil unrest following the murder of George Floyd, Lilly's paper employs philosophical theory to explore the moral dichotomy that allows for police brutality to persist in the modern day.

Police Brutality: A Moral Disparity Between Law Enforcement and Civilians Abstract Philosophy, the boundless discipline that exists at the crux of all knowledge, allows us to delve into the inexplicable and derive explanation.

Included in this are morals and ethics, the foundation for self-chosen principles and our basis for action in the human condition. If there is any productive way to navigate the fault of our criminal justice system, it is through self-chosen principles as they elicit core values, provoke thought, and guide decision making. Therefore, I chose to examine the hypocritical nature of police brutality through the lens of philosopher John Rawls, whose Theory of Justice as Fairness provides a model that mimics the American Dream, just without systemic racism. Finally, I must note that this piece is inspired in part by comedian Dave Chappelle, as he draws a parallel between Christopher Dorner’s killing spree and the work of the LAPD in his recent video entitled “8:46”. I chose to further examine this notion and bring its validity to the forefront.

Introduction Christopher Dorner, a former Naval Lieutenant and Los Angeles 130

tarnished by the LAPD, a department whose notable history of misconduct was largely exposed following the Rodney King investigations. As Dorner down. At the wintery scene of his cabin hideout, Christopher Dorner shot and demolition vehicles to try to force him out.

Presently, the media depicts protests and riots in response to George agenda, when in actuality they elicit the same sentiment that the LAPD’s response to Dorner’s shootings did. Both situations operate on the same token: when unlawful violence occurs against your people, retaliation is warranted. Although, the instances when law enforcement implements excessive use of force against someone, namely in the motives behind public altogether. On the contrary, attempts to retaliate against institutional racism, such as Christopher Dorner’s well-articulated manifesto and current civil unrest, is a disgrace to the health of our nation. Responses that operate on the same token, yet are perceived in two distinct manners, make it rather clear that there is an inherent moral disparity between law enforcement and civilians. To prove this, I will utilize Christopher Dorner’s manifesto, psychologist Lawrence Kohlberg’s Theory on Moral Development, and the theory on just war abide by its own doctrines, allows police brutality to persist based on a moral high ground that cannot and will not exist for civilians. I will also reference John Rawls’s Theory of Justice as Fairness throughout the paper as a model for contrast and emphasis.

Background on Moral Development To begin, it is imperative to understand how morals function on an individual level, which is where Lawrence Kohlberg’s Theory on Moral Development Enforcement Bulletin titled “Rethinking Ethics in Law Enforcement,” preconventional level, which involves external reinforcement (i.e. punishment) to decipher between right and wrong, the second is the conventional level, in which social expectations drive decision making and and lastly is the postconventional level, where an individual is concerned 131

with justice and fairness for all members of society, irrespective of social norms (Fitch, 2011).What is most applicable to instances of police brutality, though, is that self-selected ethics are the prevailing moral compass at the highest stage of moral development. Such that, “if these internal principles 2011). Based on Kohlberg’s theory, it is reasonable to attribute some of development, where they conform to the expectations of the police force.

In turn, their conformity implies that they are more concerned with the preservation of order than the importance of fairness. Further, those who eventually reach the postconventional level allow self-chosen principles, such as the belief that one race is superior to another, to override fairness.

The murder of George Floyd that took place on May 25th, 2020, is an unfortunately prime example of moral development in practice. the pressure of his knee for eight minutes and 46 seconds, he employed a practice understood to be inherently dangerous and prohibited by most police agencies. In a negligent display of policing, George Floyd was murdered. As stated in multiple reports of the incident, he was suspected of using a counterfeit bill and did not pose an immediate threat to Chauvin or those that crowded around the scene. In that instance, Chauvin’s self-chosen conformed (as people do at the conventional level) to the expectation that Digression: John Rawls Theory of Justice as Fairness John Rawls’s Theory of Justice as Fairness is based on the notion that justice can only be executed in terms of fairness. Therefore, when the police force works to preserve order through conformity rather than promote fairness through equitable treatment, it directly underscores the disparate nature of moral ethics between law enforcement and civilians.

The foundation of Rawls’s theory is that justice as fairness implies two basic principles: 1. Every person has equal access to the same, inalienable rights and basic liberties 2. Any social and economic inequalities must: a. Provide equal opportunity for all b. members of society (such that no gaps in wealth or income may support the few 132

and oppress the many) (Rawls 46) A further requirement for justice as fairness is the necessity of disinterest. Rawls implements such disinterest as the “veil of ignorance,” or a total disregard of social status, race, income or any factor that may cause another person to detract an individual’s rights. In analyzing the stages of moral development as they apply to the police force, it is rather obvious that the self-chosen principles that do function and the veil of ignorance that should function are at odds with one another. from the Minneapolis Police Department with no word on formal charges against them. After multiple days of riots and protests, Derek Chauvin was actually just another instance to preserve order, as third-degree murder implies that George Floyd’s death was accidental. Chauvin’s use of a widely banned tactic against a man yelling out “I can’t breathe” is hard to describe as anything but deliberate, therefore the conviction naturally resulted in further public outrage. Charges were then changed to murder in the second degree eight days after George Floyd’s death. On the same day, the three murder and second-degree manslaughter (Tarm).

should be prosecuted with the same level of disinterest as any other civilian.

This point can be furthered by Danielle Burnette in her article written for the Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law, where she the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. established in response to the civil rights movement of the 1960s to address pervasive racial discrimination at work in American institutions. Within the person or group of people acting under color of law to deprive another of any right protected by the Constitution or federal law” (Burnette 591).

Burnette describes the “color of law” as the instructed use of power by government agencies at any level, and that misconduct “including excessive force, sexual assault, intentional false arrest, and intentional fabrication of 133

evidence resulting in loss of liberty” (591) is to result in recompense for the in place, law enforcement at the state and/or local level manage to shield instances of police misconduct from the public eye, making it hard for

act as a loophole in the Convention. A relevant example is the New York State civil rights law, section 50-a. Its existence gained popularity following the exposure of Derek Chauvin’s staggering eighteen counts of misconduct for excessive use of force, which so clearly indicate that he should have been terminated from the Minneapolis police department before he killed George Floyd (Mark). Section 50-a, which is identical to personnel records evidence “to warrant a judge to request the records for review” (NY State Senate). So, if a victim’s case ever reaches court, it is up to the judge’s turns what should be an objective conviction into a subjective attempt to preserve power.

Additionally, laws like 50-a act as positive reinforcement when response to widespread mistrust and outrage over the law, Governor Cuomo has since repealed 50-a in an attempt to promote transparency and peel back years of police misconduct that has been actively overlooked.

The Motives Behind Christopher Dorner’s Killing Spree In Christopher Dorner’s manifesto, he references a similar response to civil unrest following police misconduct. The Los Angeles Police Department, Dorner’s former place of work, responded to allegations against them regarding “patterns or practices of excessive force, false arrests and unreasonable searches and seizures” (LAPDonline) that were exposed during the Rampart Area Corruption Scandal-the most widespread deal with the Department of Justice to enforce the Civil Rights Consent Decree. This decree would hold the LAPD accountable for a minimum policing initiatives and supervise all instances where the department did not abide by their claims to lawful policing. After 12 years, a federal judge lifted the Consent Decree, entrusting the LAPD with the responsibility of 134

justice and fairness.

As Dorner carefully examines the events that led up to his death in his 11,000-word manifesto, he attributes his release from the police force to the absence of the Consent decree. He recalls when he reported a female the chest and face. The department responded by calling him a liar and the Board of Rights managed to deny his claims, even after they played a He then illustrates the instances of racism against the black community that he experienced within the police force. In a 12-passenger van, he overheard colleague for using a derogatory term. To his face, his colleague responded, paid suspension (2). If the transparency that the Consent Decree required was still enforced during this time, Dorner believes that his reports would have been addressed properly.

Dorner goes on to explain the foundation of racism that the rookie/probationer at the time) seen on the Rodney King videotape striking Mr. King multiple times with a baton on 3/3/91 is still employed by the LAPD and is now a Captain on the police department? Captain ——- is This widely recognized instance of police brutality occurred on March 3rd, 1991, when activist Rodney King was hit on the back 56 times and kicked in to hold positions of power, the department promotes exclusivity to cater to the majority, rather than inclusivity to promote fairness for everyone. As they reward those who conform to blue line loyalty and terminate those who work for justice, they epitomize hypocrisy in Dorner’s recount.

Dorner, after pushing the boundaries of the blue line and exhausting was to retaliate against the LAPD in a more tangible manner. Though his personal account of oppression and outcry does not justify taking innocent civil unrest in response to George Floyd’s death and the questionable use of

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warranted use of deadly force as a unwarranted use of any form of retaliation against threat by civilians.

Counterargument and Just War Theory A potential counterargument to my claim is that, in the case of Christopher Dorner, his actions were morally wrong and against the law and therefore the LAPD’s response operates on the same level that any civilians shootings is irrelevant. Because of this, and because of the imminent threat was simply a duty to abide by the law. While this is both logical and hard to disagree with, it is also fair to say that a duty to abide by the law implies

Further, when analyzing Christopher Dorner’s manifesto and subsequent shootings in terms of Just War Theory, it becomes clear that his actions were an attempt to abide by “jus ad bellum”, or just war. Since his own police force was failing to abide by their standards following the Consent Decree, and actively turning a blind eye to misconduct, Christopher Dorner was following his self-chosen principles that guided him to use force against the threat of internal danger (however morally wrong or illegal such acts are). In order for Dorner’s actions to satisfy just war requirements, Summa Theologica: 1) Authority of the sovereign 2) A just cause 3) Good intention (Barry, Camp, Olen 325) racial discrimination and a tarnished reputation resulted in a call to action for those who seek to end the cycle of police brutality and institutionalized an individual is not to wage war on his own, the sovereign in this case (marginalized communities disproportionately impacted by police brutality, activists, the Black Lives Matter movement, journalists, etc.) that would Secondly, his cause is just insofar as he is attempting to retaliate against a corrupt institution. This is supported by political philosopher 136

Michael Walzer, who articulates that it is just to use force against a government that is massacring a minority or majority (Walzer 335-339). intent was to minimize harm to the innocent and target those culpable. Lastly, Dorner’s shootings were motivated by the hope to expose institutionalized corruption, and a you will realize today and tomorrow that this world is made up of all human beings who have the same general needs and wants in life for themselves, their kin, community, and state. That is the freedom to LIVE and LOVE. This is America. We are not a perfect sovereign country as we have our own words that advocate for transparency and accountability, supporting Rawls Theory of Justice in their nature of fairness and inclusion.

It is both unsettling and unfortunate that in Dorner’s inability to articulate, without violence, “the tension between the story he believed and the reality he saw”, (Robinson) innocent lives were taken. His belief in the ability to reform the same institutions which led him to commit the murders he did results in a similar call to action as that of active responses to George Floyd’s death via protests and riots today. That being said, it is important to not only prevent the crime itself, but also identify and dismantle the cause. long as the institutions which train them act justly.

Conclusion In examining Kohlberg’s Levels of Moral Development, the Convention and its shortfalls, and the motives behind Christopher Dorner’s crimes as being an attempt to wage just war, the disparities in moral ethics contrast between Rawls Theory of Justice and laws that operate to protect a corrupt system, the lack of transparency that persists provides ample evidence to suggest that accountability is not a concern for police agencies, rather the preservation of order is.

Immediate response from civilians following the murder of George Floyd has led to greater accountability on law enforcement’s end in just weeks, as opposed to legislation whose attempts at transparency often require months, if not years, but do not result in justice for victims. Since such attempts fail to result in the systemic change called for, we must look 137

the face of America’s justice system as they interact with our communities daily, must be held to a standard of unwavering commitment to justice as all. Not just as an oath, but as a virtue. A possible way to measure this is with Kohlberg’s levels of moral development as they allow us to examine the motives, values and self-chosen principles that guide individuals. So, my question is: why not account for moral development morals do not exist in justice and fairness for all to police our communities, we fail.

As civil unrest persists, we have begun to shed light on the many other cases that never received justice; however, to refer to them as “cases” dilutes the meaningful lives they led and futures they had. As moms, brothers, sisters, friends, and community members, the loss of a life to police brutality is one to mourn, not to passively acknowledge as another “case”. In mourning, it is our duty to look inwards, while also holding accountable those institutions that allow for police brutality to persist in the present day. As the moral high ground begins to wither, I anticipate that our law enforcement will become an institution to be proud of, one to take solace in, and one that upholds the duty of justice and fairness for all races, genders, sexualities and abilities.

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Works Cited Dorner, Christopher. “Last Resort.” Received by America, Manhunt Manifesto, Los Angeles Times, 7 Feb. 2013, documents.latimes. com/christopher-dorner-manifesto/.

Finch, B. D., Ph.D. (2011, October 1). Focus on Ethics: Rethinking Ethics in Law Enforcement Bulletin). Retrieved from https://leb.fbi.gov/articles/focus/focuson-ethics-rethinking-ethics-in-law-enforcement System of Mass Incarceration and Police Brutality Fail to Comply with Its Obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.”

Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law, vol. 45,

Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of

with Readings.Belmont, CA: Thomson/Wadsworth, 2008. Print.www. nysenate.gov/legislation/laws/CVR/50-A. Mark, Michelle. “18 Complaints in 19 Years, and a Murder Charge: What Insider, Insider, 9 June 2020, www.insider.com/derek-chauvin.

Walzer, Michael. “The Triumph of Just War Theory (and the Dangers of Success).” Applying Ethics: A Text with Readings. Belmont, CA: Thomson/Wadsworth, 2008. Print.Ap, and Michael Tarm. “Examining the Charges against Derek Chauvin, ABC7 Los Angeles, 6 June 2020, abc7.com/charges-against139

Robinson, Nathan J. “The Last American Idealist.” The Last American Idealist - New Politics, newpol.org/last-american-

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Jilleen Barrett Jilleen Barrett is a sophomore from Long Island, New York majoring in communications with a double concentration in public relations and journalism.

She will be interning at The Riverdale Press during the summer in pursuit of gaining more experience graduating. In her paper, she draws parallels between the feminist movement in entertainment and comedy as enforced in the NBC sitcom Parks and Recreation.

“Enemies of Fairness and Equality, Hear My Womanly Roar”: How Parks and Recreation Enforces Feminism In Comedy Witnessing feminism in comedy is rare. While many feminist comedians, such as Amy Schumer and Ali Wong are emerging, a major sexist trope is that women are unamusing. It is more common to see men work as the head writers, producers, directors, actors, and comedians in productions such as The Simpsons, , Big Mouth and more. There is one sitcom, however, that prides itself on its history of focusing on feminist plotlines and hilarious female characters: Parks and Recreation. Parks and Recreation is a sitcom created by Greg Daniels and Michael Schur that aired on NBC from the year 2009 till 2015. Although they are not women themselves, Daniels and Schur created an environment on the set of Parks and Recreation that provided an opportunity for its female cast and crew to this a leap in the direction of a more progressive environment for women in comedy, but it has shown viewers how ridiculous the sexism demonstrated in society is. This show can be analyzed using “Humor as a Double Edged Sword: Four Functions of Humor in Communication,” by John C. Meyer in which Meyer provides three theories and four functions of communicative comedy. One of the functions is the enforcement function, which Meyer 141

says “[enforces] norms delicately by leveling criticism while maintaining whilst challenging viewers to confront inequality between the sexes, Parks and Recreation uses Meyer’s enforcement function in order to carry out their feminist viewpoint.

How Leslie Knope Enforces Feminism with Comedy One way in which the show inspires feminism is through its main characters. Leslie Knope, the protagonist of Parks and Recreation, is admired by her viewers as being someone who shows that women can do it all: work, get married, have committed friendships, and more. In Anthea Taylor’s book Celebrity and the Feminist Blockbuster she analyzes the words of Rachel Khona of the saying, “The character’s feminism has been roundly praised… [Khona], bidding farewell to the small screen showing us that women can be career-focused, smart, bossy, She shows us how awesome feminism is simply by being herself’” (239).

Knope’s feminist stance is communicated to audiences through her hilarity. She responds to anti-feminists and enforces equality with jokes such as, “There are no consequences to my actions anymore... I’m like a of time when she only had a month left in her term as city counselor, a her criticism with a sense of comedy that makes her more likeable for less politically charged audiences as well. She often has quirky lines like when “What? No I’m not. Can we talk about this tomorrow?” (“Recall Vote”).

By taking a pro-woman standpoint while making herself more likeable, she uses Meyer’s function to enforce feminism in a way that audiences might not even realize.

Amy Poehler, the inspiration for Leslie Knope Poehler discusses sexism in daily life in her book, Yes, Please!, in the only one, or one of two, in a room full of men. This is certainly the case in most writers’ rooms, except for SNL and Parks and Rec, which both had more women writers than many other shows because Seth Meyers and Mike Schur (the head writers on each of these shows, respectively) are real men who love women” (285). In fact, when Schur and Daniels 142

role, showing their belief that women can be funny. On the other hand, the idea for the show came from two men, illustrating that while women are breaking out in comedy, there is still more work to be done before it can be considered a pro-woman industry.

In the show, Leslie discusses the feeling of being the only woman she served on the city council as mentioned earlier. In one episode, she sexism they both experienced during their time in the role. They found there was not much progression in the way of feminism since Paula was mirrors to their shoes in order to see up her skirt, snapped her bra straps, male council member tried to kiss her without consent while the others rejected her ideas and like Paula’s coworkers, kept track of her menstrual cycle. Researcher Erika Engstrom examined Knope’s realizations of the similarities between her experience and Paula’s and compared it to real life. She said in her study that “Parks and Recreation’s setting in Pawnee and the recurrent theme of how behind the times it is it underscores clearly that gender equality has not been achieved—either in Pawnee or in the While pointing out that the male council members’ actions are entirely inappropriate, whether it’s the 70s or the 2000s, the characters still manage to make a lot of jokes in this scene. Another female main character, April, who is also in the meeting uses her dry sense of humor to use Meyer’s enforcement function by joking about the ridiculousness of men expecting women to “obey” them: “You know what, I think men are better than women… they provide for us and we must obey them because they are our masters,” and when Leslie tells her to stop she says “Leslie, you’ll never land a beau with that domineering tone!” (“Women in Garbage”). Obviously, this was sarcasm, which shows that other characters on the show have their own ways of enforcing feminism.

How Poehler’s experiences translate to Parks and Recreation Furthermore, Poehler speaks to the way women are treated verbally by men who feel they are above them because of their genders. After being quality of one of her live performances, she writes in her book, “‘Relax’ is a real tough one for me. Another tough one is ‘smile.’ ‘Smile’ doesn’t really work either. Telling me to relax or smile when I’m angry is like bringing a 143

birthday cake into an ape sanctuary. You’re just asking to get your nose and Parks and Recreation address the way some men choose to speak to women in a condescending manner.

During season two episode twenty, “Summer Catalog,” Leslie plans a picnic for Ron Swanson and the former directors of the parks and recreation department. These former directors include Clarence Clarrington, who expresses his opinions on women leaders to Leslie, saying, “Women need brain,” which he follows up by patting her on the head and saying, “I’d stay away from leadership roles, for your own safety” (“Summer Catalog”). Not government which many people around her regard as outstanding. It forces viewers to realize that it is not uncommon to be spoken down to as a woman in the workplace, even if you are Leslie Knope.

Despite his disrespectful comments, this was an important scene because it framed Clarence as the butt of a joke with his outdated perspectives and lack of awareness on basic biology as well, which served to apply Meyer’s function of enforcement in terms of feminism during the scene.

The way his words were communicated makes him the joke because it exthe workplace and the female anatomy. Leslie’s reaction to him expressing his thoughts — which involves her looking angrily at him while trying to remain calm so as to not ruin the picnic — is hilarious and relatable for women as most have experienced some form of sexism during their lives, most notably in the workplace. It also helps enforce a feminist viewpoint for those who may not have experienced sexism themselves, as Leslie’s reaction is an example of how women are often forced to swallow warranted frustration and act professionally in the face of blatant disrespect.

How Men on Parks and Recreation Enforce Feminism There are several men on the show who demonstrate support for feminism throughout the entire series. Ron Swanson, director of the Department of Parks and Recreation, is probably the most obvious character his views, saying “I don’t consider myself an anything-ist, but my life has been shaped by powerful women'' (“Lucky”). He does not have to consider himself a feminist to be one; his actions speak for themselves. Throughout the series, he continuously fuels Leslie’s ideas despite fundamentally disagreeing with most of them because he believes in her work. Additionally, he enjoys not having to do any work because she picks up his slack, which 144

from white male privilege because it allows him to do less while a woman who works beneath him, for presumably less money, does more. In more realistic situations, these types of work environments are considered toxic, especially since there is not a thin veil of comedy covering up Ron’s actions.

However, it works for the show because Leslie enjoys doing extra work and Ron cares deeply about the other parks department employees, even if he refuses to admit it. Additionally, his sense of “manliness” draws the attention of viewers who would be less inclined to subscribe to ideals of feminism, The trait that Ron has that a lot of “feminist” men in television, comedy, and the general population lack is that he is not attempting to save women or and that is enough. The reason this works into a comedy show is because Ron is as funny as he is a budding feminist. Viewers love his outdated way of life and lack of knowledge about how nobody uses walkmans anymore and his anger about the fact that Google earth has pictures of everyone’s houses. His passion for breakfast food and his sarcastic quips he has with the other characters are just as beloved by his fans as well.

Another character who demonstrates feminism is Ben Wyatt, who eventually marries Leslie. One of the best examples of his feminism is during his run for Congress, when he refused to let people judge Leslie for her choice to not participate in the pie-mary, a traditional pie baking contest between the wives of Congressional candidates. After the pie-mary, there is a scene when Leslie tried to make amends by apologizing to the voters for what they saw as a lack of support for her husband during his candidacy; instead, Ben made a speech about how unfairly Leslie was being treated.

In response to reporters repeatedly following Leslie after press conferences and asking irrelevant questions, such as how often she gets her hair done and how often she cooks for her family, Ben expresses frustration in his speech, saying, “No one's ever asked me how my kids are or who's taking care of them,” (“Pie-Mary”). Additionally during this episode, people criticized her for working, and even the feminist organization in the city passed judgement about her when she tried to please everyone. This is just one example of Ben’s attempts to utilize his leadership role to take the burden Leslie and forced the people who were sexist towards her to realize how their actions were unfair to all women. In addition to loving Ben because his dorky sense of humor and constant loyalty to Leslie. This helps enforce feminism even more, because if a lovable character supports something 145

their fans will likely be more open to it themselves.

How Parks and Recreation displays sexism...

On the other hand, there are aspects of the show that are sexist in hitting on the show’s women, although it is often unwanted and somewhat degrading. For example, in a scene during “Summer Catalog” that follows the one mentioned earlier, Tom is doing a parks-related photoshoot for a government magazine with Ann and Mark when he pulls Ann aside and tells her she is causing problems for him as the photographer because she looks awkward in almost every photo he has taken. He says to her, “Your face just this funny because of its delivery and its sexual reference. This is easy to take as a joke, especially because these types of comments are embedded into our society and therefore seem less disrespectful. However, when opposed to being focused on his job as the photographer, is thinking about Ann’s naked body. This further uses Meyer’s enforcement function because Ann’s disgusted reaction reminds the viewer that what Tom said to her is demeaning, especially in a work environment.

Tom undergoes major character growth and seemingly becomes more understanding that his actions are not always respectful to his female counterparts. In addition to catcalling women with no remorse for his money and having luxuries than he did about being responsible with his money or being empathetic to the people who supported him. Despite this, Leslie supported him, especially once she realized how much he grew into his position during her break from the parks department to be a city councilwoman. For example, during the eleventh episode of season six when she and Tom had a disagreement about which new business should be opened in one of the parks. She attempted to shut his proposal for a lemonade business down in favor of a beloved stew company. However, once she realized how much responsibility Tom gained, she purposely blew her presentation supporting the stew business before turning to Tom and saying “Hey, rip it” (“New Beginnings”). This shows how Leslie empowered those around her, not just women, which indicates that she believes feminism means strengthening all those around her regardless of 146

sex. Furthermore, her actions show everyone why feminism is pertinent, because without feminism people like Leslie Knope would not exist. She makes feminism even better by being funny in order to enforce it.

Conclusion Parks and Recreation stemmed from the minds of two feminist men with the thought of a feminist woman for their female protagonist. The point of the show, from the beginning, was to promote feminism, especially in the workplace. The humor of it is what makes this show beloved by so many, even if it is not the most popular, and the enforcement of feminism through that humor is how it became so successful in its pro-women message. This is important in our rapidly changing society because there are many examples of television shows and movies that promote marginalizing women and disregarding the importance of female empowerment, especially in the workplace. Maybe the next step is for women to write a show that rises in popularity the way Daniels and Schur’s did. Parks and Recreation is valuable to its viewers for using Meyer’s enforcement function to engage in the expansion of pro-woman culture and promote gender equality in comedy.

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Gabriella DePinho Gabriella (Gabs) DePinho is a senior English and communication major with a concentration in journalism from New City, New York. As of writing this bio, she does not know what she will be doing after she graduates. In her paper, she investigates the role of women as members of Manhattan College’s student newspaper and how it has changed over time.

Her interest in this area of research began when she joined the student newspaper as a freshman, long before she knew she would be writing this paper. She would like to thank Dr. Michael Plugh for advising her in her research.

Women’s Writes!: An Oral History of the Women of The Quadrangle

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Introduction As colleges and universities strive to be more competitive with each other by luring in new students with promises of new buildings, study abroad programs, fun events and extracurricular opportunities, other existing structures are at risk of getting placed on the chopping block. One mainstay of college life that has been around since the 19th century and has yet to disappear from campuses across America is the student-run college newspaper. Many of these newspapers have been around longer than most colleges have had journalism programs or similar academic opportunities.

Newspaper records are often used when drafting histories of major public events and college newspapers are considerably left out of these drafts of history. However, these student-run college newspapers are useful records in drafting the history of the particular institution that it belongs to.

Manhattan College, founded in 1853, is a small, liberal arts and Lasallian Catholic college which is located in the Bronx, New York.

Originally, the college was an all-male institution, but in the 1970s, after a few years of debating the decision, Manhattan College made the transition

to become a coeducational institution. In 2018, just around 35 years after the college became coeducational, the college opened up its Lasallian Women and Gender Resource Center, embracing all gender identities and providing women with a uniquely devoted space on the college’s campus.

With the college’s changing history regarding providing women with space on campus, as well as being located in New York City, a hub of cultural progress, The Quadrangle has had the unique opportunity to record the history of women at the college.

However, this history recorded by The Quadrangle can only be considered a draft of women’s history at Manhattan College. The Quadrangle, as a publication, began as an all-male publication, and as the college transitioned to give women space on campus, so did the newspaper.

While recording the stories of many women on Manhattan College’s campus, the stories of the women who wrote for and were involved in leading the publication have yet to be heard and explored. In this oral history of The Quadrangle’s relationship with women, both the print coverage of the publication will be recorded and analyzed. This paper seeks to provide a “ground-up” answer to the following research questions: RQ1: How has The Quadrangle covered or interacted with women’s issues over the years, especially considering the culture shift the school faced as the college transitioned from an all-male institution to a co-ed institution in the mid 1970s? started taking on leadership positions?

Literature Review Before delving into the generally accepted history and purposes of of a “college student newspaper.” For my purposes, a “college student college’s or university’s news, student and faculty activities, and relevant community news with the goal of serving a readership of that college’s or university’s campus community, as well as the surrounding residents — if newspapers, large and small newspapers, and daily or weekly papers. A key by students; not only do students write the content, but they are in charge of editing, posting and laying out all of the content. The students may have 149

a faculty advisor who may generally be involved with the newspaper’s ongoings, but he or she is not an author for the publication. has been established, it is necessary to look at the history of these newspapers to understand that these newspapers have a longstanding place in the American higher education system. Armstrong (2018) asserts that, “the student press, in general, continues as perhaps the oldest genre of newspaper ever established was the Literary Focus, which ran for one college newspapers have histories that can trace as far back to the 1870s or 1880s (1). College newspapers have outlasted a number of professional newspaper models — such as the penny or party presses. Most of these newspapers existed long before colleges and universities began to have a degree in printing or journalism. According to Armstrong (2018), Kansas (2). Each newspaper at a college or university has its own unique history, which makes it distinct from local newspapers or other area newspapers.

A number of analyses and studies have been done over the years to attempt to establish the purpose of these newspapers. Blackwell (1939) seeks to answer the question, “Is [the college newspaper] a liability or an asset?” (243). Blackwell argues that as colleges focus on their public relations, “few, if any, agencies of the institution have opportunities for creating either good will or ill will equal to those of the college newspapers” that a student newspaper that serves its primary purpose is one that reports in all three areas (243). He believes a student newspaper can become an asset of the college when students report the news accurately, adhere to a “news value” standard for its reporting, is free from group control and propaganda uses, criticizes the institution on valid grounds, restricts its coverage to the campus, is true to the institution’s values, cooperates with emphasizes quality work, and last but not least, realizing the important role it can play in the public relations of the university (Blackwell. 1939, 243).

The paper can also be a liability if it ignores most of the aspects that would make it an asset.

The college student newspaper can also serve as a pedagogical tool.

Bockino (2018) asserts that if “conceived as part of the experiential learning 150

cycle, then, the college newspaper can be thought of as a tangible training ground at which a student can practice lessons learned in the classroom” (69). He states that “many of these papers explicitly state their pedagogical aims in their mission statements” (70). Bockino (2018) found that the editorial teams at college newspapers were less likely to “couple” with their audience and marketing teams than professional newspapers, raising the real dynamics of the industry (80)? If the primary purpose of the college newspaper is to remain “normative” in its pedagogical nature — helping students learn the necessary skills for being a journalist — then “coupling and entrepreneurialism are trivial endeavors” (80). While students may not get a taste of the “real” world of journalism, they can walk away from their time with their college newspaper with valuable journalism skills such as Student newspapers can also serve as a community building tool, in addition to a pedagogical tool. Smith, Hettinga, Norman and Payne (2019) applied the theoretical framework of Communities of Practice, which is an understanding of group learning, to focus groups of members of student newspapers. New journalists described learning from an older student mentoring them, as well as being thrown into the work without a close mentor (4). Participants in the study “described a strongly collaborative system within a hierarchical structure” which became an important part the structure of a community, student journalists are able to learn from those students who have more experience, as well as from working on their own with support from editors. When thinking about college student community that may possibly be found in a professional newsroom. As already established, college newsrooms do not perfectly mirror professional ones, so additionally, this element of community will not perfectly mirror leadership are consistently cycling in and out at these college student newspapers.

A necessary part of viewing the newspaper as community-building and pedagogical tools is the fact that “students’ own identities began to take shape as writers, professionals, and journalists, and they began to recognize a responsibility as journalists to their community” (Smith, Hettinga, et al.

2019, 5). Students begin to construct their identities as writers and journalists in an environment in which they face stressors beyond their work for their 151

they often do not have the added weight of academic stressors.) Though student editors report feeling moderate rates of emotional exhaustion, they also report feeling moderate rates of personal accomplishment, which seemingly makes the negative components of the job worth it to them (Filak While the college newspaper may serve many purposes, one thing that must be considered in their coverage of the college’s or university’s news, student and faculty activities, and relevant community news is how and Banning (2011) found that student journalists preferred covering “prestigious topics” or topics that “require more complexities of thought to consume and understand” but that “the topics the journalists thought other people most preferred could be considered “guilty pleasure” topics” to follow” (46). What student journalists choose to publish, whether if it is a subject of personal interest or a subject that they believe may appeal to an audience, determines the narrative the publication provides to its readership regarding campus life and news and the history that the publication constructs for the college.

Theory of journalism or news outlets and public memory. First, it is important to understand how memory, or knowledge acquisition works. According to Zelizer and Tenenboim-Weinblatt (2014), knowledge acquisition has both temporal and spatial aspects, which can also be applied to issues of memory (4). The idea of collective memory, emerged in response to “inadequacies of the notion of individualized recall as a tool” (4). Storytelling is a primary link between journalism and memory as narrative is one of the major devices in the social construction of collective memory (6). Additionally, Zelizer (2008) establishes that “vast and intricate memory work is being accomplished all the time in settings having little to do with memory per se” (80). Journalism’s connection to memory work seems fundamentally contradictory, since journalism is concerned, primarily, with current events (Zelizer, 2008.). Zelizer (2008) asserts that journalism is central in memory work as an institution of “mnemonic record” and that journalism often intricately involves engagement with the past, whether or not journalists want to admit it (85).

Another necessary thing to consider is the dynamic that exists 152

between newspapers and the coverage of women’s issues, as well as the political leanings of the newspapers. In the study, it was found that liberal and conservative newspapers are quite similar in that “they all devote most of their coverage to male subjects” (122). However, they note that regardless of how much coverage space is devoted to female subjects, what is important is the ways in which these subjects are covered (1223). Shor, van de Rijt, Askar and Skiena (2014) establish the fact that regardless of political bias, women make up approximately 20 to 25 percent of all subject coverage in the professional sphere of journalism.

Additionally, Shor, van de Rijt, Miltsov, Kulkarni and Skiena (2015) journalism sphere. “Media routines, news beats, and new holes” often mean that reporters attempt to cover familiar issues and subjects “to whom they issues’ experts are not women, that will lead to limited coverage of women; the “‘paper ceiling’ in printed news coverage, mirror[s] the glass ceiling that characterizes the gendered occupational reality” (964). The scholars’ quantitative results proved that external factors are primarily the reason for limited coverage of women. women, it would be “common sense” that the industry would match that majority of editorial boards (35). Even when women are the editors, media scholars expect minimal change in the coverage of women and women’s issues because they argue that “because media outlets have historically been and continue to be male-dominated, they have developed implicit masculine norms of journalistic practice that masquerade as professional routines, and to which all journalists are expected to subscribe” (Shor et al, 2015. 966). This, again, is evidence that the issue is external and has behaviors that are ingrained in the larger society these news organizations exist in.

The issue of collective memory also ties together with the issue of the coverage of women in the news. Kitch (2017) quotes journalist Rebecca Traister who said the march was “conceived by women, led by women, and staged in the name of women” (121). News coverage of this be seen as inconsistent with regular coverage patterns. Kitch (2017) notes, 153

multiplied across the world. It also made that experience savable” (125).

The event was archived in physical and digital spaces and the value in doing so “is supplemented by participants’ and observers’ narratives, which form a record and yet continue to circulate in productive patterns,” which emphasizes the role of narrative in creating collective memory (Kitch, 2017. 126). While women’s voices are often limited in news coverage, the massiveness of this event made it a moment worth archiving. The things thoughts and feelings of everyday women. In saving the history of this event and reporting on the events of it, journalists inadvertently conversed with the past of women’s rights movements, challenged the norms of regular coverage of women’s issues and raised the frequently ignored voices to importance in the public and collective memory.

Methods establish what work I did. According to Brennan (2017), oral history began as a way “to augment existing archival research” but in the 1960s it began to be used to “preserve the life experiences of individuals who did not have the time or ability to write their own stories” (132). Oral history began to be used to construct a “bottom up” history, rather than histories centralized method has, in recent years, been used to “help us understand the working Oral histories require that the researcher develop fairly extensive knowledge of the area one is researching, a list of relevant contacts to reach out to and that the researcher has a strong ability to interview. In order to establish a background in the subject matter and a grounding for the project, an oral historian may do some traditional history work which requires presenting “historical evidence as chronological reconstructions that address names, dates and places” (Brennan. 2017, 99).

In order to understand and construct the history of The Quadrangle with a focus on the coverage of and involvement of women in the student newspaper, it was necessary to complete two parts of history work. The interviews with previous members of The Quadrangle. The combination of a traditional history and the oral history was useful for this project because the history aspect helped give me grounds to develop interview questions from, as well as helped establish the context in which people giving their 154

oral histories are speaking in. archives and looked at old editions of The Quadrangle with two purposes in mind. One purpose was to create a list of names of previous members to contact in the second part of the project; the other purpose was to look at the text of The Quadrangle and in doing so, look at the number of women writing women and women’s issues at Manhattan College. While looking through issues of The Quadrangle that were published in the ten-year period of 1973 to 1983 — around the time of Manhattan College’s transition to a co-educational institution —I quickly found names of possible interviewee subjects. After looking through the print editions of The Quadrangle, I had on leadership roles. After taking names down and establishing a list of potential participants, I began to try to contact them through social media alumnae from the 1973 to 1983 who I then interviewed.

I conducted open-ended interviews to let them lead the conversation, their overall level of involvement with the paper, what subjects they tended to cover, if they believe their gender identity impacted their ability to secure interviews or meet with administrators for The Quadrangle, if they believe publication, and if they believe their gender identity informed the subjects they tended to cover. I wanted the former members of the publication to feel as though they can speak freely, openly and honestly.

The most important thing about an oral history is letting those who lived the history speak for themselves. For the purpose of this paper, the language and the narratives of the seven alumnae interviewed will function as the unit of analysis. While my initial plan was to only interview alumnae from that ten-year period, I also interviewed three alumnae who graduated between 2018 and May 2020; I had easier access to these alumnae considering I, a current member of The Quadrangle, worked for the publication with them at some point in time. While the language and narratives of the seven interviewees was the unit of analysis, occasionally considering them as two groups along the generational divide, rather than seven individuals, provided a shadow of a secondary unit of analysis.

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is the mode of analysis. The alumni’s testimonies explain their individual experiences, but also gives a glimpse into the relationship between women and The Quadrangle by those who lived it. Though they shared individual memories, collecting them re-contextualizes the individual experience into something part of a larger, shared memory. The most accurate understanding of each of the interviewee’s experience was brought forth through directly comparing and contrasting statements alumnae made in their interviews.

In all of this, what my oral history attempts to accomplish is to establish the narrative of The Quadrangle, a college student-newspaper, as a community-building tool that had social and historical implications beyond its probable original intent and had a meaningful impact on the lives of people who dedicated their time in college to the publication. What that impact may be or mean to each person I interviewed is subjective and each individual’s story came together to create a lively and colorful history of Results In the early years of Manhattan College’s transition to a coeducational

few women to join the publication and some of the publication’s most recent women leaders, I found four major themes in their language and narratives that serve as core components of the collective memory of the women of The Quadrangle. The four major themes found in their narratives is that they recall generally being treated with respect by peers and administrators, that those who went onto jobs in the professional writing and news industries the professional environment was like, that none of the interviewees felt a pressure to report on women’s issues while at The Quadrangle and that they all recall their time writing for the publication to be a positive life of nuance that complicate the themes and make the public, shared memory of the women of The Quadrangle more intricate.

Nearly all of the alumnae I interviewed generally recall being treated with respect by peers on the paper, other students at the college, advisors, professors and administrators, however, two of the alumnae who graduated within the 2018-2020 time period recalled that occasionally, respect from more senior — often male and white — administrators was occasionally 156

not even doled out. The fact that the alumnae all recall being treated with respect is fundamentally important because though the work of a college student newspaper is proven in the literature to be important and valuable, members of the campus population must respect the work it does. That means all members — regardless of gender identity — need to experience that respect, and since all seven alumnae recalled that respect, it means that respect has been present for all members across time. Breaking down that women on campus. Alumna Patricia (Springsteen) Hughes’78 worked in

of women on campus, but it wasn’t really, you know, a negative thing” (Personal communication Nov. 11, 2020).

It is also important to note that while the college only became co-educational in 1973, women had long been part of the fabric of Manhattan College’s environment, thanks to the established relationship with The College of Mount Saint Vincent about seventeen blocks north of Manhattan’s 242nd Street campus. A program began in the mid-1960s and existed until approximately 2006 that allowed students at Manhattan College and students at The College of Mount Saint Vincent to take classes on the other institution’s campus that would count towards their degree. As a result, since The College of Mount Saint Vincent was a women’s college until 1974, the program allowed co-educational integration before each college made the switch. Hughes said, “There had really been a presence of women on campus even before they enrolled directly in the college … so it wasn’t totally odd when women did join the campus community.

They’d been around” (Personal communication Nov. 11, 2020). Susan (Mattivi) Wittner’82, who served as a features editor for The Quadrangle, also recalled having “the ability to go over to ‘the mount’ and take classes 2020). Wittner, who was a chemical engineering major, recalled having a well-mixed friend group of men and women and found that her engineering courses were more obviously male-dominated than her experiences with The Quadrangle, as she served as an editor under a female Editor-In-Chief.

Taking the general campus climate and attitude toward women into consideration, it makes sense that when women joined The Quadrangle, they 157

Hamling’19 who served as Editor-In-Chief in 2018 said she thinks, “nearly anybody that was on the masthead with us at the time, regardless of gender, were generally pretty supportive” (Personal communication, Dec. 2, 2020) Additionally, Ally Hutzler’18 who served as Editor-in-Chief in 2016 said generally supportive (Personal communication, Dec. 7, 2020). This climate of support expanded past those closely connected to the club. Claire Culleton’80, The Quadrangle’s second female Editor-in-Chief said that she not only felt respected by her peers on the paper but that she “felt like [she] got a lot of respect on campus, because [she] did — from teachers and fellow students” (Personal communication, Nov. 6, 2020). Many of the alumni attested to experiences of knowing others — faculty, other students and administrators — were reading their work weekly, and took that as a compliment. the women who worked for and led The Quadrangle, the more recent graduates I interviewed noted instances of the respect being conditional or not so evenly doled out. Rose Brennan’20 said that “on the whole the administration is very supportive of what we do” which is a positive thing for the publication, however, Brennan continued, “that being said that isn’t always the case” (Personal communication, Nov. 30, 2020). Brennan said, “There were these two instances of condescension that at the hands of older white male administrators that just really stick out in my head” (Personal communication, Nov. 30, 2020). In one instance an administrator told her she should “write that down” when he was speaking to her; in the other, an administrator was being uncooperative with responding for requests for interviews and so after she and another female editor approached his superior, the superior told her that the students at the publication are not respectful enough when engaging “busy professionals” (Personal communication, Nov. 30, 2020). In both instances the administrators who made the snide remarks were disrespecting the overall professionalism of all the students working for the publication, as well as using their position as a male in power to try and coerce the women into doing what they wanted them to do, instead of treating them as young professionals themselves. In Hutzler’s experience, she found the college’s president to be “okay,” “but [she] did think that some of our male reporters had a better relationship with the president and probably with the Board [Of Trustees] as well” and she said, “I don’t know if that’s a product is me but I do think that they were a little bit more welcoming, or a little bit more chummy, with male reporters 158

who served at the time” (Personal communication, Dec. 7, 2020). While no one was ever outright disrespectful to Hutzler, she was still attuned to the of two women, and they do recall a general level of respect, it points to the possibility that others may have experienced similar things and regardless of whether or not the actions or comments were subtle, they can still leave a lasting impression.

Out of the seven alumnae interviewed, three went on to look for jobs in the writing or news industry. Each of them described their experience of The Quadrangle as a safe space for women to do journalism as generally found support in their forays into writing and journalism careers were often primarily supported by other women. Colleen (Archer) Talay’82, who served as Editor-In-Chief for The Quadrangle, looked for writing or journalism jobs upon graduation and said “I remember interviewing and to me that a lot of the positions, especially for young women at the time were almost like secretarial in nature. They wanted to know how much and how fast I could type and that wasn’t what I was looking for” (Personal communication, Nov. 22, 2020). Eventually, she lucked out and was hired

by Fairchild Publications, which had women in both the Managing Editor and Editor-In-Chief roles at the time in which she was hired and for her time working there; they promised her she wouldn’t be “typing” but she would [for Fairchild Publications] because to work for two high ranking women in an editorial capacity was great and I feel like I got opportunities there” (Personal communication, Nov. 22, 2020). Talay feels that she was able to be successful in and advance her career because of the fact that women was likely not the norm at the time for women looking to enter writing jobs, as seen by the fact that most interviews she went on asked for her secretarial skills. Had she worked at another and more male-dominated company, she likely would not have had the same opportunities.

Out of the three, two are from the younger alumnae group and have had time to see the writing and news industries change. Hutzler and Brennan both currently work in the news industry; Hutzler works for Newsweek, a national publication, and Brennan works at The Riverdale Press, a local newspaper in the Northwest Bronx that actually services the neighborhood Manhattan College sits in. Hutzler’s publication has a female EditorIn-Chief and she considers her newsroom to be fairly mixed in terms of 159

representation, saying “I’ve actually had a pleasant experience. Newsweek is a healthy mix” (Personal communication, Dec. 7, 2020). However, Hutzler knows that her experience is not a universal experience. She said, “but it’s and so many of those reporters are male, especially the people you see on TV. The White house correspondents lean male instead of female but for me Dec. 7, 2020). In Hutzler’s experience with The Quadrangle, there was more male leadership in her early years but she worked alongside numerous women in editorial roles and watched as the paper started to welcome even more women to its ranks. Hutzler’s time at The Quadrangle being mixed but leaning female left her somewhat prepared for her professional life.

She noted that, in both her professional and collegiate experience, women tended to hand things on time or early, while men would send things in late and “never apologize for it” (A. Hutzler, personal communication, Dec. 7, 2020); she feels it’s a result of the broad fact that “women will overcompensate and men will under compensate” (A. Hutzler, personal communication, Dec. 7, 2020). In this way, she found that her Quadrangle woman and she’s found that her education at the college and in The Quadrangle’s newsroom did not prepare her for that adjustment. Describing concentration of the communication department is representative of what real world newsrooms look like. In my advanced reporting and news writing class there was only one boy and that’s not necessarily my experience at the newsroom I’m in right now. The editor just hired another man so I’m going to be the only woman in the newsroom and that’s not really an experience that I’m used to” (R. Brennan, personal communication, Nov. 30, 2020). Brennan’s experience in that both the classroom and The the professional world was jarring to her, but is not uncommon. In fact, it’s the “norm” for women in newsrooms.

This lack of representation in the newsroom can lead to an exclusion of women in the building of public memory and therefore, potentially, in the public memory itself. Brennan noted that The Quadrangle became even more female-dominated as the years went on during her time with the publication — and therefore left her unprepared for her professional experience. This shows that, though The Quadrangle women were able to 160

be part of that construction of the college’s public memory, and therefore, had the chance to include other women in that public memory they were constructing, that is not necessarily the case in a larger social public memory.

None of the alumnae said they felt pressure to report on women’s issues — or other minority group issues — because of their personal gender identity; however, the alumnae who graduated in the 2018-2020 timeframe alluded to an interest in reporting on women’s issues due to a variety of reasons. Some of the alumni who graduated in the 1973-1983 time period admitted that they were generally more focused on covering day-to-day campus news and local entertainment and did not cover “women’s issues” in any special way, if at all. Wittner said “I don’t think it was a big sensitivity to coverage of women versus men or you know diverse religions or cultures.

It’s always a concern but it wasn’t something that was as much in the press” (Personal communication, Nov. 18, 2020). Her statement suggests that the larger professional sphere. Talay said “I don’t think I felt any pressure to [cover women’s issues] but I think that we addressed some serious issues... but I don’t recall any of them being about women’s issues per say, but I never felt any pressure to address [women’s issues] in any special way” (Personal communication, Nov. 22, 2020). Talay felt compelled to cover “important” issues, such as protests on campus, but did not recall any of them being on gendered issues. Both Talay’s and Wittner’s statement show a lack of special attention to women’s issues and suggest that what was happening their writing and decision-making process than their own identities were.

On the matter of sexual assault, date rape and rape Talay said “I don’t feel that was really an issue back in my day, but I honestly could have just been blind to it” (Personal communication, Nov. 22, 2020). This statement makes one last thing clear: even if there were women’s issues on campus that may have been important and worth reporting on, they may have been swept under the rug and hidden from the public. If such things happened on campus and were kept quiet by the college, which is likely since the laws and the public discourse around those subjects has changed greatly over time, that lack of information would have made it impossible for students — of any gender identity — to report on any of those topics and make it part of the college’s shared memory, even if they wanted to.

The younger alumnae found themselves and their peers increasingly more attuned to writing about women’s issues, however, none of them did personal interest. Hutzler was Editor-in-Chief during 2016, which included 161

the election of Donald Trump to the presidency and that election’s and women’s issues, as discussions around Trump’s commentary and treatment on women grew, as the #MeToo started to gain some but slow international traction, and as discussions on feminism became more widespread reporters for The Quadrangle became attuned to women’s issues as well. Hutzler said, “I never felt pressured to take up stories and especially, I would say then of course I became Editor-in-Chief around the same time the whole #metoo movement exploded.... We did an entire special issue on gender issues ... and I got a very nice response, no one ever told me I couldn’t do that... and even though it was a gender issue, we looked at things other than women’s issues” (Personal communication, Dec. 7, 2020). Hutzler’s note that no one ever told her no is important because it indicates general support for the coverage that The Quadrangle was doing on gender-related issues. of more recent events for reporting that surrounded the theme. As Hutzler stated, the issue covered a variety of issues regarding gender, gender identity, sexuality and the implications those things have on daily life in a variety of areas, including the arts and sports. It is important to note that this issue came even before Trump clinched the nomination in June 2016 and before the “Access Hollywood” tape with lewd comments about women leaked attitudes were changing to consider and discuss these gendered issues on a more frequent and accessible level.

For Brennan and Brethauer-Hamling, their inclination to cover serious topics, which included gender-related issues, came from a place of either personal interest or a desire to support their peers who had a personal interest in the matter. In her time with The Quadrangle, Brennan wrote about a number of serious topics, some of which focused on categorically “women’s issues” as a result of her own investment in the issues. Additionally, she noticed that a number of her peers were also stepping up to write about issues they cared about. She said, “We kind of could talk about things that were personal to us ... so it’s not necessarily marginalized identities but I think it’s more bringing a personal touch to journalism and recognizing we have power in this outlet and we should use it” (R. Brennan, personal communication, Nov. 30, 2020). Members of The 162

Quadrangle supported each other as they wrote about issues such as eating disorder and diabetes awareness, and in doing so, created a space for others to write opinion-editorials and fully reported news articles about similarly sensitive topics, a number of which included women’s issues. In supporting each other, members of The Quadrangle created an environment that, as Brethauer-Hamling said, “There are some things that I didn’t necessarily know were going on on campus and somebody that was more attuned to those would mention those to me and of course let’s cover that, that’s amazing” (Personal communication, Dec. 2, 2020).

Additionally, sometimes, that personal interest and growing social conscious sometimes overlapped, and allowed for The Quadrangle to report on women’s issues in a doubly meaningful way. As Brethauer-Hamling mentioned others would bring issues or campus events, such as ‘Take Back The Night’ or ‘The V-Day Monologues’ which both focus on raising awareness and bringing support and healing to survivors of sexual assault, to her or other editors’ attentions, the way The Quadrangle covered them changed as those events themselves changed. She said “Those [events or topics] just kind of started becoming things that were almost always pitched as must covers. And I feel like some of those events too, didn’t necessarily exist when I started out as a freshman or weren’t … as well attended … they started growing with the times, with the campus climate and we (T. Brethauer-Hamling, personal communication, Dec. 2, 2020). In this, members were or were becoming passionate about and between broader topics and issues that the larger world and mainstream media was starting to pay attention to at the same time. an environment that encouraged and supported reporting on numerous sensitive issues, even beyond the scope of gender identity. In this way, much of the work they did was documenting the current narrative of the conversations the campus was having on these topics, was like what Kitch (2015) described as occurring with the Women’s March, and in a way, created a recorded version of the public memory of the time. By frequently Quadrangle began to center women’s and other marginalized voices in the constructed narratives of the times by using those voices as repeated and relevant sources in their coverage of those issues.

Overall, all seven alumnae recall their time as a positive time for 163

themselves in terms of personal growth, social enjoyment and professional development. Culleton said, “It was always fun. The people were always funny and we always had a good time” (Personal communication, Nov. 6, 2020); Hughes echoed that sentiment saying, “We had a good time. The culture was good (Personal communication, Nov. 12, 2020). Wittner noted that “It was a nice outlet” for her as an engineering major who liked to write, in addition to a positive group of people to spend time with. (Personal communication, Nov. 18, 2020). Culleton also noted it was “good to learn how to speak with authority” (Personal communication, Nov. 6, 2020). it was a really close-knit group and that was something that [she] really wanted for [herself]” because in high school she had been shy and was looking to break out of her shell in college (Personal communication, Dec. 2, 2020). In fact, she said she not only came out of her shell but that she leader (T. Brethauer-Hamling, personal communication, Dec. 2, 2020).

Much like Brethauer-Hamling, Hutzler found her time on The Quadrangle me to advocate for myself in my professional life ... It was a really warm place, probably because there were a lot of women that worked there and it was a very supportive place” (A. Hutzler, personal communication, Dec. All of them are able to look back on their time with the publication with a development of their writing skills for professional reasons, the growth of to do with their time in college. Even while understanding that the work they on their own lives. Their narratives construct a memory of The Quadrangle as being a safe, welcoming environment for women to grow in meaningful ways.

Conclusion The original purpose of the project was to document, in their Quadrangle during 1973-1983 faced in terms of membership and in reporting on women’s issues; however, in collecting their narratives, the stories and memories they shared did not construct a narrative of struggle around women’s issues, and allowed me to expand my research. In that expansion, I have collected, analyzed and constructed a much broader 164

oral history of how the experiences of the women of The Quadrangle have changed — or stayed the same — over the nearly 50 years the college has been co-educational. While I was originally disappointed, this change worth noting. I struggled to track down alumnae from 1973-1983 because many have since changed their last names. Additionally, I was worried that those alumnae were looking back on their experience through “roseinterview Hutzler, Brethauer-Hamling and Brennan, all of whom I have friendly personal relationships with, which I had to navigate as a limitation and concern. the newsroom, The Quadrangle was able to become a welcoming space for women and begin to document a more comprehensive public memory for the college. As soon as The Quadrangle welcomed women, it became a place that women could become leaders, develop their identities, and

on women students, because it is highly unlikely that in an all-male group the publication; however that is an area that should be researched further

from 1973-1983 came from growing social change and a new willingness care for.

The experiences of Brethauer-Hamling, Brennan and Hutzler suggest that when journalists report about things they are passionate about, the work is usually well-done, inspiring to others and done with extra care because of the personal investment in the matter. As a result personal stake in the subject they are reporting on should be called into question. This is not to say that ethics of not being “too close” to a story should be ignored, but self-proclaimed feminists should be able to write from certain medical conditions should be able to report on those topics report on issues and challenges facing those groups without being judged 165

for being “biased.” Good reporters know how to be fair and balanced, and know that “balanced” does not necessarily mean “to give equal weight”; as the understanding of “fair and balanced” shifts to meet the modern times, so should the standard of “objectivity.” Reporters should be upfront about their investments and their biases and then report on the issues they care about anyway, because writing about what one cares about makes the work more meaningful to the journalist, and encourages one to do a more careful and thorough job on the story.

Their narratives also prove that journalism is a product of its time.

The issues that felt pressing to report on in recent years were not pressing in the 70s and 80s, not because they didn’t exist, but because the social conversation did not exist. This is not the fault of the individual student reporters for not covering these issues, but a failure of the larger society. As new topics and social issues crop up in the public sphere, it is reasonable to expect that The Quadrangle and other college student newspapers like it will begin to report on those issues.

College student newspapers are a rich area for research because they serve as the breeding ground for future journalists, who by nature, as they continue to navigate their own experiences with their publications. into consideration as they guide their students in producing their work.

Further research should be done to consider the college student newspaper experiences of people of color, LGBTQ+ and those with intersectional identities. The college student newspaper should not be counted out, but should be counted on.

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Works Cited Armstrong, K. D. (2017). How student journalists report campus unrest.

Lanham: Lexington Books.

Brennan, B. (2017). Qualitative research methods for media studies.

Milton: Taylor and Francis.

Bockino, D. (2018). Prepatory journalism: The college newspaper as a 73(1), 67-82.

Mass Communication Educator, 66(3), 243-256.

10.1177/1077699014563523 Kitch, C. (2017). “A living archive of modern protest”: Memory-making doi:10.1080/15405702.2017.1388383

there a political bias? A computational analysis of female subjects’ coverage in liberal and conservative newspapers. Social Science Quarterly, 95(5), 1213-1229.

A paper ceiling: Explaining the persistent underrepresentation of women in printed news. American Sociological Review, 80(5), 960-984.

10.1177/1750698007083891

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Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

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Eunice Nazar Egan Award Honorable Mention Born in the Philippines and raised in the Bronx, Eunice Nazar, Class of 2022, is a double major in History Science. On-campus, she serves as the Second Deputy Speaker-Elect for the Senate, the School of Liberal Arts Vice President for Student Government, Student Representative for the Board of Trustees Enrollment Management Committee, Student Representative for the Campus Life Committee, and the Diversity Council Subcommittee/Curriculum Committee. Eunice also works at the Center of Academic Success as a History Fellow and Tutor. She is interested in addressing the root cause of social problems and supporting social States military and colonial administration gained and used the collaboration of various local elites to late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

American Occupation in the Philippines: The Use of Religious, Ethnic, and Class Differences to Control Filipinos in the eyes of Filipino revolutionaries, America promised to acknowledge Philippine Independence.1 However, though the Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain, signed on December 10, 1898, marked the end of the Spanish-American War and the end of Spanish rule in the Philippines, 1 Emilio Aguinaldo, True Version of the Philippine Revolution By Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, President of the Philippine Republic (Farlak, Philippine Islands Press, 1899), 18.

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it also alluded to the beginning of America’s initiative to occupy and control the Philippines.2 Once allies to enemies, Filipino-American relations grew Philippines. However, the nature of how Americans accomplished this task necessitates the analysis of the roles local Filipino elites played. From the beginning, the collaboration of Filipino elites was a component that the American military used to initiate and attain the Philippines. Further, to ethnic, and class divisions of the Philippines by collaborating with various local elites.

Philippines Under the Spanish Before and under Spanish and American colonization, the various groups of the Philippines was never one entity. As an archipelago, the between the Filipino groups, as well. It is important to note that because of had its own peculiarities.

Spanish’s inability to assert control over all of the islands was evident in the conservative Madrid newspaper, y literario or Exposition of the Philippines: A Collection of Published Articles by The Globe, Political Diary, Science, and Literature.3 The newspaper included a general statement that highlighted how the Spanish de tres siglos y medio de dominación española…sólo hablan nuestro idioma 200,000 habitantes, de los 7 millones que forman su población: una parte de ella vive todavía en estado salvaje…existen tríbus sin ley, sin religión sin autoridad …” which translates to “After three and a half centuries of Spanish domination…only 200,000 of the 7 million inhabitants speak our language: parts of it still live in savagery/wild…tribes without laws, religion,

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2 William McKinley and John Hay, A Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain: Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting a Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain, Signed at the City of Paris, on December 10, 1898. 55th (Accessed November 21, 2020).

3 D. E. Maisonnave, (Madrid: Establecimiento https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/100155327 (Accessed November 22, 2020).

and without authority.4 The Spanish referred to the wild tribes as the Moro Filipinos of the Muslim faith and this idea continued under the Americans.

More so, the newspaper alluded to the varying groups that existed in the

Tagalog-speaking areas. While the Spanish were able to maintain control in Christian and Tagalog areas, they were not as successful in the areas that practiced the Muslim faith, such as the Moro groups, and their control was not as authoritative. As highlighted by Najeeb M. Saleeby in the book The Moro Problem: An Academic Discussion of the History and Solution of the Problem of the Government of the Moros of the Philippine Islands, under the Spanish, and the Moro territory “was exempted from the laws of the Philippine Islands.”5 Whereas in the Tagalog-speaking areas, as articulated by Pedro Alejandro Paterno, in the 1887 book La Antigua Civilización Tagálog (apuntes) por Pedro Alexandro Molo Agustín Paterno y de Vera Ignacio, Maguinóo Paterno, Doctor en Jurisprudencia, or The Ancient Civilization Tagalog (notes) by Pedro Alexandro Molo Agustín Paterno and Vera Ignacio, Maguinoo Paterno, Doctor of Jurisprudence, the achievements of the “Tagalog civilization,” under Spanish rule, was essential to Filipino progression, which suggested that the Spanish had 6

Similarly, Paterno discussed how the social structure of Tagalog speaking-areas evolved. He stated, under the Spanish “…podemos considerar dividida la sociedad tagala en tres clases: los Mahaldicas (nobles), los Timavas (plebeyos) y los Alipin (siervos)” or under the Spanish, Tagalog society was divided into three classes, the nobles, the commoners, and the serfs.7 4 D. E. Maisonnave, Exposición de filipinas, 199 5 Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem: An Academic Discussion of the History and Solution of the Problem of the Government of the Moros of the Philippine Islands (Manila: Philippine Islands Press, 1913), 10-11, https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/ (Accessed November 5, 2020).

6 Pedro Alejandro Paterno, La Antigua Civilización Tagálog (apuntes) por Pedro Alexandro Molo Agustín Paterno y de Vera Ignacio, Maguinóo Paterno, Doctor en Jurisprudencia de la Real Casa Libertad, 1887), 199, (Accessed November 21, 2020).

7 Pedro Alejandro Paterno, La Antigua Civilización Tagálog, 268.

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territory, under the Spanish, was the Datu class (nobles), the privileged class (free citizens), the subjects of the datu, and the slaves.8 Further, the American military and colonial administration tapped into the existing structures as a tactic to assert control over the Philippines. This is evident in the tactics that Through the assessment of the American actor’s tactics, the American military and the colonial administration maximized on the precedent established by the Spanish and used it to their advantage because sustain the divisions and control the territory.

Tactic One: Religion A necessary tactic of the American military was to collaborate depended on the circumstance, but a theme in their actions was to sustain the Filipinos. The American military and colonial administration treated the their control over the population. areas of Christian faith and Tagalog inhabitants fought to resist American occupation.9 Though the Christians and Moro Filipinos were not united of Americans as well. On August 8, 1899, the New York Times published “Moros Attack Marines: Resist Landing Party at Balabac in the Philippines.

Americans Lose No Men: Enemy Lost Two Dead and Seven Prisoners -Force Has Been Landed and Assistance Is on the Way” which highlighted how the Moros resisted American presence, during the same time Aguinaldo and his forces did.10 an agreement with the Moros.

On August 20th, 1899, similar to the conditions under the Spanish,

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8 Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem, 23.

9 Emilio Aguinaldo, True Version of the Philippine Revolution By Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, President of the Philippine Republic (Farlak: Philippine Islands Press, 1899), https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001256954 (Accessed November 4, 2020).

10 “Moros Attack Marines: Resist Landing Party at Balabac in the Philippines.

Americans Lose No Men: Enemy Lost Two Dead and Seven Prisoners -- Force Has Been Landed and Assistance Is on the Way,” New York Times (August 8, 1899), Times Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

an agreement of peace, that enabled the Moros to maintain their cultural traditions, was signed by the Sultan of Sulu, Datto Rajah Muda, Datto Attik, Further, on October 7, 1900, in the New York Times, Congressman Grosvenor alluded to how the American military needed to create “temporary agreement with the Sultan” to “prevent an outbreak of war at the time when Aguinaldo had a large force…”12 to prioritize the American forces against the Christian and Tagalog areas.13 Thus, the American military needed to collaborate with the Moro elites to ensure they had enough resources and men on the ground to contain the resistance in the Tagalog areas.

Americans acknowledged the deep religious divisions of the two ethnic groups and purposefully enhanced it. The Moros did not want to be homogenized with the Christians and had no desire to associate with them politically or socially, and the American military and colonial administration capitalized on this sentiment evident through the written works that became produced.14 Coleman’s book, The Friars in the Philippines, demonstrated an example 11

other and rendered the Christians as more civilized than the Moros.15 This sentiment was further highlighted in the New York Times newspaper on June 16, 1901, titled “Mindanao’s Wild Tribes.”16 Americans viewed the were contained, the Americans heightened the divisions between the two religious groups.

11 Arnold Henry Savage Landor, The gems of the East: sixteen thousand miles of research travel among wild and tame tribes of enchanting islands, by A. Henry Savage (London: Macmillan, 1904), 258. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/006574691 (Accessed September 21, 2020).

12 “America and Sulu Slaves: Congressman Grosvenor Answers the Attacks on President McKinley. No Slavery Trade Made: Gen. Bates's Agreement Only Temporary and Subject to Approval of Congress — Text of State Correspondence,” New York Times (October 7, 1900), Time Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

13 Arnold Henry Savage Landor, The gems of the East, 255-58.

14 Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem,15.

15 Ambrose Coleman, The Friars in the Philippines By Rev. Ambrose Coleman, O.P. https://www.loc.gov/resource/ (Accessed October 30, 2020).

16 “Mindanao’s Wild Tribes,” New York Times (June 16, 1901), Time Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

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Figure 1: A list of Provinces and Military Districts, with Major Capitals, of the Philippines under the Americans

Initially, the American government collaborated with Aguinaldo and his army to defeat the Spanish, then the Americans collaborated with the Moros when Aguinaldo’s forces resisted American occupation, and once that issue was resolved the Americans realigned themselves with the Filipino elites in the Christian and Tagalog areas. After Aguinaldo’s forces were under American rule, the Americans repealed their agreement with the Moros and declared the area an American territory, as highlighted in the New York Times, published on March 15, 1904, titled “America Abrogates Treat with Moros: Rights Conferred by the Bates Agreement Forfeited.

Canon and Ammunition.”17 This document alluded to a shift in American collaboration. Once local elites from the Christian and Tagalog areas began to collaborate with the Americans, the division between the Muslim and Christian Filipinos was enhanced. These instances demonstrate how the American military and colonial administration used the religious divisions 17

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“America Abrogates Treat with Moros: Rights Conferred by the Bates

Capture Canon and Ammunition,” New York Times (March 15, 1904), Time Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

A further example of this American tactic was evident when The titled What Has Been Done in the Philippines: A Record of Practical Accomplishments Under Civil Government that illustrated how the American 18 Figure 1, obtained from the Census of the Philippine Islands taken under the direction of the Philippine Commission in the year 1903, did not account for all the provinces of the Philippines, but it listed the provinces with city capitals and depicted how districts, while the other provinces, predominately of Christian faith were not.19 While the Moros were deemed as a military district, the Christian Tagalog areas were under the Philippine Commission. In the areas of Christian faith, local Filipino elites were incorporated into the government and had the ability to collaborate more with the colonial government. These primary documents represent the shift between which Filipino group the American actors decided to collaborate with. used the religious divide because they needed the Filipino elites from oblige under American rule. Dean C. Worcester, in The Philippine Islands And Their People: A Record of Personal Observation and Experience, with a Short Summary of the More Important Facts in the History of the Archipelago because it gave the American government a way to incentivize Filipino elites from the Tagalog and Christian areas to collaborate with the Americans.20 William Howard Taft, in the Senate Committee on the Philippines of 1902, indicated that Filipino collaboration from the elites of the Christian Filipino groups will lead to eventual self-rule and rule over the Moro territory, which 18 What Has Been Done in The Philippines: A Record of Practical Accomplishments Under Civil Government. 58th Cong., 2nd sess., 1904, https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/ service/rbc/lcrbmrp/t2420/t2420.pdf (Accessed October 4, 2020).

19 Philippine Commission, Census of the Philippine Islands: Taken Under the Direction of the Philippine Commission in the Year 1903 in Four Volumes: Volume I Geography, History and Population 1905), 158. https://catalog.hathitrust.org (Accessed November 19, 2020).

20 Dean C. Worcester, The Philippine Islands And Their People: A Record of Personal Observation and Experience, with a Short Summary of the More Important Facts in the History of the Archipelago 265, 472. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/009808373 (Accessed November 6, 2020).

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appealed to the local elites.21 made between the Moros and the Christian Filipinos22 was necessary because in separating the two groups, it heightened the tensions, prevented unity and mobilization23 secured American control of the Philippines. The Moro community had deep divisions, and the sole commonality that linked them together was a common enemy, and the Americans wanted to ensure that the various groups of the Philippines do not align with each other against them.24 Thus, the American military and the colonial administration maximized and heightened the existing religious divisions in the Philippines and used it to their advantage as they fought to annex the territroy.

Tactic Two: Ethnicity

El Dr. D. Fernando Blumentritt” or “Ethnographic Map Of The Philippine Archipelago By Dr. D. Fernando Blumentritt,” depicted the numerous ethnic groups of the Philippines and demonstrated the limitations of the knowledge during this time.25 tensions and a hatred for the inhabitants of the Tagalog areas, and during the Philippine Revolution, they remained loyal to Spain.26 The American 21

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William Howard Taft, Senate Committee on the Philippines (Washington D.C, Governor Taft in the Philippines: A Review of His Evidence: Given Before the Senate Committee on the Philippines (Boston: Allied Printing, 1902), 4, 15. https://catalog.hathitrust.org (Accessed November 23, 2020).

22 Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem, 16.

23 Vince Boudreau, “Methods of Domination and Modes of Resistance: The The American Colonial State in the Philippines, edited by Julian Go and Anne L. Foster, http://www.jstor.org (Accessed September 11, 2020), 263.

24 Saleeby, The Moro Problem, 5-6.

25 Blumentritt,” in , by Fernando https://www.univie.ac.at/ ; https://antiquemapsandglobes.com/Map/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

26 “Gen. Otis May Arm Natives: The Macabebes Profess to be Anxious to Fight Aguinaldo. Troops asked to Re-enlist American Volunteers May Be Induced to Serve Six

Figure 2: Map of the Philippines, 1890

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army tapped into this established relationship and collaborated with the Macabebe Troops because they needed intel on the islands and guides for 27 The American army needed the Macabebe Troops to establish control over the territory. It was the Macabebes that succeeded in capturing Emilio Aguinaldo, one of the leaders of the Philippine Revolution, which demonstrated how the American army needed to collaborate with them.

Further, two sections from the New York Times, one published in 1899 and the other in 1900, titled “Two More Companies of Macabebes”28 and “New Filipino Horse: Four Troops of Macabebes to be Formed with 29

necessity of native Filipino troops, such as the Macabebes, was demonstrated by the War Department’s approval of the “Act of Congress for The Creation of Scouts” on February 2, 1901.30 was essential to American occupation. More so, as shown through these sources, Americans sustained the ethnic divides of the groups by placing

the Spanish, demonstrated the divide between social classes. One social group of the Philippines that initiated the revolution against Spain was the Katipunan group who largely composed of the working class. A foundational document of the Katipunan group titled “Casaysayan; Pinagcasunduan; Months Longer in the Philippines,” New York Times (May 28, 1899), Times Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

27 “Gen. Otis May Arm Natives: The Macabebes Profess to be Anxious to Fight Aguinaldo. Troops asked to Re-enlist American Volunteers May Be Induced to Serve Six Months Longer in the Philippines,” New York Times (May 28, 1899), Times Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

28 “Two More Companies of Macabebes,” New York Times (December 2, 1899), Times Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

29 “New Filipino Horse: Four Troops of Macabebes to be Formed with Americans New York Times (July 7, 1900), Times Machine, https://timesmachine. nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

30 Report of the Philippine Commission, Annual Reports of the War Department for the Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1904 of Indigenous Soldiers, Northern Luzon, The Philippine Islands, 1899” (Master’s Thesis,

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https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a138032.pdf (Accessed November 8, 2020).

created in January 1892, in which they articulated the principles, reasons, and causes as to why this group, largely composed of the working class, wanted liberation from Spain.31The Katipunan group listed many grievances, but Another social group, with the goal of having more autonomy and economic prospects, was the group under Emilio Aguinaldo, who was backed by most elites, the educated and the wealthy. Andres Bonifacio, a prominent revolutionary leader known for being a member of the Katipunan Group, two social classes had heightened tensions and this was illustrated by the execution of Bonifacio, under the administration of Aguinaldo, which enabled Aguinaldo to control the revolution and prioritize the needs of the local elites. Further, Edwin Wildman’s account of “A Visit to Aguinaldo, Leader of the Philippine Rebels, 1898,” alluded to the tensions between the people of lower classes, who worked under his leadership and the local elites, which the Americans used as a means to facilitate their control over the various territories.32 The American military and colonial government capitalized on these social and economic divisions and collaborated with local elites to pacify the common Filipinos. William Howard Taft, during the 1902 Senate Committee on the Philippines that Filipino elites were willing to oppress the lower classes.33 Taft stated was the logic behind American collaboration with Filipino elites. However, the disconnect between the lower classes and the local elites existed prior to American intervention and the lower classes already had tensions with the wealthy elites.

Therefore, American collaboration with Filipino elites appeared to be a tactic used to continue the divisions of the social classes. Taft and the colonial administration targeted the educated and the wealthy, by 31 Katipunan, "Casaysayan; Pinagcasunduan; Manga daquilang cautosan," January 1892, Archivo General Militar de Madrid: Caja, http://www.kasaysayan-kkk. info/foundational-documents/-casaysayan-pinagcasunduan-manga-daquilang-cautosanjanuary-1892 (Accessed November 9, 2020).

32 Edwin Wildman, “A Visit to Aguinaldo, Leader of the Philippine Rebels, 1898,” Modern History Sourcebook, October 1998, https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/ mod/1898alguinaldo.asp (Accessed September 21, 2020).

33 William Howard Taft, Senate Committee on the Philippines (Washington Governor Taft in the Philippines: A Review of His Evidence: Given Before the Senate Committee on the Philippines (Boston: Allied Printing, 1902), 14. https://catalog.hathitrust.org

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34

Taft and

divisions of the social classes through widening the social gaps between

Figure 3: Salaries for the Moro Elite

Similarly, the Moro elites collaborated with the Americans because they sustained perks such as relative control of their territory and received 35 American actors saw this as a rulers of the community. Per the social structures of the Moros, the Datu class (nobles), the privileged class (free citizens), the subjects of the datu, and the slaves, American actors deliberately collaborated with the elite class as a means to control the lower classes.36 American actors saw this as a

in the Moro and Christian Tagalog territories, were maintained by the another against American sovereignty.

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34 (Accessed November 23, 2020).

William Howard Taft, Senate Committee on the Philippines (Washington D.C, Governor Taft in the Philippines: A Review of His Evidence: Given Before the Senate Committee on the Philippines (Boston: Allied Printing, 1902), 18. https://catalog.hathitrust.org (Accessed November 23, 2020).

35 Landor, The gems of the East, 257.

36 Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem, 23.

At the Expense of the Common People and The Lower Classes control over the lower classes and the territories. The role local Filipino of other religious, ethnic, and social groups.

The tone of Tagalog media highlighted the dissatisfaction of the lower classes with the Filipino elites and the colonial administration. In the 1905 book, Mga katuiran ng Filipino: maicling kasaysayang or Reasons/Beliefs of the Filipinos or the Filipino Principles: A Short History, Honorio Lopez aimed to mobilize the Filipino community by urging them to see the abuses they faced under the Americans, to embrace their potential, and to reject American rule.37 Lopez critiqued the Filipino elites who collaborated the Americans. Lopez, a nationalistic individual, hoped moral suasion would at may kapangyarihan, ano naman ang dapat gauin pagibig sa katauhan… gauin mo sa kapua mo, ang katulad ng nasa mong mangyari sa sarili mo at ito nga, ang mga pagibig sa caanacan, bayan, at catauhan.” 38 He stated, to those with strength and power, think about the people, your neighbors… do to others what you want done to yourself, and do right for the love of your province, town, and people. America enhanced the divisions of the American rule, and they maintained those divisions by catering to Filipino elites.

A Filipino magazine, that ran from 1907-1908, named Lipang Kalabaw was notorious for their caricatures that targeted and critiqued the elites.39 they attacked one of their bosses.40 people were, but these images are also subject to scrutiny because it was largely the educated who could produce these caricatures. Figure 4 aimed to depict the tensions of the common people with the local elites who had economic and political prestige.

Figure 5, titled “El Paraiso del Gobierno: Paghabol sa Mutya or the corruption of the Gobierno Provincal (the leader of the Provincial 37 Honorio Lopez, Mga katuiran ng Filipino: maicling kasaysayang (Manila, Philippines: Limbagan ni Santos at Bernal, 1905), 9-10, https://catalog.hathitrust.org/ Record/100175974 (Accessed October 11, 2020).

38 Lopez, Maga katuiran ng Filipino, 25-6.

39 Lope K. Santos, Lipang Kalabaw, (Manila, Philippines: Lipang Kalabaw, 190708), https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000067951 (Accessed November 5, 2020).

40 Santos, Lipang Kalabaw,155.

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Government) and how the workers wanted to chase him down.41 More so, the picture clearly depicted a man as the one being chased down, but the use of the word “mutya” translates to “lady,” which suggested that the Filipino artists sarcastically called the Provincial Governor a pawn of the suggests the struggles of the people under the colonial administration and the complacency of the Filipino elites is the book titled Banaag at sikat, kathâ ni Lope K. Santos or From Early Dawn to Light by Lope K. Santos.42 that workers had and elicits the emotions people felt during this time. The media’s sources demonstrated that Filipino collaboration with the Americans maintained the divisions of the social classes.

The Sultan and Dattos of the Moro territories also collaborated with of the Moro community, the agreement composed by the Sultan, Dattos, and American military were not easily comprehendible. The Sultan and Dattos, in their conversation with John C. Bates, Brigadier-General of the distressed with the presence of Americans and their business-like customs.43 Though the Sultan and Dattos attested for the desires of their people, the compromises they made with the Americans still placed their people as a subjugated group and entity.44 Moreover, Filipino elites, of all ethnic groups, Conclusion to their advantage as they fought to annex the territory. To truly pacify elites to sustain the social hierarchy between various religious and ethnic groups of the Philippines. Overall, the American military and the colonial administration maximized the already existing structures and divisions and maintained them, by collaborating with local elites. Americans enhanced groups, and social groups against each other to ensure that Americans had,

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41 Santos, Lipang Kalabaw, 284.

42 Lope K Santos, Lipang Kalabaw, (Manila, Philippines: Lipang Kalabaw, 190708), https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000067951 (Accessed November 5, 2020).

43 Landor, The gems of the East, 243.

44 Landor, The gems of the East, 255.

Figure 4: "Ang Union Ng Mga Obrero" or the Union of Workers

Figure 5:El Paraiso del Gobierno: Paghabol sa Mutya or The Paradise of the Government - The Chase of the "Lady"

Historiography The conclusion of this research aligns with the analysis of Historians Glenn A. May,45 Maria Serena I. Diokno,46 Paul A. Kramer,47 Michael 45 1899-1902,” 52, no. 4 (1983): 353-77, http://www.jstor.org (Accessed November 18, 2020).

46 Maria Serena I. Diokno, “Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine-American War of 1899-1902,” South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (1997): 5-19, http://www.jstor.org (Accessed October 25, 2020).

47 Paul A. Kramer, The Blood of Government: Race Empire, the United States, & the Philippines

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Cullinane,48 and Satoshi Ara.49 These historians are grouped because their research, similar to this paper, accounted for and acknowledged the role Filipino elites played during American occupation. However, while this paper, Kramer, and Cullinane directly argued Filipino elites played a crucial role for Americans to sustain control, Ara, May, and Diokno, were less explicit in their analysis. Similarly, Ara, Cullinane, May, and Diokno with the exception of Kramer, are grouped because their methodology focused on the narratives of Filipino elites. Similar to Kramer, the methodology of this paper incorporated Spanish primary documents, Tagalog documents, but it predominately used American sources.

On the other hand, Historians Andrew J. Birtle,50 Max Boot,51 and James Arnold52 asserted that military strength and the superiority of American military actors played a more crucial role in pacifying the Philippines.

Arnold, Boot, and Max used the same methodological approach by placing the American narrative at the forefront and focusing on military documents. historians listed used primary documents to articulate their arguments and secondary sources as a supplement. Though these historians have accounted for the perspectives of American actors and some Filipino elites, there is a need for a comprehensive analysis that connects the local histories of other Filipino ethnic groups, and the experiences of the common people.

Historians May, Diokno, Kramer, Cullinane, and Ara are grouped together because they had the same overarching argument about how the collaboration of Filipino elites played a role in the success of American occupation. Similarly, each historian had the same methodology of using primary sources as the base of their evidence while supplementing their argument with secondary sources. With the exception of Kramer, the other historians in this group focused on the narratives of the Filipino elites. Paul

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48 Colonial Philippines 1902-1907,” Philippine Studies 57, no. 1 (2009): 49-76, http://www. jstor.org (Accessed September 23, 2020).

49 Satoshi Ara, “Emilio Aguinaldo under American and Japanese Rule Submission for Independence,” Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints 63, no. 2 (2015): 161-92, http://www.jstor.org (Accessed November 18, 2020).

50 Islands, April 1900-April 1901,” The Journal of Military History 61, no. 2 (1997): 25582, www.proquest.com (Accessed November 18, 2020).

51 Max Boot, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power (New York: Basic Books, 2002).

52 James R. Arnold, The Moro War: How America Battled A Muslim Insurgency in the Philippine Jungle, 1902-1913 (New York: Bloomsburg Press, 2011).

on the other hand, in The Blood of Government: Race Empire, the United States, & the Philippines, published in 2006, focused on American narratives. But he is included in this group because he was inclusive and direct about the role Filipino elites played during American occupation. Nevertheless, the 53

between them is the motivations they used to articulate the factors that a limitation of these historians’ accounts is the over-emphasized role of the Filipino elites and it lacked the inclusion of the realities that the common people faced.

54 in the War, 1899-1902,” and Kramer focused mainly on how ideological and with the Americans and who did not. Historians Diokno, Cullinane, and Ara but their research emphasized other factors as well. For one, Satoshi Ara, 55 in the 2015 journal article “Emilio Aguinaldo under American and Japanese Rule Submission the role economics played. Maria Serena I. Diokno, a history Professor at Philippines Diliman,56 in the 1997 journal article “Perspectives on Peace during the Philippine-American War of 1899-1902,” focused on how elite collaboration with the Americans. Similarly, Michael Cullinane, a 57 in the 2009 the Colonial Philippines 1902-1907,” accounted for the same factors as 53

https://as.vanderbilt. edu/history/bio/paul-kramer (Accessed September 30, 2020).

54 http://osupress.oregonstate. edu/author/glenn- (Accessed November 18, 2020).

55 Satoshi Ara, “Emilio Aguinaldo under American and Japanese Rule Submission for Independence,”192.

56 https:// press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/author/D/M/au34115652.html (Accessed October 26, 2020).

57

(Accessed October 26, 2020).

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between these historians were the motivations they attached to the Filipino elites and how essential of a role they played. But they are grouped together because they all looked into internal histories, had similar methodologies, and acknowledged the role Filipino elites played during American occupation. More so, historians in this group did not place the Filipino elites on a pedestal, rather they openly critiqued them.

In contrast, historians Andrew J. Birtle, Max Boot, and James Arnold are grouped together because they place more emphasis on the role of the American military. They argued that American success in the Philippines had more to do with the military’s strategies, tactics, and the competence of American military actors, such as the commanders. These historians placed and prioritized American narratives at the forefront. Their methodology was also the same. All three historians had a hyper-focused approach on military documents. The critique for these three historians is that they minimalized the role of the Filipino elites, glossed over their contributions, Marinduque, Philippine Islands, April 1900-April 1901,”Andrew J. Birtle argued the superiority of the American military was the primary reason for American success in the Philippine and he sought to emphasize how the role of the local elites was not as important.58 Historian Max Boot59, in his 2020 book The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power, 60 Similarly, in The Moro War: How America Battled a Muslim Insurgency in the Philippine Jungle 1902-1913, published in 2011, James R. Arnold, a military historian,61 argued American military actors, generals, and commanders were the reasons for American success, between these three historians was on which American actor and part of 62 and

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58 Islands, April 1900-April 1901,” 282.

59 Council on Foreign Relations, “About the Expert: Max Boot,” https://www.cfr. org/expert/max-boot (Accessed November 21, 2020).

60 Max Boot, The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power, 128.

61 Bloomsbury Press, “James R. Arnold,” https://www.bloomsbury.com/author/ james-r-arnold (Accessed October 26, 2020).

62 Islands, April 1900-April 1901,” 116.

the navy, Arnold praised Pershing,63 and Birtle emphasized the importance of the army. Thus, these three historians are grouped together because they reason for American success. crucial role in pacifying the Philippines, May, Diokno, Kramer, Cullinane, and Ara argued that collaboration with Filipino elites was just as important for American success. Both groups used primary sources and secondary they aimed to construct. While May, Diokno, Kramer, Cullinane, and Ara focused on the narratives of Filipino elites and their role during American occupation, Arnold, Boot, and Birtle focused on the American narrative, in the extent to which they critiqued the historical actors. May, Diokno, Kramer, Cullinane, and Ara were more critical of Filipino elites whereas Arnold, Boot, and Britle focused on highlighting the good aspects of the American actors. May, Diokno, Kramer, Cullinane, and Ara accounted for the role of Filipino elites while Arnold, Boot, and Birtle constructed the perspective of the American military and American colonials. However, though these historians provided pieces of the story, there are many more experiences that have to be analyzed. For one, these historians did not account for the perspectives of the masses.

The original intent of this paper sought to highlight the experiences and perspectives of the lower classes. However, the climate of the pandemic with limited access to primary sources and books redirected the research to focus on the colonizer and Filipino elites. This research is limited in that it does not fully account for the perspectives of the masses. From here, there is a necessity to move beyond the top-down approach because the experiences of the marginalized need to be constructed. From the role of women to the role of the laborers, new directions should aim to amplify how the masses interpreted the war, their perspectives, and their experiences. More so, a comprehensive analysis that assesses and analyzes the experiences similarities, is needed for a more complete perception of the realities of the Philippine-American War and American occupation.

63

Arnold, The Moro War, 259.

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Works Cited Published Primary Sources Aguinaldo, Emilio. True version of the Philippine Revolution By Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, President of the Philippine Republic.

Farlak: Philippine Islands Press, 1899. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/ Record/001256954 (Accessed November 4, 2020).

“America Abrogates Treat with Moros: Rights Conferred by the Bates Troops Defeat Them and Capture Canon and Ammunition.” New York Times (March 15, 1904). Time Machine, https://timesmachine. nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020) “America and Sulu Slaves: Congressman Grosvenor Answers the Attacks on President McKinley. No Slavery Trade Made: Gen. Bates’s Agreement Only Temporary and Subject to Approval of Congress — Text of State Correspondence.” New York Times (October 7, 1900). Time Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

Calderón, Sofronio G. Pagkatuklas sa ating lupain sinulat ni Sofronio G. Calderon. Manila, Philippines: El Renacimiento, 1908. https:// catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/002915054 (Accessed October 10, 2020).

“Casaysayan; Pinagcasunduan; Manga daquilang cautosan (January 1892).”

Archivo General Militar de Madrid: Caja. Katipunan: Documents and Studies. http://www.kasaysayan-kkk.info/foundationaldocuments/-casaysayan-pinagcasunduan-manga-daquilangcautosan-january-1892 (Accessed November 9, 2020).

Chauncey, M’Govern. By Bolo and Krag. Manila, Philippines: The Escolta Press, 1907. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001030119 (Accessed November 8, 2020).

Coleman, Ambrose. The Friars in the Philippines By Rev. Ambrose Coleman, O.P. 1899. https://www.loc.gov/resource/dcmsiabooks.

(Accessed October 30, 2020).

“Gen. Otis May Arm Natives: The Macabebes Profess to be Anxious to Fight Aguinaldo. Troops asked to Re-enlist American Volunteers May Be Induced to Serve Six Months Longer in the Philippines.” New York Times (May 28, 1899). Times Machine, https://timesmachine. nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

Landor, Arnold Henry Savage. The gems of the East: sixteen thousand miles 188

of research travel among wild and tame tribes of enchanting islands, plans, and map by the author. London: Macmillan, 1904. https:// catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/006574691 (Accessed September 21, 2020).

Lopez, Honorio. Mga katuiran ng Filipino: maicling kasaysayang. Manila, Philippines: Limbagan ni Santos at Bernal, 1905. https://catalog. hathitrust.org/Record/100175974 (Accessed October 11, 2020).

Maisonnave, D. E. Madrid: https://catalog. hathitrust.org/Record/100155327 (Accessed November 22, 2020).

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“Mindanao’s Wild Tribes.” New York Times (June 16, 1901). Time Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

“Moros Attack Marines: Resist Landing Party at Balabac in the Philippines.

Americans Lose No Men: Enemy Lost Two Dead and Seven Prisoners -- Force Has Been Landed and Assistance Is on the Way.” New York Times (August 8, 1899). Times Machine, https://timesmachine. nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 21, 2020).

“New Filipino Horse: Four Troops of Macabebes to be Formed with New York Times (July 7, 1900). Times Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

Paterno, Pedro Alejandro. La Antigua Civilización Tagálog (apuntes) por Pedro Alexandro Molo Agustín Paterno y de Vera Ignacio, Maguinóo Paterno, Doctor en Jurisprudencia G. Hernandez Impresor de la Real Casa Libertad, 1887. https:// (Accessed November 21, 2020).

Philippine Commission. Census of the Philippine Islands: Taken Under the Direction of the Philippine Commission in the Year 1903 in Four Volumes: Volume I Geography, History and Population. Washington: 189

https://catalog.hathitrust. org (Accessed November 19, 2020).

Report of the Philippine Commission. Annual Reports of the War Department for the Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1904. Washington Soldiers, Northern Luzon, The Philippine Islands, 1899” (Master’s Leavenworth, Kansas, 1983), 151. https://apps.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/ fulltext/u2/a138032.pdf (Accessed November 8, 2020).

Saleeby, Najeeb M. The Moro Problem: An Academic Discussion of the History and Solution of the Problem of the Government of the Moros of the Philippine Islands. Manila: Philippine Islands Press, 1913.

(Accessed November 5, 2020).

Santos, Lope K. Lipang Kalabaw. Manila, Philippines: Lipang Kalabaw, 1907-08. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/000067951 (Accessed November 5, 2020).

Santos, Lope K. Banaag at sikat, kathâ ni Lope K. Santos. Manila: S.P., 1906. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/008602217 (Accessed November 5, 2020).

Taft, William Howard. Senate Committee on the Philippines. Washington Warren, Governor Taft in the Philippines: A Review of His Evidence: Given Before the Senate Committee on the Philippines. Boston: Allied Printing, 1902, 4, 15. https://catalog.hathitrust.org (Accessed November 23, 2020).

“Two More Companies of Macabebes.” New York Times (December 2, 1899). Times Machine, https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/browser/ (Accessed November 23, 2020).

What Has Been Done in The Philippines: A Record of Practical Accomplishments under Civil Government. 58th Cong., 2nd sess., 1904. Government Printing Washington D.C.: 7-39. Library of Congress. https://tile. loc.gov/storage-services/service/rbc/lcrbmrp/t2420/t2420.pdf (Accessed October 4, 2020).

A Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain: Message from the President of the United States, Transmitting a Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain, Signed at the City of Paris, on December 190

10, 1898. 55th https://digital.library.unt.

(Accessed November 21, 2020).

Worcester, Dean C. The Philippine Islands And Their People: A Record of Personal Observation and Experience, with a Short Summary of the More Important Facts in the History of the Archipelago, (London, https://catalog. hathitrust.org/Record/009808373 (Accessed November 6, 2020).

Wildman, Edwin. “A Visit to Aguinaldo, Leader of the Philippine Rebels, 1898.” Modern History Sourcebook, October 1998. https:// sourcebooks.fordham.edu/mod/1898alguinaldo.asp (Accessed September 21, 2020).

Forbes-Lindsay, Charles Harcourt Ainslie. The Philippines Under Spanish and American Rules. Philadelphia: The John C. Winston Co., 1906. https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/001256808 (Accessed November 5, 2020).

Secondary Sources Ara, Satoshi. “Emilio Aguinaldo under American and Japanese Rule Submission for Independence.” Philippine Studies: Historical & Ethnographic Viewpoints 63, no. 2 (2015): 161-92. http://www. jstor.org (Accessed November 18, 2020).

Arnold, James R. The Moro War: How America Battled a Muslim Insurgency in the Philippine Jungle, 1902-1913. New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2011.

Islands, April 1900-April 1901.” The Journal of Military History 61, no. 2 (1997): 255-82. www.proquest.com (Accessed November 18, 2020).

Bloomsbury Press. “James R. Arnold.” https://www.bloomsbury.com/ author/james-r-arnold (Accessed October 26, 2020).

Boot, Max. The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power. New York: Basic Books, 2002.

Boudreau, Vince. “Methods of Domination and Modes of Resistance: The Perspective.” In The American Colonial State in the Philippines, edited by Julian Go and Anne L. Foster, 256-90. Durham, NC: Duke http://www.jstor.org (Accessed September 11, 2020).

Council on Foreign Relations. “About the Expert: Max Boot.” https://www.

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cfr.org/expert/max-boot (Accessed November 21, 2020). in the Colonial Philippines, 1902-1907.” Philippine Studies 57, no. 1 (2009): 49-76. http://www.jstor.org (Accessed September 23, 2020).

Diokno, Maria Serena I. “Perspectives on Peace during the PhilippineAmerican War of 1899-1902.” South East Asia Research 5, no. 1 (1997): 5-19. http://www.jstor.org (Accessed October 25, 2020).

Holden, William N. “The role of geography in counterinsurgency warfare: GeoJournal 85 (January 2019), https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10708019-09971-7 (Accessed September 21, 2020): 423-37. in the Philippines.” Asia Europe Journal, no. 4 (2003): 541-49. http://www.jstor.org (Accessed September 21, 2020).

Kramer, Paul A. The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States & the Philippines Press, 2006.

Larkin, John A. “The Place of Local History in Philippine Historiography.”

Journal of Southeast Asian History 8, no. 2 (1967): 306-17. http:// www.jstor.org (Accessed October 25, 2020).

1899-190.”

52, no. 4 (1983): 353-77. http://www.jstor.org (Accessed November 18, 2020). http://osupress.oregonstate. edu/author/glenn- (Accessed November 18, 2020). https:// press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/author/D/M/au34115652.html (Accessed October 26, 2020).

(Accessed October 26, 2020). https:// as.vanderbilt.edu/history/bio/paul-kramer (Accessed September 30, 2020).

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Meredith Taylor Egan Award Winner Meredith Taylor is a 2020 graduate who majored in history and political science. At Manhattan College, Meredith volunteered in the community through the Lasallian Outreach Collaborative and performed with the school’s improv troupe, Scatterbomb. Meredith was the recipient of the McGoldrick Medal for History and enjoys Earl Grey and peppermint teas.

Imagining and Combatting the “Militant Homosexual”: Hard Borders as the Foundation and Instrument of Anita Bryant’s “Crusade” Scholarship on understandings of gender and sexuality, and scholarship on understandings of borders, both can provide a useful the irreconcilable, and that which is threatening to traditional modes of being.

These parameters of perception can be used to explain the conservative reactionary movements against movements to expand civil rights, including the campaign against the 1977 gay-rights ordinance proposed in Dade County, Florida, presently known as Miami-Dade. As this paper will argue, these frameworks will reveal how politically conservative understandings of sexuality and gender are both intrinsically bordered and prompt the construction of rigid borders. They are intrinsically bordered in that they understand gender and sexuality as a binary. They prompt the construction of hard borders because they view the otherness of nonbinary genders and the traditional family, and construct borders to protect that entity. This paper connects the actions of Anita Bryant and Save Our Children (SOC) to overturn the Dade County Ordinance No. 77-4 to their hard-bordered

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understanding of sexuality, and their insistence that “militant homosexuals” were a threat to other Americans.

Background States until 20031 recently as 1986.2 Consequently, while “unnatural and lascivious acts,” as Florida called them, including gay sex, were illegal until 1990,3 the 1977 Dade County ordinance sought to protect people despite their sexual “preference,” as it was termed.4 In this way, gay civil rights legislation was in reference to gay identity rather than explicitly to sexual behavior or sexuality. The fact remains that although homosexuality was tolerated or accepted by Americans on a theoretical level, to varying degrees, in the end of the twentieth century, large numbers opposed same-sex acts when confronted by it. 5 It is within this context that one must analyze the gay rights movement and opposition to it.

Single-sex communities have long been a space where gay men and women found others like them, and in the military during World War II gay soldiers, sailors, and members of WACS and the nursing corps made these connections. When they returned home, gay men often moved to urban centers and took refuge in semi-public spaces such bars and restaurants frequented by other gay individuals.6 Modern gay activism began with the Homophile Movement of the 1950s. The Homophile Movement sought to an “oppressed cultural minority,”7 while seeking to make a wider population aware of their existence in pursuit of gaining acceptance.8 Beginning in 1950 and lasting through the 1960s, thousands of gay 1 (2003).

2 3 4 Fred Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic: The Origins of America’s Debate on Homosexuality, (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), 3.

5 Lillian Faderman, The Gay Revolution: The Story of the Struggle, (New York:

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6 Elizabeth A. Armstrong and Suzanna M. Crage, "Movements and Memory: The Making of the Stonewall Myth," American Sociological Review 71, no. 5 (2006): 724-51.

Accessed July 10, 2020, jstor.org , 724.

7 Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 57.

8 John D’Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States 1940-1970 Chicago Press, 1983), 223-239.

more individuals than the more familiar Red Scare. The government often likened gay employees to communists, citing “communists and queers” as threatening for the same reasons.9 employees were morally compromised, lacking a god, in direct opposition to the family institution, and engaged in a suspicious underground culture.10 It was within this period of moral panic and social anxiety that a wider American population learned of homosexuality and the American gay population.11 By the end of the 1960s, gay culture had shifted from underground and cloistered activity to one that was more active. Gay activists moved into the public sphere and called for the decriminalization of homosexual acts and equal rights in law.12 Following the 1969 Stonewall Riots, the gay community became more visible. Following Stonewall, the goals and rhetoric of gay activists turned from reform to liberation. The Stonewall Riots gave impetus to gay liberation in the early 1970s. Rather than seeking the end to harassment like early gay reformists, post-Stonewall gay liberation called for more sweeping and radical change. It was in this time period that the gay community adopted the rhetoric of pride, as opposed to the earlier language calling for acceptance.13 Gay liberation of 1969 and the early 1970s did much to promote visibility and consolidate the gay community, but it did not make much in the way of political and legal change. Consequently, the force of gay liberation subsided, and gay activists turned their attention to more lasting reform by way of gaining recognition from mainstream American culture. In 1973, the American Psychiatric Association removed homosexuality from its list of mental disorders.14 In the mid to late 1970s, major activity among activists 9 Judith Adkins, “These People Are Frightened to Death: Congressional Investigations and the Lavender Scare,” Prologue Magazine 48, no. 2 (2016): np, https:// www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2016/summer/lavender.html (Accessed July 16, 2020).

10 Judith Adkins, “These People Are Frightened to Death: Congressional Investigations and the Lavender Scare,” Prologue Magazine 48, no. 2 (2016): np, https:// www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2016/summer/lavender.html (Accessed July 16, 2020).

11 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 17-19.

12 D’Emilio, “After Stonewall,” 3.

13 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 3.

14 “The A.P.A. Ruling on Homosexuality,” New York Times (December 23, 1973), https://www.nytimes.com/1973/12/23/archives/the-issue-is-subtle-the-debate-still-onthe-apa-ruling-on.html (accessed July 9, 2020).

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slowed and the gay communities in urban centers that were once hubs for activists became comfortable in their lives and secluded communities, and sometimes became politically complacent.15 It was within this stagnant political state that the gay community faced the opposition of Anita Bryant and organized fundamentalist attacks.

These conservative opposition groups were well-organized and well-funded. connected enough to thwart these reactionary movements. Moreover, while Anita Bryant represented an extreme branch of social conservatism and Christian fundamentalism, her message mirrored the lack of practical acceptance and tolerance toward gay people that existed throughout the country.16 Gay activists in Miami and elsewhere overestimated the population’s acceptance of them. Although Bryant was mocked and satirized in American culture, the average American agreed with her on some level.

This, coupled with the chaos of Miami gay activist organizations, lead to the repeal of the 1977 gay-rights ordinance in Miami.

Originally from Oklahoma, Anita Bryant was a singer, a former beauty queen, a citrus spokesperson, and a mother of four.17 She had a she sang her rendition of the “Battle Hymn of the Republic” at President Lyndon B. Johnson’s funeral in 1972.18 She was a national celebrity; in the 1970s, as the spokeswoman for the Florida Citrus Commission, she was featured in commercials broadcasted nationally, delivering the slogan, “a day without orange juice is like a day without sunshine.”19 In December 1976, a gay political activist group in Miami convinced newly elected city councilor Ruth Shack to propose an amendment to an anti-discrimination ordinance.20 Ruth Shack supported the idea, and thought the amendment would pass easily, believing Miami to be a “liberal city.”21 on the measure was scheduled for January 18, 1977.22 Ruth Shack was the

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15 Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 356.

16 Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 322.

17 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 78.

18 Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 329-330.

19 B. Drummond Ayres Jr., “Miami Debate Over Rights of Homosexuals Directs Wide Attention to a National Issue,” New York Times (May 10, 1977), https://www. nytimes.com/1977/05/10/archives/miami-debate-over-rights-of-homosexuals-directswide-attention-to-a.html (Accessed February 2, 2020).

20 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 71.

21 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 76.

22 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 80.

wife of Anita Bryant’s booking agent. Bryant, a resident celebrity, endorsed and donated to Ruth Shack’s city councilor campaign. When Bryant was embarrassed that she endorsed such a candidate.23 Shack’s actions did not align with Bryant’s stringent Christian views. She confronted Shack, who remained steadfast in her support for the amendment.24 When Shack refused to yield Anita Bryant decided she had to speak out against the amendment.

She felt morally obligated to do so based on her faith and personal beliefs, and to redeem herself for endorsing Shack.25 On January 18, 1977, Bryant went to the city council to speak out against the proposed amendment. Others who came to oppose it were religious leaders, parents, and Robert Brake, a fervent Catholic active in Miami politics. Gay activists spoke of the ordinance’s importance. The amendment passed 5-3.26 was not done. She met Robert Brake outside, who asked her if she would be the face of the opposition movement. Brake and Bryant formed Save Bob Green, in order to repeal the ordinance.27 In order to secure a referendum, Save Our Children needed to acquire 300,000 signatures.28 Bryant and Save Our Children waited outside churches on Sundays to collect signatures, and they urged religious leaders to implore their congregants to sign the petition and vote “no” for the ordinance. Within three weeks, Bryant and Save Our Children received enough signatures to force a referendum on the ordinance.29 The referendum would be on June 7, 1977.30 Save Our Children then began a smear campaign that painted homosexuals as perverts who would lure children into the ranks of their devious lifestyle.31 Save Our Children targeted parents and the religious strategy and rhetoric, coupled with a disorganized and largely aloof gay 23 Anita Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story: The Survival of Our Nation’s Families and the Threat of Militant Homosexuality (Old Tappan, NJ: Revel, 1977), 14.

24 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 14.

25 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 14.

26 “Bias Against Homosexuals is Outlawed in Miami,” New York Times (January 19, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

27 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 41.

28 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 47.

29 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 47.

30 Fejes, Gay Rights and Moral Panic, 113.

31 “Miami Acts Tuesday on Homosexual Law,” New York Times (June 5, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

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activist community, all but ensured victory in the June referendum. When June came, the ordinance was overturned by a vote that was 2:1 against.32 Ruth Shack’s “liberal” Miami was not progressive enough to uphold an anti-discrimination law.

Bryant’s activity and ultimate success in Miami had a lasting impact on the gay community nationwide. Similar ordinances were overturned or defeated in places including Minnesota, Oregon, and Kansas using the same strategies and rhetoric as Bryant and Save Our Children.33 The defeat in Miami and the spread to other American cities including is telling of the lengths in which the gay liberation movement had yet to travel in this country.

Historiography Scholarship on Anita Bryant takes on three distinct forms. Scholars study Bryant’s rhetoric of child protectionism and of “the militant homosexual”;34 era.

Historian Gillian Frank discussed how Anita Bryant and Miami parents manipulated the gay rights movements’ appeal to civil rights in their political plight. The Dade County ordinance was presented as a piece of civil rights legislation. Opponents disputed its perception as a civil rights law, as sexuality was not as an evident marker of identity as race is.35 Although Bryant and Save Our Children denied the ordinance’s legitimacy as a civil rights law, they juxtaposed the claim for gay civil rights with civil rights of their own, as parents. Frank argued that Bryant and Save Our Children modeled their political strategy on antibusing and anti-Equal Rights Amendment movements of the 1970s.36 For both issues, conservatives employed family-based arguments in order to further their cause. Children, racist attitudes that underscore antibusing arguments can be defended as

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32 “Miami Votes 2 to 1 to Repeal Law Barring Bias Against Homosexuals,” New York Times (June 8, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

33 “More Cities Face Battles Over Homosexual Rights,” New York Times (May 28, 1978), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

34 Gillian Frank, “‘The Civil Rights of Parents’: Race and Conservative Politics in Anita Bryant’s Campaign against Gay Rights in 1970s Florida,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 22, no. 1 (2013): 126-160, https://www.jstor.org/stable/23322037 (Accessed February 6, 2020), 134.

35 Frank, “‘The Civil Rights of Parents,’” 128.

35 36 Frank, “‘The Civil Rights of Parents,’” 130.

being in the best interest of all children involved.37 Claiming the “civil rights of parents’ as their base, conservative parent activists such as Bryant work revealed the rhetorical maneuvering employed by Bryant and Save Our Children. life in the 1970s and beyond. Many scholars recognize Bryant as the catalyst for renewed gay activism after a number of quieter years in the aftermath of the Stonewall Riots of 1969. In The Gay Liberation: The Story of Struggle, scholar Lillian Faderman devoted an entire part of her ten-part anthology of the gay liberation movement to Anita Bryant and the 1977 episode in Miami.

Faderman suggested that Anita Bryant’s success in Miami forced American gay people to realize the ephemeral nature of their comfortable and relative safety.38 Anita Bryant threatened to, and to an extent did, take their rights away from them.39 Faderman argued that although Bryant’s action woke up gays nationwide to their need for action, they were not prepared for Bryant’s assault.

Faderman argued that Anita Bryant was a catalyst that rejuvenated the gay liberation movement at the end of the 1970s. It was Anita Bryant’s celebrity that brought the events in Miami-Dade to national attention, rather than outrage over the substantive issue. Gay activists nationwide boycotted Anita Bryant; they boycotted Florida orange juice and protested her public appearances.40 individuals.41 In this way, Faderman suggested, the gay rights movement of

that the issue transcended politics. Save Our Children was an issue-based interfaith and interracial group that coalesced around shared homophobia.42 Gay activists, often concentrated in their own enclaves, failed to realize the extent to which homophobia still permeated the national culture. Had 37 38 39 40 41 42

Frank, “‘The Civil Rights of Parents,’” 130.

Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 360.

Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 336.

Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 347.

Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 356.

Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 335.

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Scholars also analyze Bryant within the context of the rise of conservatism in the second half of the twentieth century. In Mothers of Conservatism, historian Michelle M. Nickerson argued that conservative women’s emphatic support of small government allowed them greater access and participation in local government.43 This allowed them to support programs favorable to them, and protest programs they considered too “progressive” or “elitist.”44 Nickerson explained conservative women’s reactionary nature in terms of an exclusivist, community-based, familyoriented understanding of the world. She wrote that, “To stem the problems

line between them on the inside and their opponents on the outside.”45 Nickerson painted conservative women as socially defensive. Their goal was self-preservation, and those on the outside were a threat to what they of conservative women explains the ardent action in Miami-Dade in 1977. Mothers and clerics were the biggest participants in the referendum movement, all for preservation and protection of children and consequently their vision of the family.

Much like how Anita Bryant galvanized gay activists to resume their cause, these conservative campaigns also jump-started wider conservative and Family Values: Political Culture in the Metropolitan Sunbelt,” urban historian Matthew D. Lassiter argued that the referendum movement in Miami-Dade in 1977 acted as a point of entry for religiously oriented conservative politics onto the national stage. Lassiter wrote, “As much as any other issue, the ‘Save Our Children’ campaigns led by popular singer Anita Bryant and Virginia televangelist and Moral Majority cofounder Jerry Falwell catalyzed the national emergence of the Religious Right, especially as suburban conservatives fought back against urban-based gay rights movements in Miami, Atlanta, Los Angeles and other big cities.”46

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43 Michelle M. Nickerson, Mothers of Conservatism: Women and the Postwar Right, 44 Nickerson, Mothers of Conservatism, 171.

45 Nickerson, Mothers of Conservatism, 171.

46 Matthew D. Lassiter, “Big Government and Family Values: Political Culture in the Metropolitan Sunbelt,” in Sunbelt Rising: The Politics of Place, Space and Region Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 101.

Lassiter argued that the dissent against gay rights united conservatives in their traditional family-oriented goals. Gay rights was, to them, an obvious violation of their traditional values, and thus galvanized a group of people and the national government through the 1980s.

Theory

as static: To be born female was to be female and to be sexually attracted to men. The work of Simone de Beauvoir, Mary Douglas, Stephen Gould, and Judith Butler demonstrates the ways in which sex, gender and sexuality have been studied in relation to one another and how the understandings of each have evolved.

Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex The Second Sex, de Beauvoir argued that a woman’s body was a sexed body, one whose sex was distinct from separate from that of a man.47 The patriarchy, she argued, exploited to justify their oppression of women. De The Second Sex apart from other feminist and philosophical takes on women and sexuality.

Others thought that women had to shed their femininity in order to gain power and prestige. In order to gain access to the guardian class, they 49 Simone 48

the sexes did exist and ought to be endorsed. She argued that uniformity did not establish equality.50 Men and women ought to be equal where they were for what they were; women ought not have to change in order to achieve Beauvoir’s critique of the preeminence of masculinity over the male sex can be translated to the gay rights movement and the events of Miami in 1977. It was “known homosexuals” that were threatening to Miami parents.51 It was 47 Simone de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, (New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf, 2010), 3.

48 de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, 22.

49 de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, 10.

50 de Beauvoir, The Second Sex, 9.

51 Jean O’Leary and Bruce Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade,” New York Times (June 7, 1977) https://www.nytimes.com/1977/06/07/archives/anita-bryants-crusade.html

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undiscernible, their threat diminished. motivated adverse responses within societies. Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo addresses social conceptions of cleanliness and taboos.52 Purity and Danger provides a framework for understanding social and cultural otherness and the negative reaction towards it. Douglas writes, “As we know it, dirt is essentially disorder. There is no to organize the environment.”53 Douglas employs the allegory of cleanliness to describe strategic ordering in societies.54 Like Gloria Anzaldúa’s analysis of deviance, discussed below, Douglas asserted that dirt is constructed; it

cleanliness.

Douglas’s analysis can be translated to the perceptions of gender and sexuality. Dirt, or whatever is “other,” and therefore unclean, is such because it is made out to be. It represents a threat to cleanliness, and Bryant’s actions to prevent the ordinance protecting the rights of gay people in their employment is motivated to maintain the ordinary, or the status quo. Bryant and her activists saw homosexuality as other, or unclean, a barrier to maintaining order. Douglas’ work is consistent with the idea of preservation. What is other, or in Douglas’ case ‘unclean,’ people put up arbitrary borders around or between to preserve what they know and what they believe to be ‘clean.’ This is evident in the case of the opposition of the 1977 gay-rights ordinance of Miami-Dade.

Like Simone de Beauvoir did in The Second Sex, evolutionary biologist Stephen Jay Gould argued that sex was an immutable characteristic.

In Mismeasure of Man, Gould held that race was an illusion, but sex was not.55 Gould’s work was a reinterpretation of nineteenth century datasets that attempted to draw conclusions that were independent of the researchers’ (Accessed February 6, 2020).

52 Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, (New York: Routledge, 1966), 2.

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53 Douglas, Purity and Danger, 2.

54 Douglas, Purity and Danger, 2.

55 Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man Company, 1981), 62.

personal biases and perversions.56 Gould denounced the racial and sexist biases of nineteenth century craniologists, who often used their datasets to a number of groups. For example, French craniologist Paul Broca contended and even German inferiority.57 biological sex it was an immutable characteristic partly indicated by the 58 He argued that biology of intellectual or physical inferiority.59 In this way, he discredited biological condemns the racist and sexist conclusions that many scientists had sought to corroborate in order to substantiate their own personal beliefs.

Judith Butler’s changed discussions and discourse on gender and sexuality by challenging that sense of immutability. Judith Butler is a scholar of gender theory.60 Her analysis of gender as a performance has and popularization in the 1990s. Butler wrote, “The fall from established gender boundaries initiates a sense of radical dislocation which can assume to stray outside of these categories always comes under investigation.”61 Butler describes the deep cultural investments in the gender binary and the consequences of straying from it. Although Butler argues that gender was a societal construction that resulted in performance, she acknowledged that the concept of the gender binary was entrenched into cultures, that to act or present oneself in a way from the two agreed upon genders would immediately raise questions and force non-binary individuals into to an inbetween space where they are vulnerable to the critique, ridicule and hate from those who vehemently ascribe to the two party gender system. The same is true for variations in performed sexuality.

In Gender Trouble, Judith Butler argued that a bifurcated understanding of gender was limiting to the feminist movement; instead, feminist thought ought to broaden its ideology to include all who face gender 56 Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 107.

57 Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 104.

58 Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 105.

59 Gould, The Mismeasure of Man, 107.

60 https:// vcresearch.berkeley.edu/faculty/judith-butler (accessed 5/14/2020).

61 Judith Butler, “Variations on Sex and Gender: Beauvoir, Wittig, and Foucault.”

Praxis International, vol. 5, no. 4, 1986, 508.

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oppression.62 In doing this, Butler challenged the notion of a gender binary.

Butler wrote, “The presumption of a binary gender system implicitly retains the belief in a mimetic relation of gender to sex whereby gender mirrors sex or is otherwise restricted by it.”63 Butler draws a distinction between sex his or her sex. Butler went on to argue against the conception that sexuality in non-heterosexual frames brings into relief the utterly constructed status of the so-called heterosexual original. Thus, gay is to straight not as a copy is to an original, but, rather, as copy is to copy.”64 Butler argued that forcing supposedly straight roles onto gay relationships, for example a “butch” and “femme” lesbian couple, proves that gender is a construction created to appease.65 There is no logical reason that the gay constructs should follow the straight.

In Undoing Gender, Butler argued that the gender binary was perpetuated in order to preserve the supremacy of the patriarchy. Butler wrote, “A restrictive discourse on gender that insists on the binary of man regulatory operation of power that naturalizes the hegemonic instance and forecloses the thinkability of its disruption.”66 This power argument further invalidates the legitimacy of the gender binary. The binary persisted so long as to maintain a hegemonic state dominated by those assigned male at birth.

In this way, Butler argued that self-preservation sustained and promoted the gender binary.

Butler’s work provides a basis for separating sex and gender.

Prior work, including Simone de Beauvoir and Stephen Gould, had dealt exclusively with sex. However, understandings of sex have changed since the work of de Beauvoir and Gould. Biological sex is determined physically, chromosomally, genetically and hormonally.67 words sound incontrovertible, biological sex is determined by all of these facets, and a person’s sex can vary across these categories.68 This chance determination of sex, and the idea that a person can unknowingly be the

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62 Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (New York, NY: Routledge, 1990), 3.

63 Butler, Gender Trouble, 6.

64 Butler, Gender Trouble, 31.

65 Butler, Gender Trouble, 31.

66 Judith Butler, Undoing Gender (New York, NY: Routledge, 2004), 43.

67 Geek Girls, “Biologist Explains Biological Sex,” http://geekxgirls.com/article.

(Accessed February 2, 2020).

68 Geek Girls, “Biologist Explains Biological Sex.”

opposite of their physical sex chromosomally, genetically or hormonally, weakens the arguments of de Beauvoir and Gould, who argued that a person Borders, Borderlands, and Bordered Identities Gloria Anzaldúa’s work engaged sexuality and spaces, but in a way that was structurally distinct from other work. Anzaldúa’s seminal Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza popularized the idea of a borderland, a space which is doubly informed by the entities on either side of a border, but also is uniquely separate from those entities.69 Anzaldúa’s work In Borderlands, Anzaldúa explains the ways in the concept of deviance and consequently the existence of deviants is constructed. Anzaldúa wrote, “Deviance is whatever is condemned by the community. Most societies try to get rid of their deviants. Most cultures have burned or beaten their homosexuals or others who deviate from the sexual common. The queer other and therefore lesser, therefore sub-human, in-human, non-human.”70 Anzaldúa explained how that which is deviant is constructed by those in a

seek to dismantle it. She argues that that which one does not understand, one comes to fear, and seeks to quell.

This logic can be used to understand the backlash against gay their presence in the public sphere as threatening to the preeminence to their way of life, the traditional family. Opponents of gay rights could not

a threat. In the case of Miami in 1977, Anita Bryant and Save Our Children sought to remove gay people from the schools and classrooms where, Save Our Children claimed, they could “indoctrinate children into joining their tribe.”71 Where Anzaldúa’s work presented borderlands as a space

69 Gloria Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute: 1987), 25.

70 Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera, 40.

71 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 103.

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borderlands as limited and teleological.72 Instead of presenting borderlands ought to be embraced and understood as inherently chaotic; borderlands shape an individual or group’s experience, rather than merely ushering them to a new space.73 acceptance of individuals or groups that exist within borderlands, they concede that they can be dangerous as they often prompt reactions that Truett wrote, “Some have argued, for instance, that we might trace the

among seemingly irreconcilable colonists.”74 and Truett, fear and uncertainty cause groups and individuals in places of power to set up structures that prevent the mobility, advancement, or even acceptance of those that exist in borderlands. The apparent threat of those not of Anglo-white origins in the borderlands for the American Anglo-white colonists was to provoke reactions that limit the identities and experiences to retain or perpetuate their cultures.

This same reaction is visible in the case of Anita Bryant and the Save Our Children organization of Dade County, Florida. Bryant and the parents of Save Our Children could not identify with the gay community, and therefore could not reconcile their existence. As a response, they set up a hard border around sexuality that sought to limit gay people’s mobility and freedoms. They focused their activism against the employment of gay people as teachers.75 In the same way that colonists set our structures limiting people of color out of fear and lack of understanding, Anita Bryant, Save Our Children and those involved with anti-gay rights movements built up structures and manipulated institutions, such as the law, in order from the gay community. This hard-bordered approach, motivated by between the empowered group and those in the borderlands. This sense of

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72 American History (2011): 340, (Accessed February 5, 2020).

73 74 75 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

The Journal of

measures that would allow for the mobility of those in the borderlands.

In this case, it explains the compulsion of Anita Bryant and Save Our Children to work against the ordinance that protected gay individuals in

Philippe M. Frowd studied an abstract, but more tangible border, where marker. In “The Field of Border Control in Mauritania,” Philippe M. Frowd uses James C. Scott’s concept of legibility to study border security in Mauritania.76 Frowd understands Scott’s “legibility” as a process that state functions.77 Frowd writes, “This idea of legibility is intimately bound to longstanding techniques inherent to modernity such as surveillance, development and bureaucracy. This capture by the administration gaze is similar to what John Torpey calls the state’s ‘embrace’ of its population, which 78 Discriminatory classifying and ordering citizens. Therefore, enforcing compliance with discriminatory laws is an example of state legibility. In this way, the concept of legibility provides states and bureaucracies a mask with which to shroud their prejudices. The classifying of peoples into subgroups in discriminatory the state legislative vision often creates its own reality, whether or not that of such a case.79 Many people of Miami-Dade did not care about the ordinance to protect gay employment before Bryant and Save Our Children made it an issue.80 the gay population of Miami-Dade as ‘other’ conveys their understanding of sexuality as a hard border, and their political movement against the ordinance was successful because of the bureaucratic legibility that is entrenched in states and governments to distinguish in order to retain power.

A gay rights ordinance would have allowed the state to formally recognize 76 Security Dialogue 45, no. 3 (2014): 232, sdi.sagepub.com (accessed March 9, 2020).

77 .

78 79 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

80 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

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the gay population. Bryant purposefully prevented that legibility in order to protect her interest heterosexual hegemony epitomized by the family institution.

State legibility, “the process of better knowing, seeing, mapping, and controlling nature and society,” in the words of Philippe M. Frowd,81 enabled Anita Bryant and the individuals in Save our Children to legitimize their anti-gay position. Anita Bryant and Save Our Children knew that their audience was not necessarily anti-gay rights. However, when children are concerned, parents are likely to be more cautious or timid. In this way, the the sentiments of the people of Miami-Dade. Rather, Save Our Children manipulated the conversation and process in order to advance their cause.

They framed their talk about the dangers of homosexual teachers not as hate speech, but as a defense of statute, to uphold traditional gender roles that had existed. They relied on parents’ weaknesses, their children, in order to ensure a victory in the referendum on the ordinance. Thus, Anita Bryant and the Save Our Children organization used the idea of legibility to manipulate the idea that compliance with discriminatory laws and compliance with a place where those who were less blatantly discriminatory than them could get on board. This is how they achieved political victory.

Therefore, issues and arguments against trans people are in a similar vein to the arguments against gay people in the twentieth century.

Their existence is seen as threatening to the heterosexual status quo and they are therefore often relegated to background existences. These background existences demonstrate the implications of hard bordered understandings of gender of society. In “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of Non-Binary Folx,” Nyk Robertson argues that non-binary folx both face limitations and draw power from inhabiting a liminal space beyond the gender binary.83 Robertson suggested that even if a person’s gender identity swayed one way or the other, that non-binary folx still 82

wrote, “Rigid borders create a binary that places identities into an either/ or positionality. The polarity that is created by the dichotomy establishes

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81 82 Sally Hines, Is Gender Fluid?

83 Nyk Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of Non-Binary Folx,” Gender Forum (2018): 45, http://genderforum.org/wp-content/ (Accessed February 9, 2020).

distinct bordersaround both sides of the binary.”84 According to Robertson, gender is one-dimensional. In the gender binary, not only are male and female separated by a hard-lined border, but on either side of the rigid border, male and female identities are further restricted and limited.85 These additional borders around each of the genders in the binary makes the already restrictive binary system even more binding. Non-binary folx, according to Robertson, exist outside of this stringent structure and therefore have more opportunities to explore and understand gender.

Robertson’s work draws heavily on the work of Gloria Anzaldúa and her development of “borderlands.”86 Robertson uses Anzaldúa’s idea of “multiple subjectivity” to argue that non-binary folx are able to uniquely critique the gender binary, as they are living and operating outside of it.87 Anzaldúa’s status as a border dweller Thus, she still subscribes to a bordered identity. Robertson suggests that non-binary folx forgo a bordered identity altogether. They argues that the gender binary is too restrictive, and even to pick a gender to identify in order to be recognized does a disservice to other non-binary folx existing in liminal spaces.88 In this way, Robertson challenges the idea of a borderland.

A borderland is space between two borders. Non-binary folx do not exist between the two genders of the gender binary, but rather they identify in a variety of ways, unique and inconsistent among each other.89 Robertson’s argument that non-binary folx exist in liminal spaces rather than in a borderland adds a new approach to the study of borders. moving the world and interacting with people who cannot understand their navigating their identities, and how they present these identities.”90 84 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 45.

85 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 45.

86 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 45.

87 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 50.

88 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 53.

89 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 53.

90 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of Non-

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Although non-binary folx exist outside of the gender binary, they are forced to rationalize their identity to others. Anita Bryant is an example of someone who would think of gender in terms of the binary. To her, gender is inextricably linked to sexual orientation, or that homosexuality is unnatural and deviant.91 In this way, Robertson’s construction of the gender binary as doubly bordered proves apt for understanding the way in which someone like Anita Bryant contemplates sexual orientation. Like the gender binary, men and women are on either side of a rigid border. Around each gender on either side is another border, one that encircles it. In the Anita Bryant version of Robertson’s construction, these borders are like poles of a magnet. Women are North and Men are South, thus determining sexual attraction.92 To Anita Bryant, a “faulty magnetic pole,” or a gay individual, is perverse and ought not to be given the same rights and privileges as a “functional magnet,” a heterosexual individual.93 In their work, Robertson critiques Victor Turner’s analysis of liminal spaces as transitionary. Turner suggests that the liminality ends with consummation, or the return to a “structural type.”94 Robertson rejects this liminal state.95 Robertson, however, talks of non-binary folx periodically choosing to exist within, or closer to, the gender binary, albeit in order to appease those whose understanding on non-binary folx or as a means to make their life easier or even safer.96 Nevertheless, Robertson’s complete rejection of Turner’s consummation is harsh, given that non-binary folx in Robertson’s model of liminality at times have to enter the more structured world in order to deal with other people. In this way, Robertson’s argument portends to be at odds with that of Turner’s, but it is in fact not. Therefore, the freedom and independence of the Robertson’s liminality of non-binary in a space that is liminal rejects the gender binary, expands on Anzaldúa’s Borderlands and thus adds much to the study of borders. Their model of a doubly-bordered gender binary provides a framework to understand the

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Binary Folx,” 52.

91 Drummond Ayres Jr., “Miami Debate Over Rights of Homosexuals Directs Wide Attention to a National Issue.”

92 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 30.

93 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 30.

94 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 48.

95 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 51.

96 Robertson, “The Power and Subjection of Liminality and Borderlands of NonBinary Folx,” 55.

rigid views of social conservatives, such as Anita Bryant.

Hard-bordered views on gender and sexuality endure among contemporary conservative Christian groups. Focus on the Family is a global Christian group that aims to guide and provide resources to families that seek to live and raise families in strict compliance with biblical values.97 conservative politics by emphasizing the cultural and political threat of liberal social movements and issues.98 Their mission and resources propagate a binary understanding of gender and sexuality. The organization refuses to recognize the authenticity of the transgender community. In a Focus on the Family educational resource titled “Helping Kids Recognize the Myths in Transgenderism,” Glenn T. Stanton aimed to help parents teach children to reject non-binary genders. Stanton wrote, “This word [transgenderism] politically correct, but it is factually correct.

Transgenderism is an ideology.”99 Stanton and Focus on the Family understand sex and gender as dictated by God and therefore absolute. To them, the transgender population is a result of a trend, a way of thinking, and not based on science or individual realities. They understand trans culture.100 If gender is determined by God, Stanton argues, gender dysmorphia is the work of Satan. Stanton wrote, “Satan hates God and His image with his whole being. Thus, he hates what it means to be male and female because of what that represents. He’ll do everything he can to destroy this divine image. He is sowing confusion in the minds of our children and community leaders.”101 By invoking this religious imagery of malevolence, Stanton encourages his readers to approach the issue from a place of fear.

This fear instructs readers to distance themselves and their children from the transgender community. Focus on the Family and those who adhere to their advice ensure distance from the trans community by refusing to recognize the legitimacy of the trans community or the trans experience.

97 Focus on the Family, “Helping Families Thrive,” About Focus on the Family, https://www.focusonthefamily.com/about/ (Accessed July 18, 2020).

98

Faderman, The Gay Revolution, 446.

99 Glenn T. Stanton, “Helping Kids Recognize the Myths in Transgenderism,” Focus on the Family: Sex Education, March 8, 2019, https://www.focusonthefamily.com/ parenting/helping-kids-recognize-the-myths-in-transgenderism/ (Accessed July 18, 2020).

100 Stanton, “Helping Kids Recognize the Myths in Transgenderism.”

101 Stanton, “Helping Kids Recognize the Myths in Transgenderism.”

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gender and the construction of a hard border around the family institution.

Similarly, Focus on the Family holds that sexuality, like gender, 102 Therefore, they maintain heterosexuality and heteronormative constructs like the family to be the essential in leading a virtuous life. In “Reinforce Your Child’s Sexuality,” Daniel L. Weiss writes, “Our individualistic culture views a person’s self-determination as the highest social good, but in God’s plan, men and women complement each other, and family is the center of culture.

As our children grow, we can reinforce God’s intentionality in making them a boy or a girl and explain that both male and female are needed to create a family.”103 This view reveals that sex and sexuality are closely associated and determinative of each other. This conservative understanding suggests that sex determines sexuality and are both necessary components of the creation and maintenance of a moral family. Anything that strays from this model is threatening to what they perceive as the natural order of things.

Thus, Focus on the Family, like Bryant and Save Our Children before them, presents a doubly bordered understanding of sexuality and gender, one threat of the other, in this case the gay and trans communities, by separating themselves from these distinct groups and denying the validity of their existences altogether. long time, sexuality was intrinsically linked to gender. The traditional male/ female sexual relationship was the backbone of the family and consequently understood structure, an individual would have to explain or defend their choices and existence. The fact that there was an ordinance passed in Miami-Dade to protect the gay community in their employment proves this idea. Gay people had to justify their presence in the lives and workplaces of homosexual individuals.

Bryant’s Bordered Thinking Bryant’s understanding of morality was twofold. There was a right informed by her Southern Baptist faith.104 Homosexuality was “abnormal” 102 Daniel L. Weiss, “Reinforce Your Child’s Sexuality,” Focus on the Family: Sex Education, October 12, 2015, https://www.focusonthefamily.com/parenting/reinforceyour-childs-sexual-identity/ (Accessed July 18, 2020).

103 212

104

Weiss, “Reinforce Your Child’s Sexuality.”

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 13.

and endangered the sanctity of the family.105 When she was confronted with the issue of gay rights in Miami, it was in direct contest with her perceived morality, which was rooted in and taught through the family. That motivated a vigorous reaction that suggested that her bifurcated morality was worthy of an adamant defense, something that ought to be secured, or formally to act by God. In this way Bryant’s binary or bordered understanding of sexuality, derived from her strict conservative Southern Baptist faith, prompted her vocal opposition to the Dade County civil rights ordinance.

Anita Bryant’s autobiography, The Anita Bryant Story: The Survival of Our Nation’s Families and the Threat of Militant Homosexuality begins, “Because of my love for Almighty God, because of my love for His Word, because of my love for my country, because of my love for my children, I 106 Bryant revealed her motives for taking action against the Dade County ordinance. She was compelled to act by religious obligation, to preserve the standard of morality of the country, and to safeguard and promote that same standard for her children. Each of these compulsions suggest a hard-bordered understanding of sexuality, one that would motivate such a drastic and persistent political reaction.

Bryant believed that her work in opposing the Dade County ordinance was her religious duty. She claimed to be tentative and unwilling; she noted 107

However, this issue was one that moved her to move from this politically private space to a rather public one. Bryant was compelled by her faith and personal relationship with God to act out against the ordinance. She wrote, 108 This Pentecostal imagery reveals the nature of the compulsion which Bryant felt. She understood her actions as almost prophetic. Bryant wrote, “I felt so inadequate, but in between praying and crying and confessing to God my inadequacy and guilt, I got into His Word.”109 Bryant underscores that she was nothing without her faith, and uses faith to downplay her own political prowess and success. She framed the issue as one that was strictly limited to upholding her Christian morals.

In fact, she disassociates responsibility for the referendum’s success from herself altogether. She wrote, “Anita Bryant Green, in and of herself, would have blown the whole thing.”110 Bryant emphasized that she herself was 105 106 107 108 109 110

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 15.

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 13.

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 13.

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 14.

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 16.

Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 18.

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not an activist, but rather a servant of her God. Her success, she believed, should be viewed as such. Thus, Bryant viewed the preservation of the heterosexual status quo as compelling enough to forgo a good deal of privacy and comfort in order to face ridicule and often times public scorn.

This was telling of a hard-bordered conception of sexuality; heterosexual hegemony and consequently the inviolability of the American family were consequential enough to move to this place of vulnerability.

Bryant saw this undertaking as urgent and of sole importance in her public life. This work came to take precedence over her career. She knowingly pursued the goal of stamping out homosexual acceptance in Miami, then elsewhere, at the expense of her successful career and comfortable lifestyle.111 It was this staunch belief in her faith and the call from God is what drew her out of her comfortable and private life to the public stage. Bryant knew the consequences but believed the stakes, her moral future of the country and the livelihood of her children, were too about my faith and my career. I was between a rock and a hard place, and learned to obey God regardless of the consequences.”112 Bryant was to be a juggernaut, forging ahead in spite of personal or professional backlash. This willingness to proceed conveys Bryant’s view that her role was necessary and worth professional damages and personal strain.

In a 1977 column in the New York Times, Bryant’s actions as a “‘crusade’ against sexual permissiveness.”113 Not only was the religious nature and motivation of the enterprise mocked, but a advocating that the government ought not to protect homosexuals, who were end the traditional family structure and consequently the human race. She was going against the government and society that had previously failed to eradicate the threat of homosexuality. This demonstrates Bryant’s stringent understanding of sexuality, one that ought to be exclusive to heterosexual love and relations. The referendum on the amendment to the Dade County

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111 “Notes on People,” New York Times, (February 25, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.hmi.com (Accessed May 19, 2020).

112 Anita Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story: The Survival of Our Nation’s Families and the Threat of Militant Homosexuality (Old Tappan, NJ: Revel, 1977), 15.

113 New York Times (June 9, 1977). https:// www.nytimes.com/1977/06/09/archives/now-ease-up-anita.html (Accessed February 2, 2020).

the Miami gays or the pro-family Save Our Children. Anita Bryant was not content with mere validation of the vote. She wanted to lead a crusade against the homosexual population nationwide. Bryant’s seriousness and commitment to her cause conveys the extent to which she viewed the ruinous threat of homosexuality to her family and a nation of families. This expresses her fundamentally bordered understanding of sexuality.

Celebrity of Anita Bryant: Activists Focus on Figure Instead of on Rights The 1977 political activity in Dade County gained attention due to the nature of Anita Bryant’s celebrity. She was a national personality and her political action gained notoriety and attracted both praise and criticism.

It was, after all, her public endorsement of Ruth Shack, the proposer of the ordinance, that led Bryant to make a public response to the ordinance.

Bryant felt as though she failed in endorsing someone who would propose such a law.114 Bryant’s notoriety lead to big spending and national news coverage that a local government issue such as this typically would not get.

Voter turnout was forty percent, a high percentage for a local referendum.115 Bryant’s celebrity diverted her gay opposition from the real issue.

Her rigid, hard-bordered understanding of sexuality prompted loud and widespread opposition among the gay community. Gay rights activists in of Bryant and her views rather than focusing to maintain the ordinance in Dade County. On December 4, 1977, the New York Times noted that Bryant became, “a symbol of antihomosexual sentiment.”116 Thus, Bryant’s politics of Dade County. She went from being a resident celebrity turned protest and move against. In their protests of her events, they protested her philosophies on homosexuals rather than her political activity in Miami.117 In this way her fame aided in the defeat of the Dade County ordinance in the June 1977 referendum, but allowed her to be painted as a national scapegoat 114 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 14.

115 “Miami Votes 2 to 1 to Repeal Law Barring Bias Against Homosexuals,” New York Times (June 8, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

116 “Around the Nation,” New York Times, (December 4, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.hmi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

117 “3,000 in Houston Protest Anita Bryant Appearance,” New York Times (June 17, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

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for the lack of formal legal rights and protections among the gay community.

The stringent borders that Bryant built around the family and heterosexuality conveyed that her severe, binary view of sexuality was extreme enough to mobilize the largely politically passive gay community.118 Activists continued to protest her events and her positions, but coverage focused sparingly on the Dade County ordinance. Instead television show she was developing with Singer Sewing Machines,119 she was unable to for acquire someone to produce her record,120 she was let go by her manager,121 and the “gaycott” of orange juice led by the gay as spokeswoman.122 In a comic strip titled, “Hi! I’m Anita Bryant. And I can cure homosexuality in just 10 days!” the National Lampoon parodied Bryant’s severe and misguided conception of homosexuality. The comic strip read, “What is homosexuality? It is a dreaded sickness that can be caught from an athletic coach or an English teacher.”123 Although the magazine ridiculed her viewpoint, it did not recognize or acknowledge County. These reactions to Bryant and her personal views were damaging to the political movement for gay civil rights. To oppose Bryant with mockery, gay communities garnered a sense of tolerance, but this distracted from the need for legal recognition, security, and acceptance, such as the one in Dade County.

Bryant’s career was stalled and eventually decimated by her political 118

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“Homosexuals March for Equal Rights: Thousands Parade in New York New York Times, (June 27, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.hmi.org (Accessed May 16, 2020).

119 “3,000 in Houston Protest Anita Bryant Appearance,” New York Times (June 17, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

120 “Around the Nation,” New York Times, (December 4, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.hmi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

121 “Notes on People,” New York Times, (July 8, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

122 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade,” New York Times (June 7, 1977) https://www.nytimes.com/1977/06/07/archives/anita-bryants-crusade.html (Accessed February 6, 2020); “Notes on People,” New York Times (February 25, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 19, 2020).

123 National Lampoon, Inc, Hi! I’m Anita Bryant: And I Can Cure Homosexuality in Just 10 Days! (1978) https://2.bp.blogspot.com/_lSk4AbYU4tY/SJtD-m5SldI/ AAAAAAAAAcs/RR1QIn0ZKeQ/s1600-h/natlampmay77ad1.jpg (Accessed January 29, 2020).

activity.124 Thus, the public nature of her life provided her a platform with which to protest gay rights in Miami, and elsewhere, but it damaged her reputation and career as an entertainer. The termination of Anita Bryant as a working entertainer reinforced the extremity of her hard-bordered views on sexuality, which were underscored by her vitriolic rhetoric when discussing its impact on the American family.

Rhetorical Strategies of Bryant and Save Our Children The language with which Bryant and Save Our Children mounted their attack on the Dade County Ordinance revealed the ways in which they felt threatened by the public integration and protection of gay individuals. Namely, they felt that the ostensible presence of gays would dismantle heterosexual hegemony, an institution proliferated and maintained by the traditional nuclear family.

The “militant homosexual” Bryant regularly referred to the gay opposition as the “militant 125 homosexual.” In doing this, she encouraged her audience to approach and understand gay people from a place of fear and apprehension. To her, the “militant homosexual” posed a threat to the heterosexual hegemony and prompting a bordered response in defense of the American family.

Bryant understood homosexuality as a confusion or illness, rather than an identity.126 Her characterization of the gay population as “militant” suggests that she viewed them as a social movement out to bother heterosexuals and families. Bryant wrote, “We are faced with an aggressive social epidemic in this country, but, praise God, I do believe in the decency of the American people, and I believe this downward trend can be reversed…”127 She understood homosexuality to be a perverted social movement, rather than a valid identity, even describing gay women as having “lesbian tendencies.”128 Denying gay identity and believing sexuality to be binary and determined by biological sex allowed Bryant to more easily project deviance and perversion, manifested by the idea of the recruitment and molestation of schoolchildren, onto gay people. In this way, her bordered understanding of sexuality motivated her to oppose the Dade County ordinance that prevented discrimination based on sexuality in employment.

Bryant’s discussion of the recruitment by gay people indicates a bordered reaction motivated by fear. Bryant warned of the threat of a 124 “Notes on People,” New York Times (February 25, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 19, 2020).

125 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 99.

126 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

127 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 42.

128 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 53.

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recruitment system by gay people: “This recruitment of our children is since homosexuals cannot reproduce, the must recruit, must freshen their of two…or a teenage boy or girl who is surging with sexual awareness?”129 Bryant suggested that gay people preyed on children in order to empower and grow their own class from among the “impressionable young.” 130 Furthermore, Bryant wrote, “A society that condones homosexual behavior is a society that is uncaring, for it is allowing an individual to fall prey to sexual self-destruction.”131 Bryant claimed that conceding a level of public recognition to gay people would allow them to bolster their population by enlisting their children, and therefore allowing the “normal majority” to 132 Thus Bryant felt it was society’s job to protect those susceptible to the threat of the “militant homosexual.”133 Bryant could not divorce sex from reproduction, and therefore did not fully grasp that two people could engage in a relationship for purposes that did not include reproduction. Therefore, she insisted that gay people were a danger to what Bryant held dear and sought to preserve: familial life and motherhood. Gay existence was a substitute for the traditional heterosexual nuclear family, and therefore was threatening to and consequently sexuality as a means for reproduction communicates her intrinsically hard-bordered understanding of sexuality. Her designation of the gay population as “militant” demonstrates a hard-bordered reaction to a perceived threat against heterosexual control.

Rhetorical manipulation of “rights” One way that Bryant and SOC attempted to defeat gayrights activists was to delegitimize their position as a civil rights movement.

Bryant argued that gay people were not a true minority; this conviction was informed by Bryant’s bordered understanding of sexuality that linked meeting with gay activists, saying in a statement that “I protest the action

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129 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 146.

130 Drummond Ayres Jr., “Miami Debate Over Rights of Homosexuals Directs Wide Attention to National Issue.”

131 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 55-56.

132 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 147.

133 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 99.

with a serious discussion of their alleged ‘human rights.’”134 Bryant doubled down on her mockery of the activists’ cause, using both sneer quotes to challenge the notion that gay people were denied the full extent of human rights, and language that suggested they had no special vulnerability or claim.

Bryant’s statement continued, “Behind the high-sounding appeal against discrimination in jobs and housing, which is not a problem to the ‘closet’ homosexual, they are really asking to be blessed in their abnormal life style 135 Bryant suggested that “human rights” was merely a backhanded veil to gain approval from the and persuade ranks of children to join them. To Bryant, gay people did not warrant these rights because their sexual preference was a divergent choice, and therefore they did not represent a real minority. Bryant’s hardbordered understanding of sexuality led her to discredit gay identity, and thus discredit their need for legislative protection.

Bryant’s appropriation of the gay civil rights argument represented both her bordered understanding of sexuality and the bordered response to the perceived threat of homosexuality. Bryant asserted that it was her civil right as a parent to protect her children from the abnormality of gay people. Bryant wrote, “I have never condoned nor taught my children discrimination against anyone because of their race or religion, but if this ordinance amendment is allowed to become law, you will, in fact be infringing upon my rights and discriminating against me as a citizen and a mother to teach my children and set examples of God’s moral code as stated in the Holy Scriptures.”136 Bryant claimed that she, as a parent, had a right greater to protect her children from the threat of gay people and preserve the morality of her children. Here, Bryant claimed higher moral ground than gay people because she adhered to a hard-bordered, binary sexuality.

She also sought to actively separate her children from gay individuals, demonstrating a constructed border around her family, shielding them from By describing gays as occupying an “abnormal life style,” Bryant and subjugating the gay community in order to maintain the heterosexual 134 “Anita Bryant Scores White House Talk With Homosexuals,” New York Times, (March 28, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

135 “Anita Bryant Scores White House Talk With Homosexuals,” New York Times, (March 28, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

136 Bryant, The Anita Bryant Story, 16.

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hegemony.137 Bryant condemned the gay reality, divorced them from heterosexual society, and then disparaged them for seeking to come back into the fold. Bryant sought social, legal, and physical distance from gay people. If they attained these rights and were no longer discriminated against under the law, they would be more visible, and would therefore present to children an alternative way. In this way, Bryant’s rhetorical maneuvering was indicative of a hard-bordered conception of sexuality, one that aimed to preserve the sanctity of the American family.

Child Protectionism Anita Bryant and Save Our Children appealed to parents in their work against the ordinance by employing language of children protectionism; they motivated people to approach the ordinance from a place of fear and apprehension, and therefore construct borders around their family, protecting and distancing themselves from the issue and the gay community.

The rhetorical use of children revealed that Save Our Children believed, correctly, that Dade County parents shared to some degree the fear of the action in order to guarantee the safety of their children. Save Our Children feared gay teachers would cause their children to adopt a gay “lifestyle,” and that they believed, correctly, that appealing to parents regarding the safety of their children prompted conservative decision making, one that was stressed a hard-bordered distancing and separation from children and potential gay teachers. This was demonstrated by the repeal of the Dade County ordinance that protected the employment of gay people.138 The fear with which Save Our Children and Bryant spoke about gay teachers revealed how threatened they were. They feared the “homosexual lifestyle,” would spread to their children like an illness.139 This lifestyle rhetoric implied choice, revealing that not only did they fear homosexuality, they also did not understand it. Democratic Governor of Florida Reubin Askew wrote, “I do not want a known homosexual teaching my child.”140 Governor Askew’s words conveyed the fear and danger felt by Dade County parents. Governor Askew’s statement revealed that it was the visibility of homosexuality was threatening to children and society, rather than the intrinsic nature of one’s gay identity. Thus, only if one’s identity as a homosexual was disclosed or evident was the ‘illness’ of homosexuality

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137 “Anita Bryant Scores White House Talk With Homosexuals,” New York Times, (March 28, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

138 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

139 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

140 O’Leary and Voeller, “Anita Bryant’s Crusade.”

‘contagious.’ It was, therefore, the sexual discernibility of something other than heterosexual that was threatening to these individuals and institutions. children. A vote to repeal the Dade County ordinance ensured a legally enforceable social border between children and discernable gay teachers.

Therefore, the vote to repeal the Dade County ordinance extending rights to gay people exhibited the construction of borders around schoolchildren in order to protect them from the perceived threat from gay individuals.

The nature of the “Save Our Children” name suggested that gay people were themselves not human; that they were not included in the “our,” that their “lifestyle” somehow separated them from the American family. The National Gay Task Force named a campaign responded to include themselves in the American family that Bryant and SOC sought to preserve. 141 Gay people were family members, they were neighbors, and they were friends. This campaign sought to normalize and correct people’s misconceptions of the gay community.142 It sought to counteract the othering done by Anita Bryant and Save Our Children and promote the gay community as one that looked and acted very much like the heterosexual population. This separation by Bryant and Save Our Children reveals that rigid borders were constructed to bar gay individuals. These constructions occurred because individuals like Bryant and those involved with Save Our Conclusion Anita Bryant and Save Our Children reasoned that sexuality and sex were linked in an unchangeable, natural order. Therefore, heterosexuality was the only true and viable option. The family unit was a means to sustain the primacy of the heterosexual hegemony. Therefore, anything that varied from this design presented a threat. Bryant and Save Our Children’s inherently bordered understanding of sexuality motivated the production of hard borders barring and rejecting homosexuality in order to preserve the sanctity and preeminence of the traditional nuclear family.

In order to ensure the repeal of the Dade County gay civil rights ordinance, Bryant appealed to the stringent religious conceptions of sexuality. She rejected the gay opposition’s legitimacy as an identity-based group deserving 141 “Homosexuals Plan Educational Drive,” New York Times, (June 19, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 16, 2020).

142 “Thousands of Homosexuals March In Demonstrations for Equal Rights,” New York Times (June 27, 1977), ProQuest Historical Newspapers, http://proquest.umi.com (Accessed May 19, 2020).

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of legal protection, and she accentuated the physical threat that gay people posed to the American family, characterizing them as “militant.” She employed bombastic rhetoric that presented gay people as perverted child molesters. These actions indicate a hard-bordered conception of sexuality, protect the heterosexual families as the preferred group, from gay people, defamed as deviant and threatening. The hard borders that Bryant created in her campaign against the 1977 gay-rights ordinance in Dade County foreshadowed the strength of opposition to making legal space for gay people for decades to come.

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Acknowledgements The Logos this publication. Particularly, the Manhattan College community, who has played an integral role in our ability to create this edition and continue to push the boundaries of academic discourse.

Logos would especially like to thank Dr. Adam Koehler, our faculty advisor, for his dedication to students of the arts and beyond. His endless show of support and ardor is why Logos lives to see its eighth publication.

Special thanks to our production team, Nicole Rodriguez and Emily Hollar, who were both remote this semester yet managed to bring our vision to life.

They were the linchpin of this print edition.

Student engagement for their acceptance of our unorthodox way of doing business.

Manhattan Magazine for their support and guidance when we were unsure of where to go next.

Sheridan Press.

Rosemary (Wade) Wiedemann for the beautiful artwork exhibited on our front cover.

All of the professors and faculty members who challenge and embolden their students on a daily basis, encouraging them to submit their pieces to Logos.

Finally, to all of the contributors of Logos, your resilience and zeal in the face of uncertainty permeates throughout this edition. Without you, Logos would not be possible.

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"That even as we grieved, we grew That even as we hurt, we hoped That even as we tired, we tried" - Amanda Gorman, "The Hill We Climb"