Issues
According to President Ursula von der Leyen's political guidelines, A Union that strives for more, thework of the EU during her term of office will be characterized by six principles:
-A European Green Deal
-An Economy that works for people
-A Europe fit for the digital age
-Protecting the European way of life
-A stronger Europe in the world
-A New push for European democracy
The guidelines state: "We will adapt and update as challenges and opportunities inevitably emerge, but we will always stick to the principles and the aspirations outlined in these guidelines.” UVL thus faces complexity honestly, with tolerance, and by developing principles to deal with it. She is a good leader, but at the same time, there is a need to reflect on what Strategies the EU should pursue in the next legislature in the light of the challenges and opportunities facing the EU to have a clearer understanding of what is required for the success of the European integration project. For me, the case is simple: the EU needs to tighten and sharpen its strategies in the next transformational phase of the European integration project.And good design is about how the EU can move forward and how the EU's interests can be advanced. The same ambition and determination displayed during the Ukraine war is necessary, which has concentrated minds and presents an opportunity to consolidate the European integration project. My approach is compatible with Hugh Blane's The Seven Principles of Transformational Leadership: Create a Mind-Set of Passion, Innovation, and Growth. The EU Commission should assume the role of European executive rather than being a hybrid organization. The evolution of the European integration project will lead to organizational adjustments so that strategies and corporate design match each other to achieve organizational goals.
My key issues:
1.EU Strategy towards reform of the UN Security Council
2.Vision Group on the crucial second and third phases of the EU Defence Policy
3.Annual External Economic Report of the European Commission with EU and Member State Competitiveness project portfolio
4.Multi-Bilateral Policy Review ofthe EU’s Strategic Partnerships
5.European Media and Film Strategy
6.The creation of an EU Centre of Excellence in Metropolitan Governance
7.Gov. eu program
1.EU Strategy towards UN Security Council reform
The EU’s policy objective is to reform the UN SecurityCouncil to create one seat for the EU in the UNSC. It has identified a mechanism to achieve success through a dialogue with its strategic partners. The European Commission communicated this in 2019 (link: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_21_622).
But the EU needs a strategy to realize its stated policy objective based on a reflection on how the EU-UN Partnership can move forward and how the EU can pursue its interests. Therefore, I propose a three-pronged strategy comprising.
-A European approach including climate diplomacy, further IMF reform, energy governance, and state-market and cost-benefit analysis of the UN Human Development goals (Copenhagen Consensus).
Incorporation of Germany's UNSC initiative ( Link: www.auswaertigesamt.de/en/aussenpolitik/internationale-organisationen/vereintenationen/reformsr/231604) -Further development of Nathalie Tocci's UNSC policy has informed the EU's official line as contained in the EU Global Strategy, which is built around environmental diplomacy and leveraging the EU and Member States' contributions to the UN budget.
This involves a weighing up of what values are essential in the UN and, at the same time, relates to the facts in Europe and a reflection on the obstacles to reform of the UN Security Council. In the energy field, I identify a blueprint for back-to-back state-market action so that the EU can better engage in the tug-of-war between producers and consumers of energy more effectively. The relationship between the IMF and the EU has changed in the monetary field. In the area of development, economic theory must be used to analyze allocations so that money maximizes the welfare of as many citizens as possible. There are thus several layers to how the EU can strategize towards reform of the UN Security Council with a seat for the EU, Brazil, and India—evolution, Incorporation, and Recollection. I have written an article on the subject, which you can read more about here (embed pdf. file JMPP paper EU strategy on reformof UNSC). From this can be derived the seeds for formulating scenarios for the evolution of the international monetary system: $-hegemony, €-$-dominance, €-$-Ytripolarity, a multipolar "managed float.” The aim is to create a renewed and updated excellent power governance. This seems to be the transatlantic consensus in a world that is increasingly interdependent and, at the same time regionally differentiable -in a spirit of unity in duality, duality in unity.
2.Vision Group for the second and third phases of Europe Defence
As you may be aware, the origins of EU defense policy are seen as a Franco-German compromise or great power bargain. Germany would gain influence over French defense policy in return for German acceptance of Turkish membership in the EU. The development of defense policy is enshrined in Article 42 of the Treaty, which lists three stages: (1) common security and defense policy, (2) EU defense policy (3) common defense. All three stages of development
must be compatible with the obligations of NATO members under the Washington Treaty, while Member States provide EU soldiers to the EU. The Strategic Compass covers the first stage, the Common Security and Defence Policy (link: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/03/21/a-strategic-copass-for-astronger-eu-security-and-defence-in-the-next-decade/).
There are three problems with the Strategic Compass: First, military strategy is about linking and balancing objectives, courses of action, and resources, i.e., the means must be sufficient to realize politically determined dreams through the intended methods of action. The Compass is uncertain whether it has the standards and the deployment of the deploy-.ment capability, and other forces are done without a secure perspective on the organization of an operational headquarters to manage the EU's military and civilian missions. Military power can be defined as the ability to exercise specific combat missions in a given situation. The deployment capability must be logistically integrated and backed up by drones and aircraft to be deployable and able to exercise control over government centers, control maritime lines of communication and operate and project power from the air and space. As this is not the case in the first phase, the EU's security and defense policy is reduced to missions in Europe and its surroundings at the lower end of the spectrum. The EU must make active and agile use of military force, while the territorial defense of Europe is delegated to NATO, but this is not what the operational scenarios envisage. They are geared toward getting Member States to deliver on investments in a few strategic enablers. My policy is that the EU must be able to intervene in areas like Transnistria and Gaza. I, therefore, expect the EU's military institutions to plan, allocate and deploy military assets to fulfill this policy.
Second, the regional security environment has worsened while competition intensifies globally. Europe needs to recognize the consequences. The EU needs hard power to assert itself in Europe and the world's hot spots. However, the strategic compass does not link threat analysis with military strategy and war operational principles. A serious military actor can increase its military power with a principled approach to using armed force as an instrument of statecraft. These operational principles are (1) Objective Defining the objective and ensuring that every military action contributes to its realization (2) Manoeuvre gaining a positional advantage (3) Surprise unexpectedly attacking one’s opponent (4) Mass concentration of military power to achieve superiority (5) Economy of force ensuring that secondary effects achieve sufficient force only as necessary (6) Offensive seizing the initiative or temporary advantage (7) Security ensuring that one's forces are well protected (8) Simplicity Avoiding complicated plans and forms of communication(9) Unified command the placing of the direction of war under one politico-military authority to avoid conflictinginterests (Echevarria Military strategy). Progress on individual principles must be integrated with performance to harmonize strategy, operations, and governance. Otherwise, the EU's military posture will not be coherent,t and it will not be possible to move from a common security and defense policy to an EU defense policy from phase one to phase two.
Third, in military terms, integrated and community-based approaches are a work in progress. The Strategic Compass is a work program -not a strategy. A strategy is about how an organization will
move forward. Making a strategy is about figuring out how to advance an organization’s interests— and explaining to the public why the organization should pursue its objectives. This requires the integration of the entire foreign and security policy palette and even interweaving diplomatic, economic, military, and domestic policies to realize long-term interests: the unification of Europe, stable borders, and the building of a state-like fiscal-military actor.
EU Defence Policy 2030-2040
As can be seen, a European security and defense policy is primarily a matter for govern-ments. Nevertheless, it would benefit from a more significant role for the EU institutions in stabilizing relations between France and Germany sothat the threat picture matches military capabilities for the EU to fulfill the mandate of the TFEU42 and respond to acute threats outside the Union's territory. How can the EU become more involved in the second phase of the European Defence Policy?
The first idea is to strengthen TFEU222 so that the President of the European Commission can deploy EU soldiers whenever the EU Member States are hit by terrorism and natural disasters in a spirit of leadership, solidarity, and presence. The second idea is forEU pro-grams and foundations to be set up to realize strategic enablers such as refueling, long-range sea and air transport, and surveillance. The third idea is to merge DGs and offices dealing with crisis management, security, and defense under a single defense commissioner. The fourth idea is to make the EU's rapid reaction force (EUFOR CROC) a more permanent and operational force rather than a hypothetical object of study in force catalogs as it is today. The fifth idea is to set up a proper military intelligence DG and a smaller EU Centre for Targetting. This could eventually lead to the Europeanisation of France's nuclear weapons targetting policy in laying the foundations for a European defense policy, thereby forestall-ling attempts by Germany to play to zero in a renegotiation of the European settlement belonging to a bygone era. The sixth idea is the contradiction between integrated and Community-based approaches in the strategic compass and what happens in reality. The Commission must thus incorporate the EU's capabilities in the military domains with the actual deployment capabilities under the European Defence Policy. The seventh idea is to identify why the European Intervention Initiative (EI2) is kept separate from the EU and France’s price for transforming EI2 into an EU and NATO-certified force. The eighth idea is to integrate the EU's three defense funds under one EU budget line or a mix of the prune on the desk and cigar boxes as in the development area. The ninth idea is introducing proper treaty provisions for a standard arms export policy. The tenth idea is to create a joint Franco-German naval corps of 10,000 men to permanently contribute to the European Maritime Force. The eleventh idea is to strengthen the EU Security and Defence College, integrating language training in the EU's ten strategic partners with an enhanced curriculum and strengthening the College's external relations.
In short: institution-building, policy development, political will and a proper military strategy, and a principled approach to the use of armed force as an instrument of statecraft are what the EU needs because nothing in this world can be taken for granted.
COMMON DEFENCE 2040-
Nobody knows what phase three -a common defense -will look like, except that the European Council (EC) is competent to decide unanimously to establish a common defence. A united Nordic Region in a strong Europe could be one of the objectives, e.g., a Nordic procurement of a hangar, a Nordic bark, to which Germany would submit, Russia learns to live, and the UK take note of. Denmark could house an Indigenous People's House on the North Atlantic Docks in CPH, and an EU Centre for Meteorology and Oceanography in a new headquarters with DMI.
There could be joint patrolling of submarinesin EU territorial waters, while an EU Navy could be present in the world's oceans. An EU Land, Sea, and Air Command has been proposed. An actual European army of 1.4 million men is unlikely to be negotiated with the Member States, but all officers and recruits in the Member States should be able to take courses in person and online at the EU's security and defense college. Airspace could be patrolled in peacetime by the EU and in the event of war by the EU and the US. Sea, land, and air exercises with the EU's ten strategic partners could be organized. In time, the EU could be equipped with a nuclear strike force.
The underlying issue is peace in Europe, the interpretative context of EU defense policy is the German question, and the potentially explosive issue of building supranational political leadership in Europe. Therefore, the battle for Europe's military order is also about the EU's political end goal, at the crossroads of French Brio-sans Competenceand German Genie ohne Weissheit. I say these words out of an interest in a better and broader understanding of the origins of the European integration project in war and peace in Europe. It is a question of striking a balance between the "right" and the "good" to recreate a new well. Therefore, let us set up a vision group to make proposals for the crucial second and third phases of European Defence. The European Union is neither a security subcontractor to NATO nor a junior partner to the United States, nor should the United States play on the antagonism between France and Germany as part of a divide-and-rule policy in Europe. Therefore, transatlantic policy capacity in the defense policy area is essential. But it is also important to explain why policy and organizational changes are necessary to achieve strategic success in developing an autonomous military capability. After that, Europe's defense profile must be normalized, Europeanized, and adequately resourced. This is my second key issue.
3.Annual External Economic Review
The European Commission has long been interested in formulating an external economic policy and organized a conference on the subject in 2009 (link: https://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/events/event14709_en.htm). More recently, Germany and the Brueghel think tank has put forward ideas on the same topic (https://www.brughel.org/book/instruments-strategic-foreign-econommic-policy). This is a sure sign that the EU has lost its way. There needs to be more leadership in Europe. It is, therefore, urgent to clarify whether there is a contradiction between the two approaches or whether they can
be harmonized. I favor the formulation of an annual Foreign Economic Report with a project portfolio at the European and Member State levels in the field of competitiveness. This further develops the competition pact, in which the Member States were given a list by the EU institutions from which they could draw inspiration. Competition from Asia is increasing. Asians are full of self-confidence, while Europe is characterized by doubt. Europeans once ruled the world. Today, they are no longer masters of their own houses. For two decades, "we have crawled along the skeleton of the planet, forgetting History and even the obscure migrations of the forgotten age"
(Carpentier The Lost Steps) while the world's suburbs wait to take over from their former colonizers. In addition, there is a policy review of the EU's Competition Policy and the formulation of a Economic Security Strategy. The legal basis for a foreign economic policy statement could also be Article 21(2)(h) of the Treaty, which states that "the Union shall define and imple-ment common policies and shall ensure a high degree of co-operation to promote an interna-tional system based on enhanced multilateral co-operation and good global governance.”
4.Multi-Bilateral Policy Review of EU Strategic Partnerships
The EU has concluded ten strategic partnerships with the USA, Russia, Korea, Japan, China, India, South Africa, Brazil, Mexico, and Canada under the slogan Enlargement, Neighbour-hood, and Partnership. Due to the gradual establishment of partnerships, a common strategy for the EU's Strategic Partnerships has never been formulated, so it has been left to the civil service to adopt a pragmatic and flexible approach. The European Commission prepared so-called Progress Reports on some Partnership countries under Lady Ashton for some time, but this practice was quickly forgotten. Most recently, the EU's management of the Strategic Partenrships and communication with strategic partner countries have been criticized in a book that is part of a series edited by my thesis supervisor Professor Knud-Erik Jørgensen (link: The European Union's Strategic Partnerships: Global Diplomacy in a Contested World (The European Union in International Affairs): Amazon.co.uk: Ferreira-Pereira, Laura C., Smith, Michael: 9783030660604: Books). The EU is not doing it well enough and seems to have become a quitter in global diplomacy. I have written about this in a paper on EU Strategic Partnerships proposing four areas of effort to set the EU’s SP-ship on a right keel in an interdependent and rapidly-changing business world characterized by increasing geoeconomic competition between big players in a daily power practice, which is subtle but not without horizon, hum-ble but not without ambition (Embed Office document EU's Strategic Partnerships paper). At the same time, there is a need for a multilateral framework around the EU Strategic Partnerships, a EU11, and an EU-led international society. This could follow on the heels of revitalizing an international community in the Middle East, the likely heart of a global diplomatic community (Insert PDF paper Diplomacy in Antiquity). There is the Chinese concept of a “new type of power politics” (xin xing dagou guanxi), launched in 2013, which had a defensive aim to prevent an AsiaPacific system directed against China, but which was perceived as a power grab by the US and therefore rejected by Washington upon which rela-tions wentoff the rails. The EU must act as an independent international actor with its ob-jectives and interests and not limit itself to promoting human rights. Historically, there are no permanent winner and losers in international politics. I submit an EU-led international society is a second-best solution implemented with delay to a new type of great power poli-tics, and that EU’s interests are linked to both restoration of EU leadership
in world affairs and to a peaceful transition from unipolarity over non-polarity to multipolarity in the inter-national system. The EU needs to weigh-in to ensure a multipolar world becomes as democratic and peaceful as possible. Thus, there is both unfinished business and responsibilities to assume. I am prepared to lead that effort.
5.European Media and Film Strategy
A European public sphere is needed between civil society and the European political system. Media or the press is a form of democratic awareness: community-building and mutual accommodation between the governing and the governed. Freedom of expression helps to support open societies and produce autonomous, rational, and loyal citizens, according to the philosopher Immanuel Kant. He further refers to the formation of cosmopolitan public contingency as the more effective way to ensure that rights are consistent with human dignity. The Königsbergers believed that the value of political development is derived from what different nations and governments have contributed to the goal of citizenship. The transition from government to governance means that states are no longer central actors. The new institutions are slowly becoming Europeanised as people feel a sense of community and as a function of the expected democratization of European integration. The European Parliament has studied the possibility of a European public sphere in the EP elections. At the same time, the European Commission has adopted an audio-visual directive. It expects the European Media Freedom Directive to be adopted at the end of the mandate to create better transparency and coordination and strengthen ERGA, the national media regulator of the Member States, within a European framework. The EU is now ripe for creating a truly European public sphere, a cosmopolitan one. I am ready to take the next step and the EU one level higher.
I, therefore, propose that a European Film and Media Strategy be adopted with, among other things, the following elements: (1) European Media Directive (2) Restructuring of the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) into an agency of the EU subject to the general guidelines of the European Commission (3) Designation of five European news media installed on EU citizens' TV sets such as Euronews, Arte & F24. (4) Europeanisation of France24's shows (Office file embedded) in combination with the privatization of the ownership structure of France24 and new HQ with a Museum Centre for Languages (5) Strengthening the European streaming industry (6) Tripling the MEDIA Programme (7) Film studio and Media and Film School in Provence (8) Strengthening EU journalism in the newsroom of member state news institutions, included through the use AI to stitch the European public sphere together under EBU’s European perspective-project. I have written a pamphlet on the subject, which is for sale onAmazon, where you can read more ( Embed the link EU's ICT Strategy: - A POLICY BRIEF eBook: ILCUS, Christian: Amazon.co.uk: Books). In it, I propose, among other things, to create and integrate of a European public sphere comprising citizens, social media, media, business, and the EU. Or, to quote Niall Ferguson, those in the Tower must both take responsibility for Europe and heed the social networks that have historically challenged political leaders and often won. The EU is not post-modern but a thoroughly modern and rational political construct that has gradually developed in political, economic, military, emotional, and cultural terms.
6.The creation of an EU Centre of Excellence for Metropolitan Governance
The European Commission deals with good urban governance in various contexts. There is talk of scattered fencing and Italian aesthetics so political leaders can jump from fire to fire. I find this undignified. Cities contribute 2/3 of the world's population, resource consumpition, and CO2 emissions. Many factors that affect the competitiveness of countries and regions -from innovation, education, infrastructure, and public administration -are the responsibility of cities, which could become innovation hubs in Europe. Green transition (link: www.greencities.eu ), New Bauhaus (embed link https://new-european-bauhaus.europa.eu/index_en ), and UN-Habitat policy (link: https://unhabitat.org/wcr/) are all three topics to which the EU has devoted attention. Constant investment and nurturing of cities are necessary for regions and Member States to flourish. The speed and breadth with which cities absorb and apply tekhnology through adaptable policies will determine their ability to compete and attract talent and new citizens (Klaus Schwab The Fourth Industrial Revolution). At the same time, around the world, in Africa, Asia, South America, and the United States, there are often dysfunctional cities with high population growth rates, which means that the urban population could double to five billion by 2050. This presents an opportunity for the EU to serve the world's cities better and more broadly, as "our know-ledge of the different scenarios and possibilities for the future of cities becomes clearer, the course is adjusted, and change is anticipated. In other words, there is an internal as well as an external and multilateral dimension to EU urban policy. What is needed is a well-struc-tured and disciplined approach at the EU level, not a Chinese-style situation with many competing actors. I, therefore, propose the creation of a new EU agency, an EU Centre of Excellence in Metropolitan Governance. This center would bring together the different units and offices of the European Commission dealing with urban governance, which are currently spread across different Directorates-General such as DG Regio, DG Environment etc with a budget allocation of €15 billion between 2014-2020. The Centre will support European cities, including London, Istanbul, and Kyiv, oriented by the European Commission's general policy guidelines and informed by the various urban governance benchmarks (Embed Link: kora-benchmarking-of-koebenhavn.pdf (sm.dk)). The EU must develop its urban policies and partner with and influence the organizations that manage these benchmarks and inte-grate them into augmented and better greased EU policy toward the creation of climate-neutral and smart cities. That challenge is worth more than €300million. I envisage an EU Top Urban100 index and Bottom Urban50 index to be developed and adequately funded in the interest of integrated European approaches to sustainable urban development and deve-lopment of strategy and competition among European cities. I also propose a 10-12 billion budget allocation for a Brussels building program, so that the political capital of Europe also gets the status of a real metropolis: conference and events building, a Media House (IPC), a Museum of Modern European Art, New Opera and Theatre and Houses of EU SP10, so that a happy alchemy can emerge between the different parts of the EU's strategies. For example, William Pedersen could design the House of the USA, Toyo Ito could design the House of Japan, MAD could design the House of China, C P Kukreja could design the House of India, Sergei Tchobano could design the House of Russia, House of Mexico designed by Rojkind Arquitectos, etc. The Africa Museum in Tervuren would be converted from a museum of colonial artifacts into a cosmopolitan cultural, learning, and museum center for the African Union, designed by David Adjaye.
The EU has adopted a Digital Services Act and a Digital Markets Act, which will focus on how citizens interact with the different platforms and the impact of digitalisation on our societies, provided that European and national data protection authorities function correctly. The European Commission, the Council President, President E, European Parliament have adopted a Joint Declaration on Digital Rights and Principles (LINK: https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_22_7683 ), a preliminary culmination of the Commission's Digital Transformation Strategy for Europe. The strategy aims to drive digitalisation forward through digital by default, user-centered platforms, the importance of digital skills being present and adequate resources being allocated. It is essential to achieve this through platform technology, and that digital transformation supports the other strategic focus areas. Denmark is at the forefront of the digitalization of public administration, while other member states are not that advanced. At the same time, Europe’s lag needs to catch up in its industrial muscle in the digital industry, unlike China, Russia, and the United States. These few stars are making money and have concentrated money and power in the hands of a few billionaires. A European initiative is needed to change this sorry state of affairs and help Europe stand up for itself. This requires more than just EU programs picking up the crumbs thrown to Parliament by the European Commission. The capacity to generate European Digital Entrepreneurs is needed so that the intelligence and energy of young people are nurtured and beneficial so that the EU can compete with the US and China.
At the same time, there is a need for better digital governance so that the distance between Brussels and its citizens becomes shorter, more relevant, and more democratic without undermining the sincerity and authenticity of the interaction. Finally, there are significant differences in how EU Member States apply digitisation. The EU must therefore create and develop a gov.eu platform that manages the digital transformation of the EU institutions and strengthens citizens' involvement in the democratic process beyond have your say diller-daller. I will therefore carry out a policy review and ensure the allocation of adequate ressources. I also propose to switch the EU Executive institutions email-addresses from Europa.eu to gov.eu. I will also arrange for the conduct of systematic online surveys of EU citizens and stakeholders will be launched by Eurobarometer with the working title Demoscope so, employ focus groups and enact better stakeholder-management, so that the "political market" is properly understood. This will support policy and strategy development in other areas towards the underpinning of purposeful EU public policies, better involvement of the citizenry, ownership and permanence of public data –notably identity related ones -respect for the private sphere, accessibility of digital services for all throughout EU and ensure public digital literacy. What do you think?
PROJECTS
The slogan of my campaign is: I want to unite Europe and bring peace to the Middle East. I am trained by the best of the best. I am ready to take the baton, command, and lead. That is
why I have three projects, a selection of which you can see below.
Initially, I wrote to von der Leyen and Macron about my European policy vision but received a hesitant and non-committal reply, so I turned to Olof Scholz instead. Suddenly there was a bite, and a possible source for his Grundsatzrede in Prague
(link:https://www.bundesregierung.de/bregen/news/scholz-speech-prague-charles university-2080752 ) is the very letter I wrote to him. Internally, my reflections include Germany's state strategy. This is gratifying. Or rather, the SPD's policy today is both national in its purpose and European in its rationale. For too long, the Eurozone has taken refuge in lies and used the ECB as a shelter. It has lent credibility to irresponsible economic policy. This is a parallel action. First, Professor Benjamin Cohen's four-step rocket for strengthening the international role of the €uro is being implemented (LINK:
https://www.polsci.ucsb.edu/sites/secure.lsit.ucsb.edu.poli.d73/files/sitefiles/people/cohen/recent/Enlargement_Int_role.pdf ). Next, the Convention will make recommendations on the future of Europe. Now is the time to lay solid foundations for Europe's political future so that the European House can stand. Scholz leaves it unclear whether Germany is committed to the fourth phase of Benjamin Cohen's strategy of not relaxing EU budgetary discipline, tying his hands in German domestic politics. And then quantitative easing -buying up government bonds -has lent credibility to irresponsible policies to the extent that fundamental problems in the Eurozone economy have not been addressed. Perhaps the harmonization of Eurozone debt issuance calendars around Italian, French, and German benchmarks will be politically linked to constitutional reforms so thatthe EU can evolve into a full-fledged and coherent fiscal-military actor. This is Germany's price for supporting reducing borrowing costs in the eurozone. Integration and Enlargement. A debt management office in the ECB could thus be established in parallel with a tax collection office in the European Commission. Scholz expresses modest ambitions on behalf of the Parliament but at the same time recognizes the potential for parliamentarisation, delegating this task to his compatriot Manfred Weber of the European People's Party for tactical reasons. I predict then that the European Union will evolve into a decentralized state with limited tax collection at the center over the next decades. Olof Scholz's Prague speech makes things more apparent in this sense. My letter to him is a concrete action following up on the progress made during Juncker's presidency, where he sensed that Germany would eventually get around to harmonizing the euro zone’s debt issuance calendars in the Euro-zone without offering to enlarge the EU, all the while talking about founding a European Army. Scholz’s speech makes it possible to understand better the obstacles to progress in the European integration project and the mechanism through which the EU can move forward. My contribution isto specify how the EU should interact with these conditions to achieve success, considering its environment and global competition. My strategies are about how the different parts of the EU's organizational structure and practices interact to coordinate and control the workflow in the next mandate. I capture, so to speak, the seeds of Franco-German interdependence and derive a strategy from this logic to guide the evolution of the situation in the desired direction, the strategist animating the process by which Europe achieves success.
At the treaty level, it will be an evolution in continuity and a new synthesis in the long history of Europa -not a draft of yet another constitutional treaty. There are four good reasons for this. First, there is probably a 20-13 majority in favor of setting up a Convention as enlargement of the EU to the Western Balkans approaches. Second, there is an established practice that the EU integrates in depth when it enlarges in breadth. Third, France and Germany have strategic, political, and ideological reasons to adopt a pan-European perspective. The two countries want a short-term solution and a long-term solution. Fourth, some, but not all, of the many proposals in the report on the outcome of the Conference on the Future of Europe envisage treaty changes. According to a Danish academic, the political system built up in the EU is characterized by constitutionalization, i.e., "a continuous non-teleological process, driven incrementally by informal and formal, explicit and implicit mechanisms. The treaties have established governmental institutions, defined their competencies, their relationship to each other and rules for decision-making, and interpreted and applied as if they contained the basic constitutional material of a new political community" (Thomas Christiansen Constitutionalising the European Union). In other words, fundamental disagreements need to be resolved before Europe can be politically united.
This should be seen because Denmark-Sweden and 13 other countries,in a declaration on the Conference on Europe (link: https://via.ritzau.dk/pressemeddelses/erklaering-konferencen-om-europas-fremtid?publisherld=2012662&releaseld=13650886 ) have expressed a desire to strengthen the EU's international role and increase its democratic legitimacy so that a zone for a negotiated solution would seem to be within reach. However, the DanishSwedish group is right that democracy and representation are two different concepts that have only been merged in the Anglo-Saxon tradition.It is, therefore, also crucial that the results of the Conference on the Future of Europe (https://futureeu.europa.eu/en/pages/reporting?locale=eu) are followed up by the executive powers in Europe: the European Commission and the governments of the Member States. Citizens' participation in the political process must be taken seriously. Not all democracies are equally representative, so the results of political discussions may not always lead to compromises that are as democratically sustainable. Yes, Europeans want a government that represents all Europeans and has an independent will. That is why transnational lists and a European constituency are being introduced combined with an IGC under the simple method.
In its government platform, the Danish SMV government states that it is prepared to draw up a European policy agreement to take stock of the situation and to assume responsibility for organizing an intergovernmental conference during the Danish EU presidency in 2025. In diplomacy, there are two phases, with the contradiction between roundedness and squareness. As long as nothing has visibly taken shape, and this depends on the interlocutor, itis in roundedness that one directs the course of events; then, once the signs have appeared, it is in square-ness that one manages the situation. "Round" means remaining mobile, open to different possibilities, without getting stuck in positions. "Square" means that once you have settled on a direction, you provide evidence of your determination, and entangled in your work, you can no longer be moved. Roundness is a movement with the current, and squareness is stability with the lower wind. By proceeding with the current, you adapt and, as the situation takes shape, you evolve with diplomacy ( Francois Jullien Traité de
l'efficaté, p 201). It is a recipe for moving forward efficiently and realizing common European interests.
The plan is then to build a stable and lasting European Union. First, the co-member states must deliver on treaty changes. Then the seven principles must be implemented. Then the EU must be able to levy taxes, as has already been experimented with in the Corona recovery plan, to create the conditions for the EU to make increasingly more effective collective use of hard power in its near abroad and eventually at the global level in the service of peace. This will ensure Europe's survival as a civilization, as a political entity, and as a force for the promotion of democracy and human progress, and peace in the world. Now is the time to make the best of the situation and effectively promote the objectives of the founding fathers for Europe.
What is missing, however, is a convincing narrative about the historical, internal, and external reasons for Europe's constitutional struggle: why is a constitutional treaty necessary?
The people of Europe lack an answer to this question. Nor does the EU embody a philosophical founding (LINK:
https://www.amazon.co.uk/dp/B08CRDQCSB?binding=paparback&qid=1674429437&sr=82&ref=dbs_dp_awt_sb_pc_tpbk ) as in the US (link:
https://www.amazon.co.uk/gp/aw/d/0844737003/ref=tmm_pap_swatch_0?ie=UTF8&qid= 1674430759&sr=8-1
This is another missing ingredient. Finally, there needs to be a political leader who embodies a founding act that reflects the European people's questioning of what the foundations of the political community should be and political leaders who have the answers. Wir sind ein Volk, thedemonstrators shouted over 30 years ago. Today we say: We are Europeans! Europe's political maturity must be reflected in its treaties. The European Union doesn’t need permanent treaty changes but a stable political framework. The EU is probably a complex organization with supranational and national actors, where the Member States use themselves until they fall over exhausted and the Asians take over. Or should the Europeans instead build a European polity and take a solid and self-confident leadership role in the world?
The ordinary procedure for amending the Treaties comprises three classic European, international, and national stages. The European phase allows the European Council to decide by simple majority to set up a Convention after consulting the European Parliament and the European Commission. Mr. Michel then convenes a Covenant of representatives of the national parliaments, the Heads of Government, the European Parliament, and the ECB. The Convention, a deliberative body, decides on recommendations for the IGC. The international phase consists of the Intergovernmental Conference, where negotiations occur on the basis of the Convention's recommendations. The national stage concerns ratifying the new treaty inthe Member States. Regarding the agenda of the Convention, I would like to see a joint position between the European institutions and selected Member States.
-Unitary structure, i.e., the merger of TEU and TFEU.
- Extending the scope of majority voting and the co-decision procedure between the Council and Parliament, including in the areas of technology and taxation.
- Integration of the Charter into the Treaty with validity both within EU law and in national law
- Transferring the CFSP to the exclusive competence of the European Commission
- Strengthening the powers of the EU President under TFEU222 so that the EU COM President can deploy EU soldiers whenever the EU is hit by terrorism or natural disasters.
- Provisions for a common arms export policy
- Strengthening the role of European parties and Member States' parliamentary administrations.
- Codification of the status of lead candidates in the election of the President of the European Commission, a european circumscription and transnational lists under the EU electoral act.
- Strengthening European citizenship (see link 2: http://www.yorku.ca/maas/Maas2014a.pdf
---(LINK1: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4232168).
- Desiderata from the Conference on Europe’s Future requiring treaty change.
- Treaty making of harmonizing the debt issuance calendars in the euro area around Italian, French, and German benchmarks, administered by an ECB debt management office.
The point is that the analysis carried out by Professor Cohen in 2007 has yet to be fully utilized, but neither does it answer all questions concerning the strategic development of the European Union. Nor did the analysis presuppose treaty change and was limited to the Eurozone. Perhaps it differs from the real story that does justice to everyone involved. The "an economy that works for all" principle may express a desire to balance France and Germany. Still, it needs to include more about the EU's objective and concrete possibilities to influence the development of Europe's economy. At the same time, a question could be raised about Turkey's place in Europe to the extent that the conflict between France's confederal binding commitment to Germany (https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/5360 ), Germany's asymmetric federalization of Europe (https://www.amazon.co.uk/Germany-France-Integration-EuropeInterpretations/dp/1855675374/ref=mp_s_a_1_fkmr_2?crid=1MXUBH62ZPEDI&keywords=th omas+pedersen+germany%2C+france+snd+the+integration+of+europe&qid=1673979949&spr efix=thomas+pedersen+germany+france+snd+the+integration+of+europe%2Caps%2C157&sr= 8-2fkmr0 ) could be solved and made consistent by the EU creating a Council of Ministers in the formation of European Ministers as a democratically elected Senate when Georgia joins so that internal and external logic reconcile with each other ( Link: https://www.ida.int/sites/default/files/publications/second-cha mbers-in-federal-systems.pdf
The underlying question and interpretative contextconcern the issue of peace in EuropeGermany's access to nuclear weapons via the EU ( embed link: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2018-03-21/nuclear-nonproliferationtreaty-german-nuclear-question-part-ii-1965-1969 ). Then a stocktaking can be held when Turkey has met the EU's demands in its enlargement report, and the Cyprus conflict is resolved, the international community's price for Turkish membership is in line with Turkey's international commitments to a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation
To reflect on "an effective way to move EU-Turkey relations forward" through a "long-term strategy, a coherent policy and consistent leadership towards Turkey in the EU and among the institutions,” as the European Parliament called for in its report on the European Commission's
2021 enlargement report on Turkey. The rest will be handled by Europe's institutionalized, modified balance of power. The countdown has indeed begun. So let’s face reality and create something new and better in Europe. It must happen within a generation. For Europe, for Humanity. A new European order and political community for a changing world confronted with the course of history. And then consciences on both sides of the Bosphorus must be able to keep up. Whose fault is it if Europeans tempt a fate as graeculi ?
In other words, France and Germany's power is necessary, but more is needed to provide Europe with political leadership. This means that the EU must develop political authority and that Europeans face a fundamental choice about who will be granted dominance in Europa. My seven leadership principles underpin this critical stance, this upstairs-downstairs game of reading that both restores greatness and gains ground. I, too, have the will to lead -in Europe. But, because Europe's leaders hesitate and need to know what they want if they want it, this has cost the EU's reputation with its partners, increased polarization in Member States' political systems, and imposed higher costs on citizens. Cui bono? I was asked in Ischia, Campania, Italy. That is why Martial says in an epigram: Vita non est vivere sed valere vita est. Life is not to live, but life is to assert oneself, to be strong. Or should Europeans instead put Turkey on the doorstep, rearm the European Union and strengthen the democratic legitimacy of our Union?
The Middle East has long been a passion of mine. In my MEPP project, I demonstrate my understanding of the logic of the permanent solution involving a trade-off between Jerusalem and refugees, settlements, and borders. It is relatively simple onceyou familiarize yourself with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Gaza could, in principle, be left to its own devices, but the EU could also reach out to Iran as part of regional diplomacy. The project is well suited to be part of European regional diplomacy with Iran. This is because Iran's self-absorbed elites may want to engage constructively in the Middle East and commit to reforming its public administration. At the same time, we in Denmark must not fall into pandering to radicalized or ideologized constituencies. In Israel, on the other hand, political leadership is in short supply. Israel has several strategic challenges, but Israel's backward-looking and far-right bloc cares more about identity politics and ideological competition with Herzl's political project and asserting power over the "Israeli masses”, and personal self-interest than about providing leadership and addressing Israel’s challenges. Bibi has forged a delightful concoction with gusto in his political coalition: anti-Zionist and anti-Enlightenment ultra-orthodox shtetl romanticists entrenched in parallel societies with their trunks in the treasury, religious nationalist backed by West Bank settlers and young Haredi rebels, Jewish fundamentalists, and then Likud, which is mainly supported by working class Sephardis from the periphery and whose ideological origin is in European fascism. His alliance partners' stated aim is to conquer the West Bank with the help of the dissident settler movement after Iran has been bombed. Israel's ethnic-nationalist government sends the message to the outside world: beat your wife, upset the balance of state power, oppress the Palestinians, and re-calculate relations with the diaspora. According to the government statement, Israel has exclusive rights to the Negev, Galilee, Judea, and Samaria. “The deed is the Bible”, says the government spokesman. Accordingly, the Likud-led government has also withdrawn Israel from the Istanbul Convention on Violence against Women. The government will presumably eventually seek to make Jewish law -halaka -a legal source in the civil courts as part of its strategic plan to re-calcify Israel, having removed legal restrictions on transgresssing politicians to unify Eretz Israel under a proper constitution according to a Teutonic logic.
This corresponds to a conception of political institutions and practices not found in secular thinkers or divine politics in Spinoza and Locke ( Eric Nelson The Hebrew Republic). That is how the right-wing propose to integrate Israel into theMiddle East and evade prosecution. It is sad and pathetic. Israel plays chess with itself. And pretend a harsh negotiating course towards the Palestinians. I believe the EU must respond to this by both promoting peace in the Middle East and taking a firm and supportive stance towards Israel, and providing a qualified counterpoint to Israel's misguided politicians in the Monkey cage to maintain Israel as a democratic state of Jews, minimizing hateful political discourse and strengthening societal resilience, all three prerequisites for maintaining and developing Israel as a strong ally of Europe, to which many Israelis feel attached. Thus, I believe that the problems in Israel will not be solved by themselves. On the other hand, the divisions between secular and religious, geographical and sectoral inequalities between Haredim and Israeli Arabs, Askhnazim and Sephardim/Mizrahi are purely an internal affair.
In the part of the Jewish liturgy that deals with love for the world - Ahavat Olam -God has given usa closed garden full of meaning. The greatest of all gifts, this text says, is the possibility of leaving u-le'askil; lishmoa, lilmod u-lealamed; lish'mor ve-la'assot; ulaekiem.
"Understand and enlighten; hear, learn and teach; preserve and enlighten; fulfill.” According to this text, this line can enlighten our vision. The Garden of Eden even allows us to see what is not visible. The European Union must not stand idly by while Israel pursues the regressive objective of establishing a "kingdom of priests", a Qom II. Therefore, relations between Europe and Israel and the brotherhood between Judaism and Christianity must be further developed. Both must change and enter into a deeper dialogue. You have to know when it is right to change. The earth beneath our feed may not be as sacred as in Israel, but the sense of mission in uniting Europe and creating peace in the Middle East is real. Christian Ilcus is Europe and Europe is Christian Ilcus. Or as Ruth says to Naomi in the OT: Your people shall become my people. In short: Israel is becoming ungovernable. Israel should not dwell alone. Europe owes Israel. And if the EU can't sweep in its backyard, there is little prospect of Europeans asserting themselves as a global player.
I wrote a book on the European Painting when I was bored in Odense and was inspired by the ancient human quest for beauty. I bought many art books and visited many museums. In the book, I show that European Painting, contrary to what this art form initially appears to be, is not a sea of different enigmas. Instead, the paintings are interdependent and respond to a unified, if polyphonic, framework of analysis encompassing traditions of visual science: anthropological, evolutionary, and neuro-biological approaches; an interplay between art theory and practice, painting schools and patrons; and as a means of creative expression that acts as a transmission between body and images and as an expression of human mastery of forms, while European painting creates a sacred space at the intersection of inanimate ga-zing and vivid participationoften with the power of action. The development of European painting and its use of painting tools can thus be explained. In this book, I analyze 16 paintings across four eras -Renaissance, Baroque, Romantic, and Early Modern -across the five styles of storia, landscape, portrait, still life, and interior. I am particularly proud of my interpretations of Bellini's Sacra Allegoria and Velazquez's Las Meninas, 90% of which solve the riddles of these two paintings. You can buy the book The Art of Seeing on Saxo (link: embed: Document Introduction). European painting does not simply reflect European societies and ways of thinking. Painters are deeply involved in
shaping lives within their epochs. The art book could form the basis of an art tradition to educate readers to see European painting as an expression of a mutually intertwined and continuous development in the past, present, and future because you have to be post-modern before being modern.
I have also edited an E-book on the political economy of European energy policy, which is divided into four parts: Regulatory Issues, Corporate Strategies, Exporters' Strategies and Other Actors. The book is sourced online and proposes to exploit the potential for collective action beyond state-market logic to maximize the EU's collective leverage over the price of oil and gas.
My projects:
- MEPP Project (Embedded Progress Agreement and Gaza status doc).
- The Art of Seeing (Embed office doc Intro to European Painting doc).
- European Energy Policy E-book www.europeanenergyaffairs.eu
BLOG
I rant when I blog about foreign policy issues, Denmark, Europe, and the Middle East. Recent topics include an action plan for PET, a school strategy for Sorø Academy, a post on the dancing bear, an entry on the EU's strategy on Iran, a post on Milarepa, a post on the evolution of the Danish-German Relationship. My Blog: www.ilcus.eu/rulle.
SUPPORT CHRISTIAN
Does what I stand for resonate with you? Do you think I deserve a seat in Brussels ? Does the European Parliament need a proactive, enterprising parliamentarian with good judgment, clarity, balance and conviction? Do you want Europe to defend its interests and be a global balancer in-between China and the US? Do you see and feel a gap between the perception of reality of our beloved political leaders and the political attitude of the European parties? Should both strongleadership and good governance characterize the EU? Does the FrancoGerman structured rivalry continuously overshadow the EU's policy processes so that the need to strengthen the EU's political authority and the need for organizational adaptation is overlooked? Or, more modestly: Do you believe that science and passion should go hand in hand and that my world must succeed to contribute to the emergence of a new Europe? Should the European Parliament play a role in decisive moments, influencing and shaping policies, scrutinizing and holding the Council of Ministers and the European Commission accountable, making its mark outside the EU, communicating the work of the Parliament, keeping in touch with Member States' societies and looking to the future?
Then you can support me on Mobile-pay:60272007 so that I can be elected as a candidate for the Liberal Party in the European Parliament.
BECOME A MEMBER
You can find out what the Alliance of Liberal and Democratic Parties for Europe is doing here www.reneweuropegroup.eu. You can join ALDE ( Link: depart. eu/become_a_member). Venstre's European policy programme A Safe Denmark in a Strong Europe (embed link https://www.venstre.dk/politik/venstres-politiske-udspil/et-trygtdanmark-i-et-staerkt-Europa)was adopted in 2019. You can become a member of Venstre here (embed link (https://www.venstre.dk/bliv-medlem).
ABOUT ME
My name is Christian Ilcus. I am a European. I am a warrior. I am a leader. I was born on 17 November 1969 in Copenhagen. My mother's name is Inge, and my father is Dan Serban. I come from a good family of high-achievers -doctors, executive secretaries, CEOs, generals, ombudsman, economists, music professors, editor-in-chief, farmers and estate managers, designers, psychologists, writers, and diplomats. There are also mixed nationalities –Danish, German, Romanian, Jewish, Russian, Lithuanian, and Iranian -initially a reaction to the collapse of themultinational Danish state. These different influences run through my veins, and I want to unite them into a harmonious whole. My mother's family is from south of the border at Egernfjord (Eckernförde), i.e., the Martens family migrated to the Duchy fromHolland 400 years ago. My father's family originates from Transylvania, Romania, a country with memories of Ottoman, Habsburg, and Russian state formations on its territory, i.e., vaguely structured with a hefty infusion of peoples and cultures. My fathercame to Denmark after marrying my mother with the help of Minister Per Hækkerup, who gave the communist regime a deal on dry fish as a thank-you for letting my father leave. My father's uncle General Ioan Ilcus walked out from the army of the Habsburg Empire. He was later deposed as Minister of Defence by the fascists in 1940 on the pretext that he had neglected the defense of Bessarabia, which Germany and Russia had traded with each other under the secret annex of the Molotov-Rippentorp Pact. The real reason was Unciu Ioan's opposition to Romania's participation in an invasion of Russia and his democratic disposition. I want to contribute to the reconstruction of Europe, recognizing the costs of non-federalization and the historic opportunity that the European integration project offers Europeans to build a better future on the old continent ( Francois Fejtö Requiem pour un empire défunt ).
This multicultural patchwork family is now not uncommon in Denmark and in Europe. It has taught me to mobilize my inner resources to transcend these tensions. Something that I will use in my political work. What is needed is a disciplined and well-structured approach to pull together and guide European policy to differentiate the EU's activities from Ger-
many's state strategy, to look beyond President von der Leyen's principled approach, and to promote the interests of Renew Europe. In other words, there is not just a division of labor between Germany-France and the European institutions but a need for solid European leadership in the next phase of the transformation of the European integration project. And then, sufficient resources must be provided to realize the plans so that the composition and size of the budget reflect the common political priorities in conjunction with the evolution of the European integration project. The EU's agricultural policy ensures the organization of farm markets and contributes to social stability in EU. It contributes to the development of rural areas and provides a relatively high standard of living in the sector. This is an important area for ALDE. Agriculture contributes a larger share to the EU's and Denmark's GDP than there are employees in agriculture, and the industry is the prerequisite for the EU's food security. But this does not necessarily justify agriculture's percentage share of the EU budget of 33.1%. Structural and Cohesion policies take up 34% of the EU budget. Policy priorities and budget allocations must be aligned so that as many citizens as possible get the most out of public policies per €uro spent while ensuring a balance between economic sectors and the spread of geographical prosperity. I will therefore use my influence to ensure that the revenue flow to the EU budget is modernized and that EU technology, infrastructure, defense, digitization, security, green transition, urban development, safety, and citizenship policies are better resourced. This could be achieved partly through increased revenue and tax collection and partly through a reduction in the share of both agricultural and structural policies in the EU budget. I want the EU budget cycle to be harmonized with the electoral process: 5 years. I want to strengthen the European center and foresee that the EU budget could eventually amount to 5-7% of Europe's GDP. Instead of giving 320€ per year per citizen to the EU budget, I propose that EU citizens give 2000€ per year to the EU budget in the future. No taxation, without representation. That is added value.
This is how I will ensure strategic momentum in all seven policy areas of my transformational strategies to prioritize the activities and interests of the different DGs and entities so that they work together rather than in opposition. The European Parliament could also reserve the right to organize parliamentary commissions of inquiry to support the building of a consensus on institutional reform and to promote integration projects in the following areas:
(1) the management of the debt crisis by the Eurogroup and the European Commission;
(2) the delay in the implementation of the Helsinki headline military targets; (3) the international role of the euro; (4) the efficiency, applicability, follow-up, and impact of the Recovery Fund among the Member States. I will equally credibly consolidate the European Single European Sky (SES), a crackdown on corruption, and work for the de-bureaucratization of the EU so that the EU sends a signal that Europe is a resourceful organization. I will strengthen and anchor the Commission's tax administration in the Member States within a certain European structure. External border security is a prerequisite for growth in the European Union and a physical manifestation of the European Union's power and border security policy. The EU's borders include 42,000 kilometers of coastline, 9,000 kilometers of land borders, and around 300 airports. Over 500 million people pass through the EU's 1,800 border posts yearly. That is why I will work to increase Frontex's resources to guard the EU's significant and frequently changing land and sea borders in the north and south, east and west. I favor lifting temporary border controls, provided that the EU's integrated border management leads to a more coherent, strengthened, efficient, and legally compliant border
border security regime in the EU. I will push Denmark, Ireland, and Iceland to start issuing ID cards to citizens in line with the common EU standard for ID cards under Regulation 2019/1157 in the context of the EEA membership of Greenland and the Faroe Islands. I equally favor harmonizing the rules for obtaining citizenship in EU Member States. In time, Frontex could be integrated into a Defence DG because there is synergy between border security, military intelligence, and the deployment of armed forces.
I currently live in Kolding, Denmark. I have an MSc in Political Science from IFSK-Århus and an MA in European Political and Administrative Studies from the College of Europe, Bruges. I trained at the Embassy in Tel Aviv right when the peace process started and at the European Commission's Enlargement Department, Romania Desk, where I shipped off a €30m border security project in the run-up to the Kosovo war.
I have had a run-in with PET, who suspected me of having passed on a record of a conversation between Clinton and Schröder about Turkey in the aftermath of the Kosovo war to a friend at an Israeli university. Or so I was told. This led to an operation in which I was subjected to various visual stimuli in combination with telepathic mind control, during which I was encouraged to "fuck my fitness trainer before it was too late.” The culmination of the operation was brilliantly united with a Freudian-inspired death-and-eros set-up that coincided with Maersk's funeral and the release of the Body-Flow exercises under the auspices of fitness. dk in the Skibhus neighborhood of Odense. Consequently, I sprayed the Social Administration in Odense with life by forwarding torn-off soap shavings. ActionReaction. Why maaan ? The operation failed, and I was later given a security clearance.
PrimeMinister Helle Thorning Schmidt intervened and tried to balance PET's abuse of my attachment need, methods that were not in line with the alleged interest in checking up on the issue of document security. The "errant erotic entanglement" resulted in a court case that dragged on until after Helle Thorning had left political office
In the meantime, there was intervention from other quarters than Thorning Schmidt's. This happened in Paris and Rome, resulting in image transmissions, which I tried several times to report to the local police. After I returned to Denmark, a mental health investigation was initiated, which led to my being given a treatment sentence on 1 June 2016. This measure was lifted by judgment on 3 October 2019. I agreed to submit to medicaltreatment because I was ashamed of my performance in Paris and Rome, the consequences of not granting an “informed consent” to medication and because of family pressure -not because I was ill. So we are dealing with a scenario where a man was acquitted of a crime he committed and accused himself of a crime he did not commit. This raises the question: Who is the criminal?
PET's website states that security clearances must be authorized in writing. Furthermore, criminal procedural measures must be legally allowed. Neither of these took place in my case. Today, work-life balance is considered in PET, and employees are expected to demonstrate an understanding of the world around them. The security circular was revised in 2014 by Helle Thorning’s Schmidt resolution of PET's unscrupulous operation. She intervened when she sensed trouble was brewing in the Muslim community in Odense, without knowing about PET's operation and resolving that my thesis could be published. I question this official version. It is a label that has been applied a posteriori to a reality that is otherwise as
well very complex. And it tells us nothing about what happened, only how my case was appropriated and then instrumentalized, which should be addressed.
First, Denmark had adopted a tactic of channeling and subordinating French and German power to an American-led organization, combined with territorial expansion to the North Pole. Secondly, the timing of the operation coincided with the MFA's fear of losing control over the business community as it had to adopt to the formation of the EEAS and to rectify structural problems in the Foreign Ministry. One can easily imagine how the MFA and PET cooperate and compete with each other, how one feather ruffles the other. Thirdly, some female agents were in crisis, and you do nothing, you fucking loser! These motives interacted and led to the operation. In other words, there are different motives and interests at play. Finally, the methods used corresponded to something other than the strictly legally limited purpose that PET, as a national security authority, thought it knew how to pursue. In short: PET was trying to play me cold and finish me off. Hence the CIA and Mossad’s, Helle Thorning, and F24's intervention.
At the same time, I have been communicated a commitment to join UM in 2013, which gives me a contractually binding positive fulfillment interest, which I intend to enforce.
I was innocent of the charge but developed anxiety due to the PET operation and its aftermath. Anxiety can be the beginning of a mental illness, but it is usually a symptom. It disappeared due to the unraveling of a "vision" -"grocer stays with your load" -triggered by an Iranian and investigated by an Israeli security ward, prompted by Helle Thorning Schmidt's reaction to PET's madness and sociopathic approach to innocent citizens. But I sure as hell don't suffer from "persecutory delusions concerning government and the intelligence services" concocted by those who perceive me as a threat and fear the dynamics of my unit and who have something to hide. This is how the welfare state gets rid of its enemies. And when the state fails, love triumphs -or so someone said. Perhaps psychiatry is equally abused for political purposes out of a sense of justice and aforbidden sense of rightness camouflaged by a political desire for control combined with a tendency towards perverse identity, the status of a half-studied robber, and the desire for a given role identity among the agency's Dominic and sociopathic female agents.
I lack political experience in the Liberal Party, which I hope to build in the coming years. However, I am ready to take responsibility for Europe and care about a society that is both free and just, prepared to fight and at peace with itself, able to remember and without exclusions. I want to participate in the community -beyond the problems of cultural adaptation and mystifications and the soup of the people. I embody the need for renewal and can help unite Europe and bring peace to the Middle East. You can’t work from the wood without the right sculptor.
HOBBIES
Hiking and walking
Formative journeys ( Indianised Asia, Sinicised Asia, Middle East, Mesoamerica, Andes).
Classical music
SOCIAL MEDIA
You can follow me on social media, where I have a presence:
Facebook (Link to https://m.facebook/1000000025823961). check function on the web and mobile
Instagram ilcusfb
Twitter (embed the link: https://twitter.com/christianilcus?lang=da ). Check if it works
LinkedIn (embed https://www.linkedin.com/mwlite/in/christian-ilcus-a2ab8488 )
These links could be embedded in icons from the respective social media. But first, check if they are still up to date and working.
CONTACT
You are welcome to contact me if you have any questions or are interested in having me visit your company or institution.
Mail: director@ilcus.eu
Tel: +45 60 27 20 07
