Insight ::: 08.11.2025

Pritzker, Martin eviscerate Trump, Texan republicans; welcome democrats who left state to block redistricting vote

Over three dozen Democratic

Texas state legislators left the state to prevent the quorum needed to vote on new legislative maps that would favor Republicans in the 2026 midterm election. Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker, welcomed them in a Chicago press conference.

The Republican-dominated Texas House last week issued civil arrest warrants for absent Democrats.

Texas Gov. Greg Abbott ordered state troopers to help find and arrest them. But lawmakers physically outside Texas are beyond the jurisdiction of state authorities.

Abbott is also threatening to have seats of absent Democrats vacated.

Texas Republicans want to redraw maps outside the usual post-census period. Their proposed maps wipe out two majority-Black districts, and up to 3 Latino districts.

But the protesting legislators say it is time to fight back indicating that Democratic led states could take similar actions, thus neutralizing the hoped for gain sought by the Trump administration.

The 40 Texas lawmakers taking refuge in Illinois say if federal or Texas authorities were to attempt to come after them, Illinois officials are willing to step in.

Illinois Congress Member Robin Kelly said what Texas Republicans are attempting affects the whole country. She said if Texas Republicans prevail in redistricting, Democrats in states like Illinois could do the same to counteract it.

“Stay as long as you want,” Kelly said. “We believe in what you’re doing ... We are ready to fight fire with fire.”

Pritzker, welcomed the Texas Democrats on Sunday. He and other Democratic governors including California Gov. Gavin Newsom and New

York Gov. Kathy Hochul, are consider looking at their states’ legislatives maps and the possibility of redistricting, creating more Democratic seats as an antidote to the impact of GOPled states that do so.

Pritzker said Trump and the Texas Republicans were cheating mid-decade by rewriting the rules.

He told the Texas Democrats “You are answering “one of the most challenging calls of public service that has ever been asked of you.”

“You’ve had to leave behind your families, your fulltime jobs, your communities, and you did it to protect the voting rights of the people that you represent and voters all across this nation,” Pritzker said. “We are very pleased to welcome you and to stand in solidarity with you and send a clear message to all Americans: We will not let power go unchecked or let your voices and their voices go unheard.”

Illinois Lieutenant Governor, Juliana Stratton, who is running for the United States Senate, said “we are facing the voting rights fight of our lifetime. Donald Trump and Texas Republicans are staging a blatant attempt to strip away voting rights and rig the next election.”

“Texas families are still recovering from devastating floods. Americans nationwide are suffering under rising prices and cuts to health care and food assistance. But Trump and Texas Republicans are choosing to ignore the needs of their constituents and focusing on further rigging the system for their own advantage. And there’s no line they won’t cross,” she said.

“Governor Abbott has even called for duly elected representatives to be hunted down and arrested. That is authoritarianism and all of us

“This is not the Democratic Party of your grandfather, which would bring a pencil to the knife fight. This is a new Democratic party. We’re bringing a knife to a knife fight, and are going to fight fire with fire.”

should be outraged. It’s not lost on me that it’s Black and Latino communities who will disproportionately be silenced by this attack,” Stratton said.

Gov. Pritzker greeted Ken Martin, DNC Chair and former head of the Minnesota DFL, and the Texas legislators. He said “Texas House Democrats are demonstrating what it means to fight for the preservation of our constitutional republic. Donald Trump, Governor Abbott, and Texas Republicans, know that they’re headed toward a loss of the Congress in 2026. They’re afraid and they should be because when you try to tear health care away from veterans and seniors, from children and people with disabilities, when you raise tariff taxes on groceries and beer and automobiles, when you let poor and working-class families go hungry, when you allow smoke stack industries to pollute the air and remove safety standards from food producers… all so that you can give a massive tax break to Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos… frankly, you’d better watch out. You’re going to lose your elections.”

“They’re hoping they can rob the bank and get away before anyone notices. Texas Republicans are trying to diminish the voting power of their own constituents and in doing so, diminish the rights of Illinoisans and all Americans,” Gov. Pritzker said.

“Democrats are fighting back,” Ken Martin said. “We’re not rolling over. And I’ve been saying to these Texas Republicans, if you want a showdown, well, you’re going to get a showdown, right here right now.” Martin said “Texas Democrats are doing their damn jobs. They’re standing up for the Constitution. They’re standing up for democracy. They’re standing up for the voices of their constituents. There is nothing more American than calling out corruption, blasting bullies who seek to harm others, and defending democracy and the will of the voters.”

“So, they’ve decided that the only way to save themselves is to cheat, to change the rules in the middle of the game. When Donald Trump says jump, Greg Abbott and Ken Paxton say, “How high?” They don’t care that they’re violating the Voting Rights Act and racially gerrymandering their state, he said.

“We are here on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act to once again stand up for fairness and justice. Because just as the icons of the Civil Rights Movement marched, protested, and got into good trouble, just as Dr. King and Fanny Lou Hamer and John Lewis fought to ensure that Americans could access the ballot regardless of the color of their skin. so too are these courageous Texas House Democrats standing up and fighting back against a racial gerrymandering scheme to disenfranchise Black and Latino voters… all to desperately hold on to Congress in the midterms,” Martin said.

“I am here because the DNC is standing shoulder-to-shoulder with them every single step of the way. We are supporting them not because it’s a political fight, although it is. Not because it’s a necessary fight, although it is. We are supporting them because this is a moral fight, a fight worth fighting with every tool at our disposal. A fight for the fundamental value that voters should get to choose their leaders, not the other way around,” said Martin.

“What Republicans are trying to do in Texas is a model for other red states to lie, cheat, and steal their way to victory. They don’t give a damn about the will of voters or their needs. In fact, they’d rather bend the knee to Donald Trump in Washington DC than advocate for Texas,” he said.

“Democrats are going to fight this tooth and nail until the will of the voters is respected. This is not the Democratic Party of your grandfather, which would bring a pencil to the knife fight. This is a new Democratic party. We’re bringing a knife to a knife fight, and we are going to fight fire with fire. We cannot, we will not let Republicans succeed in their

efforts to gerrymander the map and tilt the election in their favor,” Martin said Ramón Romero Jr., State Representative, District 90 in Fort Worth, Texas, and also chairman of the Texas Mexican-American Legislative Caucus, the nation’s oldest and largest Latino caucus, said “There’s folks saying that we walked out. I think everyone behind me will say we’re standing up. And as Texans would say, we’re standing tall and against the maps that aim directly at Black and Brown voices.”

“Tomorrow marks 60 years since the Voting Rights Act was signed into law. That law that was born at a sacrifice of people bleeding, marching, Yes. and even dying for the right to vote. And now here we are one day before that anniversary watching Trump try to destroy it. That power grab by Trump and Abbott doesn’t just have the goal of getting five more seats in Congress. It has another goal, a goal more sinister than that, and that is to make people believe that their vote doesn’t really matter,” he said.

Largest-ever Minneapolis neighborhood park investment underway at North Commons Park

Improvements include adding the Minneapolis park system’s first modern-day fieldhouse, rebuilding the North Commons Water Park, and

Government and community leaders, philanthropic supporters and neighborhood residents last month joined the Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board (MPRB) and Minneapolis Parks Foundation (MPF) at North Commons Park to commemorate the start of construction on the largest-ever investment in a Minneapolis neighborhood park.

The 25.7-acre North Minneapolis park at 18th & James Ave. N has served as a flagship neighborhood park for the Minneapolis park system since it was built in 1907.

“North Commons Park holds meaning and memories for generations of people,” said MPRB Superintendent Al Bangoura at the July 27th gathering. “Today we celebrate years of work with the community to create an exciting vision that builds on the park’s history to better serve future generations. I’m incredibly grateful for the support North Commons receives from our federal, state, and local government partners,

as well as the Minneapolis Parks Foundation and its generous supporters.”

The project constructs the first modern fieldhouse

Chuck D to America: ‘You’re in the Hot Box’

By Stacy M. Brown Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

Chuck D, the co-founder of Public Enemy, issued a warning during an appearance on the Black Press of America’s Let It Be Known morning show, aiming at America’s cultural disconnection, political chaos, and the growing impact of artificial intelligence and online manipulation. The legendary artist also spotlighted Public Enemy’s surprise new album, Black Sky Over the Projects: Apartment 2025, which he called a gift to longtime fans and a continuation of the group’s fight-thepower ethos. “The rock guys always seem to take care of theirs,” he said. “We created rock and roll in the first damn place, but it gets co-opted. They protect their culture. We don’t pass ours down.”

Chuck said that while touring last month with Guns N’ Roses, he saw firsthand how European audiences celebrate rock and unify around their shared

identity. “They all know they’re Europeans. They had wars with each other, but they glue up together,” he said. “We got factions. And what countries do we have to back our factions?” He continued, “Everybody on the planet Earth is saying, ‘Y’all need to be careful, you are going into that hot box.’” Public Enemy’s sixteenth studio album, released June 27 without prior announcement, was described by Chuck and Flavor Flav as “the give back.” The album was made available for free on Bandcamp for the first 72 hours and dropped in conjunction with a live performance at London’s Royal Albert Hall. The final track, “March Madness,” tackles gun violence and school shootings. It begins with a real 9-1-1 call from a distressed teacher. “Kids supposed to have fun, none of this run for cover for your life,” Chuck said in the song. He said the song grew out of collaboration with Flavor Flav’s team, his manager Rhiannon Ellis, and Harvard students. “We had Black shootouts in high schools in the 80s that we were trying

to address, and they fell on deaf ears,” he said. “It metastasized in the 90s, and now people are desensitized.”

Chuck pointed to the commercial structure of hip-hop today, saying, “The profitability of us and our drama, that also has diminishing returns… Now we got AI. Why would we be so amazed at your non-singing ass?” On the issue of how

technology is reshaping perception, he said, “Scrolling ain’t reading. Texting ain’t writing,” he declared. “People are not tuned into listening like they were 25 years ago. Their eyes are searching like Bluetooth.” He warned that listening is now a survival skill. “If you’re not using this sense of listening and then process it, you’re

Clinton Navarro Hewitt September 14, 1935 - August 01, 2025

Clinton N. Hewitt, born in Powhatan, Virginia, on September 14, 1935, passed away peacefully at Transitions Hospice House, in Durham, North Carolina on August 1, 2025, surrounded by his family.

Hewitt spent nearly 40 years at University of Minnesota completing his tenure there as Associate Vice President for Physical Planning and Associate Professor in the School of Architecture. He directed the Office of Physical Planning, which was composed of multiple units that coordinated the planning, design, and construction of facilities and managed the overall operation of properties owned by the University of Minnesota. He shaped the U of M’s campuses across the state through dozens of landmark building

projects—including Scholar’s Walk, David M. Lilly Plaza, and the Weisman Art Museum—in addition to impacting the lives ofcountless students and colleagues.

Hewitt was valedictorian of his high school graduating class at Pocahontas Colored High School in 1952. A graduate of Virginia State College in Petersburg in 1956 with a Bachelor’s in Ornamental Horticulture, and he was a member of Omega Psi Phi fraternity.

After serving for three years in the Army in Germany, he attended Michigan State University, receiving a B.S. in landscape architecture in 1963 and a M.L.A. in 1965. During this time, Hewitt also met and married the love of his life, Mary, in 1961 in

By Stacy M. Brown Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

A new poll from the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research shows growing public skepticism toward the effectiveness of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs. Conducted July 10–14, 2025, the survey of 1,437 U.S. adults revealed that only about one-third believe DEI efforts reduce discrimination against women, Hispanic people, or Asian Americans. Four in 10 say DEI initiatives help address bias against Black people. Yet nearly 30 percent believe these initiatives increase discrimination, including against white people. The AP-NORC poll also noted a sharp drop in the number of Americans who acknowledge racial discrimina-

tion against Black and Asian people. In 2021, 61% said Black Americans faced a great deal or quite a bit of discrimination. That figure now stands at 40%. For Asian Americans, it dropped from 46% to 30%. Despite this decline in perception, 74% of Black respondents say their communities continue to experience significant discrimination. The polling results come amid escalating concerns about Project 2025, a sweeping 900page policy blueprint published by the Heritage Foundation and widely viewed as a roadmap for a second Trump administration. According to the Legal Defense Fund’s Thurgood Marshall Institute, Project 2025 poses a direct threat to Black communities by proposing to dismantle civil rights protections, privatize education, and expand executive power with minimal oversight.

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Clint Hewitt Headshot

By Haley Taylor Schlitz, Esq.

Sixty years ago, this nation made an oath. That no matter who you are or where you live, your vote would count. That oath was written into law through the Voting Rights Act. But today, that promise is fading. Not from memory, but from policy. Not by accident, but by design.

What does it mean to mark the 60th anniversary of one of the most consequential civil rights laws in American history, when its very foundation is under threat? When the protections it once guaranteed are now on trial, both in the courts and in the statehouses?

This summer, Texas Republicans have convened a special legislative session to push through a mid-decade redistricting plan. The map they introduced was not subtle. It would give Republicans five new congressional seats

by cracking apart Black and Latino communities, eliminating meaningful representation for communities of color, and forcing Democratic incumbents into races against each other. Congressman Marc Veasey’s district, which includes much of Black Tarrant County, where I grew up, was a direct target.

In response, this week, Democratic lawmakers in the Texas House boarded planes and left Texas for Illinois. Their goal was to deny the Legislature a quorum when it reconvened to vote on the map. By walking out, they made clear that they would not lend legitimacy to a political process designed to erase the voices of their constituents.

Their decision was not made lightly. It was an act of resistance rooted in principle. And it echoes an older pattern in American history.

From 1910 to 1970, millions of Black Americans left the South during the Great Migration. They sought economic opportunity, but also something deeper: safety, dignity, and a life beyond the constant threat of racial violence and political exclusion. Today, we are witnessing a new form of flight. This time, it is not

families seeking refuge, at least not yet. It is legislators leaving their home states, not out of disloyalty, but because the political leadership in the South is once again turning its back on democracy.

We are, in many ways, living through Act II of the end of Reconstruction. After the Civil War, the promise of multiracial democracy was violently dismantled. Black political power was systematically erased. White supremacist rule returned under the language of states’ rights. And the rest of the country turned away.

Now, in 2025, that story is being rewritten with redistricting maps, court rulings, and procedural games. Once again, the voices being targeted are Black and Brown. The danger goes beyond Texas.

In a pending case out of Louisiana, the Supreme Court has asked for new arguments on whether drawing majority-Black districts, a core practice under the Voting Rights Act, is even constitutional. This opens the door to a sweeping ruling that could redefine Section 2 of the law and make it nearly impossible to protect minority voting power through

race-conscious districting. If the Court rules that intentionally creating majority-minority districts is itself discriminatory, then the very act of trying to defend communities of color could be deemed unconstitutional. That would not just weaken the Voting Rights Act. It would render it unusable. And so, we must ask. What does it mean to reflect on the 60th anniversary of this law when its future is in such peril?

We have been taught to think of the Voting Rights Act as a turning point. A law that changed the country forever. But the truth is more fragile.

The latest data show that less than half of Minnesota students (49%) read proficiently. That’s ten points down from a decade ago, a downward trend that started in the late 2010s and only accelerated post-pandemic. The READ Act seeks to turn things around.

But some literacy instruction experts worry Minne-

sota may fall short of the Act’s objectives if we fail to hold students to high expectations and engage them in materials they find relevant and meaningful.

We spoke to leaders at the Network for the Development for Children of African Descent (NdCAD)—whose longstanding literary instruction programs buck the state’s slipping scores—to hear what lessons they would share. But first: What’s in the READ Act?

Passed in 2023, the READ Act requires schools to provide “evidence-based reading instruction” focused on foundational reading skills. That means instruction that em-

phasizes phonemic awareness, phonics, fluency, vocabulary, and comprehension—core components of what’s called “the science of reading.”

These components are backed by decades of cognitive science and represent the most effective way to ensure students learn to read words accurately and fluently.

The Act requires districts to:

Provide specific training and ensure reading interventions are made by trained teachers.

Administer reading screeners to all students grades K-3.

Develop and adopt formal plans for how they’ll have all students reading at or above grade level.

The law addresses some crucial gaps—and sets a high bar for schools to clear. But there’s a risk of reducing literacy to technical proficiency if relevance and meaning get left out of the equation.

Lessons from an integrated, culture-centered approach

NdCAD’s programs include all the core components of the science of reading—but through a culture-centered, or integrated, approach.

Since 1997, experts at NdCAD have honed literacy instruction programs that include all the core components of the science of reading—but through a culture-centered, or integrated, approach.

Now, “culture-centered” does not mean “the science of reading with a cultural flavoring.” Nor is NdCAD’s integrated approach an alternative to the science of reading—but a powerful extension that makes it stick. NdCAD founder and executive director Gevonee Ford explains.

“Our approach is integrated into a larger endgame which is, ‘I understand why reading is important. It’s important because it helps me succeed in school. But it also helps me understand who I am. And who my family is. And who my community is. And my responsibility and place in the world.’”

The 2025 NdCAD Summer Training Institute, August 18-19, seeks to broaden how parents, teachers, early childhood providers, school administrators think about education, reading instruction, and strategies to ensure all children succeed in school and life.

The Sankofa Reading Program at NdCAD serves K-8 students in afterschool and summertime settings. Sankofa students make critical connections between reading and cultural identity development through culturally-specific texts, individual learning plans, and complementary “Parent Power” literacy workshops for parents and caregivers.

The program aligns with state standards and assessments, but as its tagline goes: We don’t teach the reading, we teach the reader.

Ford expands on it: “We teach the reader to master the thinking parts of reading, and the skills so that they can read and make meaning with any text.”

Sam Ramos, a longtime training and program coordinator, talks about making meaning by drawing identity connections, so that we and our ancestors become living texts.

“Our stories are things that our children need to hear. From the small minutiae to the story of how we got here.”

Sankofa translates to “go back and get it.” That spirit of connection to the past and belonging permeates not just NdCAD’s literacy programs, but their office and tutoring space. “Welcome home,” every person is greeted upon entry.

A core tenet of NdCAD’s approach involves centering students’ aspirations, not skill gaps in reframing how we think about student strengths and aspirations, particularly when building individual learning plans.

Sankofa tutors analyze robust pre-assessment data looking for student strengths. They don’t start with the skill gaps.

“Now you build an individual learning plan for you. What are you trying to learn from that child about the strength that they bring?” describes Ford.

“What are you intending to learn from the child about what turns that switch on? Because that’s what you need in order to introduce them to the skill areas that are not as strong.”

Family members of Sankofa students are strongly encouraged to participate in Parent Power . Staff talked about a Parent Power graduate’s a-ha moment in a conversation about building identity connections.

Laws are not self-executing. Rights, once granted, must still be defended. History does not move in a straight line. It loops. It warns. It repeats. My generation did not grow up under Jim Crow. But we are watching the return of its logic, coded in court opinions, mapped in legislative plans, and enforced with the same goal: to suppress voices, secure power, and call it fairness. The Voting Rights Act was supposed to prevent this. It was supposed to ensure that Black and Brown communities would not be cut out of the democratic process every time they

gained ground. But now, the protections of the Act are being reinterpreted as threats, and its purpose is being put on trial. So no, this anniversary is not a celebration. It is a warning.

Because if the Voting Rights Act cannot survive in a moment like this, when its protections are needed most, then what we are witnessing is not just a legal shift. It is a moral unraveling.

The question is not whether history will remember this moment. The question is whether we will respond before it becomes too late.

100% of Sankofa students increase their reading skills and 65% finish the program meeting or exceeding grade level reading.

“Now I understand how in nine weeks my child went from ‘I can’t read and I don’t want to,’ to now I can’t stop them from reading and wanting to show off all the different phonograms they know.’”

NdCAD has the receipts: 100% of Sankofa students increase their reading skills and 65% finish the program meeting or exceeding grade level reading.

And it’s not just the kids. An evaluation by Ramsey County found that Parent Power was instrumental to improving families’ stability, well-being, and self-determination.

Ramos draws parallels between his young daughters and the scholars he has seen grow during his 15 years at NdCAD.

“They’re looking for the answers to those questions of why, especially at that age range of six through eight. Everything is why. ‘Why this? Why that? Why do I have to brush my teeth? Why do I have to do this?’ The why is so important,” Ramos explains. “But without the answers, they’re going to think it’s just another thing to do.”

“Understanding the importance of what [reading proficiency] means to them as individuals, as family members, as community members, as a people is why we see the gains that we see in our programs.”

The READ Act compels schools to use culturally responsive instructional materials, though the provision seems likely to yield more cultural flavoring as opposed to the integrated approach proven successful by NdCAD.

While NdCAD uses highly culturally responsive materials, too, Ford believes teachers must be culturally responsive by recognizing who children are and where they come from. But he pushes them further.

“How does that translate into how you think about your instruction, how you think about what you hope to learn from the children and, most importantly, what you hope to learn about yourself from the delivery of your instruction?”

The READ Act sets new expectations; educators must determine how they will

help students meet them. But Ford and Ramos urge us to aim higher than baseline standards and expectations. This comes back to reframing how we think about student strengths and aspirations.

“If we raise the standard and intrinsically motivate, they will meet the higher standard,” Ford says of students, before turning the spotlight back to the adults. “If we lower the standard, they will meet that as well.”

As schools implement the READ Act, we must teach kids to decode words. And, they must also learn how to decode the world in which they live. We adults must believe they can.

Marcus Penny Communications Director

Marcus Penny leads communications for EE, where he marries creative skills with his passion for education advocacy. As an AmeriCorps member, Marcus helped children develop social-emotional skills to prepare for kindergarten. There he saw young learners thrive in affirming, adaptive learning environments. He then the better part of a decade running communications and digital engagement at a national nonprofit supporting students and educators engaged in service-learning, before joining EE in 2018. Marcus holds a bachelor’s degree in political science from Minnesota State University, Mankato, and a Certificate in Marketing Strategy from the Johnson Graduate School of Management at Cornell University. He is a 2018 RISE Fellow and a 2020 Minnesota Education Policy Fellow. He lives in Saint Louis Park with his

Armed banditry is becoming a crisis in Nigeria: why fixing the police is key

By Onyedikachi Madueke

Armed banditry in Nigeria has escalated into a full-blown security crisis, particularly in the north-west and north-central regions. What began as sporadic attacks has now morphed into coordinated campaigns of terror affecting entire communities.

In March 2022, bandits attacked an Abuja-bound train with over 900 passengers, killing several and abducting an unknown number. Earlier, in January 2022, around 200 people were killed and 10,000 displaced in Zamfara after over 300 gunmen on motorcycles stormed eight villages, shooting indiscriminately and burning homes.

Between 2023 and May 2025, at least 10,217 were killed by armed groups, including bandits, in northern Nigeria. Most of the victims were women and children.

States like Zamfara, Sokoto and Katsina in the North-West and Niger, Kogi and Benue in the north-central region are especially hard hit. Farmers are abducted en route to their fields, travellers are kidnapped on major highways, and whole villages have been displaced. In many rural areas,

residents are now forced to pay “taxes” to bandits before they can even harvest their crops.

Insecurity is now reshaping daily life in rural Nigeria. Families are abandoning their homes. Food supply chains are being disrupted. School attendance is falling. The rise in banditry is fuellin

While existing studies on armed banditry in Nigeria have largely focused on causes like ungoverned spaces, poverty and marginalisation, they often under-emphasise the fact that, since banditry is a law enforcement issue, the capacity of the police to address the crisis is paramount. Effective policing is the bedrock of internal security.

I’m a PhD researcher and have just completed my thesis on the link between institutional weakness and insecurity in Nigeria. A recent paper draws on my thesis.

This study examines how factors such as police manpower, funding, welfare conditions and structural organisation shape the ability of the Nigeria Police Force to respond effectively.

I found that the Nigeria Police Force has too few officers, is chronically underfunded, works under poor conditions, and is over-centralised, resulting in a lack of local ownership and initiative. These shortcomings aren’t just bureaucratic – they create an environment where organised violence

thrives.

Tackling armed banditry in Nigeria requires addressing the institutional weaknesses of the police: expanding recruitment; improving salaries and welfare infrastructure; decentralising the force to enable state and community policing; and ensuring transparent, accountable use of security funds.

Four main challenges

Between 2022 and 2023, I conducted virtual interviews with 17 respondents including police and civil defence personnel serving in north-central Nigeria. I also conducted informal focus group discussions with police personnel and individuals affected by banditry in Abuja. Additionally, I analysed security reports and public documents from civil society organisations and media sources related to banditry and the Nigerian police.

What emerged was a troubling yet consistent story: the Nigerian Police Force wants to do more and has some dedicated officers, but is constrained by deep structural and institutional challenges. These challenges fall into four interlinked areas:

Manpower crisis: too few officers, spread too thin

Nigeria has over 220 million citizens but only about 370,000 police officers. The impact is most severe in regions where insecurity is rampant.

In some local governments in northern Nigeria, only 32 officers are tasked with protecting hundreds of thousands of residents.

Worse still, up to 80% of officers are assigned to protect VIPs, politicians, traditional rulers and business elites, leaving about 20% available for regular policing. Officers are routinely deployed as drivers, bodyguards and domestic aides to VIPs.

Rural areas where banditry is most active remain dangerously under-policed, while safer cities in the south have a visible police presence. This imbalance has left vast regions vulnerable to bandit attacks.

Chronic under-funding and operational paralysis Nigeria’s 2024 police budget stands at about US$808 million, a fraction of what countries like South Africa and Egypt spend. The result is that most police stations lack basic items like paper, computers, or internet access. Officers use personal mobile phones for official work. Some stations can’t even fuel their patrol vehicles without financial help from the public. Specialised equipment like bulletproof vests, tracking devices and functional armoured vehicles is either outdated or unavailable.

Even the Nigeria Police Trust Fund, established in

2019 to address these gaps, has been plagued by corruption and mismanagement. The result is a force that improvises its way through crises with minimal tools.

Poor welfare and working conditions

Morale within the police force is alarmingly low.

Junior officers earn as little as US$44 per month – barely enough to live on in today’s Nigeria. Officers buy their own uniforms, pay for basic medical needs, and often live in rundown barracks that lack water, toilets, or electricity. In one barracks in Lagos, several families share a single bathroom.

Healthcare is patchy at best. Insurance schemes don’t cover critical conditions.

Officers injured on duty have been abandoned in hospitals, while families of fallen officers sometimes wait years to receive death benefits. With no sense of protection or career dignity, many officers are demoralised and disengaged. This isn’t just a labour rights issue, it’s a national security issue.

Over-centralised structure and lack of local ownership

Nigeria’s police is centrally controlled from Abuja, leaving state governors, who are legally responsible for security, without real authority over officers in their states. This topdown structure causes delays, confusion and weak accountability. In banditry-prone rural areas, officers often lack local knowledge, language skills and community trust. As a result, the response to attacks is slow, and the security presence feels distant. Bandits exploit this disconnect, operating freely in areas where the state appears absent or ineffective. Disclosure

MnDOT Small Business Resource Center events

compliance and AASHTOWare reporting and how to avoid payment delays, contract penalties, and disqualification from future

Trump revives familiar playbook with racist swipe at Charlamagne

By Stacy M. Brown Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

Strategic partnering, building relationships that drive results Donald Trump’s latest tirade against a prominent Black media figure is drawing fresh scrutiny of his long-documented history of racist behavior. In a

Social post, the former president called Charlamagne tha God a “racist sleazebag” and “low-IQ individual” after the popular radio host criticized Trump’s return to the White House during an interview with Lara Trump on Fox News. “I don’t want to say that I think he did a terrible job, but if he’s doing a terrible job, I gotta call it like it is,” said

Charlamagne, whose real name is Lenard McKelvey. “All we want is somebody in those positions that’s going to do a good job. I’m not a party person, in no way, shape or form”. Trump, clearly enraged, blasted Charlamagne’s moniker: “Why is he allowed to use the word ‘GOD’ when describing himself? Can anyone imagine the uproar there would be if I used that nickname?” He added that the host “has no idea what words are coming out of his mouth and knows nothing about me or what I have done”. While Trump claims he rebuilt the economy and closed the southern border, data shows core inflation is rising, and Black unemployment has reached its highest level since the pandemic.

A Decades-Long Pattern

Trump’s reaction to Charlamagne follows a pattern of racist attacks stretching back decades. According to PBS News, Trump has repeatedly used dehumanizing language to describe Black prosecutors, calling Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg a “Soros-backed animal” and referring to New York Attorney General Letitia James as “Racist A.G. Letitia ‘Peekaboo’ James” — a term experts say echoes racist slurs. He also accused Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis of being “racist” and a “rabid partisan,” running a campaign ad falsely suggesting she had a romantic relationship with a gang member — an ad she called “derogatory and false”. “He’s taking that historical racialized language that was offensive and insulting, and the subordinating of Black persons, applying it in a contemporary space,” said Dr. Bev-Freda Jackson of American University.

Research Confirms Trump’s Rhetoric Has Real Impact Trump’s language has had measurable consequences.

A 2023 peer-reviewed study in Current Research in Ecological and Social Psychology found that Trump’s 2016 election increased dehumanizing views among white Americans who supported him. Trump voters were more likely to rate Black people as less “evolved” after the election than before. The study confirmed what many al-

ready suspected: Trump didn’t just reflect racism—he amplified it. “Trickle-down racism” became a reality, validating fears expressed by figures like Mitt Romney, who warned Trump’s rhetoric would legitimize hate.

Systemic Efforts to Erase Black History

Beyond rhetoric, Trump has taken deliberate action to erase and distort Black history. In 2025, the National Park Service attempted to scrub references to Harriet Tubman and the Underground Railroad from exhibits, a move the Trump administration reversed only after public outrage. Around the same time, Trump issued an executive order targeting the National Museum of African American History and Culture as “divisive,” prompting director Kevin Young’s resignation. He also created the 1776 Commission, an effort to push “patriotic education” that whitewashed America’s legacy of slavery and racism. The move was a direct attack on initiatives like The 1619 Project, which Trump called “toxic propaganda”. Historians say the goal is clear: to rewrite and sanitize history. “It seems like we’re headed in the direction where there’s even an attempt to deny

that the institution of slavery even existed,” one historian told POLITICO regarding Trump’s order targeting the Smithsonian’s African American museum.

From Housing Discrimination to Charlottesville Trump’s racially charged behavior isn’t new. In 1973, he was sued by the U.S. Department of Justice for discriminating against Black renters. During the investigation, Trump allegedly told a DOJ attorney, “You know, you don’t want to live with them either”. In 1989, he took out full-page newspaper ads calling for the execution of the Central Park Five—five Black and Latino teenagers later exonerated. Even after DNA evidence proved their innocence, Trump maintained they were guilty. His political rise was fueled by the racist “birther” conspiracy against President Barack Obama, and he infamously referred to the white supremacists in Charlottesville as “very fine people”. Cliff Albright of Black Voters Matter has previously reminded the world that, “This is who Donald Trump is. He’s been this way all his time in public life.”

Wikimedia Commons

Charlamagne tha God.

square-foot water park accommodates 600+ people with a six-lane lap/open swim pool, separate areas for wading and deeper-water activities, two slides and a plunge area

Enhanced south-side plaza and paths to North High School

In addition, five site-specific artworks have been commissioned for North Commons Park:

Fieldhouse Exterior: Roger and Chango Cummings, through the City of Minneapolis Public Art program

Interior Lobby: Mia Jennings

Youth Lounge: Shade Pratt

Fieldhouse Wall: Geno Okok

Street-level windows along James Avenue N: Briauna

The Minneapolis Parks Foundation (MPF) is the primary philanthropic partner of the MPRB. MPF led the fundraising efforts for Water Works at Mill Ruins Park, Water Works Pavilion, and the 26th Avenue

Warning

From 3

Overlook. Its People for Parks Fund has supported dozens of projects and activities throughout the Minneapolis park system since it started four years ago. In early 2024, the MPF launched a fundraising campaign for the Transforming North Commons Park project. Early support from donors and philanthropists included a $10 million gift – the largest single gift in MPF history – as part of a commitment to raise $20 million for the historic campaign. MPF has $3.8 million remaining toward its fundraising goal. “This is more than a park project. It’s an investment in equity, community, and the future of North Minneapolis,” says Jocelyn Hale, Interim Executive Director of the Minneapolis Parks Foundation. “Thanks to the generosity of so many donors, we’re

From 3 going to get got.” Chuck urged Black Americans to reclaim a global mindset. “That passport will save your life and your brain,” he said. “The United States has been iso-balled. They told everybody, we’re here to protect you, and the rest of the world is bad. Don’t go nowhere, don’t think nowhere.” He said bots have infiltrated social media platforms to sow division.

Hewitt

Detroit, Michigan.

While a student at Michigan State, Hewitt worked as a landscape architect for the Division of Physical Plant Planning and Development.

Racism

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The LDF’s report, Attack on Our Power and Dignity: What Project 2025 Means for Black Communities, warns that the agenda would eliminate racial data collection in federal agencies, weaken anti-discrimination laws, and roll back protections for workers, students, and voters. “The assault on Black communities envisioned by Project 2025 will almost certainly condemn us to demise,” said LDF President Janai Nelson. Education is a central battleground. Project 2025 calls for eliminating the Department of Education and replacing federal oversight with state control, even in states with a document-

$20 million campaign to transform North Commons Park into a place of opportunity, connection, and joy for generations to come.”

U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar, (MN-5) State Senator Bobby Joe Champion, (59) State Representatives Fue Lee (59A) and Ester Agbaje, (59B) and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob

Frey supported efforts that have produced investments of $12.2 million from the MPRB, $5.125 million from state infrastructure funding, $3 million from City of Minneapolis American Rescue Plan Act funding, $2 million from federal appropriations funding, and a $472,000

Equally important, North Minneapolis residents and advocates inspired this project’s vision long before the North Service Area LongRange Plan was approved by MPRB Commissioners in 2019, and provided critical feedback throughout the planning process

“There were already a million bots that got planted into the mediascape in 2015, 2016, and 2017. They were farmed to cause division,” he stated. “You got people following something that might not have even existed as a person.”

From1965-1968, he was employed as Superintendent of Campus Grounds and Development at Southern University, and from1968- 1972 was the Assistant University Planner at the University of Michigan. Hewitt was known for his gregarious and warm personality. He loved jazz and had a huge collection of lapel pins comprised of donations from

ed history of racial discrimination. It also seeks to defund school programs that address systemic racism or acknowledge white privilege. These efforts echo past segregationist rhetoric.

In a February 2025 Newsweek opinion piece, Dr. Stephanie R. Toliver of the University of Illinois cited former North Carolina Justice I. Beverly Lake’s 1954 warning that inferior education was preferable to racial integration. Toliver drew a chilling parallel to the present: “Just as Justice Lake once saw inferior education as an acceptable price to pay for preserving racial purity, today’s rhetoric proposes that a substandard education is a small cost for maintaining racism, homophobia, trans violence, and antiblackness”. Human Rights Watch also issued a 2025

Chuck added that the new album addresses the need to teach hip-hop’s real cultural roots. “Hip hop 2025 is still the term for young Black creativity,” he remarked. “But it has to be kind of taken back,

friends and family. Most significantly he loved his family, who will miss him dearly and cherish the memories of his humor, big personality, long lectures and devotion. Clinton is survived and missed by his children, Kimberly Hewitt, Kelly Sheppard (David) and Craig Hewitt(Yvette); his grandchildren Alexandra Boyd, Brandon Boyd

statement linking the rollback of DEI initiatives to the broader global assault on anti-racism efforts. The organization called the Trump-era movement against DEI a “clear example” of mainstreamed racism, urging governments to reckon with the legacies of slavery, colonialism, and apartheid by adopting reparations and structural reforms. As perceptions of discrimination wane and support for DEI programs declines, civil rights advocates warn that these attitudes reflect not progress, but apathy, denial, and a dangerous rewriting of history.

“Our democracy stands at a crossroads,” Nelson said. “A path of infinite promise towards a more inclusive, equitable, and durable democracy on the one hand, and one of immeasurable and, potentially, irretrievable demise on the other”

retaught, because it’s part of a 50-year culture.” “If hip hop were an Olympics,” he said, “I’m not totally sure that we’d come away with the gold in the United States.” Black Sky Over the Projects: Apartment 2025 was produced by Chuck, Flavor Flav, Lorrie “The LBX” Boula, and Rhiannon Rae Ellis. It features a mix of boom bap, protest funk, and political commentary. Chuck also shared his connection to baseball legend Dave Parker, who recently died before his Hall of Fame induction ceremony. “Dave Parker was one of those figures in the 70s, as me as a teenager, that I flocked to, because he was just more than playing on the field,” Chuck said. “He said from one idol to another,” referencing a signed book Parker gave him. He urged fans not to disengage. “Sense is not common, especially not in the United States. It’s common nonsense,” he said. “If you’re not listening, you’re not comprehending. And if you’re not comprehending, you’re going to get got.”

and Maya Sheppard; his sisters Channie Johnson (William), and Barbara Hicks (Revell deceased 2011) and his nephew Ma’asehyahu Israul (Sharown) and many cousins and friends. Hewitt was predeceased by

his wife of 57 years, Mary; his mother, Virginia; and his father, Henry. Donations in Hewitt’s memory can be made to the Clinton N. Hewitt Campus Planning and Design Study

Rep. Fue Lee, Senator Bobby Joe Champion, Super Intendent Al Bangoura, and U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar

Minneapolis Parks Foundation Chair Jasmine Russell talks with business leader Marvin Smith

How bachata rose from Dominican Republic’s brothels and shantytowns to become a global sensation

By Wilfredo José Burgos Matos Adjunct Assistant Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies, Lehman College, CUNY

What began as songs about heartbreak in the brothels and barrios of the Dominican Republic in the 1960s has become a worldwide sensation.

Even the Bee Gees have gotten a bachata spin. Prince Royce’s bilingual take on the 1977 hit “How Deep Is Your Love” has topped the Latin music charts this summer and proves bachata is no longer chasing the mainstream but reimagining the pop canon.

Bachata dance classes, parties and festivals have sprung up across the U.S. in recent years, everywhere from Philadelphia to Los Angeles, and Omaha, Nebraska, to Oklahoma City.

It’s easy to find abroad as well. Upcoming bachata festivals are happening in cities in Austria, Egypt, Australia and China.

I’m a scholar of Dominican culture and the senior researcher for the History of Dominican Music in the U.S. project at the City University of New York’s Dominican Studies Institute. I see bachata as a revealing window into modern post-1960s Dominican history – and one that spotlights the emotional truths and everyday experiences of poor and Black Dominicans in particular. The distinctive sound is formed from guitars, bongos, bass and the güira – a percussion instrument also used in merengue music – and accompanied by typically romantic or bittersweet lyrics.

The music was long associated with the lower class-

es and Black Dominicans. The genre’s first recording came in 1962, just over a year after Rafael Leónidas Trujillo, a brutal dictator who ruled the island for 31 years, was assassinated. Trujillo’s death marked the beginning of a new cultural and political era in the Dominican Republic, although democratic hopes were soon shattered by a military coup, civil war and a second U.S. intervention following an earlier one between 1916-1924.

Urban and middle-class Dominicans looked down on bachata as the music played in brothels and favored by poor, rural people who started to migrate to urban areas in large numbers in the 1960s. It was played almost exclusively on Radio Guarachita, a Santo Domingo station run by Radhamés Aracena, a key promoter of the genre.

Amid a country reeling from political upheaval, bachata emerged as a soundtrack to working-class survival. The guitar-based rhythms were shaped by Cuban bolero and son and Mexican ranchera music, while the lyrics chronicled daily struggles, grief and marginalization. Bachata’s shifting language

In the 1960s, bachata lyrics centered on heartache and were often directed at a romantic partner.

“Understand me, you know I love only you. Don’t deny me the hope of kissing you again,” Rafael Encarnación sang in Spanish in his 1964 song “Muero Contigo,” or “I Die With You.”

By the late 1970s and early 1980s, sexual innuendos were common, adding to the genre’s low standing among Dominican elites.

“I gave you every-

thing you ever wanted, but it was all useless because you went looking for another man,” Blas Durán sang in 1985. “I was left like the orange vendor –peeling so someone else could suck the fruit.”

To reclaim respect for bachata, some artists, such as Luis Segura and Leonardo Paniagua, in the mid-1980s began calling their music música de amargue, or “music of romantic bitterness.”

What began as a genre label gradually transformed into a sensibility. “Amargue” came to name a feeling marked by longing, loss and quiet introspection – akin to “feeling the blues” in the U.S.

American blues similarly emerged from the hardships faced by Black Americans in the South and expressed themes of sorrow, resilience and reflection.

By the 1990s, the stigma surrounding bachata began to fade, partly due to the international success of Dominican star Juan Luis Guerra and his album Bachata Rosa. The album sold more than 5 million copies worldwide by 1994, earned Guerra a Grammy Award for best tropical Latin album, and was certified platinum

in the U.S.

As acceptance of the genre grew, traditional bachateros in the Dominican Republic continued releasing bachata albums. However, Dominican pop, rock and other artists also began recording bachatas – such as 1990’s “Yo Quiero Andar” by Sonia Silvestre and 1998’s “Bufeo” by Luis “El Terror” Días.

Bachata goes mainstream Migration to the U.S. is a pivotal chapter in Dominican history after the 1960s. The U.S. Immigration Act of 1965 functioned as a de facto immigration policy and encouraged a large-scale exodus from the Dominican Republic.

By the mid-1990s, a strong and vibrant Dominican diaspora was firmly established in New York City. The Bronx became the birthplace of Grupo Aventura, a group that revolutionized bachata by blending its traditional rhythms with urban genres such as hip-hop. Their music reflected the bicultural diaspora, often torn between nostalgia for their homeland and everyday challenges of urban American life. Against the backdrop of city life, bachata found a new voice

that mirrored the immigrant experience. The genre shifted from a shared feeling of loss and longing to a celebration of cultural community.

In 2002, the song “Obsesión” by Aventura and featuring Judy Santos topped music charts in France, Germany, Italy, the U.S. and elsewhere. The group Aventura and, later, lead singer Romeo Santos as a solo artist sold out Madison Square Garden and Yankee Stadium, respectively.

As they rose in fame, Aventura became global ambassadors for Dominican culture and made bachata mainstream.

Global spin on bachata Bachata’s popularity has also spread to other countries in Latin America, and especially among working-class and Afro-descendant communities in Central America that see their own realities reflected in the music.

At the same time, Dominican diasporic communities in countries such as Spain and Italy carried the genre with them, where it continued to evolve.

In Spain, for example, bachata experienced a creative transformation. By the

mid-2000s, bachata sensual had emerged as a dance style influenced by zouk and tango, emphasizing smooth, body-led movements and close partner connection.

Around the same time, modern bachata also developed between Spain and New York City. This style is a departure from traditional bachata, which focuses on the box step and fast footwork, and incorporates more turns and other elements from salsa.

In 2019 bachata was added to UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, which also lists Jamaican reggae and Mexican mariachi. Today, bachata’s influence is truly global. International conferences dedicated to the genre attract dancers, musicians and scholars from around the world. Puerto Rican, Colombian and other artists from diverse cultural and racial backgrounds continue to nurture and reinvent bachata.

At the same time, more women, such as Andre Veloz, Judy Santos and Leslie Grace, are building careers as bachata performers and challenging a traditionally male-dominated genre. Bachata holds a place not only on the world stage but in the hearts of Latino, Black, Asian and many other communities in the U.S. that recognize the genre’s power to tell stories of love, loss, migration and resilience.

Disclosure statement Wilfredo José Burgos Matos does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

classpop.com

An instructor teaching bachata dance to his student

For America’s 35M small businesses, tariff uncertainty hits especially hard

By Peter Boumgarden Professor of Family Enterprise, Washington

Imagine it’s April 2025 and you’re the owner of a small but fast-growing e-commerce business. Historically, you’ve sourced products from China, but the president just announced tariffs of 145% on these goods.

Do you set up operations in Thailand – requiring new investment and a lot of work – or wait until there’s more clarity on trade? What if waiting too long means you miss your chance to pull it off?

This isn’t a hypothetical – it’s a real dilemma faced by a real business owner who spoke with one of us over coffee this past spring. And she’s not alone. As of 2023, of those U.S. companies that import goods, more than 97% of them were small businesses. For these companies, tariff uncertainty isn’t just frustrating – it’s paralyzing.

As a family business researcher and former deputy administrator of the U.S. Small Business Administration and entrepreneur, we hear from a lot of small-business owners grappling with these challenges. And what they tell us is that tariff uncertainty is stressing their

time, resources and attention.

The data backs up our anecdotal experience: More than 70% of small-business owners say constant shifts in trade policy create a “whiplash effect” that makes it difficult to plan, a recent national survey showed.

Unlike larger organizations with teams of analysts to inform their decision-making, small-business owners are often on their own. In an all-handson-deck operation, every hour spent focusing on trade policy news or filling out additional paperwork means precious time away from day-to-day, core operations. That means rapid trade policy shifts leave small businesses especially at a disadvantage.

Planning for stability in an uncertain landscape Critics and supporters alike can agree: The Trump administration has taken an unpredictable approach to trade policy, promising and delaying new tariffs again and again. Consider its so-called “reciprocal” tariffs. Back in April, Trump pledged a baseline 10% tariff on imports from nearly everywhere, with extra hikes on many countries. Not long afterward, it hit pause on its plans for 90 days. That period just ended, and the administration followed up with a new executive order on July 31 naming different tariff rates for about 70 countries. The one constant has been change. This approach has upended long-standing trade relationships in a matter of days

or weeks. And regardless of the outcomes, the uncertainty itself is especially disruptive to small businesses. One recent survey of 4,000 small-business owners found that the biggest challenge of tariff policies is the sheer uncertainty they cause. This isn’t just a problem for small-business owners themselves. These companies employ nearly half of working Americans and play an essential role in the U.S. economy. That may partly explain why Americans overwhelmingly support small businesses, viewing them as positive for society and a key path for achieving the American dream. If you’re skeptical, just look at the growing number of MBA graduates who are turning down offers at big companies to buy and run small businesses. But this consensus doesn’t always translate into policies that help small businesses thrive. In fact, because small businesses often operate on thinner margins and have less capacity to absorb disruptions, any policy shift is likely to be more difficult for them to weather than it would be for a larger firm with deeper pockets. The ongoing tariff saga is just the most recent example.

Slow, steady policies help small-business owners Given these realities, we recommend the final negotiated changes to trade policy be rolled out slowly. Although that wouldn’t prevent businesses from facing supply chain disruptions, it would at least give them time to consider alternate

suppliers or prepare in other ways. From the perspective of a small-business owner, having that space to plan can make a real difference.

Similarly, if policymakers want to bring more manufacturing back to the U.S., tariffs alone can accomplish only so much. Small manufacturers need to hire people, and with unemployment at just over 4%, there’s already a shortage of workers qualified for increasingly high-skilled manufacturing roles.

Making reshoring a true long-term policy objective would require creating pathways for legal immigration and investing significantly in job training. And if the path toward reshoring is more about automation than labor, then preparing small-business owners for the changes ahead and helping them fund growth strategically will be crucial.

Small businesses would benefit from more government-backed funding and

training. The Small Business Administration is uniquely positioned to support small firms as they adjust their supply chains and manufacturing – it could offer affordable financing for imports and exports, restructure existing loans that small businesses have had to take on, and offer technical support and education on new regulations and paperwork. Unfortunately, the SBA has slashed 43% of its workforce and closed offices in major cities including Atlanta, Chicago, Denver, New Orleans and Los Angeles. We think this is a step in the wrong direction. Universities also have an important role to play in supporting small businesses. Research shows that teaching core management skills can improve key business outcomes, such as profitability and growth. We recommend business and trade schools increase their focus on small firms and the unique challenges they face. Whether through executive programs for small-business owners or

student consulting projects, universities have a significant opportunity to lean into supporting Main Street entrepreneurs. Thirty-five million small businesses are the engine of the U.S. economy. They are the job creators in cities and towns across this country. They are the heartbeat of American communities. As the nation undergoes rapid and profound policy shifts, we encourage leaders in government and academia to take action to ensure that Main Streets across America not only endure but thrive.

Disclosure statement

Dilawar Syed is a board member of Small Business Majority, a nonprofit organization.

Peter Boumgarden does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

U.S. job growth stalls in july, Black unemployment remains elevated

By Stacy M. Brown Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

The U.S. economy added just 73,000 jobs in July, continuing a three-month trend of sluggish growth, according to the latest data released Friday by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. The national unemployment rate held steady at 4.2 percent, with little movement across key sectors. While health care and social assistance industries posted modest gains, federal government employment continued its decline, shedding 12,000 jobs in July and bringing total losses in the sector to 84,000 since January. The overall number of unemployed indi-

viduals stood at 7.2 million in July. Black workers continued to face a disproportionately high unemployment rate at 7.2 percent—nearly double the rate for white workers, which remained at 3.7 percent. Hispanic workers saw a jobless rate of 5.0 percent, while Asian workers had a jobless rate of 3.9 percent. Teenagers experienced the highest unemploy-

ment rate of any group at 15.2 percent, while adult men and women reported 4.0 percent and 3.7 percent unemployment, respectively. The labor force participation rate remained at 62.2 percent, continuing a yearlong decline of 0.5 percentage points. The employment-population ratio also changed little, standing at 59.6 percent, down 0.4 percentage points over the past year.

cThe number of people unemployed for 27 weeks or longer rose to 1.8 million in July, an increase of 179,000, and now accounts for nearly one-quarter of all unemployed individuals. Meanwhile, the number of new entrants to the labor market—those looking for their first job—rose by 275,000 to 985,000. Wage growth contin-

ued modestly. Average hourly earnings for all private-sector non-farm employees increased by 12 cents to $36.44, marking a 3.9 percent increase over the past 12 months. Production and nonsupervisory workers saw average hourly wages rise by 8 cents to $31.34.

Job gains were most notable in the health care sector, which added 55,000 positions, including 34,000 in ambulatory services and 16,000 in hospitals. Social assistance added 18,000 jobs, primarily driven by a 21,000 increase in individual and family services. But nearly all other major industries—including manufacturing, construction, retail, professional services, and transportation— saw little to no job growth.

The average work-

week for all employees edged up slightly to 34.3 hours. For production and nonsupervisory workers, the workweek increased to 33.7 hours. Revisions to previous reports revealed a much weaker job market than initially reported. The May payroll number was revised down by 125,000 to 19,000 jobs, and June’s total was lowered by 133,000 to just 14,000. Combined, these adjustments wiped out 258,000 jobs from prior estimates. The BLS noted that employees on paid leave or receiving ongoing severance are still counted as employed in their surveys. The following employment report, covering August 2025, is scheduled for release on Friday, September 5.

Black workers at risk as Trump slows equity-focused job investments

By Stacy M. Brown Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

A new 16-page issue brief by the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies warns that federal industrial policy investments aimed at advancing economic opportunity for Black communities are under threat, as the Trump administration eliminates key diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) provisions and slows the disbursement of funding.

Authored by policy analyst Dr. Gabrielle Smith Finnie, the report, “Shifting the Narrative on Industrial Policy: Opportunities for Genuine Economic Mobility and Good Jobs for Black Communities,” examines how recent federal investments—through the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA), CHIPS and Science Act, and Inflation Reduction Act (IRA)—offered a historic opportunity to increase Black access to “good jobs” in high-growth industries like manufacturing, clean energy, and technology. “These investments offer a window to

increase Black workers’ access to ‘good jobs’—jobs that offer family-sustaining wages, benefits, wraparound supports, and career advancement opportunities,” Dr. Smith Finnie wrote. The IIJA, signed into law in 2021, authorized $1.2 trillion to modernize roads, bridges, and broadband infrastructure. The CHIPS and Science Act of 2022 invested $280 billion to strengthen the semiconductor industry and build a skilled workforce. The IRA, also passed in 2022, used tax credits and grants to support clean energy projects, particularly in low-income areas and communities harmed by pollution. The report notes that these laws included intentional equity components—such as labor protections, apprenticeship incentives, environmental justice programs, and wraparound workforce services—but many of those components are now being rolled back or underfunded.

“In 2025, the Trump administration eliminated many of the diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives in industrial policy legislation,” the report states.

“Currently, significant funding is being slowly dis-

persed, paused, or clawed back, impacting the economic mobility of Black workers.” According to the Joint Center, the programs have already reached over 99 percent of high-poverty counties. Cities with large Black populations, including Baltimore, Augusta, New Orleans, and Raleigh, were among those set to receive millions to improve infrastructure and launch workforce development hubs through community colleges.

In Detroit, IIJA funding is being used for the I-375 Community Reconnection Project to reconnect two historically Black neighborhoods severed by highway construction. Under the CHIPS Act, the Department of Commerce awarded $184 million to six Recompete Pilot Program finalists, including $20 million to Reinvest Birmingham, which is scaling up workforce development and transportation access to reduce the city’s high Black unemployment rate. The IRA directed approximately $55 billion to reduce local pollution and support environmental justice efforts. Seventy percent of clean energy investments under the law have been in counties with lower employment rates, 78 percent in ar-

eas with below-median household incomes, and 86 percent in regions with below-average college graduation rates.

In Prince George’s County, Maryland, a majority-Black jurisdiction, ten communities will receive $20 million through the Environmental and Climate Justice Program to support climate resilience, reduce energy costs, and grow a clean energy workforce. Despite these investments, the Joint Center found that many Black-led and Black-allied organizations remain under-informed and under-resourced. A foundational network of eight such organizations participated in the project, with 60 percent engaged in federal policy. Yet most expressed unfamiliarity with the industrial policy agenda and cited barriers, including limited staff, insufficient technical support, and a lack of targeted outreach. Participants had applied for broadband grants and climate-related funding but struggled to navigate the complex process or receive adequate guidance. To address these gaps, the Joint Center hosted virtual sessions with policy experts from academia

and the Biden administration, providing opportunities to learn about funding pathways, federal priorities, and equity initiatives. The report provides a set of messaging principles for Blackled and Black-allied organizations, including the importance of highlighting Black workers’ economic contributions, addressing historic exclusion from skilled trades, and advocating for place-based investments and better data tracking. “Industrial policy must ensure our communities have clear access to good jobs, high wages, and meaningful training opportunities,” the report states. It also calls on

funders to support Black-led research, researchers to track equity outcomes, employers to implement fair hiring and advancement practices, and training providers to build accessible career pathways in technology and manufacturing. “Funding and workforce development opportunities must be accessible for Black workers and Blackled and allied organizations,” the brief states. “Defunding industrial programs now would reduce opportunities for Black workers to thrive and take part in the industrial sector before these initiatives take root.”

Photo by Portra

Still life shot of a modern coworking office space. Spacious workplace with desks and computer.

In the Industrial Engineering Facility: Portrait of the Smart and Handsome Male Engineer Working on Desktop Computer.

Insight 2 Health

‘Even Me 2.0’ shines Light on HIV’s disproportionate toll on Black women and older adults

By Stacy M. Brown Black Press USA Senior National Correspondent

A decade after its acclaimed debut, the award-winning documentary Even Me returns with a powerful sequel, Even Me 2.0: Unfinished Business. Debuting on Prime, the new film revisits the lives of older African American women living with HIV, an often-overlooked group at the center of a crisis that still grips Black communities across the United States.

Created

by San Diego State University researcher and filmmaker Dr. Megan Ebor, Even Me 2.0 follows a suspenseful journey to reconnect with the original cast, capturing the emotional and, at times,

heartbreaking outcomes of their stories. The film provides a rare longitudinal lens into the evolving HIV epidemic and confronts the persistent stigma and systemic inequities that continue to shape the lives of Black women aging with HIV. “Older adults are often left out of these conversations, leading to misinformation and a lack of support or treatment,” Ebor said in a recent interview. “By openly talking about sexual health, we encourage testing, prevention, and support for people living with HIV, regardless of age.”

The timing of the film’s release coincides with a troubling reality highlighted by the latest data from AIDSVu, a leading public resource that visualizes HIV-related data to promote informed public health decisions. Although Black

Americans comprise just 12% of the U.S. population, they accounted for 38% of new HIV diagnoses and 39% of people living with HIV (PLWH) in 2022. Black men and women had the highest rate of new HIV diagnoses among all racial and ethnic groups in 2022. For youth aged 13–24, Black Americans made up half of all new HIV diagnoses, far outpacing other demographics. Despite these alarming figures, Black individuals represented only 14% of PrEP (pre-exposure prophylaxis) users in 2023, pointing to a dangerous gap in prevention access. The problem goes beyond treatment access. According to AIDSVu data, Black people living with HIV report the highest levels of stigma and the lowest rates of viral suppression. In 2022, 22% of Black

PLWH in the U.S. also reported unstable housing or homelessness—the highest rate among all races and ethnicities. Dr. Ebor’s research explores how these structural and social barriers intersect with age, race, and gender. Through her film and faith-based partnerships, she seeks to advance HIV education and eliminate stigma. She described her work as a departure from the top-down approach, instead elevating the voices of those directly impacted. “This approach is about amplifying lived experience to promote health and wellness within their communities,” she said. The return of Even Me comes as advocates and researchers urge a renewed national focus on Black communities in the HIV response. Earlier this year, during National Black

Shingles vaccination rates rose during the COVID-19 pandemic, but major gaps remain for underserved groups

By Jialing Lin Research

Vaccination against shingles increased among adults age 50 and older in the U.S. during the COVID-19 pandemic, but not equally across all population groups. That’s the key finding from a new study my colleagues and I published in the journal Vaccine.

Shingles is caused by the reactivation of the varicella-zoster virus, the same virus that causes chickenpox. It leads to a painful rash and potentially serious complications – especially in older adults – such as persistent nerve pain, vision loss and neurological problems. While antiviral treatments can ease symptoms, vaccination is the most effective way to prevent shingles.

We analyzed nationally representative survey data from almost 80,000 adults age

50 and over between 2018 and 2022, collected by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to monitor the health of the U.S. population. The survey tracked vaccination rates in people of different ethnic backgrounds as well as other factors such as sex, household income and the presence of chronic conditions like diabetes and cardiovascular disease.

The uptake of shingles vaccines rose notably during the pandemic – from 25.1% of people for whom it is recommended in 2018-2019, to 30.1% during 2020-2022. We observed this overall increase across nearly all groups in our study.

We saw the greatest relative increases among groups that historically have had lower rates of shingles vaccination.

These included adults ages 5064, men, people from racial and ethnic minority groups such as non-Hispanic Black adults, those with lower household incomes, current smokers and people without chronic conditions like cancer or arthritis.

Why it matters In the U.S., the CDC recommends shingles vaccination for all adults age 50 and older. However, uptake has been low, partly due to limited awareness, cost concerns and missed opportunities during routine health care visits. The COVID-19 pandemic, while disruptive, may have inadvertently created new opportunities to improve adult vaccination uptake, particularly among groups with historically low uptake of the shingles vaccine. Factors contributing to this shift likely included heightened public awareness of the importance of vaccination, more frequent health care encounters, especially during COVID-19 vaccine rollouts, and the expanded availability of adult vaccines in pharmacies and primary care settings.

Replacing the older, less effective live attenuated zoster vaccine, called Zostavax, with the newer, non-live zoster vaccine, Shingrix, in 2020 also played a role. Public health campaigns that promoted co-ad-

ministration of vaccines and launched targeted outreach to underserved populations further contributed to these gains. However, major inequities persist. While shingles vaccination rates improved across the board, groups that had lower uptake before the pandemic continued to lag behind wealthier, non-Hispanic white populations with greater health care access. Overall, the vaccination rate for shingles is still low – below other vaccines such as the flu vaccine.

This gap reflects long-standing disparities in getting needed health care, which became even more prominent during the pandemic. It also highlights the need for fairer policies and customized outreach efforts to underserved communities that build trust and raise awareness about the health benefits of the shingles vaccine.

What still isn’t known

Although the upward trend we observed is encouraging, several questions remain. For example, we could not tell from the survey data we worked

HIV/AIDS Awareness Day, AIDSVu Principal Scientist and Emory University Professor Patrick Sullivan stressed the need to remain focused. “Our role is to make sure there’s a transparent view, and to just keep shining that light,” Sul-

with whether participants received both doses of the Shingrix vaccine. Both are needed for full protection against shingles.

Nor could we tell whether participants received the shingles vaccine alongside their COVID-19 vaccination.

Receiving multiple vaccines at a single health care visit makes vaccination more convenient and may boost vaccine uptake by reducing the number of needed visits. Also unknown is how immunocompromised people fared during this period. Current guidelines recommend that immunocompromised adults regardless of age also receive the shingles vaccine, but the data

only included adults age 50 and over.

Addressing these questions in future studies would help public health experts develop strategies to encourage more eligible people to receive the shingles vaccine.

The Research Brief is a short take on interesting academic work. Disclosure statement

Jialing Lin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Fetal autopsies could help prevent stillbirths, but too often they are used to blame mothers for pregnancy loss

By Jill Lens Professor of Law, University of Iowa

About 60 pregnancies per day in the U.S. end in stillbirth.

The best way to find out why a stillbirth occurred is a fetal autopsy – yet these procedures are performed in only 1 in 5 of the over 20,000 stillbirths that occur each year. As I explain in my recent book, “Stillbirth and the Law,” the fact that so few fetal autopsies are performed after stillbirths is actually a driver of the disproprotionately high number of stillbirths in the U.S.

One major exception to the rarity of fetal autopsies is when pregnancy loss ends with criminal arrest. Arrests after pregnancy loss are not new, but according to data compiled by the nonprofit group Pregnancy Justice, they have increased since the Supreme Court overturned the federal constitutional right to abortion in 2022.

As a legal scholar who studies pregnancy loss and its potential legal implications, I’m struck by this disparity: Autopsies are rare when the goal is general medical insight about the causes of stillbirth and pregnancy loss more generally, but they are seemingly routine when criminal consequences are possible.

Stillbirth and the inevitability myth In the U.S., pregnancy loss before 20 weeks is called miscarriage, and pregnancy loss

after 20 weeks is called stillbirth. Miscarriage is much more common, with some studies estimating it occurs in as many as 1 in 4 pregnancies. Stillbirth is rarer, but the incidence is still surprisingly high. Currently, about 1 in 170 births in the U.S. is a stillbirth, a rate higher than in many other high-income countries. Moreover, that number masks a dramatic racial disparity. Black women in the U.S. face double the risk of stillbirth compared with white women.

Doctors – and, consequently, their patients – widely assume that pregnancy losses are inevitable. That’s relatively accurate for miscarriages, especially those before 12 weeks, which researchers believe are usually caused by chromosomal abnormalities. But it’s not accurate for stillbirths: Research shows that abnormalities account for fewer than 8% of stillbirths after 28 weeks.

In the U.S., at least 1 in 4 stillbirths are preventable –and that rate is closer to 50% for stillbirths at term, meaning after 37 weeks of pregnancy. Yet there’s been little movement toward prevention. According to a 2020 UNICEF report, the U.S. ranks 185th out of 195 countries in reductions to stillbirth rates from 2000-2019.

The U.S. outpaces other high-income countries in maternal mortality – rates that continue to rise dramatically –and in infant and child mortality. It’s also worth noting that the number of stillborn babies every year in the U.S. consistently

exceeds the number of infant deaths from all causes.

The rarity of fetal autopsies There is no one solution to reducing the U.S.’s stillbirth rate, but gathering data about its causes is a necessary step. A fetal autopsy is widely considered the gold standard for determining the cause of death after stillbirth. The autopsy procedure is extensive, with X-rays, external evaluations of the baby and examinations of internal organs and tissue sampling. Not only are fetal autopsies extremely rare, but the data from fetal autopsies that do occur is likely not representative. Women with higher levels of education are more likely to get a fetal autopsy after stillbirth. Women with lesser income, however, have double the risk of stillbirth. One barrier is cost. Many hospitals will not cover the costs of a fetal autopsy. Medicaid does not cover the exam either, and neither do

many private insurance companies. Out-of-pocket costs range from $1,500 to $5,000. Stillbirth is surprisingly expensive, and many families understandably choose to use their funds to cover other costs. The way that doctors bring up the subject of fetal autopsy can also influence whether parents decide on one. Research suggests that parents often do not receive compassionate counseling on this issue. Some parents reported feeling that providers actively discourage them from having one. Providers often lack knowledge about the benefits of fetal autopsy and of the process itself.

Doctors’ reactions to stillbirth as a rare, freak event dissuades parents from exploring the cause of their child’s stillbirth and conveys that nothing would be gained from a fetal autopsy. Finally, there simply aren’t enough qualified pathologists who have expertise in stillbirth evaluation in the U.S.

Fetal autopsies are complex.

Performing them requires synthesizing knowledge about birth defects, genetic syndromes, maternal effects, fetal development and more. Pathologists must evaluate the placenta and the umbilical cord and factor in maternal health. According to a 2019 report, only 268 out of more than 21,000 pathologists in the U.S. had specialized training in pediatric pathology. And even those pathologists are not guaranteed to have expertise in evaluating fetal or neonatal deaths.

Fetal autopsies’ misuse as criminal evidence In my view, the rarity of fetal autopsies feeds a sort of vicious cycle. If the cause of a stillbirth is unknown, it opens the doors to suspicion that the pregnant person caused their pregnancy loss.

Overwhelmingly, the women who have been arrested after their pregnancy loss have been from marginalized communities, suggesting that bias also plays a strong role in these arrests. And in these cases, fetal autopsies are common. For instance, authorities conducted one on the fetus of Selena Chandler-Scott in April 2025, when she was arrested after having a miscarriage at 19 weeks. A pathologist concluded from the autopsy that Chandler-Scott did not cause the miscarriage. More often though, autopsies in such cases are used to conclude that the pregnant person was at fault. There’s every reason, however, to question those conclusions. Fetal autopsies help identify underlying

causes of pregnancy loss only when performed by pathologists specifically qualified to perform them. And in many high-profile criminal cases, it’s clear that pathologists lacked the required expertise to assess fetal deaths. Consider, for example, Rennie Gibbs, who experienced a stillbirth in Mississippi when she was 16. Her baby girl was born with the umbilical cord wrapped around her neck, yet the de facto state medical examiner at the time – who was not a certified pathologist and therefore clearly lacked the needed specialization –concluded she had died due to Gibbs’ cocaine use. Chelsea Becker of California had at least three infections that increase the risk of stillbirth, yet the pathologist, who also lacked the needed specialization, concluded the baby died due to Becker’s methamphetamine use – and later admitted he had never even looked at her medical history. But it’s hard to rebut these conclusions without building a foundation of research on why stillbirths are happening. Fetal autopsies performed by qualified pathologists to systematically assess the causes of death are a key component of that research – which, I believe, will both help prevent stillbirths and decrease the inclination to blame people who experience pregnancy loss.

Disclosure statement Jill Lens is on the Board of Directors of PUSH for Empowered Pregnancy, a nonprofit group.

livan remarked. Even Me 2.0 aims to do just that. Through raw storytelling and intimate reconnections, the film reframes public health dialogue and reminds viewers that HIV remains a pressing—and preventable— crisis in Black America.

Trish Taylor

Trish and Dwayne Taylor hold their stillborn daughter, Joislen, on Aug. 16, 2015

NFC East is the only division with four Black starting quarterbacks

By Itoro Umontuen Black Press USA

The National Football League’s NFC Eastern Division will be the first division that fields four Black or African-American starting quarterbacks this season. The anticipated starting quarterbacks are Jayden Daniels, Jalen Hurts, Dak Prescott, and Russell Wilson, respectively, for the Washington Commanders, Philadelphia Eagles, Dallas Cowboys, and the New York Giants.

Hurts will return to Philadelphia for his sixth season after the Eagles defeated the Kansas City Chiefs at Super Bowl LIX in New Orleans. In the 2024 season, Hurts completed 68.9% of his passes, threw for 2,903 yards, and tallied 32 combined touchdowns (18 passing, 14 rushing). Hurts rose to fame in the NFL by keeping the main thing, the main thing. During the Super Bowl ring ceremony, Hurts did not put on the ring. He said he moved on.

“I’ve moved on to the new year,” Hurts said. “It’s as simple as that.” That is the epitome of the ‘Mamba Mentality,’ made famous by the late, great Kobe Bryant.

Daniels cements the Commanders

Jayden Daniels returns to Washington carrying huge expectations after leading his team to an NFC Championship game appearance last season. His growth during his rookie year took the league by storm. In 2024, Daniels threw for 3,568 yards and 25 touchdowns. He also added 891 rushing yards and six touchdowns, culminating in Offensive Rookie of the Year Honors. After the first week of training camp, Daniels says he’s getting more comfortable in the system as he prepares for year two.

“It’s being more comfortable in the offense,” Daniels said. “I understand what Kliff is calling and what we want to accomplish as an offense. I have different tools in my tool belt to get to different protections, to get to different runs versus certain looks.”

The renewed enthusiasm for the Commanders in the District coincides with the D.C. City Council approved a proposal that paves the way for a new stadium to be built on the site of RFK Stadium.

“This is a historic moment,” said Washington Commanders Managing Partner Josh Harris. “This project is about more than delivering a world-

class stadium worthy of our players, fans, and the region. It’s about revitalizing a critical part of our city, creating thousands of jobs, and unlocking long-term economic benefits for the District. We look forward to working with our fans, residents, community leaders, and elected officials to deliver on this vision.”

Dak Prescott is always under pressure… 2025 is no different

The Dallas Cowboys will remain relevant as long as Jerry Jones is the owner, general manager, and the lead promoter.

With that, the spotlight shines brightest while Prescott wears the star on his helmet. He is also no stranger to criticism. When Prescott got engaged last season, fans took to social media to lament the fact that the engagement ring may be the only ‘ring’ he gets his hands on during his playing career. Heavy is the head that wears the crown. In Prescott’s case, he’s entering the first year of a $240 million extension, which will see him earn more than $60 million per season. The Cowboys are in win-now mode. But could they be hamstrung by Prescott’s con-

tract?

Can Russell Wilson be a bridge for the Giants?

Russell Wilson signed a one-year contract with the New York Giants in the offseason to bring stability to the quarterback room. Jameis Winston was also signed to be the backup. Head Coach Brian Daboll said during Monday’s press conference that Wilson has had a positive impact on Giants star receiver Malik Nabers.

“[Wilson has] had a very positive impact on Malik,” Daboll said Tuesday, according to Matt Citak of the team’s web-

site. “They have a good relationship, they spend a lot of time in the meeting room, and then they spend time outside just in terms of body maintenance, how Russ takes care of his body, the things he’s done to have a long career. He’s kind of grabbed hold of that, asks a lot of questions, he’s very involved. Talking about Malik in the meetings, communicative.”

Even though the Giants drafted Jaxson Dart in the first round of the 2025 NFL Draft, the Giants are expected to feature Wilson (and possibly Winston) this year as Dart sits. While Wilson isn’t as elusive as he used to be, it is up to the Giants’ offensive line to give the 36-year-old quarterback time. Additionally, the running game must be effective for Wilson to execute play action passes, something he is excels at. Last year, there were sixteen Black starting quarterbacks in the NFL. Joining Daniels, Hurts, Prescott, and Wilson were Justin Fields, Lamar Jackson, Jordan Love, Patrick Mahomes II, Kyler Murray, Michael Penix Jr., Anthony Richardson, Geno

CJ

Strengthening collective labor rights can help reduce economic inequality

By Skip Mark

Associate professor of political science, University of Rhode Island

Stephen Bagwell

Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Missouri-St. Louis

Despite the strength of the U.S. economy, the gap between rich and poor Americans is increasing.

The wealthiest 1% of Americans have more than five times as much wealth as the bottom 50%, according to the U.S. Federal Reserve. That’s up from four times as much in the year 2000. In 2024 alone, the wealthiest 19 families got a total of US$1 trillion richer – the largest one-year increase on record. And yet 59% of Americans don’t have enough money saved up to cover an unexpected $1,000 expense.

We are political scientists who study human rights and political economy.

In a 2023 study, our team looked at 145 countries, including the U.S., to understand the link between labor rights and inequality. We found evidence that strengthening collective labor rights may reduce economic inequality.

teachers and those working on national security issues. But most unions have some ability to implement work stoppages and impose costs on employers to negotiate for raises and better benefits and conditions.

Reducing inequality

For our study, we analyzed the human rights in the CIRIGHTS dataset, which uses human rights reports from the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International and other sources to measure government respect for 24 human rights, including the rights to unionize and bargain collectively.

The dataset is produced by the University of Rhode Island, Binghamton University and the University of Connecticut. One of us, Skip Mark, serves as a co-director of the project.

Using a scoring guide, a team of researchers reads human rights reports and gives each country a score of zero if they have widespread violations, one point if they have some violations, or two if they have no evidence of violations.

The team has assigned scores for all 24 rights from 1994 through 2022.

Using this data, we created a measure of collective labor rights by adding scores for the right to workplace association and the right to collective bargaining. The resulting col-

Empowering workers

Collective labor rights include the rights to form and join a union, bargain collectively for higher pay and better working conditions, go on strike, and get justice if employers punish workers who exercise these rights.

In the U.S., where less than 10% of workers belong to unions, union members typically earn higher wages than their nonunion counterparts. Through negotiations on behalf of their members, unions can pressure employers to provide fair wages and benefits. If negotiations break down, the union can call for a strike –sometimes winning better benefits and higher wages as a result.

Some U.S. unions don’t have the right to strike, including air traffic controllers,

lective labor rights score ranges from zero to four.

Countries where workers’ rights are routinely violated, such as Afghanistan, China and Saudi Arabia, scored a zero. The United States, Macedonia and Zambia, three countries with little in common, were among those that tended to get two points, placing them in the middle. Countries with no reported violations of the rights to workplace association and collective bargaining, including Canada, Sweden and France, got four points.

According to the CIRIGHTS dataset, the strength of respect for collective labor rights around the world declined by 50%, from 2.06 in 1994 to 1.03 in 2022.

Gaps between individuals and ethnic groups

We also measured what’s been happening to economic inequality, using two common ways to track it. One of them is vertical inequality, the gap between what people earn within a country – the rich versus the poor. The more unequal a society becomes, the higher its vertical inequality score gets. We measured it using the disposable income measure from the Gini index, a commonly used indicator of economic inequality that captures how much money individuals have to spend after taxes and government transfers.

We found that a onepoint increase in collective labor rights on our four-point scale reduces vertical inequality by 10 times the average change in inequality. For the U.S., a one-point increase in collective labor rights would be about enough to undo the increase in inequality that occurred between 2008 and 2010 due to the Great Recession and its aftermath. It would also likely help stem the growing wealth gap between Black and white Americans. That’s because income disparities compound over time to create wealth gaps.

We also assessed the connection between horizontal inequality, which measures income inequality between ethnic or other groups, and collective labor rights.

Negative horizontal inequality measures the amount of a country’s income held by the poorest ethnic group. Higher scores for this metric indicate that the lowest-earning ethnic group has less income relative to the rest of society. Black Americans have the lowest median income of any racial or ethnic group, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

Positive horizontal inequality measures the income earned by the richest ethnic group. When positive horizontal inequality rises, that means the richest ethnic group has more income relative to the rest of society. According to the same

Census Bureau report, Asian Americans had the highest median earnings. We found that stronger collective labor rights, both in law and in practice around the world, also reduce both types of horizontal inequality. This means they raise the floor by helping to improve the income of the poorest ethnic groups in society. They also close the gap

by limiting the incomes of the richest ethnic group, which can reduce the likelihood of conflicts.

That is, our findings suggest that when workers are free to advocate for higher wages and better benefits for themselves, it also benefits society as a whole.

Disclosure statement Stephen Bagwell is a researcher with the Human Rights Measurement Initiative, a charitable trust registered in New Zealand Skip Mark does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Smith,

Stroud, Cam Ward, Deshaun Watson, Caleb Williams, and Bryce Young.

Black Press USA

Jalen Hurts, Jayden Daniels, Dak Prescott , and Russell Wilson

The Conversation, CC-BY-ND Source: CIRIGHTS Data Project Created with Datawrapper

Chart: The Conversation, CC-BY-ND Source: World Inequality Database

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