REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE DEMOGRAPHIC GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER45´S AND INMIGRANTS

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE DEMOGRAPHIC GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS, AND THEIR COMPARISON BETWEEN THE CITIES OF BOLOGNA, LIEGE, MALAGA AND PARIS. 1

PROMOTES:

CO-FINANCE:

2

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

3

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE DEMOGRAPHIC GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS, AND THEIR COMPARISON BETWEEN THE CITIES OF BOLOGNA, LIEGE, MALAGA AND PARIS.

4

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

5

Edited by: The Municipal Institute for Training and Employment, (IMFE in Spanish).

City Council of Malaga.

Writing: José F. Troyano Pérez / F. Alberto Vallejo Peña

Department of Sociology of the University of Malaga.

Technical Team: Susana Catalán Navarro

Technical Coordinator of the Intersecciones Project.

The Municipal Institute for Training and Employment. IMFE.

City Council of Malaga.

Initiative co-financed by the Government of Andalusia and the European Social Fund within the framework of the Integration Project of the Euroemployment Programme Design: bRIDA

6

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

7

ÍNDICE 01 OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY .................................................................. 08 02 MALAGA, A SOCIO-OCCUPATIONAL APPROACH ............................................ 12 03 EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF THE YOUTH OF MALAGA: A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE ........................................................... 26 04 EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF THE OVER 45’S IN MALAGA: A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE ........................................................... 38 05 EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRANTS: A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE ........................................................................... 46 06 BOLOGNA, LIEGE, MALAGA AND PARIS: FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF GROUPS AT RISK OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION ....... 60 07 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................... 84 08 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................. 94

8

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

OBJETIVES AND METHODOLOGY

9

01

OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY The main objective of this report is to study certain social groups from the city of Malaga, observed from the point of view of economic activity, employment and unemployment: youth, over 45’s and the immigrant population, in order to prevent and combat risks of social exclusion which affect them; as well as to compare the same groups with three other European cities: Bologna, Liege and Paris. In order to explain experiences in training and employment integration of the unemployed meetings were held between representatives of agencies and organisations of the countries involved in the Integration Project. The following representatives attended meetings in Malaga: Susana Catalán (Technical Coordinator of the Integration Project.

Euroemployment programme), Gonzalo Lamas (Department of Projects and Business Initiatives. Employment Service of Andalusia), Enrique Nadales (Managing Director of the IMFE (Municipal Institute for Training and Employment). City Council of Malaga) and Joaquín Artacho (Head of the Training and Employment Department of the IMFE. City Council of Malaga).

The meetings held with European colleagues illustrate the similarities and differences in employment across different territories and have established the framework for the report. The comparison of a socio-economic phenomenon such as unemployment illustrates its very nature. The unemployed in Bologna, Liege, Malaga and Paris all have in common the fact that they make up groups of people who want work but do not have work. The rest are different. The same choice of social group which is object of the report: youth, over 45’s and immigrants, find themselves in the same situation across the cities of Bologna, Liege and Paris, where the above are particularly effected by unemployment. But where the unemployment rate is higher than 30%, it is common across the board.

The comparative method in this case highlights the differences.

In order to produce the report, statistical, international, national, regional and local sources were used, as well as interviews with key sources, research into the unemployed carried out at the offices of the Employment Service of Andalusia in the city of

Malaga and transcriptions of the meetings held with our European partners throughout the course of the Integration Project. The Integration Project, falls within the framework of the Euroemployment Programme and is aimed at encouraging corporative relations between entities from Andalusia and entities from other Spanish and European regions, it is co-financed by the European Social Fund, 80%, and by the Employment Council of the Employment Service of Andalusia, 20%. The Municipal Institute for Training and Employment (IMFE) is working with the objective of improving how the labour market operates by using knowledge of innovative formulas and the exchange of experiences and good practices with other European partners: SENECA of Bologna (Italy), LA CITÉ INTERNATIONALE of Liege (Belgium), GROUPE FACEM of France.

The specific objectives of the Integration Project are: · Carry out a comparative analysis of the social and labour situation of the groups at risk of social exclusion.

· Exchange experiences on actions implemented to improve the employability of the group. · Understand innovative work formulas with the groups that are at risk of social exclusion. · Establish innovate lines of action for employment integration.

Two supplementary methods have been used for the undertaking of the study: · A quantitative approach to the phenomenon by means of secondary sources. · Application of qualitative techniques that clarify the discourse of the participants and key sources involved.

Institutional reports have been consulted (public and private) which are representative of the phenomenon, and which show particular attention to data prior to 2005, prioritizing its updating (2010-2011).

In this way we intend to describe the current employment situation of these three groups that are at risk of social exclusion.

10

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

With the objective of facilitating the interpretation of the analytical quantitative data the discourse of the social participants was looked at in greater depth by way of qualitative interviews which were supported by a semi-structured outline.

Principally two profiles of key participants have been addressed: participants and advisers.

Participants Subjects that are particularly affected by the employment problem in question and who enrich our understanding by telling us about some of their experiences (long-term unemployed over 45 years of age, non-graduate young people who have begun seeking employment, immigrants with difficulties accessing the labour market, to highlight a few profiles).

Advisers Managers, researchers and experts familiar with information and employment within the local environment.

In this segment we are interested in the information provided by managers of NGOs, experts from government

OBJETIVES AND METHODOLOGY

bodies, particularly those linked to the groups in question or researchers of related lines of investigation.

Several sources of information were consulted, which are always referenced, both when data are set out in a table, and when there are fewer data, they appear within the text. The data used more than any other have been those provided by the Argos Observatory. Employment Service of Andalusia (http://www.juntadeandalucia.es/servicioandaluzdeempleo/ web/argos/web/es/ARGOS/index. html), Information has also been obtained from other sources, mainly from the respective institute of national statistics and Eurostat. Institut nacional de statistique. Portail de la Wallonie (S.E.S) of Belgium, http:// www.wallonie.be/fr/themes/entreprises/sources-d-information/statistiques/index.html#N103BB), Instituto nazionale di statistica (ISTAT) of Italy, http://www.istat.it/en/), Institut nacional de la statistique et des études économiques (INSEE) of France, http://www.insee.fr/fr/), Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) of Spain, http://www.ine.es/), Eurostat (http://

11

epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/portal/ page/portal/eurostat/home/).

The information provided by these and other sources often does not correspond, this includes mismatches of execution dates, which causes asynchrony among the data, the definition of reported categories often does not match either, whether that be age groups or “immigrants”.

The French statistics of the INSEE clearly distinguish between foreigners (non-French) and immigrants (non-French, born overseas and residents in France) which is something that cannot always be done among data provided by other sources.

Likewise, within European countries as a whole young people are defined as those aged under 25, in Spain they are defined as under 30 or 35, depen-

ding on the administrative body defining them, and in Italy the category and its definition is adjusted to fit the local culture and economy. Despite these difficulties, data from Bologna, Liege and Paris are the most recent and allow a comparison with the most current information on the province and the municipality of Malaga.

Data on unemployment, at the rate that it evolves in Spain (not so much in Europe), in order to be accurate would require monthly, weekly and even daily updates, but accuracy is not the object of this report, rather it is the comparison of a reality that can been seen at just a glance: Eurostat informs us that unemployment in the Eurozone on the 1st of March 2012 was 10.7%, while in Spain, towards the end of 2011, it was 22.85% and in Andalusia it was 31.23%.

12

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

13

02

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH The city of Malaga is located at the western end of the Mediterranean.

Its municipal district covers 395 km2.

The city is growing moderately despite the suburbanisation process that it, like other major European cities, has undergone over recent decades: the price of housing and an improved

transport network have led to newly formed families establishing their residence in municipalities close to the main town. The loss of demographic weight of the municipality of Malaga within the province has reached an annual rate of 0.5% in recent years.

TABLE 1. TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION BY PERCENTAGE OF THE POPULATION OF MALAGA

Source: MADECA (Malaga, development and quality; provincial socio-economic observatory).

GRAPH 1. PERCENTAGE OF THE POPULATION OF MALAGA AND THE REST OF THE PROVINCE 2005-2010

14

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

With a population of 568,507 registered inhabitants within the municipal district (INE, 2010), 48.19% is male, and 51.81% is female, it is the sixth largest Spanish city by population, and is the capital of the province of Malaga, which comprises 101 municipalities.

The province of Malaga covers an area of 7,308 km2 and has a population of 1,624,145 inhabitants. In 2010, the income per capita was 18,235 Euros, the economic growth rate was 58.95% (59.19 in 2011) and the percentage of those on unemployment benefit was 30.65% (30.28% in 2011). The population of the city represents 35.52% of the province. The demographic growth rate of the province between 2001 and 2007 exceeded the national average, with rates of 2.58% and 1.59%, respectively. In September 2011, the population of the province was 548,400 people and the amount of people on unemployment benefit was 238,100 (EPA).

Malaga is the driving force of the regional economy (Andalusia) in times of growth, but its unemployment statistics are especially high in times of stagnation or recession.

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

15

In 2010, the number of people in the province of Malaga seeking employment grew to 12.46% compared to 2009, reducing the number of active workers from 562,500, at the end of 2009, to 538,900 a year later.

Among the under 25’s, the percentage of those on unemployment benefit increased to 16.3%, among the over 45’s 11.70%, and among foreigners the percentage of job seekers grew to 9.34%; with an increase of 9.94% among EU citizens and an increase of 10.05% among non-EU citizens.

In the three years between the third quarter of 2008 and 2011 the population of the province of Malaga showed the following development.

In times of economic boom the services sector generates an important amount of employment in areas related to tourism, attracting national workers from within Andalusia, as well as foreign workers who in recent years have come from Morocco, Eastern Europe and Latin America. Since the arrival of Europeans has not exclusively been of a temporary nature, rather it has also resulted in the permanent residency of, for the most part, British, German and Scandinavian citizens, the construction of housing, which will presumably be occupied by European sun seekers (3,060 hours/year in the city of Malaga) has become a driving force for the local economy.

go on to lose their position. That means the work-inspired immigrant population and young people, mainly male, who having reached legal age, have interrupted their training in order to get a job that was easy to acquire and which is now easy to lose. This situation makes workers with temporary contracts especially vulnerable.

This is shown by the fact that ending a temporary contract is the leading cause of entry into unemployment. In Spain, said cause reached 78.5% of those contracted in 2007 (2,390,674 workers), 76.8% in 2008 (3,332,551 workers), 76.6% in 2009 (3,380,990 workers) and 80.7% in 2010 (4,143,506 workers).

In times of crisis, such as the present, jobs that were created in the good times are lost, thousands of recently built properties are left empty and what had previously been inflated by favourable winds is now being deflated with even greater intensity. Those who found work, either as self-employed or salaried workers, more down to temporary opportunity than by integration into a consolidated productive structure, are those who are most likely to

TABLE 2. POPULATION ACTIVE DE MALAGA AU TROISIÈME TRIMESTRE DE L’ANNÉE

Source INE. Compiled by author.

16

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

GRAPH 2. EMPLOYED POPULATION OF MALAFA IN THE THIRD QUARTER OF THE YEAR

In the years 2008-2011, 78,400 jobs were lost, which has led to a redistribution of the employed population by sector and job losses in all sectors.

Relative weight has been lost in areas of agriculture, from 3.2% to 2.1% employment; in industry from 7.7% to 4.3%; and in construction from 15.6% to 9.5%.

Relative employment weight has been gained in the services sector,

from 73.6% to 84.1%. Agricultural employment, which has seen a reduction of 54.22%, and construction, which has seen a reduction of 52.1%, were most affected.

The following table differentiates between the unemployment rate in the city (35.52% of the provincial population) and the rest of the province (64.48% of the provincial population).

17

TABLE 3. TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION IN PERCENTAGES OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN MALAGA AND THE PROVINCE

Source: Argos Observatory. Compiled by author.

GRAPH 3. TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION BY PERCENTAGE OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN MALAGA AND THE PROVINCE

18

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

It is observed that the seasonality of employment is lower in the capital than in the rest of the province. Other provincial towns have their unemployment reduced in the summer, with the start of the tourist season, and thus increased in winter.

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

This irregular effect on unemployment by territory is due to the most affected sectors, which are agriculture and construction. From June 2005 until December 2010, unemployment in the city of Malaga multiplied by 2.2 and by 2.55 in the other populations.

19

GRAPH 4. UNEMPLOYMENT IN MALAGA AND THE PROVINCE

TABLE 4. UNEMPLOYMENT IN MALAGA AND THE PROVINCE

Source: Argos Observatory. Compiled by author.

CV*: Coefficient of variation

The current labour market in Malaga is characterised by its dependency on tourism, the halt in construction, the lack of a manufacturing industry and the comparative disadvantage from workers of more formally trained backgrounds. The data on Andalusia for 2009 differs from that of Malaga, not do due to the quality of the jobs rather due to the effect of (1) the greater weight of agriculture in Andalusia, (2) the greater weight of the hotel and catering industry, the commercial industry and administrative positions in Malaga, and (3), the discriminatory

practice by business of favouring young people over adults.

The table and graph below provide us with an approximate idea of the correspondence, or lack thereof, between labour supply and demand.

The most contracted positions within the municipality of Malaga between October 2010 and September 2011 were the following.

The column JOB SEEKERS shows the number of people seeking employment; the column PERSONNEL HIRED,

20

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

shows the number of contracts, and therefore the number of people that were not contracted is greater than

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

that obtained by subtracting the second column (PERSONNEL HIRED) from the first column (JOB SEEKERS).

TABLE 5. MOST CONTRACTED POSITIONS 10/2010-09/2011

21

GRAPH 5. COMPARISON BETWEEN POSITIONS SOUGHT AND CONTRACTS AWARDED

22

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

The above information shows that the lack of correspondence between labour supply and demand is not because one or the other is following a different course.

There are some offers that are not taken, but that number is always small, and with more numerous jobs the demand far outstrips supply.

There are more job offers in all but one of the positions for which over one thousand contracts are registered, with the exception of the category “other positions”, which is obviously a catch-all term that does not lend itself to a precise name and consequently it cannot be linked to the specific work sought by the worker. And moreover with the exception also of contracts entered into under the title “instructors of sports activities” (1,449 contraltos), the demand is not registe-

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

23

red in the corresponding table. It is the only supply that, from the above data, justifies specific training that the employers demand and that the workers do not offer. In all other cases and as a whole, the lack of correspondence can only be described in one way: insufficient supply of labour in relation to the number of people seeking work. Improving the information of the worker is always a benefit and at the moment it is also a requirement, but this view suggests, above all, the improvement of labour supply.

TABLE 6. PERCENTAGES OF ACTIVITY AND UNEMPLOYMENT IN ANDALUSIA

BY EDUCATIONAL LEVEL

It is a fact that there is an inverse relationship between unemployment and training, more training equals more activity and increased employment.

-

The data for Andalusia in the third quarter of 2011 are unequivocal.

Source: INE. Compiled by author.

The illiterate represent a very low rate of activity, which necessarily has to be linked to the older age of these people (277,300), but the most significant is that the rate of those on unemployment benefit (unemployed/active) is 48%. The difficulties in employing these people, as a result of their low employability, are obvious, but there are only 12,720 people who are unemployed and illiterate throughout the whole region.

Those who only have primary education also represent a low rate of activity,

34%, of which 43% (220,932 people) is employed. From the first tier of secondary education onwards (equivalent to GCSE level) it is considered that the person possesses sufficient resources with which to learn and develop tasks that the job entails. This is the level that is shown to most likely leave formal training, not because of the rate of activity, 68%, but because 37% of these are unemployed (492,433 people). The rate of activity of university graduates is 80%, second only to graduates

24

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

of Professional Training Level 2, and their employment rate is 18%, 196,236 people. Holders of doctorates, of whom there are relatively few, account for 448 jobseekers in the region. There is a positive mathematical correlation between the level of academic education and employment, but this mathe-

MALAGA, A SOCIOOCCUPATIONAL APPROACH

matical relationship does not identify any feasible solution for the 196,236 unemployed university graduates or for the 1,025,700 unemployed Andalusians who have no university degree.

The relationship between training and employment in 2007 in the province of Malaga is set out in the following table.

25

GRAPH 6. FORMAL TRAINING OF THE WORKING POPULATION BY AGE GROUP IN MALAGA 2007

TABLE 7. FORMAL TRAINING OF THE WORKING POPULATION IN MALAGA

BY AGE GROUP. PERCENTAGES WITH RESPECT TO THE TOTAL AMOUNT OF WORKERS OF THE CORRESPONDING AGE GROUP

With the above data, the debate around whether workers have too much or too little training does not seem to make sense if the question is strictly too much or too little. There are 196,236 unemployed university graduates in Andalusia. As will be set out in the section on young people, there are holders of qualifications that have a good share of the labour market, but unemployment affects universities, and the illiterate and those of intermediate-level eduSource: Institute of Mapping and Statistics of Andalusia.

cation, because any perspective will lead to the same conclusion: unemployment in Andalusia and in Malaga is a structural problem, which affects the system of production, education, values, and so on. Therefore it is not only because of the limitations with respect to its resources but also because of the nature of its management that the measures taken by the local council to combat unemployment are inevitably palliative.

26

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

27

03

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA: A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE.

In Spain those aged between 15 and 29 are usually referred to as young people. Some administrations (such as municipal administrations) extend the category to 35 and some reports reduce it. Therefore a category that is defined in this way represents clear “sociobiological homogeneity”: they have reached puberty, but most of them have not reached motherhood or fatherhood. They are young people regardless of their biological clock, because they do not yet know about family responsibilities but nor have they become independent. If, traditionally, youth is understood as the transition from childhood to adulthood, then contemporary youth is less of a period and more of a state, due to the extension of dependence and the influence that this dependence has on the circumstances that are its cause and the institutions that drive this transition. The characteristics of the transition are as follows: 1ª By extending the transition, the period is segmented and differentiated. Among 15 to 29 year olds at least the following socially sig-

nificant groups can be highlighted: 15-16, 17-20, 21-24 and 25-29. Each of which has its own characteristics, since:

3ª As a consequence, there is more and more difference between adult and youth culture, with regard to customs, norms and values.

a) Compulsory teaching is extended to 16 years of age.

4ª A redistribution of functions occurs among the main socialising agents: the family, the education system, peer groups, the media, the labour system and relationships with partners. In general, public agents, education and labour systems, lose their functional role, while private institutions, the family, partners and peers, maintain their functional role or gain further ground. As private institutions are the agents that facilitate differentiation, public agents are homogenizers, with the press currently the most homogenising agent of socialisation.

b) From 21 years of age young people’s focus changes (they think more about the future). c) From 25 years of age there is a general desire for independence, which the majority are unable to achieve.

2ª The traditional youth model is outdated. Traditionally the young person was an on-going project centred on becoming an adult; young people learned from, and with, adults in order to become adults (Margaret Mead). Now however youth is a state.

A young person is not a project centred on becoming an adult, because there is no guarantee of ever carrying out those roles traditionally assumed by adults and because these adult roles have become less attractive.

5ª LThe gap between biological maturity and the social situation of the individual is evident. Different facts present themselves distinctly: the gap between desires for independence (over 25 years old) and the economic possibility of becoming independent (years later), the delay in maternity and consequential low fertility, since the biological condition of western

women makes them particularly fertile around the age of 26, or the fact that Spanish women indicate, for the most, part that having two children (the couple) is the ideal amount, exactly half that of the majority.

6ª The previous continuity is broken between the training phase and employment integration. Between them there is a period of youth during which independence is desired, but they continue to depend economically, emotionally and symbolically on their family.

This is a period in which no conditions exist in which a life plan can be designed, something that as a consequence often never comes to pass.

The socialisation model thus reflects the following paradox: - The youth is prepared to enter maturity, and at the same time, the circumstances highlight the conveniences of remaining part of the youth group.

The best example is shown by affluent families, with parents who combat the “fleeing the nest” syndrome with the following proposal: “We tell them not to be too overwhelmed or worried about

28

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

security and wellbeing, and that they can stay with us as long as they like”.

The same paradox occurs again, since the situation ends up being pragmatically dysfunctional: the traditional ties associated with the family cancel out the modern dysfunctionality.

Another of the side effects that the crisis will have on the family will be the predictable increase in the age of leaving home, which in recent years has fallen markedly. The average age of young people (between 15 and 29 years of age) becoming independent dropped from 21.3 years old in 2004 to 20.8 years old in 2008 according to a recent study of the Ministry for Equality. Likewise, the rate of independence has gone from 32% to 37% in the same period. All indications show that this trend has now been reversed by the crisis. “In recent years, having turned 22, people left university, found a job and left home”, Enrique Gil Calvo, lecturer of Sociology at the Complutense University. The easy employment of less than a year ago has meant that many students have returned to their studies (El País [15/12/2008]: The family becomes the support unit once again).

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

This could be called the placebo effect since the Spanish youth are currently suffering with regard to their relationship between formal training and employment. If the placebo effect means that iniquitous drugs are sold and consumed, it is likewise common among the Spanish youth to seek work for a period, after which, if they do not find any, as is quite likely, or if they do not think very highly of what they find, they return to formal training, by either going to university, or taking up professional training or the like, in order that they may get better work at a later date having accumulated more qualifications, in the hope that those qualifications will make it more likely that they will get work that would not have otherwise been possible.

29

for workers under the age of 20 was approximately 55% of the average hourly working wage of workers as a whole, and, for those between 20 and

24 years of age, it was 54%, and, for those between 25 and 29, it was 79%.

The situation is worse for women, who earn 15% less than men.

GRAPH 7. AVERAGE ANNUAL EARNINGS BY WORKER AND AGE RANGE

Youth employment may hold the following characteristics: 1ª Youth labour has lost market value and social use: it increases the potential number of youth workers and reduces the price of youth labour.

The most recent investigation into the Spanish Salary Structure showed that in 2002 the hourly working wage

Source: Department of Economy, Innovation and Science. Compiled by author.

30

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

2ª The majority of young people do not come from the labour system or the training system, they are between the two. Between 1996 and 2000 the common thing used to be to have just one job for the first five years after finishing education, then in 2004 that became two jobs and then in 2006 three jobs (ILO, 2007)1.

3ª Youth status is defined by the lack of security that characterises it. They have responsibilities, unlike during their childhood, but they do not have the security, unlike the ideal adult. The majority of young workers (2/3) are employed under temporary contracts. More than half of young people’s contracts were of a duration of less than half of one week, and this situation has not occurred voluntarily, since 77% of young people state that stability is the thing they value most in employment (INJUVE, 2006).

With less demanding qualifications, the proportion of transient students that study as a complementary activity, or put their studies on hold, depending on the employment opportunities of the academic year, is increasing.

1

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

4ª No direct relationship has been observed between the level of academic study and the transition from training into work. The shortest time of this transition was during the middle of the previous decade (2000-2009), and was 4.8 months for those who had completed intermediate professional training, 6.2 months for those who had completed tertiary education, 6.3 months for those who had completed upper-secondary education and 6.7 months for those who had dropped out of education without having completed any of the above academic levels (OECD, 2007:39). It is not surprising that a young university graduate takes only five months less to find a job than someone who has not completed their education if the work for which they are hired does not required qualifications and if the qualities that best suit that position depend more on attitude than cognitive skills. The attitudes that favour the hiring of more qualified people for tasks that do not require qualifications are more frequent among qualified graduates with a smaller share of the market. (As an example, it is unlikely that someone trained

31

in medicine would work as a clinical assistant and what is most likely is that a young economist will carry out tasks for which he is overqualified).

“Over qualified” is one term that can be used to describe the lack of correspondence between the supply and demand of labour. There are jobs that do not justify public spending (this is why training is considered to be excessive) or the personal effort required by the person undergoing said training, but it is the unemployed worker who is trained to an extent that is affected. The unemployed holder of a university degree does not regret having gone to university rather he or she just regrets being unemployed. It is true to say that, if, the unemployed were “manufactured” then they would be cheaper if they were not university graduates. However, if wealth is created, then it is easier to do create

that wealth with well trained workers. That is why, in general, training is not the solution for all levels of unemployment; rather the solution is to increase the demand for unemployment, improving the training, and improving labour demand, creating companies and commercial enterprises. The share of employment integration among medical graduates is the largest among all university graduates, but this will not relieve unemployment guiding students towards medical school. By reduction to the absurd: priesthood cannot be suggested as a solution to unemployment, despite the need for priests in the Catholic Church and the universality of the work. There is little to suggest that any availability, for example, among five hundred, five thousand or five hundred thousand positions, can solve the unemployment of one million people.

32

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

GRAPH 8. UNEMPLOYED YOUTH POPULATION IN ANDALUSIA ACCORDING TO LENGTH OF TIME IN UNEMPLOYMENT. YEAR 2010

Source: Survey into the economically active population. Institute of National Statistics.

5ª Spain has one of the highest school drop-out rates among those who have not completed upper-secondary education, which is considered the minimum level required for developing activity and productive learning, with 24% dropping out, much higher than the European average with only Mexico, Turkey and Portugal with worse dropout rates (OECD, 2007:61).

In parallel “over qualification” effects ¼ of active young people who do jobs that do not require the level of qualification that they possess. The lack of correspondence between training and work is greater among those who receive professional training, and the lack of correspondence due to “over qualification” is greater among those who are university educated. Any lack or correspondence can be observed

33

as in excess or in defect, both produce the same phenomenon known as “over qualification” or a “reduced supply of labour”. The same is true for any other institution and not just the labour market. The question should also be asked with regard to the military, whether it is better for soldiers to be more or less intelligent. The answer is in both cases is: it depends on the labour market and that of the military as to whether they prefer more or less intelligent personnel.

The dilemma raised by “over qualification” should not bring more training into question (over qualified for what?) rather there should be more focus on training for the job in hand, if the training is good then it will never lead to over qualification. What is different is that public spending is excessive with

respect to the return, either public or private. But in this case, as with others, it is important to call things as they are: spending (excessive or insufficient) is one thing and education (good or bad) is another.

Higher education is a good strategy for personal enrichment and the employment opportunities that it provides.

But the share of employment integration varies a great deal according to qualifications. The following table summarises information from Andalusia: people registered for Social Security according to their level of qualification for those who graduated university in 2008-2009, and who one year later were registered for Social Security at a percentage greater than 66.66% of graduates.

34

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

TABLE 8. GRADUATED IN 2008-2009, REGISTERED FOR SS ONE YEAR AFTER COMPLETING STUDIES

Source: Employment Service of Andalusia. Compiled by author.

35

Technical and health studies stand out for their level of employment integration. If architecture does not appear in the table it is because the percentage of graduates that are self-employed is higher than among engineers. The same thing occurs among dentists.

These good results do not apply to all qualifications, since given the difficult nature of registering for and/or graduating from medicine, health and engineering courses, only a minority of university graduates (a select few) register for same. In Bologna the different focus of the university students between the north and the south of the country is highlighted. As one of the participants who took part in the study in Bologna noted: “Normally in Italy, mostly in the south, students continue to choose colleges and courses in humanities, law and social sciences. These degrees, considered weak, are the basis of unemployment among university graduates.

Degrees of a scientific nature, especially technical degrees, guarantee immediate employment upon finishing university, even if they have no professional experience”.

Admission into technical and health qualifications is more selective than with others due to the examination grade which is required for entry onto the course in some cases, and due to the fact that they are more difficult in general terms. This takes less motivated and less able students out of the equation. Graduates of these courses have acquired an attitude of making a greater effort than with other courses. These graduates are a minority, due to the difficult and selective nature of their studies, which clearly sets them apart with respect to competitiveness. With regard to the corresponding professions, especially the technical professions, their production is much easier to account for (they make a more measurable contribution to wealth) and, as a consequence, an easier commercial reward. The use of a meniscus operation on a professional sportsperson or the construction of a water treatment plant is easier to measure than a poem, a painting, a historical experience or a regulation. These are some of the reasons as to why in Bologna, like Liege, Lis-

36

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45ﾂｴS AND INMIGRANTS

bon, Malaga and Paris, the graduates from technical health and scientific degrees experience better employment integration.

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF YOUNG PEOPLE FROM MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

The following table shows that holders of qualifications in professional training in Andalusia exceeded 66.66% of graduates in 2008-2009 working in September 2010.

TABLE 9. GRADUATE IN 2008-2009. REGISTERED FOR SOCIAL SECURITY ONE YEAR AFTER FINISHING STUDIES

Source: Employment Service of Andalusia. Compiled by author.

37

Youth unemployment is a problem because the average European rate of same is double that of adult unemployment, but the way in which these rates are calculated do not show relevant aspects for their significance and importance, such as the age at which young people become independent from their family support.

Where the majority of those under twenty-five live with their parents, unemployment double that of combined unemployment does not lead to the same dysfunctionality as that of the same relative measure in other countries with different family and labour habits.

Within the regions of the municipalities that exchange experiences within the framework of the Integration Project, the rates of unemployment were as follows in 2010: Bologna, 22.4, Liege, 27.3, Andalusia, 49.9 and ﾃ四ede-France, 21.1. Said rate in Bologna is 3.92 times that of its overall unemployment rate, that of Liege and Paris 2.37 times more, and Andalusia 1.42 time more. Even when only considering the arithmetic mean, the youth unemployment in Andalusia does not have the relative severity of other European regions, not because it is less severe than other regions, but because its overall unemployment is more severe (Eurostat).

38

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF OVER 45´S IN MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

39

04

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF OVER 45’S IN MALAGA: A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

In the city of Malaga the over 45’s total 176,662 people, 31.07% of the population; in the province of Malaga, they total 655,846 people, 40.38% of the population. Those between 45 and 65 years old total 406,020 people, 25% of the population. Of the latter, 16.71% are foreigners, a very similar proportion to that of total foreigners of the overall population (16.50%). The rate of activity of the over 45’s increased during the economic boom and during the crisis.

In 1997 it was 28.98%, in 2001 it was 30.30% and in 2009 it was 38.40%.

The over 45’s category does not have a sociological definition, only a statistical one. This means that people aged 45, 64 or 74 are forced into the same category, although their life and work experiences from the day they are born make them very different. The experts consulted about the problem of unemployment within this category agree that there is a particular difficulty in getting these people into work when they are unemployed and they explain that age seems to be the main obstacle to said employment integration, when the issue of age, when compared to the issue of the indivi-

dual person or specific job, is simply an inconvenience and is not related to work or productivity. (It is impossible to imagine a world chess champion who is over 45 years old, it is also uncommon for the peak of the musical creativity of a composer to occur after this age, but when going into surgery one is more confident when the surgeon is 55 years old rather than 35 years old.)

If being 45 years old or more is a serious obstacle to finding employment it is because there are other factors involved in the relationship between age and employment: acquired knowledge, the capacity to acquire knowledge, the costs of the worker and the interests of the employee.

Although this equation is applicable to any age category, it is especially applicable to this one. One will not often find a surgeon, an engineer or a lawyer who has twenty-five years’ professional experience and who is unemployed, confirming the equation of more training equals less unemployment. However it is a different case for the worker in the services industry, either industrial or agricultural, who

loses their job after the same amount of years’ work experience. The experience that they have required in the corresponding field is much more easily replaceable by a more flexible and cheaper younger worker. If the engineer, lawyer or doctor loses their job at this age, and in order to recover their labour activity they carry out a different activity to the one they have practiced hitherto, as capable as they have been in being trained in their respective professions, the difficulties that they would encounter in doing this would be no less than that of an industrial worker in trying to become a farmer or that of a farmer trying to become an industrial worker. The vulnerability of the over 45’s has to do with both age as well as the configuration of their work experience and only when set together is it explained why they lose or keep their job or activity and why, once they have lost it, it is so difficult to find employment again.

On 13 of June 2011, for the third year running, the Adecco Foundation presented a study on the labour situation of the over 45’s, which at the time totalled 1,523,392 unemployed

in Spain, 36.3% of the overall unemployed. 93.6% had lost their job due to redundancy Employment Regulation File (ERE in Spanish), compared to 3.8% of voluntary resignations, and 2.6% of incorporation into the labour market after a period of inactive work. 71.2% had family dependents, a percentage that increased to 74% in the case of women and decreased to 66.9% in the case of men. 55% were long-term unemployed (more than one year). The study provides information on how discouragement grows as the length of time of unemployment increases, and as time receiving unemployment benefit goes on, the pessimism regarding future work also increases. The discouragement is reinforced by the negative consideration of the means of obtaining employment, the most valued of which is the network of contacts, and the conviction that (87.6%) age (over 45) is an obstacle to finding work. It is also reported that the attitude of these people is far from lazy, since 98.2% would be prepared to work in a sector other than that in which they worked previously, 94.6% would accept a job of lower grade to their level of training

40

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

and 58.9% would move cities in order to attain work. 94.6% use two or more means to look for work. These unemployed people always point to other groups, especially the Government, then companies, the social sphere and the press.

The Adecco study bases its findings on a survey carried out on a representative sample of 1,200 unemployed people over the age of 45, which allows the results to be extrapolated to the whole of the population (1,523,392 people).

This is not the case of the interviews carried out with twenty-one unemployed over 45 year-olds at the offices of the Employment Service of Andalusia, located in the city of Malaga (El Palo, Avenida de Andalucía and Capuchinos), but three observations can be highlighted from this research; two referring to the unemployed and one referring to the career advisers. The unemployed respondents distrust the institutional channels for finding work, especially the temporary employment agencies (ETT) as well as the Employment Service of Andalusia (and as with the Adecco study highlight the network of contacts as the most effective chan-

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF OVER 45´S IN MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

41

nel). The distrust in this second case is rooted in the times of the Spanish Institute of Employment (INEM), since for many years the employment offices have been called “doll offices”, giving the explicit impression that it is not a place to go for seeking employment. The respondents considered the advice given to be useful, “but not for finding work”, almost all respondents said the same. This means that they recognise that the information and the training that they receive is useful for improving their employability, but not in the sense of actually finding work more easily. The career advisers highlight the broad scope for improved training for people whose average training level is low and whose attitude in many cases is not always ideal for finding work, although their motivation level is very high, but consistent with users for whom improved training does not guarantee job placement.

key element that improves the process and provides (not always) that which has remained out of reach, a job offer, the creation of companies and economic growth. An indication that is so often repeated, for understandable reasons, may lead to confusion by third parties or even by those who make the indication in the first place, leading them to believe that the solution to unemployment lies in improving the employability of the unemployed, either exclusively or for the most part, when it is also just as important to improve the other elements of the production structure, without which it is not possible to create job offers or sustainable economic growth. As Niall O’Higgins writes: “The analysis confirms that applying intervention that is only based on demand (such as training in order to increase prospects of being hired) is not likely to be successful” (O’Higgins, 2001:17).

Since users and advisers recognise the training and informative use of having careers advice, the advisers repeatedly point out that the objective is within reach, i.e. improved employability. The guidance highlights the

If the hiring of over 45’s in Andalusia is analysed according to the level of training of the individual hired, then the majority of contracts correspond to people of general education (53.69%), with incomplete primary education

(23.02%) and with no academic qualifications (15.11%). At the higher end of the education scale, those contracted were technical graduates (0.69%), first stage (0.99%) and second and third stage (1.24%). The first three total 91.92% and the second three total 2.92% of over 45’s hired (Argos Report).

From the “greater training equals less employment” equation it is deduced that training has been an antidote against unemployment for the active worker, but it is not the key for the unemployed to find work. The fact that unemployment among holders of university doctorates is 3%, does not imply that if the whole population were holders of university doctorates that unemployment would be reduced to a similar percentage. During 2010 the percentage of over 45 year olds without formal education that were hired in Andalusia was 15.11%; with incomplete primary education it was 23.02% and with general education it was 56.39%, 94.52% of those hired.

Between two unequally trained people, the one with more training is more productive for most activities, but it does not follow that supply creates its

42

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

own demand and that a more educated workforce creates a greater demand for trained workers. The example is clear among foreign workers in one of the sectors that they have occupied the domestic services industry: for this activity, it is not preferable to hire a female graduate over an untrained

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF OVER 45´S IN MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

female for reasons of better training, as is also the case for cleaning the home or caring for patients.

In fact, the occupations with the highest number of contracts for over 45 year olds in Andalusia in 2009 were as follows.

TABLE 10. CONTRACTS WITH OVER 45’S IN ANDALUSIA IN 2009

Source: Employment Service of Andalusia

43

The more training that an activity requires the more irreplaceable the workers become. The experienced professional cannot be replaced by another less-experienced professional without prejudice to the quality of the work, but the level of prejudice is not the same when those replaced are unskilled workers because the work or service that they carry out does not require special qualification.

The solution of sharing the work has its limitations in addition to strictly economic ones, the unequal qualities of the worker in the most skilled tasks, (it is observed for example in the problems that occur regarding hospital or medical centre access in months that the incumbent workers have as holiday) and the inconvenience of requiring more people to do something that fewer people would do for less cost and better results with respect to less qualified and more easily divisible tasks. If the objective is simply employment (established by the European authorities as an activity rate of 70%), the available activi-

ties cannot be split, rather new activities can be added that generate new employment opportunities.

Self-employment has not been the answer either. The difficulty does not lie in becoming self-employed for a period of time, rather it lies in the undertaking of an activity which covers costs and generates demand for sufficient time so as to make it worthwhile (52% of companies in Malaga do not last five years). Certainly in the case or private initiatives the productive culture is essential: the satisfaction of working for oneself, the initiative, the risk, the hope, the inventiveness, etc., in conjunction with a financial system that allows it to happen. If these values were infrequent within the local culture, then they would be even more infrequent among the older generation. Even so, the importance of SME’s and professional practice is not in any way negligible, and, compared with the entire employed population “self-employment” of the over 45’s, it is higher in Andalusia.

44

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF OVER 45´S IN MALAGA

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISION WITH EUROPE

TABLE 11. PROFESSIONAL CIRCUNSTANCES OF THE OVER 45’S IN ANDALUSIA IN 2009

Source : INE, EPA.

GRAPH 9. PROFESSIONAL CIRCUNSTANCE OF THE OVER 45’S IN ANDALUSIA IN 2009

45

The differences with the population as a whole are important. Underlining the data, their weight as public sector employees is 8.76 percentage points more than the employed population as a whole, as self-employed 3.15 percentage points, and as employers 2.46 percentage points; conversely and avoiding those situations in which the differences are insignificant, their weight is less as employees of the private sector, 16.53 points, the greater of all the diffe-

rences. Even so, almost half are employees of the private sector (48.41%). By working more for themselves and for the public sector, their occupation is more resilient but also more difficult to recover. Malaga was the province in Andalusia that lost the most selfemployed workers in 2010 in absolute terms, going from 95,043 at the end of 2009 to 92,474 at the end of 2010, a loss of 2.7% (-2.7%) higher than that of Spain as a whole, 1.82% (-1.82%).

46

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

47

05

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF IMMIGRANTS: A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

The term immigrant is a social construct and not an objective sociological category. In fact, the Spanish legal system refers to resident foreigners with different legal statuses (according to their nationality) and the sociological and statistics reports refer to foreign people (precision that presumable intends to avoid sexist language). However not all foreigners are called immigrants even though they have immigrated, as is the case with resident tourists or elite sportspeople, and not all foreigners have immigrated, which those born overseas but with Spanish nationality and who now reside in Spain have done.

Unless they become nationalised, those born in Spain from foreigners are foreigners, even though they have never immigrated and even though in the future popular opinion, the press and even scientific literature will go on to call them second generation immigrants. The French INSEE (equivalent of the Spanish Institute for National Statistics) differentiates in the data that it publishes between foreigners and immigrants, but defines both categories. According to

the definition adopted by the Haut Conseil à l’Integration, an immigrant is someone who is born of foreign parents overseas and who resides in France. It is possible therefore to be an immigrant (inmigré) and French (Spanish, Belgian, Italian, etc.), by virtue of having acquired the nationality. The INSEE goes on to add that the quality of being an immigrant (inmigré) is permanent, and either continues to be foreign or is nationalised as an immigrant, since it is the country of birth (invariable) and not the nationality (variable) which is the determining circumstance. This report simplifies the use of the term “alien”, referring to them as “foreigners” with the understanding that it is always in reference to people of both sexes. The four countries (Belgium, France, Italy and Spain) consider nationals to be those who, possessing their own nationality, also possess a foreign nationality.

Despite the similarity in the percentage of foreign residents in the municipalities observed and their respective provinces, the differences

are important. Even though the municipality of Paris has only 2.2 million inhabitants, in Ile-de-France there are 10.2 million inhabitants. In Paris and its municipality, Ile-de-France, foreigners make up 14.92% (329,922) and 14.16% (1,446,558), respectively. In the city of Paris there are more foreigners than in the province of Malaga and in Ile-de France there are more than in Andalusia. Conversely, in France, a country with a long tradition of immigration, there are fewer foreigners (3.7 million) than in Spain (5.75 million), although there are more immigrants (5.3 million) than in Spain.

Therefore, 1.6 million people that were born overseas and not French (if born French, the INSEE would not call them immigrants) have become French nationals. France has a long tradition of being a host country, while the majority of foreigners residing in Spain have arrived over the last ten years. 8.9% of foreign residents in France reside in the city of Paris, and in Ile-de-France 38.9%. In addition to serving merely as a description, these data show the limitations of adjusting observation and analysis to the strictly

local environment. In the municipality of Paris, as with that of Malaga, foreign residents are few, but within the development that goes beyond administrative boundaries, reside 38.9% of France’s foreigners, a percentage that is very different from any Spanish region or province.

The foreign population (presumably immigrated for the most part) of the province of Liege (10.24%) has a distinct characteristic: that of being mostly Italian and European. Italians make up 39.2% of foreign residents on Liege. The five most numerous foreign communities (three from neighbouring countries): Italian, Germans, French, Spanish and Dutch, make up 70.7% of foreigners. Foreigners of countries that are not EU members accounted for 2% in 2006 (INE, Belgium).

In Malaga, the objective categories that makes up foreigners (who do not possess Spanish nationality) are not categories with greater risks of social exclusion, because among the foreigners that are resident in Malaga there are two very different types: resident

48

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

tourists (European) and immigrants (Moroccans, Latin-Americans [many of whom may have Spanish nationality] and Eastern Europeans, for the most part), who, unlike the above, and rightly or wrongly, establish the difference by the fact that they need to work in order to stay.

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

During the recent economic growth, most jobs created in Spain were occupied by foreigners. During the crisis years, the evolution of employment among this population has had its effects felt. The numbers of active foreign workers in the province in recent years reflect this.

49

GRAPH 10. ACTIVE FOREIGN POPULATION IN THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA, BY SECTORS OF ECONOMY ACTIVITY

TABLE 12. ACTIVE FOREIGN POPULATION IN THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA, BY SECTORS OF ACTIVITY

* The foreign population within the province of Malaga has also grown in the years of crisis. T

-

TABLE 13. FOREIGN POPULATION OF MALES RESIDING IN THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA

Source EPA. Compiled by author.

Source: INE. Municipal Register of Inhabitants

50

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

51

GRAPH 11. POPULATION OF FOREIGN MALE RESIDENTS IN LA PROVINCE OF MALAGA

GRAPH 12. POPULATION OF FOREIGN FEMALE RESIDENTS IN THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA

TABLE 14. FOREIGN POPULATION OF FEMALES RESIDING IN THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA

The only group of nationalities that declined between 2005 and 2009 was that of South America, while the other three more numerous groups, EU-15, other Europeans and Africans have increased in number.

This finding is consistent with what occurred nationally: with the APRE programme or the voluntary return plan for unemployed workers (Royal Decree-law 4/2008 and Royal Decree 1800/2008) 3% of workers that were

Source: INE. Municipal Register of Inhabitants

able to be were returned in 2009 and 6% during 2010, but it was the South-American workers, and especially the Andeans who mostly returned voluntarily, 71% were from Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia and Peru.

The gender representation is well balanced for most regions of origin, except in the case of Africans, among whom the men represent some 50% more than the women, and South

52

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

Americans, among whom women represent some 31% more than men. Among Africans, the ratio between men and women has a similar value for the seven years reported, but among the South Americans the ratio between men and women has widened progressively from 1.05 in 2005 to 1.31 in 2011. From 2009 to 2011, the South-American residents, women and men, have declined each year, while Africans, men and women, have continued to increase.

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

One thing that can help understand the different behaviours with respect to residence and the ideas of returning to their country of origin is the ages of which these groups comprise.

The Europeans from the EU-15 countries are very different from the other majority groups. Using data referring to Andalusia and obtained from the Municipal Register of Inhabitants 2010, the four large groups represent the following structure.

TABLE 15. AGES BY FOREIGN POPULATION IN ANDALUSIA

Source : INE. Recensement municipal.

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

53

Nationals from countries of the EU-15 have an age structure similar to that of the national population as a whole as far as the weight of the potentially active population is concerned, but the weight of the over 65’s is 23.79%, nine points ahead of the weight of the age group of the overall population.

In short, as any resident of Malaga will tell you, the lower work motivation of these nationals means their residence or return to their country of origin depends less on the fluctuations of the labour market. With respect to the other three groups, the other Europeans are those who represent less of the under-twenty’s and over-sixty-five’s, which infers a greater intent and a higher likelihood of return, which to this point, as can be seen in the tables, has not happened yet. Romania and Bulgaria are ahead of the countries of the U-27 group in terms of poverty and exclusion risk, representing 43.1% and 46.2% respectively, a sufficient deterrent from a situation of relative precariousness in Spain, where this risk is 23.4%. Although they continue to be comparatively poor, the South American countries are growing, despite

the growing economic crises.

The structure of the foreign residents in the city of Malaga is differentiated between the province and Andalusia. In the city of Malaga there were 45,394 foreigners residing in 2010, which is equal to 7.98% of the population of the city, less than in Andalusia, where 704,056 foreigners represent 8.41%, and much less than in the province, where 275,027 foreigners make up 17.09% of the population.

The age structure of this population is in contrast to that of the province and that of the region. The rate of the provincial dependency is 29.40%, a high value as a consequence of the older age of the European residents. This rate is 17.78% in the city of Malaga, where the concentration of potentially active workers is higher, where the foreigners, unlike in the rest of the province, live in homes with structures different from those which characterise the Spanish homes.

The Institute for National Statistics has recorded 144 different nationalities within the province of Malaga, and in the city, the following: 10 Euro-

54

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

pean (Romanian, Italian, Bulgarian, French, German, British, Portuguese, Polish, Russian and Ukrainian), 12 South American (Paraguayan, Argentinian, Colombian, Bolivian, Brazilian, Ecuadorian, Venezuelan, Uruguayan, Peruvian, Chilean, Cuban and Dominican), 4 Africans (Moroccan, Nigerian,

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

Algerian and Senegalese), 2 Asian (Chinese and Pakistani) and a diminished representation of Oceania (14 people including stateless persons).

The 10 largest foreign nationalities in the city have the following weight of all foreign residents:

55

GRAPH 13. NATIONALITES OF FOREIGNS IN THE CITY OF MALAGA

TABLE 16. FOREIGN NATIONALITIES IN THE CITY OF MALAGA

Source INE. Élaboration propre.

Among the ten, a total of more than 2/3 are foreigners in the city. The most significant is that among the ten there are only three Europeans (Romanians, Ukrainians and Italians), only two members of the European Union (Romanian and Italian) and only one from any of the richer countries (Italy). But clearly: the residents from the European Union make up 25.89% in the city (59.12% in the province and 50.64% in Andalusia). Since the representation of people from Oceania is insignificant and since, like North Americans and Europeans from developed non-member coun-

tries, they do not appear in the statistics, we can conclude that no more than the 74.11% remaining are from less developed countries and infer that employment is an important motivating factor for the residence of these people, a very different picture from the rest of the province. The 45,394 residents in Malaga represent 16.5% of foreign residents in the province (275,027), the population of the city being 35.52% of the province.

Foreigners have a higher presence in the province than in the capital among a majority of nationalities, not only from EU-member countries, but

56

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

also even people of other nationalities. In other words: the capital of the province is not more attractive than the province for foreign workers and is much less attractive for resident tourists. In fact, the most numerous of the foreign communities in the province by far is the British community, with 70,781 residents (25.73% of all

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

foreigners). Other Europeans are also high in number, mainly Germans, Dutch, French, Finnish and Danish.

57

GRAPH 15. FOREIGN POPULATION OF MALAGA, 2005-2010

Except Nigerians, most of whom live in the city (78.58%), other nationalities are more numerous in the province.

GRAPH 14. FOREIGN POPULATION OF THE REST OF THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA, 2005-2010

In June 2011, the province of Malaga recorded 23,111 unemployed foreigners, the highest number being in Andalusia, followed by Almeria (19,075) and Seville (9,001), and the fifth highest in Spain after Madrid (98,110), was Barcelona (90,799),

followed by Valencia (36,617) and Alicante (32,941). At the end of 2010, the ten municipalities of the province with the highest population of foreigners and corresponding rates of unemployment were as follows

58

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

A PERSPECTIVE FOR THE COMPARISON WITH EUROPE

TABLE 17. MUNICIPALITIES OF MALAGA WITH THE HIGHEST NUMBER OF FOREIGNERS

Source: Argos Observatory. Compiled by author.

In the absence of data to explain the differences, the unemployment figures show that the concentration is enhanced. The ten municipalities make up 78.73% of the foreign population of the province and 85.88% of unemployed foreigners. The two highest in total and foreign population, Malaga and Marbella, with 29.95% of foreigners, make up 42.61% of unemployed foreigners.

Torrox and Nerja are in opposite circumstances, principally because their foreigners are, for the most part, resident tourists and have fewer foreign workers. It is no wonder then that the difference in percentage between the

resident and unemployed foreigners is higher in Malaga than in any other provincial municipalities, since as already stated, it is the least attractive for residential tourists of the capital, where the economically active population principally resides.

While in the years of economic expansion growth in employment was seen more among foreigners than among the Spanish, in the years of crisis the loss of employment was also seen more among foreigners than the Spanish. If to the above it is added that during the years of crisis the rise in the

59

economically active population itself was greater among foreigners, the rise in unemployment was therefore even greater among foreigners than among the Spanish. Therefore for Spain as a whole during the years 2007-2010, unemployment multiplied by 2.7 among foreigners and 2.4 among Spanish citizens, due to the effect of principally two factors, the higher increase among the economically active foreign population and the most marked decline in unemployment among foreigners. The positions occupied by foreigners, generated by the effects of growth, agricultural labour, construction and domestic services contracts, are quickly lost when the situation is reversed, and that need makes pre-

viously inactive foreigners, especially women, begin to seek employment.

Thus the rate of economic activity among foreigners in Spain went from 67.2 to 76.2 between 2007 and 2010, while in the same period the rate for Spanish citizens increased by only three decimals, from 57.4 to 57.7, since the reverse effect is more likely among the Spanish. This is due to the difficulty in finding employment and satisfying family requirements by means of the work of one or more family members, inactivity could increase within the scope of this greater coverage, young people postpone their incorporation and Spanish women are retracted to a greater extent than foreigner women.

TABLE 18. ANNUAL AVERAGE CONTRACT TO FOREIGNERS IN MALAGA, 2006-2011

Source: Employment Service of Andalusia. Compiled by author.

60

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

61

06

BOLOGNA, LIEGE, MALAGA AND PARIS: FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF GROUPS AT RISK OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION The comparisons between Bologna, Liege, Malaga and Paris, five cities in member countries of the European Union, lead towards one general conclusion: there are big differences between them, in size of population, in income per capita, in the rate of economic activity and in the rate of unemployment.

The rate of economic activity in Malaga,

59.19, is higher than the average in Andalusia (58.72) and lower than the average in Spain (60.11). The rates in Bologna, Liege, Lisbon and Paris exceed 65%. The rate in Malaga is less by six percentage points than the lower of the other four. The unemployment rate in Bologna is 5.7%; in Paris 8.9%; in Liege, 11.5%; in Malaga, 30.28%.

TABLE 20. COMPOSITION BY AGE, PERCENTAGES IN 2010

Source: Eurostat Home. Compiled by author.

Liege lost population between the years 1990 (196,825) and 2004 (185,574), but since 2005 (185.574) hasta 2010 (192.504) it has recovered slowly. In Paris the suburbanisation process began earlier, the

TABLE 19.

municipality lost population between the years 1968 (2,590,771) and 1999 (2,125,851), principally due to negative rates of migration (more leaving than arriving). Its average annual variations were as follows.

TABLE 21. PARIS, PERCENTAGE VARIATIONS OF THE POPULATION IN THE YEARS 1969-2008 Sources : INE (Espagne), ISTAT (Italie), INS (Belgique), INSEE (France). Élaboration propre.

The age structure does not justify the differences in economic activity rate, mostly due to a work culture that people from Malaga and Andalusia more with Spanish people than other Europeans. The difference with Europe lies especially in a female economic activity rate, lowest among

those aged between 16 and19 years and among those over 55. Among the younger Spanish women it is probably dues to more dedication to academic studies and among the older generation due to the undertaking of traditional domestic roles.

Source : INSEE

62

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

The highest rate of economic activity and the lowest rate of unemployment occur among the most aged population and among that which has the lowest potentially active population, in Bologna. The difference in economic activity reflects an attitude towards work, a different work culture to those from Malaga. The productive activity for the market means something different to all of us, which will result in the cause and/or effect of some of our work behaviours, such as the lowest geographic mobility and the presence of other vital objectives

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

and defining factors of social identity.

The lowest rate of unemployment is always where the lowest rate of economic activity is.

Source: INE. Compiled by author.

GRAPH 16. RATE OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY IN ANDALUSIA AMONG MEN BY AGE GROUP

The rate of economic activity in Andalusia has shown behaviour throughout the crisis that illustrates different responses from different age groups and, presumably, the different effect that the crisis has on one age or another. In summary of the evolution of this rate looking at three different years, 2005, 2007 and 2010, the values are as follows.

TABLE 22. RATE OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY IN ANDALUSIA BY AGE GROUP AND SEX

-

63

GRAPH 17. RATE OF ECONOMIC ACTIVITY IN ANDALUSIA AMONG WOMEN BY AGE GROUP

64

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

A difference has been drawn (here only) between men and women. It is observed that between 16 and 19 years of age the labour demand for both sexes is contracted. The rate for men is reduced by 10.03 points and the rate for women by 5.55. Between 20-24 years of age men have their labour demand reduced by 7.94 points, and women have theirs increased by 4.93. If the difficulty in finding work discourages those of this age group to seek it, the difficulties should be less for women. Among the those of 25-54 years of age, the rate of economic activity increases from 89.74 to 90.87 among men and from 59.73 to 73.34 among women, probably due to the fact that among this age group work is a necessity rather than an option and that women increase their dedication to meeting the needs of the family. An increase is also seen among those aged over 55 in both sexes, from 25.71 to 27.54 among men and 9.07 to 12.57 among women. The labour demand among those older than 25 has little to do with circumstance and more to do with necessity.

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

Jahoda (1987) has developed a model known as relative deprivation, which indicates the multiple dimensions/ functions of the work: provides economic income, organises time (everyday life), extends social relations, establishes objectives beyond personal interests (reinforcing social ties) and contributes importantly to defining status and identity. In short, work is the most common mechanism for social cohesion and identity and consequently the lack thereof leads to, in a majority of people (of those who are expected to work) anomy, ideological disorientation, impaired identity and social exclusion.

Unemployment and social exclusion have a complex relationship, because as phenomena that are produced within a social structure they are also related to other elements of this structure, and as consequence, with the same level of unemployment, there may be different levels of social exclusion, for example while inactive a person can still be perfectly integrated. Throughout the last century some data could imply that the evolution of work in our lives leads to a

65

loss of value and functionality. A western man born in 1900, if he lived to 75, worked for more than fifty years, for approximately 2/3 of his life, and retired five years before his death. In the case of a hypothetical grandson of the above man, born in 1950, will live to 80 years of age, will work for 40 years, for approximately half his life, and shall retire fifteen years before his death. The period during which we are active has been reduced thereby benefiting the time that we are inactive, but the importance of working for our sociality and our identity has not been reduced. If what happened over the last one hundred years allowed as to suggest what might happen in the future, the prognosis would be that the years in which we are active would be less and those in which we are inactive will be more than in the recent past, but the value of work in our lives will not be devalued by this, rather it will be quite the opposite. In order to illustrate this, to the above calculation of the active life of two western men may be added the fact that western women born in 1900 did not work outside the home for the most part, as those who were born in

1950 did and as those who are born thereafter will. The increase in world employment between 1999 and 2009 was 468.3 million employees, 305.9 million in the services industry, 133.2 in industry and 29.2 million in agriculture (ILO, 2011:74).

But the continued increase in life expectancy over the last hundred and fifty years (at 2.5 years per decade) causes dysfunctions due to a concentration of active life between 25 and 65 years of age, reducing the active life period to half a lifetime. James Vaupel (Max Planck Institute for Demographic Research) has proposed that we work less over a longer period of time. He argues that if both members of a couple work twenty-five hours a week each, they would receive a combined income of fifty hours a week between them. But as reasonable a suggestion as it is, it faces some objections. One is that public work of middle class men born in 1900 would sustain a whole family, including spouse, children and other members, but only a minority of professionals and executives are able to do that on their salaries these days. The two average salaries of the

66

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

two part-time workers would not be enough to sustain a family with three or four members with the current levels of consumption, with one or two of them being dependent. The other suggestion is that the number

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

singles also increases, with some countries having a majority of older people living alone, making it difficult to generalise about the family solidarity suggested by James Vaupel. The data from Paris are illustrative of this.

67

TABLE 23. MORPHOLOGICAL MAKEUP OF HOMES IN PARIS IN 2008

GRAPH 18. EVOLUTION OF THE SIZE OF THE HOME IN PARIS (1968 – 2008) Source: INSEE. Compiled by author.

The nuclear family comprising the couple and the children make up 56% of the population. Those living in families comprise 2/3 of the population of Paris and those who live alone comprise 27.3% of the population. In Liege the percentage of singles reaches 28.48% and 7/10 of the population live together in family homes (CTI, Ville de Liège). The difficulties of young people form Liege in terms of occupation seem, as with those from Malaga, to have a facet which is independent of the current crisis. In fact between 1997 and 2007 the active population in DR Liége (the territory that would be the equivalent to a Spanish province) increase by 5.3%,

while the municipality maintained its activity figures thanks to a slight recovery in the last two-year period.

In the first of these two years, the OECD reported that the rate of unemployment2 of young men of 18 years of age, which in Belgium was 70.5% (position 1), in France 34.2% (position 7), in Italy 43.4% (position 5) and in Spain 51.2% (position 3). Immediately this rate gives us a measurement of The rate of unemployment is defined as the relationship by quotient between the total of those unemployed (U) and those who do not work, do not study and who are not on the dole (N), and the former plus those who are employed (E), U+N/U+N+E. 2

68

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

the population of the corresponding group that does not work as much because it does not seek work as much since it cannot find employment so readily. The relationship with the propensity to study is evident, the more young people wishing to train, the higher the percentage. But it is significant that this greater propensity sometimes operates more like a formula to delay entry into the labour market than as a formative desire.

One further objection to the proposal of James Vaupel and in consideration of the increase in the rate of economic activity as a master solution to social integration would be the difficulty in sharing out some jobs, or mores specifically those jobs which most create wealth. However that is done, the division of labour would necessarily involve a strengthening of the distribution of wealth, from the most productive and less divisible activities to the less productive and more divisible activities, without which the former would be impossible. Obviously the more productive activities that there are and the more productive they are, the easier it

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

will be to share. If wealth is not created, sharing work is sharing poverty.

Among young people, France, a country with more industrial and research tradition, has an unemployment rate which is less than that of Belgium, Spain and Italy (as well as less than the United States). If we extend the group under observation to young people aged between 18 and 24, the results question the usefulness of extending formal training where unemployment is high: in the United Stated the unemployment rate for 18 to 24 year olds in 1998 was 14.6%, in Spain 44.7%, a percentage closer to that of the Dutch Antilles (47%). On the other hand, Belgium, despite having a relatively small area, is the country in the EU with by far the most regional variation of unemployment: its rate of dispersion is 52.5 (higher than the overall dispersion of the European Union, at 50.8, with France at 31.9, Italy at 41.3 and Spain at 26.5).

If the legally the work is voluntary, then socially it is a necessity. With modernity, the voluntariness of the

69

work makes the worker responsible for his or her own luck, developing social integration mechanisms that are different from forced ties (public services for example, and sufficient economic reward) while others are maintained (family solidarity in particular). Therefore while the work is done voluntarily it is made more necessary (its functions are increased and are strengthened). Links to the head of the family, the husband or the father, may have been independent of productive activity and were always obligatory; the current work is voluntary, but without it the social ties are difficult and anomy and social exclusion are more likely.

Now the rooted mechanisms that combat social exclusion oblige public powers, and especially have implications on the family. 1/5 of the Spanish population can be objectively poor (those whose income is less than ½ of income per capita), but their social resources and ties afford them social participation and they avoid exclusion (older women and those who are not in a couple could be good examples

of this: they are objectively poor but their family relations and public services, which include leisure, strengthen those roots). The unemployed person who has other family members who are working may count on their integral support and thus avoid social exclusion (such as young people who extend their studies due to lack of employment opportunities with the help of their parents), but the long-term unemployed with economic responsibilities who cannot meet their obligations or young people who yearn for an independent life and who cannot develop as a result of being unemployed, in short, those who need work in order to develop their life plans and who do not have it, feel excluded and that is how they are perceived.

As a consequence the extent of social exclusion may be higher among categories of less risk (someone who is long-term unemployed and of middle age and who has family responsibilities for example), although it is less frequent among this group.

If those studied are preferred categories it is not because their social

70

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

exclusion is more serious, rather it is because today it is more likely within the European Union as a whole (and not in its respective regions), due to the importance of work and its rewards and the consequential effect caused by the lack thereof. Hence poverty and social exclusion do not necessarily coincide, the unemployed population are found to be more exposed to social exclusion, but the higher levels of poverty in Spain are not found among the unemployed rather among the younger and older extremes of society, both categories economically inactive and by definition cannot be unemployed. In fact, Eurostat differentiates between the risk of poverty and the risk of social exclusion, with the latter affecting those who are in a situation or risk of poverty/or who live in homes which have a very low rate of labour and/or are in a situation of server material deprivation (Income, social inclusion and living conditions, 2009), recognising explicitly (and/or) that none of the social deficiencies highlighted above is a necessary condition, although any one of them could be enough.

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

On the same day that the Spanish Employment Strategy 2012-2014 was Published (28 October 2011) the data from the latest Active Population Survey in Spain were published (EPA): unemployment has increased during the third quarter of the year, putting the unemployed population at almost five million people and the number of homes in which none of its occupants worked was 1.4 million (more than a quarter of a million people).

Recipients of unemployment benefit decrease, more than one million unemployed were not receiving any benefit at the end of 2010, 13.5% more than the previous year. This reduction is not to do with tighter restrictions for receiving benefit; rather it is to do with stagnation of the labour market, by not producing a high enough number of people registered for work, unemployed workers do not have enough time to find a new position before the time period in which they can claim support runs out. In Liege (23/03/2011), Susana Catalán asked her colleague how long they were entitled to claim income support for unemployment, and Marysse Ser-

71

vais responded: “Your entire life”. The unemployment figures in Andalusia and Malaga are very different from other European figures, as are the circumstances. Since the rates, the cau-

ses and consequences of unemployment are all different, the protocol for avoiding one situation or another should be different according to the case in hand.

TABLE 24. PERCENTAGE OF YOUTH AND ADULT UNEMPLOYMENT BY REGION

Source: Eurostat. Compiled by author.

The above percentages justify the words on unemployment in Liege: “There are devices designed for people who have difficulties: young people and the over 45’s. Young people have the problem of not being well qualified and the over 45’s have the problem that when they lose their job they are faced with the fact that their skills are not up-to-date. In general, people bet-

ween 25 and 45 years old work, and when they lose that work they find another job with ease” (Marysse Servais, Liege, 23/03/2011).

The data from Paris also justify particular attention by young people, whose unemployment rate by age group in 2008 is set out in the following graph.

72

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

GRAPH 19. RATE OF UNEMPLOYMENT BY AGE GROUP IN PARIS IN 2008

73

GRAPH 20.

Source: INSEE, RP2008 exploitation principale.

In 2011, in the municipality of Malaga, young people between 16 and 29 did not reach 1/5 of the population and made up 22.69% of the unemployed; those between 30 and 44 (1/4 of the population), 39.19%; over 45’s (1/4 of the population), 38.12% (Argos Observatory: average of 2011). Two of these age categories, young people and older people are especially affected by unemployment in the European Union, but the 30-44 group are not in better circumstances than others in the city and province of Malaga. The differences in

Europe would be greater if instead of grouping young people into a category of 16-29 year olds, the groups were 16-24, 25-44 and over 45’s, since the percentage of unemployment in these groups within the province of Malaga was, in January 2011 as follows: 16-24 year olds, 10.16%; 25-44 year olds, 54.74%; over 45’s, 35.10%. The growth in unemployment of the 25-44 year olds, which started from a higher level of unemployment in 2007, was higher than that of the two other age groups.

The figures do not indicate greater severity of unemployment for those ages that are considered to be more vulnerable, nor do they for absolute or relative TABLE 25.

Source: Argos Observatory. Compiled by author

values. The percentage of unemployment with respect to the population as a whole by age group was the following for the city of Malaga in 2011.

74

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

GRAPH 21. REGISTERED UNEMPLOYED IN THE CITY OF MALAGA FROM 2008 TO 2011 BY AGE GROUP

75

GRAPH 22. UNEMPLOYED IN THE PROVINCE OF MALAGA (WITHOUT THE CITY) FROM 2008 TO 2011 BY AGE GROUP

76

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

However they are presented the data from the municipality and the data from the province do not show a greater severity of unemployment in some groups than others. As many of them do not have family responsibilities, the young people can be considered the least vulnerable to social exclusion. But their situation frustrates their natural desire for independence.

Among the older people, who have responsibilities and who in many cases may be running out of time to pay their contributions which afford them the right to claim a state pension, after having worked for many years this situation could be extremely serious. In short, the problem

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

affects all ages with no special difference in terms of the amount. However, finding differences among the groups, helps, as far as work integration policies and employment promotion can, different levels of employability, which according to the demand are manifestly improvable depending on the recruitment proposal, within certain margins of defined activity.

77

TABLE 26. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION BY AGE GROUP OF UNEMPLOYED IN MALAGA

The following table shows and compares local and provincial unemployment in 2008. The right-hand column shows the percentage of unemployment between the city (Mc) and the rest of the province (Rp).

Source: Argos. Compiled by author.

78

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

79

GRAPH 23. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION BY AGE GROUP OF THE UNEMPLOYED OF MALAGA , 2008 (ANNUAL AVERAGE)

GRAPH 25. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION BY AGE GROUP OF THE UNEMPLOYED OF MALAGA , 2010 (ANNUAL AVERAGE)

GRAPH 24. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION BY AGE GROUP OF THE UNEMPLOYED OF MALAGA , 2009 (ANNUAL AVERAGE)

GRAPH 26. PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION BY AGE GROUP OF THE UNEMPLOYED OF MALAGA , 2011 (ANNUAL AVERAGE)

80

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

Spanish circumstances are exceptional. While it is true that in Spain unemployment is higher among young people and foreigners, it should be emphasised that the risk for which they have been selected is generalised in the current situation and especially in Andalusia and Malaga. The over 45’s are a very objective category but at the same time they are conventional. The over 45’s have their age in common, and the unemployed over 45’s have their age and their employment situation in common, but this latter circumstance is no longer characteristic of the group when they share 1/5 of the national population and 28% of the regional population.

Regardless of the socio-economic basis, which in Spain, Andalusia and Malaga is very weak, the age groups have an objective basis based on legislation. In Spain, Law 35/2010, of Royal Decree-law 10/2010, of 16 of June, out of urgent measures to reform the labour market, the longterm unemployed over 45’s and young people between 16 and 30

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

were identified as being suitable for subsidised employment. The subsidised categories should be defined according to the circumstances to which they serve and not conventionally or by average values of hundreds of millions of people across millions of kilometres. The United Nations considers young people to be those aged between 15 and 24.

However, by convention both definitions are artificial and not particularly functional. In Italy, employment policy distinguishes between young people from the north (14-29) and the south (14-32), due to the different levels of unemployment by region. With regard to older people, the increase in retirement age in Spain, from 65 and 67, an age category that accounts for twenty-two years is excessively broad and attention begins to focus on new sub-categories, of 45 to 54 and over 55. In short these categories are objective, but they are not universal because they depend on the culture and local and regional circumstances such as unemployment and retirement age. It should therefore be local and regional circumstances that

81

define policies and consequently the category. Since it is not the category (the age or nationality) that defines the circumstance (unemployment), it is the circumstance (28% unemployed) which defines the category: unemployed from all categories.

Not even in Andalusia or in Malaga, in a situation of universal risk, does the variable age have the same meaning as it does in the European Union as a whole, where average youth unemployment is double that of the population as a whole. This does not mean that Spain does not have a shared problem with Europe; it means that the Spanish problem is of a different dimension. Certainly, youth unemployment (under 25) in the EU-27 is of concern, since between 2007 and 2010 it has increased from 15.6% to 20.9%, but in Spain it started at 18.2% in 2007 and reached 41.6% in 2010. In the same period, the general unemployment rate in Spain went from 8.3% (annual average of 2007) to 20.1% (annual average of 2010). The youth unemployment rate increased by 2.28 and the gene-

ral unemployment rate increased by 2.42. There is not on problem for young people and another problem for adults, there is one problem for everyone. The decline in unemployment has been greater among the foreign population residing in Spain, whose unemployment has suffered an increase greater than that of the population as a whole, since in the same period it went from 11.4% (annual average of 2007), 3.1 points more than the general rate, to 30.4% (annual average of 2010), 10.3 points more than the general rate.

Unemployment by age category is a specific situation within a common general situation. Between 30 and 45 year olds the margin is fifteen years, among those identified, making sense of the above categorisation, indicating that the problem of unemployment is less, that the people in this category that are not subject to special attention have more resources to access employment and develop productive activity, that the risk of social inclusion among them is less. But, if we speak of five years,

82

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

we are talking about potentially one third of the economically active life, in which the chances of working and not being unemployed are greater. If the problem of unemployment is lower in 1/3 and higher in 2/3 of people’s active life, the problem or the threat of unemployment is greater throughout the active life of the people as a whole. Since working or not working is not a question of being or not being unemployed. Employment in the region is a status that is acquired and which is los ton several occasions through the active lifetime.

In fact, Andalusia is head of all continental European regions with respect to rates of unemployment except with regard to long-term unemployment.

Mass unemployment in Spain is not a problem that especially affects certain ages; it is a problem that especially affects Spanish people. With five million unemployed it cannot be said, using a medical analogy, that there are more sick people than diseases.

Using a more sociological expression, the universalization of risk becomes structural. It is its structural character which generalises risk. The socie-

EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION OF INMIGRANTS

FOUR EUROPEAN CITIES REGARDING THE EMPLOYMENT INTEGRATION

ties of Malaga, Andalusia and Spain have an unemployment problem of a structural nature.

Facing the problem of unemployment by means of breaking down the age groups of the population may be justified in a theoretical or pragmatic sense. Firstly, youth unemployment and unemployment among the older generation is explained by different causes. Secondly, youth unemployment and unemployment among the older generation is combated using different means. In medicine both are combined when talking about population with a high risk of infection and the vaccination is especially advised for both: the virus is the same, but the incident is different according to the characteristics of the population. But the experience and the logic make it obligatory to established the differences in both cases, because even though an illness can be combated in an individual, when a social problem is extended to such an extreme, as is the case with unemployment in Andalusia, the therapies applied exclusively to the unemployed offer

83

limited results, because in short these are only part of the problem. It should not be forgotten that it is the structural position which universalises risk and cuts work experience during the potentially productive life

period, which points to the age and attitude of the unemployed, but also to the companies, entrepreneurs, the administration, banking, the education system and values, to the social structure as a whole.

84

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45麓S AND INMIGRANTS

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

85

07

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS At the end of 2011, the rate of unemployment in the province of Malaga (31.63) was very different to that of Bologna (5.7), Liege (11.5) and Paris (8.9) and the application of good practices carried out in these cities have been correct but insufficient. These practices may be imported but, they are as necessary as water is in addition to instruction and marine engineering for practising water sports, as companies and a productive culture are to the creation of employment.

local structures are necessary. The survey on the economically active population (EPA) reports that 48% of the unemployed in Andalusia spend over a year looking for work. The difficulties in having the necessary financial resources available, the lack of an entrepreneurial culture, low levels of training and the weakness of the support network, add up to a reality that is separate from the employability of the worker: the lack of demand for skilled and unskilled labour.

As reported by Eurostat, in 2011 Andalusia was at the head of continental Europe (EU-27) in total rate of unemployment (28%), female unemployment (29.4%) and youth unemployment (49.9%). In Spain we surpassed the Canaries, Ceuta and Melilla, in the EU-27, in addition to the above, Reuni贸n, Martinica and Guadalupe (French overseas territories).

The GDP of the province grew 32% between 2000 and 2007, but in 2008 this growth went from 1.5%, in 2009 to being reduced by 4.1% (-4.1), making the province of Andalusia the most affected by the crisis, and 0.5% in 2010 (-0.5), coinciding with a bad year for tourism. Malaga is the fifth province in Spain in terms of the creation of corporations, after Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia and Alicante, and the first among the provinces of Andalusia. But the business activity has been negatively affected by the crisis, since the amount of companies has been reduced from 3,681 in 2009 to 3,574 in 2010. In the same year of

The unemployment in Spain, Andalusia and Malaga is a consequence of structural causes that have been exacerbated by the international crisis. In order to prevent and combat it modifications to the national, regional and

2010, in Paris (2.2 million inhabitants) 51,799 new companies were created (INSEE). Even so, with 68.5 companies for each thousand inhabitants, the province exceeded the average for Andalusia (59.6/1000)) and is very close to the Spanish average as a whole (70/1000).

The Business Confederation of Malaga, in its Socio-economic Report 2010-2011, points to two characteristic obstacles of the Spanish economy for the forming of companies: financing and administrative procedures.

The former explains that 52% of companies in Malaga close in their first five years. The administrative difficulties, according to a study carried out by type World Bank which compares 183 economies, Spain is 144th in terms of difficulties in opening a company. The average of the countries in the OECD for forming a company is 5.6 in terms of administrative procedures and 13.8 days, while in Spain the average is 10 procedures and 47 days.

The information made available and training with regard to services should be improved, because a

high percentage of the unemployed ignore job offers and the information regarding same and because these unemployed people have a low or very low skill set. The employment programmes comprise a set of measures aimed at employability of the unemployed: the training-employment programmes, the direct hiring by local governments and non-profit organisation, the promotion of selfemployment, employment integration of people with disabilities or career guidance, the latter especially driven

by Law 35/2010, that extends to 2012 the hiring of 1,500 careers advisers for the network of employment offices (a resource approved by the Council of Ministers on 18 of April 2008 and extended for one year until 2011), to which, from December 2010, 1,500 new careers advisers will be sent.

Together with the modifiable conditions that improve the employability of the individual, in general all those that can be taught, there are other elements that are learnt late, because they are linked to the life cycle of the individual: being too young or too old for the position, having or not

86

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

having family responsibilities, the cost of acquiring new knowledge and skills form a certain age, addressing shortcomings in training or the shortcomings in the civic responsibility of a generation, etc. The effect of training in all of these circumstances is difficult, because in short these are part of a process of signing up the individual to a socialisation process that is broader that simple employment integration. But it is not only the process of socialisation. If we define employability as a set of abilities and aptitudes which are positively applied to an activity of production and in order to adapt to the changes that are currently demanded in order to achieve growth in production, the obvious fact should not be forgotten that both attitudes and aptitudes are linked to the life moment of the individual, who as well as being a business person, professional, worker, student, etc. they are biological entities first and foremost, and in the same way that one cannot expect a sixty-yearold women to become pregnant (aptitude) or look after her children until they reach twenty-five attitude?), it cannot be expected that workers have

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

a never-ending capacity to adaptation. The capacity of the worker also has its limits. As stated by the economic theory of human capital: the more extensive the expected income stream is (from work), the more likely it is that the value invested (in training) will be positive, the older the worker is, the less attractive it is for him to invest in traditional training.

In other words the attitude towards work depends on the age for socioeconomic and natural reasons.

The difficulties in improving employability are greater than previously suggested due to the fact that sociological phenomena and concepts are relational and the likelihood of being employed does not only derive from the quality of the worker but also from the employees, their interests, their prejudices and other elements of the structure of production. The logic of corporate profitability may offer an answer to the preference of hiring men (who rarely request paternity leave) or women (who are more docile and not so well paid), which already prevents employability or the potential capacity to be employed as quality acquired by

87

the worker in their training process, but it is not the economic logic but prejudices that exclude certain categories, such as certain nationalities and ethnicities. The worker may be asked to adapt to new requirements in order to be more employable or more productive, but not to change sex, colour, nationality or belief.

The scope in which to improve the employability of the unemployed is broad as are their limits, as shown by some data. According to the provisional data of the Public Employment Service, during 2010 there were 240,589 jobseekers that received training within the framework of Active Employment Policies procedures (less than in 2009), 49% women. Of the total (rounding it up), 62% were between 25 and 45, 20%, younger than 25, and 18% over 45. Among the latter there is a different attitude towards training, regardless of whether there is an aptitude relating to the above or not. The scope for improving employability is very broad if it is considered that 51% of people that receive training have a low or very low qualification level. By age group, those older than 45 are the

one who have the greatest difficulties when it comes to employment integration, with a rate of 45.7%, they follow the under 25’s, with a rate of 60% (Economic and Social Council: 2011).

Apply the same training to different people makes them unevenly employable. Hence the personalised attention and monitoring adapted to the needs of the individual offer better results of employment integration than any other programme. The better results gained from this training are not only with respect to the age of the trained people as we have seen previously, rather, even more evidently, they are better in relation to their prior training level, so among people with no prior formal academic education the integration rate is less than in any other category studied (43.91% in 2009 and 49.24% in 2010, according to the Economic and Social Council). As a consequence, improving the employability of people is producing improved results when specific or supplementary knowledge is added to previously acquired knowledge and worse when added to previously low or very low cognitive levels, which

88

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

implies a basic skills deficit. Improving basic skills is a prerequisite for effective job-specific training.

The Active Employment Policies should be designed according to the local and regional circumstances in order for them to be effective. In Italy the ages of the youth category vary between the north and the south, depending on the different levels of employment in the regions. The results of a policy can be evaluated by a central, national or supranational authority, but the design should be of a regional and local nature, because unemployment and exclusion have different causes and forms in different areas. In Belgium, Sylvana Flagothier informed the delegation of Malaga that the services are regionalised and that local government undertakes a very limited role, but added that the federal body analyses the situation on a city by city basis. Spain and Belgium are not alike in surface area, population, unemployment rate or labour culture.

Joaquín Artacho (Head of the Training and Employment Department of the Municipal Institute for Training and

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

Employment) at the meeting in Liege presented one of the differences: “The city government is where people usually turn to when they have a demand of any kind”. Together with the principles that inspire the localisation of the management: “The European Union establishes in all of its employment policies that although there are certain powers at national and regional level, the implementation of actions is always done at regional level. The governments of cities understand that they have to create some structures to help their citizens with regard to training and employment, for which local governments use their own funds for both independent initiatives and when acting in collaboration with regional and nation governments, European institutions and local private companies” (Liege, 23/03/2011).

In the Metropolitan Area of Paris, the General Confederation of Employers of Small to Medium Sized Enterprises participates by means of an “apprenticeship contract” and in collaboration with the local government of Paris in a project that seeks to create employ-

89

ment (young people and over 45’s) in the management of small to medium sized enterprises that are at risk of going under (due to economic difficulties or the retirement of the owner).

This is carried out within the territory of the district.

In Italy, the powers deriving from the Ministry of Labour were transferred to the province in 2000. The national regulations allow for a margin of regional action which in Emilia Romagna, the region of Bologna, is directed at jobseekers and companies. As María Lena Bigoni, the Head of the Centre for Employment in Bologna (CIP), explains, the successes of its mediating management are in the region of 15-20% of users inserted exclusively in to the private sector. In 20l0, the Centre for Employment in Bologna, which has a team of 150 workers, carried out 2010 initiatives with people and 26,374 document processes.

The total spending on employment policies in Spain in 2010 was 38,370.6 million Euros (3.6% of GDP), of which 30,649.6 million was for unemployment benefit, 79.88%. These bene-

fits have doubled since 2007 (15,099 millions), from 1.4 to 2.9 per cent of GDP. Spanish spending on Active Employment Policies is 20.12% of its total spending on employment policies, while the average of the EU-27 is 40.2% and Sweden different with 67.5%. If spending on unemployment policies is measured by unemployment rate points, the ratios in Spain (0.223) and Sweden (0.222) are practically the same. Spending on employment policy in Spain is relatively high, but understandably directed to prevent social collapse rather than improving economic buoyancy. The importance of employment policies is evident when there is less capacity to meet them due to rising unemployment3.

PDespite current difficulties, or perhaps induced by them, in February 2011 the Government of Spain and the trade unions and employers’ representatives signed an Agreement for Social and Economic Growth, Employment and Guaranteed Pensions (ASE) in the framework of which were approved two Royal Decree-laws relating to active policies and other measures to stimulate jobs, texts that once published business organizations have expressed their differences about.

3

90

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

What is being combated, unemployment or social exclusion? According to this, the means with which to combat or prevent the phenomenon will be different. If the action is taken to reduce or prevent unemployment, the beneficiaries of the policies must be those who are seeing work along with the necessary collaborators, the economic agents; if the action is taken to reduce or prevent social exclusion, the beneficiaries may be the family units and the collaboration may be extended to society as a whole. In order to avoid or reduce mass unemployment, jobs have to be created; in order to avoid social exclusion, a minimum income has to be guaranteed for those who do not have their own means. The Spanish society is one of the societies in the European Union in which the family undertakes the most functions: where the children take the longest to acquire their independence, where almost three quarters of the population live in family homes and where the average household size is three people. Whether cause or effect, these conditions make it easier for families to undertake support roles

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

that help to avoid the social exclusion of the unemployed, the youth and the older generations. In Paris, 27.32% of the population lives alone, 66.5% in homes of two or more people. In Liege, singles (isolés) make up 53.95% of the population, 24.4% live in homes of two people, while homes of three or more people total 21.65%.

The average size of the home in Lisbon is 2.6 people, 1.9 in Paris and Liege, and 1.86 in Bologna.

The family and the home are key to understanding the different levels of social exclusion resulting from the same level of unemployment.

For example, if we say about Spain and Belgium that in each there are 1,500,000 homes in which none of its members work, it would mean that there are 1,500,000 more such people in Spain then in Belgium. But if instead of multiplying homes by people, we divide people by homes, instead of observing an increased phenomenon we would see a reduction, since a million and a half people represent 50% more Belgium homes than Spanish homes. Moreover, the same number of unemployed, Bel-

91

gian and Spanish, would correspond to a different level of social exclusion.

Therefore it will pan out according to the structural element in question. The age and nationality, observe herein, are two of several possibilities. The family acts as a mattress for the unemployed in Spain, thanks to its roots and its size, since when the number of its members increases, so also do the chances of work. This mattress is not enough to support the current pressures of unemployment.

Measures such as those taken in Bologna and Paris to support companies are examples. The support of companies has yielded good results.

During the years prior to the crisis, several SMEs were formed and have grown thanks to the demands of public administration, but now falling behind with payments has placed many of these companies in danger of going under. The Spanish Association of Unpaid Construction Workers (Aepic) and the National Federation of Self-employed Workers (ATA) have indicated that local governments owe small to medium-sized enterprises more than 34,000 million Euros for

services provided. On 1 January 2009 the debt outstanding of local governments to SMEs reached 26,128 million Euros and was increasing.

On average the Spanish authorities pay within 158 days, compared with an average of 67 days in Europe. Of the 34,000 million Euros that public administrations owed at the end of 2010, 35% corresponds to selfemployed workers and businesses, that equates to 12,000 million Euros.

This delay in payment, together with private debt, affects 64% of selfemployed workers and could mean that 100,000 of them have to cease trading in 2011 (National Federation of Self-employed Workers, ATA).

The debate about being over-qualified is distorted by the explicit perspective of the use if the expression “over qualification”. The training is only excessive in relation to the task in hand and it is obvious that to work as a waiter, street cleaner or labourer, almost any type of qualification would mean “over qualification”. It is no wonder that in a country, a region and a province, where hospitality and construction contribute so much to

92

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

GDP, its notable population of university graduates is an unnecessary expense to cover employment posts.

Another mistake made is the claim that the more training of workers is the solution to mass unemployment, pointing to the amount of positions that are not covered (always few) and qualifications that carry with them easier work placement as the solution. By reduction to the absurd: There are no priests in unemployment, but unemployment will not be reduced by multiplying the amount of ordained priests exponentially. Between September 2008 and September 2011 78,400 employment positions were lost in the province, losses that were not caused by low levels of training or that could be solved by better training of the unemployed. It is the productive fabric which is disintegrating, and therefore, it is that fabric which needs to be addressed. It is the training system that is inappropriate, and therefore, it is this system that needs to be addressed.

The dual training systems (cooperation between the education system and the production system for work

CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS

training) have obtained very good results, where applied, such as in Germany and Austria, two countries in which youth unemployment is low.

Youth employment integration has strong links between work and education. It would be difficult to recruit without a system like the German one which involves early selection, from the age of 15, for future work. This is only possible thanks to a strong and extensive production fabric and a general attitude that accepts working for little reward in the short term but a better one in the future, an attitude that is rarely found in Andalusia. But however it is applied, the idea of being trained both on the job and academically has meant that in Spain there are good doctors, could lead to there being good specialised workers, and above all could lead to a new working and training culture.

Holland and Austria, with the “home made” feel to its products and an international notoriety which is less than that of Germany, have eight regions each with an unemployment rate lower than 4.8 (Austria, with a total of nine regions). The relations-

93

hip between education and work is key in in these results. Two generations before, young Spanish people who were not able to (the majority) or who did not want to study (the minority) were easily accommodated in to the labour market from an early age.

Work among the young, although it is

not very well rewarded economically and taken up due to material need, helped to train people as workers, as citizens and as people. A dual system such as the Austrian one assumes an update to this formula which we can study and apply.

94

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

08

BIBLIOGRAPHY Castel, Robert (2001) La metamorfosis de la cuestión social. Buenos Aires: Paidós.

Confédération des Entrepreneurs de Malaga (2011) Informe socioeconómico de la provincia de Málaga y propuestas empresariales ante la crisis 2010-2011. Málaga: CEM. Gorz, Andre (1997) Metamorfosis del trabajo. Madrid: Editorial Sistema.

Izquierdo Escribano, Antonio (2009) El modelo de inmigración y los riesgos de exclusión. Madrid: Foessa Foundation.

Izquierdo Ruz, Tomás (2008) El desempleo en los mayores de 45 años.

Jaén: Provincial Council Jaén.

Jahoda, Marie (1987) Empleo y desempleo: un análisis socio-psicológico.

Madrid: Morata.

Martín Navarro, J.L. (1995) Paro y búsqueda de empleo. Seville: University of Seville.

OCDE (2007) Empleo juvenil. España.

Ministry of Work and Social Affairs.

O´Higgins, Niall (2001) Desempleo juvenil y política de empleo. Madrid: Ministry of Work and Social Affairs.

Pino Artacho, J. del y Bericat Alastuey, E. (2002) La juventud de Málaga 2000. Un estudio sociológico. Madrid: SM Ediciones.

Triandafyllidou, Anna y Gropas, Ruby (eds.) (2007) European Immigration.

Cornwall: Ashgate.

Turno Fernández, Antonio (vv.aa.)

Análisis de la contratación en Málaga.

Málaga: Technical Work Commissions Department.

95

96

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

97

98

REPORT ON UNEMPLOYMENT ACCORDING TO THREE GROUPS, YOUTH, OVER 45´S AND INMIGRANTS

PROJECT CO-FINANCED BY THE EUROPEAN SOCIAL FUND AND THE EMPLOYMENT SERVICE OF ANDALUSIA, PART OF THE EMPLOYMENT COUNCIL OF THE GOVERNMENT OF ANDALUSIA

PROMOTES:

CO-FINANCE: