Laura Stewart dissertation

Institute for Clinical Social Work

Patch-Less: Soldier Identity and Belonging Among Army Reservists

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Institute for Clinical Social Work in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

By Laura Stewart

Chicago, Illinois October 2021

Copyright © 2021 by Laura Stewart All rights reserved

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Abstract

This study attempted to understand the meaning and impact of a combat patch as it relates to soldier identity and belonging from the perspective of Army National Guard (ANG) and Army Reserve (USAR) soldiers. Using a qualitative design, 16 reserve/guard soldiers between the ages of 23 and 41 participated in a semi-structured qualitative interview designed to gather information regarding their thoughts and experiences related to having or the desire to have a combat patch. Research participant narratives were evaluated using a content analysis coding. Six themes emerged and consisted of: A sense of purpose, with three sub-themes that included soldier identity, Army badges, and selfworth; Belonging; Service and importance of deployment; Significance of a combat patch; Family influence, and Maturity.

Underlying these themes, there appeared to be a sense that military objects such as the combat patch and a shared experience fulfilled a selfobject functional need that consisted of twinship, mirroring, and idealization. A theoretical model for understanding these needs using concepts from self-psychology was used as it provided an explanation for how these needs were conceptualized in the participant’s narratives. It was found that having a combat patch and/or the desire to have a combat patch was essential to one’s sense of soldier identity and belonging. These findings can be used for future research and enhancing military behavioral health treatment approaches.

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To everyone who has been a part of this journey

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A soldier will fight long and hard for a bit of colored ribbon.

-Napoleon Bonaparte

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Acknowledgements

I owe the achievement of this dissertation to the support of support of not just one but many people, for without you, this accomplishment would have never been possible.

Thank you for supporting and believing in me during the times I did not believe in myself or thought that earning a PhD would be possible. Thank you to my dissertation committee and outside readers for your guidance, support, and encouragement throughout this process.

L. S.

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Table of Contents

Page Abstract.............................................................................................................................iii Acknowledgments.............................................................................................................vi List of Tables......................................................................................................................x List of Figures....................................................................................................................xi Chapter I.

Introduction........................................................................................................1 General Statement of Purpose Significance of the Study for Clinical Social Work Statement of the Problem and Specific Objectives to Be Achieved Research Questions to Be Explored Theoretical and operational Definitions of Major Concepts Statement of Assumptions Epistemological Foundation of the Project Foregrounding

II.

Literature Review.............................................................................................17 Introduction Identity in the Army Reserves External Manifestations Internal Manifestations Behavioral Practice Spiritual Displacement Narrativity Types of Army Soldiers Reserve Identity History and Meaning of the Combat Patch Theoretical Literature of Self-Psychology Operational and Theoretical Definitions Research Questions

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Table of Contents—Continued Chapter III.

Page Methodology.................................................................................................59 Study Design Research Questions Sample Selection Data Collection and Instrumentation Data Analysis Qualitative Analysis Credibility Dependability Transferability Ethical Considerations

IV.

Results..............................................................................................................86 Demographics of Research Participants Introduction to Research Participants Introduction to the Results Categories Field Notes Summary of Themes Narrative Themes Results Summary

V.

Discussion and Findings................................................................................124 Introduction Interpretation of Findings Relevance of Findings to Literature Return to Original Study Assumptions Contribution to the Field of Clinical Social Work Study Limitations and Recommendations for Further Study Author’s Note Finding Conclusion

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Table of Contents—Continued

Appendices

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A. Consent Form.....................................................................................................150 B. Semi-Structured Interview Protocol................................................................154 C. Army Rank Chart..............................................................................................159 D. Abbreviations.....................................................................................................163 References.................................................................................................................165

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List of Tables

Tables

Page

1. Non-military Demographics (N=16)..................................................................... 88 2. Military Demographics (N=16) ............................................................................ 89 3. Themes (N=16) ................................................................................................... 100 4. Sense of Purpose ................................................................................................. 114 5. Belonging ............................................................................................................ 116 6. Service and Importance of Deployment ............................................................. 118 7. Significance of a Combat Patch .......................................................................... 119 8. Family Influence ................................................................................................. 120 9. Maturity............................................................................................................... 122

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List of Figures

Page Figures 1. Relationships among Role Identity, Expectations, Institutional Values, and Behavioral Tendencies (Griffith, 2011a)....……………………....…………………………..36 2. Bipolar Self (Psychodynamic Theory for Clinicians, 2006)…………………………..49 3. Sequential designs (Creswell & Clark, 2011)…………………………………….…...60

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1

Chapter I

Introduction General Statement of Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the meaning of a combat patch as it relates to soldier identity and sense of belonging amongst Army National Guard (ANG) (see Appendix D) and Army Reserve (USAR) soldiers. The author employed a qualitative narrative research design, as it allowed for an in-depth understanding of how the combat patch affects soldier identity and belonging.

The combat patch, also known as a shoulder sleeve insignia – former wartime service (SSI–FWTS) (Merklinger & Orsini, 2019) is a unit patch worn on the right shoulder sleeve of the Army uniform below the American flag signifying a "combat" deployment to a country that has been designated a combat zone by the Secretary of the Army. For some soldiers, the combat patch is merely a patch on the uniform that highlights service to a combat zone, while for others, it impacts their identity as soldiers and a sense of belonging within the Army.

Not every soldier deploys to a country considered a "combat zone," such as Iraq or Afghanistan. Instead, soldiers can "deploy" to other countries or locations not designated as a "combat zone." Examples include deployment to a natural disaster zone (e.g., hurricane, flooding, civil disturbance), Kuwait, and other foreign countries. Some of these deployments allow soldiers to receive combat zone tax exclusion or imminent

2 danger pay without authorization to wear the combat patch, creating inner conflict, as there is "nothing to show" for the deployment on the uniform.

Soldiers without a combat patch are sometimes referred to by derogatory terms such as "light on the right" or "sleek sleeve" within the ranks. To overcome this issue, the Army has changed the SSI–FWTS to Shoulder Sleeve Insignia – Military Operations in Hostile Conditions (SSI–MOHC) as a way to expand the combat patch qualifications (AR-670-1 Grooming and Appearance Brief, 26 Jan 2021). In an interview for the website military.com, the Sergeant Major of the Army Michael Grintson discussed the updated uniform guidelines for Army regulation 670-1 Wear and Appearance of Army Uniforms and Insignia (AR 670-1) and provided the following rationale for the combat patch change: Sometimes, we go to specific locations, and we don't plan on that to be hostile conditions, but it may turn hostile. How do we recognize those soldiers who are out doing what we have asked them to do? We allow them to wear the shoulder sleeve insignia for the unit. I think that is appropriate.

This change emphasizes the significance and meaning of the combat patch, including the desire to be recognized for one's overseas service. It also highlights the failure to receive a combat patch can produce feelings of envy, decrease one's sense of self, erode cohesion, and increase the perception of estrangement from the Army.

Conversely, having a combat patch can enhance one's sense of pride, reinforce a positive sense of self, and improve cohesion and belonging within the Army.

Patches are an essential element of Army culture, as they identify the unit (past or current the soldier deployed into combat with, such as 82nd Airborne Division (ABN

3 DIV) or 101st ABN DIV. Much like the patch, a soldier's uniform is a visual reminder of cohesion, unity, and shared purpose, representing pride, experience, and authority for the individual wearing it (Merklinger & Orsini, 2019). In the book titled Army 101: Inside ROTC in a Time of War, David Axe (2007) wrote, "A soldier's uniform is uniform in only the most general sense of the word as few wears the same combination of patches, badges, or wings. Every soldier's uniform is like a pressed, camouflaged, wearable resume" (p. 49). This statement not only highlights the significance and importance of things such as patches and badges but also emphasizes the implicit and explicit signals of identity, self-worth, and competency at the individual level. It is not uncommon for soldiers to "tab, badge, or patch check" each other (i.e., assess each other's uniforms to see if badges worn are of significance, such as ABN wings, air assault wings, combat action badge, or the Ranger or Special Forces tab) when reporting to their new unit. This attitude is aligned with the military's heavy use of rhetorical language, symbols, uniforms, ribbons, and various other persuasion methods geared towards shaping a soldier's sense of identity (Robillard, 2018).

The combat patch and other Army badges represent tangible objects that reinforce what it means to be a soldier and what one should have on their uniform. The combat patch also comes with labels and incentives that a non-combat soldier does not have.

Examples include priority level in Veteran Affairs (VA) medical/behavioral health access, which falls under the "Combat Veteran" authority (Veterans Affairs Fact Sheet, 16-4, 2011), eligibility to join organizations such as the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW) that only allow veterans who have served in a foreign war, and to have the coveted title of "combat veteran." While those who have served in a combat zone have rightfully earned

4 these titles and benefits, this distinction highlights the value placed on combat deployments. For soldiers who have yet to deploy, this apparent inferiority may reinforce their belief that military service is not of value unless one has deployed, as the right to wear a combat patch is seen as a revered accomplishment (Merklinger & Orsini, 2019).

The combat patch remains an important symbol within the Army culture and the psyche of the individual soldier. Consequently, reserve component soldiers may be at a significant disadvantage, as combat deployments or military schools are not always available as ways to strengthen their soldier identity or sense of belonging. Unlike activeduty soldiers who spend nearly all of their time in military environments, reservists spend only one weekend a month and two weeks annually in their units (Griffith, 2009), which may not be sufficient to foster belonging while creating a sense of dual identity (civilian and a soldier). They also have limited opportunities to attend military schools for skill identifiers (e.g., Airborne, Air Assault, Sapper) as these schools are also important for military promotions, soldier skills, or enhancing soldier identity and belonging.

Significance of the Study for Clinical Social Work The primary objective of this study is to gain a better understanding of how the combat patch psychologically impacts the sense of identity and belonging for ANG/USAR soldiers. A handful of studies have looked at Army reserve-related issues on identity and belonging, which indicate a continued need to study this population. One study by Hoopsick et al. (2018) focused on the emotions experienced by soldiers who have never deployed and concluded that while there was some variation in reported emotions related to not having deployed, a substantial proportion of soldiers reported

5 moderate to high negative emotions regarding non-deployed reserve soldiers had a higher rate of anger, anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress (not related to combat) symptoms. The authors reported that 64% of the never deployed USAR/NG soldiers that took part in their study felt guilt, 59% felt less valued by their unit, 50% felt less connected with their unit due to not having deployed, and 49% felt less camaraderie within their unit. Hoopsick et al. (2018) similarly highlighted the critical role that deployments play in the reserve soldier identity and group membership that, if lacking, can induce stress among reserve soldiers (Hoopsick et al., 2018). He further argued that, as non-deployment may be incongruent with soldiers' identity, it contributes to feelings of decreased value, as well as the absence of camaraderie and connectedness within the unit (Hoopsick et al., 2018).

While recognizing that military, cultural competence is essential to the effective delivery of health care to service members, findings yielded by the RAND Corporation (2014) indicated that less than half of community mental health providers regularly screen for both military status and stressors related to military life (Hoopsick et al., 2018). Additionally, Hsu and Ketchen (2013) found that military culture and sense of belonging are so important to service members that clinicians working with veterans are advised to keep in mind that many veterans feel a "subjective sense . . . of belonging to a separate and special class of Americans (those who have served in the armed forces)" (p.

175) which can be very important to their self-image, values, health behaviors, and coping styles.

Due to the complexity of military culture and the impact that culture has on soldier identity, it is crucial that therapists, many of whom are clinical social workers,

6 gain a more comprehensive understanding of the issues related to identity and belonging that may be unique to ANG/USAR soldiers and adopt suitable treatment approaches.

Furthermore, this information provides Army reserve medical command a more robust understanding of the psychological constructs underpinning the issues related to identity and belonging experienced by ANG/USAR soldiers. Having healthy soldiers is essential for meeting the medical readiness standards within the ANG/USAR, as all its members must be mission-ready for overseas or stateside deployments.

Statement of the Problem and Specific Objectives to Be Achieved The combat patch is an important symbol within the Army. Given its significance to the development of soldier identity, it is not surprising that the eligibility rules have been subjected to many reforms since their initial implementation in World War II. According to the Army Institute of Heraldry, the combat patch, in its initial form, recognized a soldier's overseas wartime experience in a past unit. This allowed troops to wear their old unit patch on the right shoulder only after moving to a new unit, regardless of whether the unit had served in combat (ALARACT, 2007).

The current "combat patch" policy only recognizes a unit's participation in or support to combat operations against hostile forces, as designated by the Secretary of the Army or Congress (Merklinger & Orsini, 2019). This reform emphasizes that the patch is a visual reminder of cohesion, unity, and shared purpose. For some soldiers, it represents pride, experience, and authority (Merklinger & Orsini, 2019). Deploying to a combat zone is not only important to the active component of the Army but is also an integral

7 part of the reserve soldier identity and group membership, both of which play a role in stress experienced by reserve soldiers (Griffith, 2011a).

However, much of the published research focuses on the mental health issues of the active-duty component of the Army related to deployment, suicide, or postdeployment reintegration issues. As a result, the reserve component soldiers are often overlooked, due to which the issues they experience with developing soldier identity and sense of belonging are poorly understood. Despite more than two decades of the United States military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan, a significant proportion of Reserve/Guard soldiers have never deployed (Hoopsick et al., 2018). Thus, it is important to explore the impact that a combat patch has on reserve soldiers during a time when combat deployments are minimal.

Guided by the premise that there is a significant connection between the combat patch, soldier identity, and sense of belonging, this research can be beneficial to therapists who provide treatment within the military medical system as well as health professionals in the civilian community who provide therapy to reserve soldiers.

Additionally, the present research is important to the Army Reserve/ Army National Guard Medical Command (MEDCOM) as this group helps create policy and additional programs targeted at soldiers' wellness. Findings yielded by this study will enhance the current understanding of the meaning of a combat patch and its impact on soldier identity and belonging among Army Reserve component soldiers.

8 Research Questions to Be Explored The study used a narrative qualitative research design method guided by three research questions: RQ1. What is the experience of having a combat patch for ANG/USAR soldiers?

RQ2. What is the experience of not having a combat patch for ANG/USAR soldiers?

RQ3. Is the experience of military belonging different for ANG/USAR soldiers who have a combat patch compared to ANG/USAR soldiers who do not have a combat patch?

A semi-structured interview was also conducted to gain a more robust sense of the USAR/ANG soldier. Participants that were included in the study had the following inclusion criteria: male soldiers who were actively serving in the USAR/ANG, rank that ranged from junior enlisted to junior officer, and aged 18-41 years old.

Samples of the interview questions explored in this study are listed below. The full semistructured interview guide can be found in Appendix B: •

How many deployments did you have? Where to and for how long?

•

What thoughts come to mind when you see a combat patch on your fellow unit members' shoulders, if any?

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Does having a combat patch strengthen your sense of identity as a soldier? What are some things you have thought about?

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Does it affect your sense of belonging within your unit? Please, tell me more.

•

What has it been like to have not deployed to a combat zone yet as a soldier?

•

Has the lack of a patch impacted your sense of belonging as a unit member?

9 The interview questions were modeled after Lancaster and Hart's Warrior Identity Scale, which was originally created to explore the relationship between military identity and functioning among American military members and veterans (Lancaster & Hart, 2015). Some questions were modified to ensure that they are relevant in terms of the USAR/ANG. The full semi-structured interview guide can be found in Appendix B.

Theoretical and Operational Definitions of Major Concepts The theoretical framework for this study incorporates theories related to identity and belonging (Self Psychology in particular), as the aim is to better understand how a combat patch impacts ANG/USAR soldier's identity and sense of belonging. As this is a complex phenomenon, the most theoretically significant and most frequently used terms in this study are defined below.

Self-Psychology.

The conceptualizations of the relationships within the self-object system are known as the theory of self-psychology (Wolf, 1988). At the heart of the selfpsychological vision is the idea of psychological growth being fostered by facilitating relatedness with important others and emphasizing how important relationships affect the development and maintenance of the individual's sense of self and ability to function (Lessem, 2005). Self-psychology was developed by Heinz Kohut as a psychoanalytic theory aimed at explaining psychological development while striving to avoid bias in favor of either biological or environmental influence (Wolf, 1988). According to the theory, all organisms are born with individual potentials that are their biological heritage

10 (Wolf, 1988). However, some of these potentials can only manifest and develop through interactions with the environment. In contrast, others are left to atrophy or may even be destroyed (Wolf, 1988).

Self-psychology, like Freudian theory, despite its focus on the intrapsychic experience of individuals — the selfobject experience — attempts to account much more for the environmental conditions that shape such selfobject experience; it also attempts to delineate the ever-changing age-appropriate selfobject needs of each individual change with age with the help of the developmental aspects of this process (Wolf, 1988). In classical psychoanalysis, biological needs and inherent instinctual drives are explicitly described, whereas the environmental contributions to the individual's psychological structure are only implicitly recognized (Wolf, 1988). The importance of the selfobject environment as a decisive influence of one's environment on the central selfobject experience is explicitly conceptualized. In contrast, individuals' equally essential inherent need for stimuli to organize their inner life (i.e., subjective experience) into a cohesively structured configuration has only been implicit (Wolf, 1988).

Belonging.

Two motives generally encapsulate how social psychologists frame theories: either the behavior is motivated by a need to feel good about ourselves (Baumeister et al., 1989) or the need to be accurate (Nisbett & Ross, 1980). As such, an underlying reason to maintain or enhance our self-esteem is that self-esteem serves as a “relationship gauge” (Leary, 2004, 2007). How we feel about ourselves alerts us to potential or upcoming social rejection, which motivates us to behave more sensitively towards others. Pound

11 (2019) goes on to say, much like a draining battery signal on a cell phone, this notification or pain can motivate action for self-improvement or by seeking acceptance elsewhere. Therefore, belongingness with others is at the very root of one of our basic motivators of self-esteem; it allows us to gauge if our behavior is appropriate and desired (Pound, 2019).

For the purpose of this study, belonging is operationally defined as twinship transference, i.e., as "the need to belong and feel accepted by one's cohort" (Basch, 1994, p. 4). This definition accounts for both the need to feel that group members are alike and the need to feel that group members experience one as essentially alike (Basch, 1994).

Identity.

Identities make up one's self-concept, variously described as what comes to mind when one thinks of oneself (Neisser,1993; Stets & Burke, 2003; Stryker, 1980; Tajfel, 1981).Erikson (1951, 1968) developed a widely used identity development model that focused on identity development via exploration and commitment. Erikson used the term identity in ways synonymous with what others have termed self-concept (Abrams, 1994, 1999; Hogg, 2003; Serpe, 1987; Stryker & Burke, 2000; Tajfel & Turner, 2004).

Identity is defined as a "mutual relation in that it connotes a persistent sameness within oneself (self-sameness) and a persistent sharing of some kind of essential character with others" (p.109) (Erikson, 1980).

12 Reserve component soldiers.

For this study, the reserve component consists of both Army National Guard (ANG) and United States Army Reserve (USAR). USAR is part of the Army reserve component. Soldiers serve in a part-time capacity—one weekend a month, which is referred to as "Battle Assembly" and two weeks a year for annual training (AT) with the primary mission to provide combat-ready units and soldiers to the Army and the Joint Force across the full spectrum of conflict (usar.army.mil).

ANG, just like the USAR, is part of the reserve component of the USAR and United States Air Force (USAF). ANG soldiers serve in a part-time capacity—one weekend a month (drill) and two weeks a year for training with the primary mission to provide support in times of natural and human-made disasters within the United States (SAMHSA, 2010). The Governor can also mobilize the ANG to provide support within the state or across state lines, under certain conditions such as civil unrest or a natural disaster when the Governor declares a state of emergency (SAMSHA, 2010). The ANG can be activated for federal service in support of combat operations but only when approved by Congress, the President, or the Secretary of Defense.

Civilian.

The term "civilian" applies to a person that has never served in the armed forces.

Combat Patch. A combat patch is defined as a shoulder sleeve insignia – former wartime service (SSI–FWTS). The combat patch (SSI) can be given only to soldiers who are/were assigned to U.S. Army units and meet all the following criteria:

13 1. The Secretary of the Army or higher must declare the theater or area of operation as a hostile environment to which the unit is assigned, or Congress must pass a Declaration of War. 2. The units must have actively participated in or supported ground combat operations against hostile forces in which they were exposed to the threat of enemy action or fire, either directly or indirectly.

3. The military operation typically must have lasted for 30 days or longer. An exception may be made when U.S. Army forces are engaged with a hostile force for a shorter period when they meet all other criteria, and a recommendation from the general or flag officer in command is forwarded to the Chief of Staff, Army.

4. The Chief of Staff, Army must approve the authorization for wearing the SSI for FWTS (AR 670-1).

Military occupational specialty (MOS).

Military occupational specialty (MOS) refers to the United States Army job coding. Examples include 11 Bravo (11B), a basic infantry soldier, or 88 Mike (88M) truck driver.

Combat Veteran. The Veteran Affairs generally applies the term "combat veteran" to an individual who has served in the active military forces during a period of armed conflict (www.va.gov).

Statement of Assumptions This study was conducted under the following assumptions: 1. Soldier identity is stronger among soldiers who have a combat patch.

14 2. The desire to belong is more pronounced among soldiers who do not have a combat patch.

3. The pressure to have a combat patch is more pronounced among soldiers aged 18─25 years.

4. Throughout the course of this research, the terms Army National Guard, Army Reserve, and reservist are used interchangeably.

Epistemological Foundation of the Project In conducting this study, a constructivist worldview was adopted, applying a narrative qualitative research design method. The constructivist worldview postulates, all individuals seek understanding of the world in which they live and work (Creswell, 2014). Moreover, individuals develop subjective meanings of their experiences and meanings directed toward particular objects or things (Creswell, 2014). This worldview was thus adopted, as it facilitates exploration of the subject's experiences that reinforce soldier identity and sense of belonging. A narrative qualitative research design was chosen, as it allows the researcher to study the lived experiences and perceptions of individuals through their personal narratives (Riessman, 2008). Categorical-content analysis was used for data collection by coding certain words, phrases, or/and sentences within the interviews to develop themes that allowed for a deeper insight into the experiences shared by USAR/ANG members.

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Foregrounding This research was motivated by both researcher's personal military experience as a Behavioral Health Army Officer (BHO)—a BHO in the Army is either a Licensed Clinical Social Worker or a Psychologist—and the professional experiences as a civilian therapist working within the Department of Defense (DoD). Having combat deployment experience in support of Iraqi Freedom (OIF) reinforced the understanding of what a combat patch means and symbolically represents.

Having a direct experience of negative connotations associated with not having a combat patch during the first year on active duty led to an initial belief that a soldier without a combat patch had a lower value relative to those that had deployed. Being asked questions such as "Why haven't you deployed?" or "What did you do to get out of it?" was a clear indication of the value the combat patch had and the negative perception of those lacking one. Moreover, having a combat deployment was extremely important when treating soldiers who had already deployed, as this researcher was treated as "part of the club" to which only those that knew what the environment was like in a combat zone belonged. This researcher had a similar experience related to other badges one can wear on their uniform and specific Army posts, such as Fort Bragg, located in North Carolina, home to the 82nd Airborne division (ABN) and Special Operations. Soldiers assigned to the 82nd wear berets in different colors (i.e., maroon symbolizes being in an Airborne unit, green for special forces), attend jump school to earn their airborne wings, and become "paratroopers." These changes to the uniform are steeped in history and set

16 them apart visually from soldiers in non-ABN units. Upon completing ABN school and assignment to the 82nd ABN, this researcher noticed a marked shift in the way others perceived her and how I saw myself. This researcher was no longer a "leg," a term applied to non-ABN qualified soldiers, as I was part of the ABN community. A similar shift occurred when this researcher returned from Iraq and felt a sense of belonging and was no longer "light on the right."

As this researcher continued with her Army reserve service and civilian DoD service as a behavioral health therapist, she has found that the desire to deploy is still prevalent among the soldiers she works with and sees for individual therapy. Hearing statements such as "I didn't join to just sit around," "Everyone has war stories, I have nothing to add," "I joined to go combat," or "I'm embarrassed by my service" highlights the significance of what the combat patch means to each soldier. This experience has prompted this researcher to pursue the present dissertation topic, as this researcher believes that it is important to gain deeper insight into the way the combat patch impacts the sense of soldier identity and belonging among soldiers who have not deployed to a combat zone and to study a unique subset of soldiers within the Army. Reserve and Guard soldiers struggle with different issues than their active-duty Army counterparts, thus emphasizing the significance of this study. Chapter II will expand upon the literature on identity and belonging, reserve/guard issues, and the history of the combat patch.

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Chapter II

Literature Review

Introduction The following literature review is divided into eight major parts: 1.

Identity and belonging in the USAR/ANG

2.

Studies on reserve soldiers

3.

Types of Army soldiers

4.

Reserve identity

5.

History and importance of the combat patch

6.

Theoretical literature of Self Psychology

7.

Operational and Theoretical definitions

8.

Research Questions Explored

The United States Armed Forces comprises six branches: Army, Marine Corps, Navy, Coast Guard, Air Force, and Space Force. Within each branch, individuals are housed in three general categories (full-time, reserves, & guard). The Army is the largest and most senior branch of the U.S. military. A secondary component of the U.S. military is the Ready Reserve component. As of 2016, more than one million soldiers enlisted in a U.S. military's Ready Reserve component (Defense Primer; Reserve Forces, 2016).

Those enlisted in the U.S. Army Reserve/National Guard (USAR/NG) represent the

18 largest proportion of soldiers according to the 2012 Department of Defense demographics. In 2020, there were 336,131 Army National Guard and 188,703 Army reservists (Association of the United States Army, 2021). With the continued involvement in the Middle East, mental health among soldiers has become a priority for researchers, clinicians, and citizens. Mental health diagnoses and treatment for soldiers have become more readily available through programs such as military one source, give an hour, military family life counselors. While knowledge and support for mental health have improved, the research regarding USAR/NG soldiers is limited.

At present, much of the Army mental health literature is generally focused on active-duty mental health or active-duty issues related to deployment. In contrast, the literature on U.S. Army Reserves focuses on the health and experiences of its soldiers and only on those who have deployed and/or the effects of deployment (APF, 2016).

Examples this researcher has found but are not limited to post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), family issues, and mental health issues, such as depression, anxiety, and/or suicide. Other studies on the reserve component of the Army have focused on policy interests, retention problems, and/or the unique stresses associated with reserve military service, such as changing from part-time to full-time military service, being deployed frequently, issues sustaining civilian employment, and/or family relations while deployed (Griffith, 2009). By contrast, specific studies regarding the impact of not having a combat patch (i.e., not having been deployed for wartime service) and its effects on soldier identity and belonging are far and few between, thus emphasizing a knowledge gap that needs to gain a more in-depth understanding of this essential military population. The aim

19 of this literature review was to gain a better understanding of the meaning of combat patches as they relate to soldier identity and belonging amongst ANG/USAR soldiers.

In this study, the researcher chose several relevant keywords, including identity, belonging, soldier identity, self-psychology, self-objects, Army National Guard, Army Reserve, combat patch, and National Guard soldier, with a specific focus on particular issues associated with these concepts. Excluded criteria included mental health disorders, active-duty members of all United States military branches, and all other military reserve components. This was excluded as numerous studies have been conducted on the impact of mental health disorders and how they may contribute to a person's loss of identity and/or poor sense of belonging. The study's goal was to specifically look at soldiers' thoughts and experiences that contribute to soldier identity and belonging rather than diagnosed psychopathology. Active-duty service members were excluded to ensure the study would focus on a specific subset of the Army that is not often studied. Moreover, active-duty members are immersed in the military culture and environment, which may allow for variables that contribute to higher perceived rates of soldier identity and belonging in addition to further opportunities to deploy to a combat zone. Lastly, females and senior enlisted and senior officers were also excluded. This was due to the desire to explore these concepts from a male-only perspective to provide a more specific data collection on one gender vs. two. Junior enlisted/officers were only chosen as this researcher wanted to assess perspectives of lower rank individuals.

Within the scope of this literature review, the researcher explored soldier identity and belonging as two separate but related constructs and their relevance to USAR/ANG soldiers. The researcher also examined the literature regarding theories related to identity

20 and belonging. Self-psychology was chosen as the main theoretical approach due to its relevance to the concepts related to this study. The aforementioned constructs and theory are discussed in further detail throughout this dissertation.

Identity in the Army Reserves Identity and belonging are important elements within the U.S. military. Reserve military service is largely intermittent, requiring one weekend a month and two weeks for annual training, decreasing physical presence between these periods (Griffith, 2011a).

How the reservist thinks and acts relative to military service depends largely on social psychological processes, such as beliefs and attitudes about reserve military service (Griffith, 2011a), which can impact how one perceives their soldier identity. Identities differ in their involvement in and commitment to military service, and thus, have implications for who joins and remains in reserve military service and the extent reservists see the need to be combat-ready; thus, some identities are likely better than others to meet current and emerging national threats, as well as being better prepared to cope and adapt to deployment stressors (Griffith, 2011a).

Belonging in the Army Reserves Belongingness has been well established as a critical component of self-esteem and a basic psychological motivator of behavior (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). In their foundational 1995 theoretical statement, Roy Baumeister and Mark Leary asserted that humans are naturally driven towards establishing and maintaining relationships and belongingness. In their review of the literature, they argued for the Belongingness Hypothesis as "human beings have a pervasive drive to form and maintain at least a

21 minimum quantity of lasting, positive, and significant interpersonal relationships" (p.

497). The hypothesis holds two main features: (a) people need frequent personal contacts or interactions with significant others, and (b) people need to perceive. Feelings of belonging deprivation have been shown to cause decrements in health, happiness, adjustment, and emotional well-being. Real or even imagined changes to one's level of belongingness or acceptance could produce emotional responses – a perceived increase in belongingness is associated with positive affect (Argyle, 1987; Freedman, 1978; Myers, 1992), where a perceived decrease in belongingness is associated with negative feelings (Leary, 1990; Leary & Downs, 1995; Tambor & Leary, 1993).

Prior research supports a general conclusion that being included or accepted leads to a range of positive emotions (e.g., happiness, elation, contentment, and calm), whereas being excluded or rejected leads to strong negative feelings (e.g., anxiety, depression, grief, jealousy, loneliness; Baumeister & Leary, 1995). Veterans with a high degree of perceived support are less likely to suffer from Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (Hobfall & London, 1986). Evidence indicates that people who lack a sense of belonging suffer higher levels of mental, emotional, and physical illness and distress and are prone to engage in maladaptive behaviors (Pound, 2019). In the military, officers and senior enlisted (non-commissioned officers; NCO) often represent the institution to the junior enlisted. Therefore, any interaction with senior military members can feel like interacting with formal representatives of the organization or with the organization itself (Pound, 2019).

This highlights how identity and belonging are important elements within the U.S. military and can be seen in many external and internal manifestations throughout the

22 organization and culture. Examples of external items include but are not limited to uniforms, unit insignias, patches, tabs, and badges. Internal examples include but are not limited to creeds, values, or mottos that can vary from unit to unit as a military way of life.

External Manifestations Identity and belonging do not only impact soldiers while they actively wear the uniform. Identity and belonging issues can extend into the veteran community. Veterans who wear military regalia have a stronger sense of military community and feelings of connection to other veterans; this continues to be true decades after discharge (McNally, 1995; Daley, 1999). These examples reinforce the significant impact that soldier identity and belonging have on current and former soldiers. Heraldic items for Army organizations reflect history, tradition, ideals, mission, and accomplishments. Shoulder sleeve insignia and distinctive unit insignia have been designed to be distinctive to the organization for which approved. Both serve as identifying devices and contribute to unit cohesiveness (Wilson, 1934).

Patches continue to remain important items on Army uniforms. Often they are an easy conversation starter when seeing the same patch on someone else. It can be an identifier from the past or offers a twinship to one another. However, not all patches have the same linage or prestige as others, evidenced by the Army attempting to make wearing patches and inclusive events rather exclusive. A recent pilot program tried a "patch-over" ceremony as an attempt to bring A.D., USAR, and ARNG units together (King, 2016). In this ceremony, ARNG and USAR units removed their unit patch and put on the patch of

23 the A.D. unit they were partnering with (King, 2016) in an attempt to foster cohesion and sameness. King, a former ARNG soldier, explains his personal perspective on the National Guard patch versus the Active-Duty patch: As a member of the Washington Army National Guard in the mid-90s, my unit, the 81stst Infantry Brigade, wore a patch consisting of a white square with a Native American raven on the inside. The unit patch on its own had no real history, no iconic moment that someone could turn to and say, 'I'm a part of the unit that fought in this great battle.' No one outside of the states on the West Coast had ever even seen a patch like it. While at basic training, my fellow recruits would talk about how excited they were to be going to a historic unit like the 101st or the 82nd Airborne. I could only listen and smile, secretly wishing my unit was as famous as theirs. (p. 3) King (2016) further goes on to say that: Later I wrote off my desire to wear a different patch to youthful ignorance. It didn't matter what you wore on your sleeve. It was the people in the unit that made it great, not a symbol on your arm, right. Sure, it helped that a unit had a strong past that leaders and soldiers could look to for inspiration. But a true measure of a unit was supposed to be "what have you done for me lately?" not what did you do 50 or 75 years ago. It wasn't until twelve years later that I truly understood the power a unit patch really had. (p. 5) Some soldiers associate a sense of identity and belonging to what patch they have on their shoulders. King's initial sentiments about the meaning of a combat patch for him conveyed the importance of identity and what it meant for him to belong and fit in. While

24 he later changed his perception of the meaning, it shows the impact of the importance of what a combat patch means to the individual soldier.

Internal Manifestations Internal manifestations, such as creeds, are one example of the internal development of soldier identity and belonging. Creeds outline specific morals, values, and esprit de corps that the individual must follow and or possess to "be" a soldier. In 2003, the U.S. Army Chief of Staff, General Shinseki, called for the rewriting of the Soldier's Creed to prepare soldiers better mentally for warfare, with the new creed emphasizing the mindset of a warfighter, i.e., "I am a Warrior" "ready to deploy, engage, and destroy the enemies," "place the mission first," and "never accept defeat." (Griffith, 2011a).

The creed also reinforced the notion that soldiering was a profession with the phrase, "I am a professional." Professionalization transforms an occupation from commonness to exceptionality, often involving a formal organization that develops strict standards for admittance into the occupation and special qualifications. Professionalizing an occupation adds prestige, status, and privileges to the occupation. On the other hand, its exclusivity creates a boundary between its members and others (Griffith, 2011b). This exclusivity and creation of boundaries can be seen in soldiers with a combat patch and soldiers without one. This designator becomes an exclusive club that centers back on soldier identity and belonging. This creed was designed to target a specific type of identity and belonging for soldiers to possess, which is rooted in the act of fighting in a war. In a time when there are fewer deployments (despite the U.S. military still being

25 involved in the Middle East), this revised version of the Soldier's Creed does not address soldiers who never had the opportunity to truly be a "warrior." Rather it reinforced the notion that having a combat patch is necessary to identify as a soldier and have a sense of belonging.

The identification of a soldier both internally and externally is multilayered.

Leenaars (2013) asserted that one of the most obvious concepts is that being a soldier is an identity or a self, and it has its own characteristics, patterns, and associations. Hall (2011) further suggested: On a deeper, perhaps more psychological level, many who join the military feel a need to ["merge their identity with that of the warrior."]....so, it is not uncommon for young men to merge their identity with that of a warrior by being part of something meaningful, which is a motivation to join the military. (p. 34) This speaks to the importance of having a shared experience and how this impacts a sense of belonging and will be discussed further throughout the literature review.

Daley (1999) and Zirker et al. (2008) suggested that military identity, while technically vocational, might be more similar to ethnic or quasi-ethnic identity. Veterans and military personnel speak in a language that sets them apart from others which can be seen and heard in the lexicon and acronyms they use. Soldiers are encouraged to put group needs in front of their own, follow unique customs and courtesies, share close-knit experiences that separate them from civilian populations (i.e., combat deployments, unique military schools), and consider their identity as a "veteran" to be a lifelong status (e.g., "Once a Marine, always a Marine").

26 There are different opportunities and experiences between the reserve and active duty that may impact a soldier's sense of identity and belonging. At the same time, there are many distinct differences, such as the difference between emersion in their full-time service (e.g., living and working on an Army base) versus part-time service (e.g., driving sometimes hours to an armory). One important difference the author has continued to observe is the limited opportunities to deploy to a combat zone for reserve soldiers. In the past decade, the nature of reserve military service was frequent and lengthy deployments with about 300,000 of the 1.2 million National Guard and Army Reserve soldiers called to active duty to support military missions for homeland security, as well as ongoing operations in Afghanistan and Iraq (General Accounting Office, 2003). These numbers are significant because they indicate that many reserve soldiers have had the opportunity to deploy and have been heavily used in rotations to support traditional active-duty brigade-sized units, which are generally between 3,000-5,000 troops. However, with troop withdrawals across the Middle East and the termination of conflict in Iraq, there are now limited opportunities for reserve soldiers to earn their combat patch, which has been a noted experience that is important to soldier identity and belonging.

Similar to active-duty soldiers, deployment is an important part of the reserve soldier's identity and group membership, both of which play a role in stress among reserve soldiers (Griffith, 2011a). Thus, non-deployment may conflict with a soldiers' preferred identity and contribute to feelings of decreased value, camaraderie, and belongingness within their unit (Hoopsick et al., 2018) and/or sense of self.

Another difference of reserve identity and belonging (most specifically in the ANG) is associated with the regular Army as it relates to the military, cultural

27 background of the ANG, which is something that most active-duty soldiers do not necessarily contemplate. Brown (2016) noted that citizen-soldiers are rooted in history, geography, and community of place. If a bomb detonates under a National Guard Humvee downrange, the caskets all return to the same hometown. While active duty can suffer high rates of casualties in a given incident, it is often unheard of for all those casualties to be from the same hometown or city, which is to say that they are often unrelated to each other. This is a unique aspect that can impact identity and belonging not only within the reserve component but the community in which they serve. Identity and belonging can also be identified in the design of unit patches. While some unit patches may not have a military historical significance like the All-American patch (notably the 82nd ABN), reserve patches have their own meanings. Brown (2016) explained that communities have symbols, like sport team logos and state flags. Thus, it is natural that National Guard units and their respective symbols come to represent the ideals and aspirations of the places from which they come. If a soldier wears the 34th Infantry "Red Bull'' Division patch while in uniform in any major airport, it is not uncommon for people to talk to them about Minnesota and Iowa, just as quick as if they had been wearing an NFL Minnesota Vikings jacket or University of Iowa "Hawkeyes" T-shirt. Similarly, an Arrowhead "T-patch" means Texas, and a Thunderbird means Oklahoma (Brown, 2016).

In other words, all such patches represent the soldier's home state. Conversely, patches may have undesirable perceptions and or identities of an organization and require rebranding. In 2019, a congressional mandate required the Army National Guard to rebrand their iconic Minuteman patch, a symbol that dates back to the guard's preRevolutionary war roots (NGAUS, 2019). The new patch is a black shield with gold and

28 white text that reads "Army National Guard" with a black star. Lt. Col. Wes Parmer, a spokesman for the Army Guard director, further elaborated, "There has been some confusion with previous brandings," Parmer said, noting that the logo has not always readily identified the guard as part of the Army's Total Force.

While this new branding was a direct result of a mandate from the 2017 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), which was designed to combine the recruiting and marketing efforts of the three Army components (NGAUS, 2019), it reinforces the notion that patches not only have a direct impact on the ability to recruit and be recognized as part of the Army but the powerful impact that patches have on soldier identity.

Another important identity aspect within the military is the idea of masculinity, which applies to both active duty and reserve soldiers. While the scope of this research included women as exclusion criteria to keep the study's focus sufficiently narrow, it is worth noting that masculinity is of key importance in the armed forces (Dunivin, 1994).

Dunivin (1994) first described the military's Combat Masculine-Warrior paradigm, and Braswell and Kushner (2012) called the masculine identity "the cementing principle of military life" (p. 533). Hsu and Ketchne (2013) stated that such a male-centered culture marginalizes anyone who is not perceived to be masculine, and indeed, qualitative reports from military women have indicated a sense that they must refute gender-based assumptions to "prove" themselves (Gutierrez, 2013). While this study did not focus on gender impacts, it is important to note that masculinity can be an important element to identity and belonging within any branch of the armed forces because soldiers must generally subscribe to specific traditional masculine characteristics.

29 Another way that identity and belonging are formed is through a process. From a review of the anthropological, sociological, and social psychology literature, individuals engage in three main processes to create a sense of unity from their multiple belongings and possible identities, which consist of behavioral practice, spatial displacement, and narrativity (Vest, 2012). These processes are important when looking at the development of soldier identity and belonging within the reserve component of the Army.

Behavioral Practice Derived from Bourdieu's concept of habitus (how individuals perceive their social world) and Giddens' notion of practical consciousness, the habitus is defined as "systems of durable, transposable dispositions" (Bourdieu, 1977), which are learned in early childhood. This concept is significant to understanding reserve service and the behavioral negotiation of multiple identities. Bourdieu also referenced the ability of an individual to acquire a second habitus and experience their habitus split (Danahay, 2004). The idea of a split habitus acknowledges an individual's need to utilize different behavioral norms in different contexts to reflect identities related to that context. This concept is useful for examining the case of part-time soldiers because in many cases, National Guard members described their behavior in and out of uniform in terms that could be interpreted as a differing habitus (i.e., standing straighter when in uniform), indicating that they had ingrained separate ways of acting within different social settings and engage in a "reflexive monitoring of action," whereby embodied behaviors are consciously matched to the social setting (Giddens, 1984). This can be viewed when reservists change their

30 language or behavior when attending their drill weekends, vs. how they would talk and act at their civilian jobs.

Spatial Displacement The second process individuals use to manage identities refers to spatial displacement related to reservists as a geographical, physical separation of identities and an enacted spatial separation (Vest, 2012). For example, National Guard soldiers physically separate their identities in differing locations of ''armory'' and ''home,'' by referring to themselves as soldiers' 'in here'' (the armory) and civilians ''out there'' (everything outside the armory), while also spatially separating their identities by enacting different ways of being in these locations. Reserve soldiers assume traits and behavioral practices related to soldiering in the physical locations where these behaviors are normalized (Vest, 2012).

Narrativity The third and last process is the idea of the narrating self (McAdams, 1997), otherwise called narrativity. Another view of narrativity is seen as the key construction of the self (Rapport, 1997) which also includes memories from experiences. Similar to selfpsychology’s development of the self, which is the personality that confers the sense of selfhood and which is evoked and sustained by a constant supply of responsiveness from the functioning of selfobjects-thus providing a continuous matrix of selfobject experiences-we call the self (Wolf, 1988). According to Vest (2013), these individuals

31 use these processes to create unity, which renders multiple identities coherent by placing them within a story. Related discursive strategies allow individuals to separate their experience and identity through language by using different types of language in different social settings. For example, reserve soldiers use differential languages such as profanity and other linguistic mechanisms (such as joking and restricted code) with each other to signify their belonging as soldiers (Vest, 2013).

Types of Army Soldiers There are three different types of soldiers within the Army, including active duty, Reserve, and the National Guard. The identities of each vary in their involvement and their commitment to military service and thus have implications for who joins and remains in reserve service (Griffith, 2011a). For this study, soldiers with the USAR/ANG are the focus of attention. The following section illustrates what the reserve soldier is in further detail.

Reserve Identity Army leaders and policymakers have viewed soldier identity as integral to soldier and unit effectiveness. With the introduction of the all-volunteer force in the United States, Army leaders sought ways to redefine soldier identity to attract high-quality (higher in aptitude) recruits (Griffith, 2011a). Reserve soldiers have various differences compared to their active-duty soldiers, and one example is their service.

32 Reserve military service is largely intermittent (as opposed to their active-duty counterpart), with service one weekend a month and two weeks a year for their annual training (Griffith, 2011). Due to the limited amount of time that the reservists wear their uniform, how they think and act relative to their military service depends largely on social-psychological processes, such as beliefs and attitudes about reserve military service (Griffith, 2011a).

Like the USAR, the ANG also serves intermittently (as opposed to their activeduty counterpart) with one weekend a month and two weeks a year for their annual training (AT) (Griffith, 2011a). However, there are differences between USAR soldiers and ANG soldiers that make their identity and belonging different from each other within the reserve component.

ANG soldiers are assigned to a state (e.g., NC, TX, VA) with their mission focused primarily on state emergencies (e.g., hurricanes, floods, tornados) or other stateside missions such as response to COVID-19, civil disturbance, and guarding the national Capital Building. While having the task to respond to stateside missions, the ANG must also be mission-ready to be activated for combat and other world deployments (i.e., Kuwait, Egypt, Europe). This is unique to the ANG identity and often causes a source of conflict for many as it relates to the combat patch. While the ANG does have combat deployments, the majority of ANG guard deployments presently are stateside, where they have not authorized the wear of a combat patch.

Another identity difference between active duty and the reserve component is how they are labeled. When spoken about, active duty is often referred to as the "regular" Army, which can have a subtle message of the perceived meaning of "the real." The

33 USAR refers to its soldiers as "reservist" which can have a subtle message of "being the backup" to active duty. The ANG as an institution refers to its members as "citizensoldiers" and can have a subtle perception of meaning " not a real soldier" or "second class citizen." While these perceptions do not have scientific evidence to support these statements, it emphasizes there is a meaning assigned to them and its impact on the reservist identity. Griffith (2011a) detailed this more specifically by describing soldier identity measured on a spectrum. While the reserve and National Guard components are honorable options for service within the U.S. military, they are often labeled as a "citizensoldier" or "weekend warrior" (Griffith, 2011a). These nicknames may be seen as derogatory and potentially increase the number of people with poor self-identification that feel like outsiders to an organization that promotes cohesion.

Griffith (2011a) examined the evolution of the "citizen-soldier" identity in the United States over time, arguing that reservists' identity conceptions change as geopolitical events bring about structural changes in the reserve forces. He argued these changes, while intended to redefine the purposes and functions of the reserve force, at times had unanticipated effects on the individual reservist's military service experience.

Insofar as these experiences represent a coherent whole, they can be labeled an identity (Griffith, 2011b). From World War II to the present, several identities are evident: the obliged-conscripted citizen-soldier, weekend warrior, instrumental volunteer, identity seeker, soldier warrior, and conservative ideologue (Griffith, 2011b). (1) The obligedconscripted citizen soldier who served because of an imminent need for defense and a sense of obligation, and maintained a core identity as a civilian; 2) the weekend warrior (Cold War-Vietnam) was the traditional Vietnam-era image of the citizen-soldier who

34 served as a reservist to avoid duty in Vietnam and viewed reserve service as a part-time weekend activity that was social and leisurely in nature and involved little commitment; 3) the instrumental volunteer (post-Vietnam and Cold War) who joined as a volunteer, but often under an occupational model, seeking low levels of commitment and compensation in the form of pay and benefits; 4) the identity seeker (1990s), who sought to give legitimacy and value to reserve service; 5) the soldier warrior (Gulf War), an individual who was a professional, ready to fight, and deeply committed to military service and missions; and, 6) the conservative ideologue, who adhered to a conservative political philosophy, had similar political attitudes to his/her peers, and served out of a deep sense of obligation. (Griffith, 2011a).

From the 1940s to the present, reservists have had several identities that have evolved over time, largely because of adjustments made by the U.S. military to world events, which, in turn, have affected the nature of reserve military service. Regardless, identities at a given period encapsulate the common experiences of military service among reservists (Griffith, 2011a). Deployment is an essential experience that strengthens soldier identity and gives meaning to their service.

Studies and Research on Reserve Identity Griffith conducted a study on reserve component soldiers in 2011 that examined the meaning and importance of identity. He hypothesized that identities relate to specific attitudes concerning reserve military service. Four identity scales were given in that study, including the weekend warrior, the instrumental volunteer, the identity seeker conservative, and the ideologue soldier warrior (Griffith, 2011a). Results revealed that

35 reservists who scored higher on the identity seeker, soldier warrior, and ideologue scales had a deeper sense of commitment to their service. In addition, soldiers who scored high on the soldier warrior and ideologue scales were associated with reserve military service providing a special purpose and sense of belonging (Griffith, 2011a).

The identity to which the reservist ascribes is most likely expressed based on military status as opposed to civilian status. Based on content, each identity corresponds to a set of expected attitudes and behaviors and the role identity (Griffith, 2011a). In addition, identity seeker and soldier warrior scales showed significant and positive relationships with retention and readiness, contrasted with non-significant or negative relationships of the weekend warrior and instrumental volunteer scales (Griffith, 2011a).

Figure 1 summarizes relationships among role identity, role expectations, institutional values, and attitudinal and behavioral tendencies (Griffith, 2011a).

36 Figure 1

Results further revealed that identities are often complementary as well as contradictory. The weekend warrior and the instrumental volunteer scales were positively correlated, though they were significantly and negatively correlated with the soldier warrior and the conservative ideologue (Griffith, 2011a). This is an important consideration when looking at how self and others perceive reserve service as this creates an incongruence to the soldier self.

Similarly, Hoopsick et al.'s (2018) study on understanding the emotions related to soldiers who have never deployed concluded that while there was some variation in reported emotions related to not having deployed, a substantial proportion of soldiers

37 reported moderate to high negative emotions regarding non-deployment, and such emotions were related to anger, anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress. According to their results, among the never-deployed USAR/NG soldiers, 64% felt guilt, 59% felt less valued by their unit, 49% felt less camaraderie within their unit, and 50% felt less connected with their unit due to not having deployed. Additionally, their findings showed that not deploying may conflict with soldier identity and contribute to additional stress for the non-deployed soldier. They also found that length of deployment in a combat zone (at least 12 months) also contributed to a soldier's perceived value, camaraderie, and connectedness with their unit (Hoopsick et al., 2018).

Griffith (2009) applied social identity theory and how it impacts reserve service.

He argued that social identity had a stronger association with unit membership, whereas measures of personal identity do not. Social identity theory was initially introduced by Tajfel and Turner (2004) and later elaborated on by Turner et al. (1987). According to the theory, the individual is assumed to have several identities, each identity informing the individual of who he or she is and what this identity entails. The identity that the individual assumes depends on circumstances surrounding an individual (Griffith, 2009).

Griffith (2009) also found that social identity theory offers an important perspective on reserve military service. The differences in experiences of reservists as contrasted with those of "regulars" and "conscripts," both full-time and active-duty soldiers, have to do with the immediacy of the "dominant context." The saliency or immediacy of this environment influences the self-concept of the reserve soldier—either civilian or soldier or a combination of the two. For full-time active-duty soldiers, the dominant context would be the military environment, including its reference groups, practices, customs,

38 and rituals. For reservists, he suggested that the dominant context would be the civilian environment and that the reserve soldier may broadly see themselves as a soldier.

However, when not drilling one weekend a month or participating in annual training, the individual is likely to view themselves according to the familiar civilian roles they play, which is to say that reservists only subscribe to their military identity if they are heavily immersed in it. Overall, reservists' self-identification within their role as a soldier varied from various aspects such as unit satisfaction, unit experiences, and personal ideology (Griffith, 2009).

Another study conducted by Lancaster and Hart (2015) explored the relationship between identity and functioning in American military members and veterans through examining potential predictors of various dimensions of identity. To accomplish this, they developed the Warrior Identity Scale (WIS) based on items from various ethnic and vocational identity scales with the specific aim of examining multiple dimensions of identity (Phinney & Ong, 2007; Yoon, 2011). Specifically, they examined the effects of evaluation, attachment, and sense of interdependence as defined by Ashmore and colleagues (2004). To better understand the relationship between these domains of identity and psychological functioning, they collected data on a wide range of psychological constructs, including instruments assessing for depression, PTSD, social support, as well as positive and negative effects (Lancaster & Hart, 2015).

Results showed that elements of attachment and evaluation (Ashmore et al., 2004) in military identity were related to measures of psychological functioning, interconnectedness, and seeing the military as a family (attachment aspects of identity).

They were both related to symptoms of depression, PTSD, and high negative affect, and

39 public and private military regard (evaluation aspects of identity) correlated with indicators of positive psychological functioning. Additionally, it was found that psychological functioning affected some forms of identity in military veterans, and veterans who are experiencing psychological distress were likely to identify with the military in different ways than those who are functioning well. While the results were similar to those of previous researchers, it was noted that additional investigation was needed before more concrete conclusions could be drawn. In particular, the correlation between private regard and pride was higher than might be desired for independent scales, and additional psychometric work would help clarify these relationships. The study was also found to improve on earlier work by quantitatively assessing a wide number of different domains of identity in military service members (Lancaster & Hart, 2015). A mounting line of research supports a strong relationship between militaryrelated identity and post-deployment functioning (Lancaster & Hart, 2015), which supports the importance of this current study.

Studies and Research on Reserve Belonging Belonging has been found to be essential to human health, happiness, and life satisfaction in various contexts (Pfeiffer, 2014). In school settings, perceived belonging has been shown to promote academic performance and motivation (Gillen-O'Neel & Fuligni, 2013). In job settings, perceived belonging has been shown to buffer against the ill effects of stress while promoting job satisfaction and retention, as well as enhancing professional identity (Hatmaker, 2013; Skaalvik & Skaalvik, 2011). High levels of perceived belonging have also been shown to provide some degree of protection against a

40 host of mental health difficulties, including depression, anxiety, and suicidal ideation (Bryan et al., 2013; Ferrier-Auerbach et al., 2010). The importance of belonging in the military, while seeming no different than in civilian settings such as school or work environments, can have impacts that affect life and death. Dasberg (1982) assert that whenever there is a case of "battle breakdown" (severe, negative psychological outcomes following combat), there is "an almost universal experience of loneliness as opposed to belonging" (p. 143).

The military has recognized solidarity and commitment to a shared mission as indispensable elements of an effective military and designs every aspect of military practices to create cohesion and foster an attitude that places greater importance on the good of the group than on the needs of the individual (Braswell & Kushner, 2012; Dasberg, 1982).

It is also important to note that the military places intense physical and psychological demands on its members, especially during deployment to war zones (Pfeiffer 2014). During the current conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, which began in 2001 (known as Operation Enduring Freedom/ Operation Iraqi Freedom/ Operation New Dawn, or "OEF/OIF/OND"), more U.S. soldiers have been sent on multiple deployments than during any other conflict in U.S. history, a practice that has been shown to considerably increase their stress levels (Kline, et al. 2010). Under such conditions, distress and mental health symptoms are common, but a strong sense of belonging or cohesion has been found to be extremely important with respect to improving a soldier's sense of well-being and "combat readiness" during training and missions (Griffith, 2002).

41 A substantial amount of research in the civilian sector has established that good leadership is beneficial to creating a sense of belonging and inclusion among all members of an organization (Shore et al., 2010. While research in a military context is more limited, positive leadership has been found to be associated with an increased sense of belonging and commitment to the military (Kelty et al., 2010; Meyer et al., 2013; Overdale & Gardner, 2012).

Although this literature review generally excluded women in the military from consideration, Pfeiffer (2014) explored predictors of perceived belonging of U.S. military men and women. This included unit size, leadership, active duty vs. reserve service, gender, and ethnicity. Her research participants included both active duty and reserve components of the U.S. Military and veterans and trainees. While her study was not solely based on the reserve component of the Army, she included all components, which factored in the USAR and ANG. Pfeiffer (2014) found that perceived leadership was the strongest predictor of perceived unit belonging and underscores the high level of attention that ought to be paid to training leaders and monitoring their effectiveness in a military setting. Her study also found that the unit size and perceived unit belonging did not support a predicted significant negative correlation of belonging.

Lastly and more significantly with respect to the current study, Pfeiffer (2014) found that active-duty service is associated with higher perceived belonging than reserve or guard service. Previous studies comparing the experiences of active-duty service members to reserve/guard service members have often focused on differences in outcomes during and following deployment (primarily because reserve/guard members

42 are typically not expecting to be deployed and thus have not made all the appropriate arrangements for their extended absence ahead of time). The results of this study reveal differences in perceived belonging between active duty and reserve/guard service members to be another fruitful area of research.

History and Meaning of the Combat Patch Heraldic items for Army organizations reflect history, tradition, ideals, mission, and accomplishments. Shoulder sleeve insignia and distinctive unit insignia have been designed so that each is distinctive to the organization for which approved and serve as identifying devices and contribute to unit cohesiveness (Wilson, 1934). While the custom of bearing various symbols on shields, helmets, and flags existed in antiquity, heraldry was not introduced until the Middle Ages (Wilson, 1934).

During the American Civil War, soldiers wore colorful badges on their caps and blouses to differentiate themselves in the chaos of battle (Selby, 2012). During World War I (WWI), these simple insignias evolved into more intricate unit patches, also known as shoulder sleeve insignias, and were worn on the left sleeve to denote membership in a certain Army unit (Selby, 2012). The first shoulder sleeve insignia is believed to have been worn by the men of the 81st Division during World War I. On their voyage to France, they adopted as their insignia the figure of a wildcat that was in use as a distinctive marking for the Division's equipment (Wilson, 1934).

Later, in the mid-1940s, insignias were added to the opposite sleeve and signified time in a war zone (Selby, 2012). Currently, the combat patch, also known as shoulder

43 sleeve insignia–former wartime service (SSI-FWTS) only applies to soldiers who are/were assigned to U.S. Army units that meet all the following criteria: 1.

the Secretary of the Army or higher must declare the theater or area of operation as a hostile environment to which the unit is assigned, or Congress must pass a Declaration of War;

2.

the units must have actively participated in or supported ground combat operations against hostile forces in which they were exposed to the threat of enemy action or fire, either directly or indirectly;

3.

the military operation normally must have lasted for a period of 30 days or longer. An exception may be made when U.S. Army forces are engaged with a hostile force for a shorter period of time when they meet all other criteria, and a recommendation is forwarded from the general or flag officer in command to the Chief of Staff, Army; and

4.

The Chief of Staff, Army must approve the authorization for wearing the SSI for FWTS (Department of the Army, 2014).

Much pride can be seen in these patches, as there is a lineage that dates to important battles throughout military history. Two examples of Army unit patches that are well known in military history include the 101st Air Assault Division, nicknamed the "Screaming Eagles," and the 82nd Airborne Division (ABN), nicknamed "the All American" (history-world.org) and have distinct military histories. During WWII, the 101st Airborne Division spent 214 days in combat (history-world.org). In addition to two Medals of Honor awarded to soldiers of the 101st, the Division awarded 47 Distinguished

44 Service Crosses, 516 Silver Stars, and 6,977 Bronze Stars to its ranks. The Division was responsible for capturing 29,527 enemy soldiers (history-world.org), thus highlighting the historical prestige of this unit.

The 82nd ABN was created on August 25, 1917, at Camp Gordon, Georgia (ddayoverlord.com). As the Division grew with soldiers, it was discovered there were soldiers from every state (globalsecurity.org). Through a contest, the nickname "All American" was chosen to reflect the unique composition of the 82nd Division (globalsecurity.org).

Upon entry into WWI, the Division was sent to France and participated in three major offensives, which precipitated the collapse of the armies of the German Empire (ddayoverlord.com). These units are one of many that have extensive combat experience that has resulted in many successful battles. Because of this, some wear these patches, knowing that they are sharing history with the past.

Like active duty, USAR/ANG units also have unit patches worn on their shoulder sleeve. While many USAR/ANG patches have storied histories, few instill the same amount of pride as those worn by active-duty soldiers (King, 2016). This is not to say that all USAR/ANG soldiers do not value or take pride in the unit they serve. It is, however, important to explore how this plays a part in these individual soldiers' identity and belonging.

Theoretical Literature of Self-Psychology Self-psychology was chosen as the main theoretical approach to help gain a more in-depth understanding of the concepts of the development of soldier identity and the use of a combat patch as a self-object function. Self-psychology, like Freudian theory,

45 focused on the intrapsychic experience of individuals - the selfobject experience - but attempts to be more aware of the environmental conditions that shape the selfobject experience; it also attempts, with the help of developmental psychology, to delineate the ever-changing age-appropriate selfobject needs of the individual (Wolf, 1988).

In classical psychoanalysis, the biological needs and the inherent instinctual drives are explicitly described, whereas the environmental contributions to the individual's psychological structure are only implicitly recognized (Wolf, 1988). In selfpsychology, the reverse is true: The importance of the selfobject environment as a decisive influence on the central selfobject experience is explicitly conceptualized, whereas the equally essential inherent need of the individual for stimuli is organized in their inner life, their subjective experience, and into a cohesively structured configuration (Wolf, 1988). Three important aspects of self-psychology were looked at regarding the concepts within the study that emphasized the importance of having a strong identity and sense of belongingness. The concept of the self, self-object needs, and self-object experiences were explored further and discussed as it relates to this study.

Kohut believed the self-object was an object that was experienced as a part of the self, not as a separate person (Lessem, 2005). Kohut also believed one's sense of self was strengthened through intense, invigorating, positive emotional experiences (Lessem, 2005). In other words, the better the engagement and environment of the child's caretakers, the better the potential for developing a strong sense of self, leading to a cohesive self. The development of a cohesive self must be provided by core elements that encompass empathy and the development of the self-matrix self-object functions.

46 Kohut (1977) defined the self as "…the center in the individual's psychological universe" (p. 311). It is what "I" refers to when we say, "I feel such and such, and I do so and so" (Baker & Baker, 1987). Thus, emphasizing what the self-experiences and the actions the self-undertakes are consequences of those experiences (Baker & Baker, 1987). In the Army, an example of this can look like when a soldier says, "I am a paratrooper'', or "I do intelligence for the Army," thus delineating a specific occupation or identity that they subscribe to.

The term self-object was introduced to denote one's experience of another as a part of the self (Rowe & Mac Isaac, 2004). For an individual to have a cohesive sense of self, the child must have sufficient self-objects within their environment, have internal structures developed, consistency, and clarity of experiences in the face of considerable stress (Baker & Baker, 1987) that are important to the child's psychological development.

Kohut (1984) described how particular psychological functions are met through selfobjects in a letter to a friend: Throughout his life, a person will experience himself as a cohesive, harmonious firm unit in time and space, connected with his past and pointing meaningfully into a creative, productive future, [but] only as long as, each stage in his life, he experiences certain representatives of his human surroundings as joyfully responding to him, as available to him as sources of idealized strength and calmness, as being silently present but in essence like him. (p. 52) A substantial deficiency of selfobjects within the child's environment generally interferes with the interpersonal functioning, preventing or interfering with both object love and the development of mature self-object relationships. Additionally, when the

47 unhealthy self-experiences a disruption of a self-object relationship or narcissistic insult, even if it may appear minor to the outside observer, the self may experience depleted depression or disintegration anxiety (Baker & Baker, 1987); these symptoms can be so intense that it is similar to the fear of death, except that what is feared is not physical annihilation but the loss of humanness: psychological death which in turn can lead to a fragmented self which often leads to the development of psychopathology (Baker & Baker, 1987). This self-experience of fragmentation or enfeebled depression causes the self as the initiator of action to do something to end (or to develop some defense mechanism against) those intolerable states; to restore the self-experience to a sense of coherence, wholeness, or vigor (Baker & Baker, 1978). In minor forms of anxiety or depression, the well-defended individual experiences boredom or sleepiness as a defensive strategy, but for more significant disintegration anxiety or depression, the most symptomatic behavior is viewed as an emergency attempt to maintain and/or restore internal cohesion and harmony to the vulnerable, unearthly self (Baker & Baker, 1987).

To decrease the potential of this to develop, there needs to be sufficient self-object functioning within the child's life by the caretaker. Kohut emphasized the child's development by asserting, "It is not so much what the parents do that will influence the character of the child's self, but what the parents are" (Kohut & Wolf, 1978, p. 417).

Kohut maintained that responsiveness to our self-object needs is the basic nutrient for psychological survival and growth. In his words: "Self-object relationships form the essence of psychological life from birth to death" (Kohut, 1984, p. 47). In other words, the experience of a responsive early self-object environment provides the basis for a confident expectation of appropriate self-object responsiveness throughout life, which in

48 turn is key to a healthy self (Lessem, 2005). Additionally, there is no self without selfobjects or self-object experiences. This dynamic network is called the self-object matrix, which includes two poles, also known as the "bipolar self." Kohut later added a third pole turning into a tripolar self, which was referred to as "twinship/alter ego." The initial two poles that define the development and maintenance of the self are the poles of selfassertive ambitions (mirroring) and the pole of values and ideals (i.e., idealizing; Bienenfield, 2006), as shown in Figure 2.

The presence of a mirroring selfobject (i.e., a parent or other vital figure that reflects the qualities, capacities, and accomplishments of the self) fosters the emergence of the grandiose self (Bienenfield, 2006). Kohut (1971) asserted that every child needs a sense of mirror-of-being, which is to look upon with joy and approval by a delighted parent.

49 Figure 2 Bipolar Self (Psychodynamic Theory for Clinicians, 2006)

This can be seen in the relationships that young soldiers develop when they report to their first duty station through battle buddies, junior/senior NCOs, as it mirrors this process needed when they are firstborn. Frequently, soldiers seek guidance from older or more senior soldiers for assistance, guidance; much like a father would help shape and mold their son.

Miller (1996) pointed out that for one to feel mirrored, the mirroring other is usually acting toward the subject with a combination of admiring, understanding, and validating. "Validating" refers to the confirmation of the child's feelings in activities requiring effort and mastery. The validation of significant others implies a child's innate pleasure in accomplishment and increasing competence. However, if a child does not have adequate experience of being appropriately mirrored, they may react to the

50 frustration of this crucial self-object need by responding automatically with a selfprotective operation that Kohut called the "vertical split" (Lessem, 2005).

The vertical split was seen as a separation of Division in one's psychological organization and experience. Unconsciously, in an effort to protect hope, pride, and selfesteem, the child resorts to using dissociative processes (Lessem, 2005). As a result of the splitting off process, powerful primitive fantasies fail to undergo a normal developmental transformation, and the child's sense of limitless power and associated fantasies remain separated from the more mundane, reality-based sense of self. These grandiose-expansive fantasies then continue to exert considerable influence on the child (Lessem, 2005).

During childhood, Kohut theorized that when this split occurs, the psyche is deprived of a main source of self-esteem. Without these fantasies and the associated feelings, self-valuing is radically impoverished, and the child may be apt to develop a hypersensitivity to slights, criticism, and indications of disapproval (Lessem, 2005).Without a reservoir of self-regard to draw on, the child (and later adult) is inclined to react to indications of any limitation on his part with the childlike response (Summers, 1994). Now, this is not to say that soldiers who were not provided with these self-object functions had poor parents. Kohut asserted that these patients don’t value themselves, not because these patients were not mirrored sufficiently. Rather the crucial development of the mirroring experience was repetitively withheld and led to a massive defensive response to protect and preserve archaic grandiosity (Lessem, 2005). At the same time, the presence of an idealizable selfobject (parent/figure or function that provides goals and aims for the developing self) fosters the emergence of an internalized figure of ideals and aspirations. This is in addition to the need to feel linked to an admired other, creating an

51 experience of a sense of calming, soothing, safety, strength, and/or inspiration. This is related to our need to merge with or feel close to someone we trust (Lessem, 2005).

Kohut also included in the idealizing self-object the yearning to participate in the perceived strength and stability of admired (usually attachment) figures, especially at times of upset and fear. An example of this is when a child bumps their head and runs crying to her mother, and after having it kissed by the mother, the pain immediately goes away (Lessem, 2005). Over time, this repetition of meeting the child's idealizing selfobject needs gradually helps the child to structuralize or represent self-soothing images and capacities (Lessem, 2005) and have a sense of safety. This sense of safety has many benefits for the child's development and sense of well-being, including an increased tolerance for uncomfortable feelings such as anxiety, fear, frustration, and sadness (Lessem, 2005). When mirroring and idealizing combine, it fosters the emergence of an internalized figure of ideals and aspirations, the idealized parental image in which these two poles sing a duet: "I am good" and "I can be great" (Bienenfield, 2006).

However, if there are long-term deficiencies of idealization to the child, consequences in healthy development start when the child's safety is diminished, which in turn diminishes the child's ability to modulate anxious, fearful, and aggressive feelings (Lessem, 2005). Second, the child is left without a good model to identify with or organize around (Lessem, 2005). In addition, he is likely to be left with a sense of emptiness and a yearning to have a relationship with an idealized other (Lessem, 2005).

The third pole, twinship/Alterego Kohut, defined the self-object need as "the need to experience essential alikeness from the moment of birth to the moment of death."

(1984, p. 194). In childhood, an example of this can be seen when a small boy stands next

52 to his father in the bathroom while he is shaving and imitates his father shaving by shaving with his own bladeless razor (Lessem, 2005). Another example can be seen when children dress up in child-size uniforms and walk around playing soldier. These sorts of experiences lead to a feeling of being like others, of being a part of and connected to the human community (Baker & Baker, 1987).

During adolescence, in western societies, the peer group becomes the acceptable provider of mirroring and twinship/alter ego responsiveness. By the advent of adolescence, self-object needs are sometimes met via symbolic representations based on prior self-object experiences and can be met symbolically by clothes, music, idols.

(Lessem 2005). For individuals who join out of high school, the military can be seen as an extension of a peer group, family, and wanting to be around other like-minded people who join. This continuation of mirroring and twinship/alter ego occurs during basic training as they are shaped into being and acting like a soldier. Additionally, there is a twinship that occurs when deploying and getting a combat patch. When looking at a combat patch, this object can serve as a twinship function for the soldier. Kohut (1984) defined self-object as “that dimension of our experience of another person that relates to this person's functions in shoring up our self” (p.49). In other words, this object helps the individual feel a sense of belonging as well as identification within the world.

In adulthood, the spouse, friends, and careers may be self-objects; in addition to broadening who or what may serve as self-objects, healthy individuals develop reliable, consistent, and endopsychic structures which assume many of the functions that were previously required of external self-objects (Baker & Baker, 1987). This leads to the person becoming more internally competent, less externally needing, and more flexible in

53 meeting the remaining self-object needs (Baker & Baker, 1987). An example of this can be seen when soldiers start to age and mature. For some, getting married and starting a family becomes more important, and the desire to be gone or compete for things no longer is a priority or main focus of attention. The self-object function comes from the family, and the need for idealizing and mirroring is met. These things combined, leading to a more cohesive, healthy self.

Operational and Theoretical Definitions Active Duty (A.D.) Soldiers who join the active component of the military are transformed from citizens to full-time soldiers. They are acculturated into their branch of service by wearing their uniform every day, living and working on a military base, and/or training for combat operations on a regular basis. Examples of active-duty units are but are not limited to the 82nd Airborne Division, 101st Air Assault Division, and 10th Mountain Division.

Reserve soldier (USAR) Reserve soldiers serve in a part-time capacity—typically one weekend a month, which is referred to as "Battle Assembly" and two weeks a year for annual training (AT) with the primary mission to provide combat-ready units and soldiers for the U.S. Army and the military's joint force across the full spectrum of conflict (usar.army.mil).

Army National Guard (ANG) Similar to the USAR, ANG soldiers, serve in a part-time capacity—one weekend a month (drill) and two weeks a year for training with the primary mission to support the states in times of natural and human-made disasters (SAMHA, 2010). The Governor can mobilize each state to provide support within the

54 state or, under certain conditions, across state lines and only occurs when the Governor declares a state of emergency following civil unrest or natural disaster (SAMHA, 2010).

The ANG can be activated for federal service in support of combat operations, though this only occurs when declared by Congress, the President, or the Secretary of Defense.

Examples of National Guard units are but are not limited to Texas National Guard, North Carolina National Guard, and South Carolina National Guard.

Combat Veteran A military member deployed to a combat zone (e.g., Iraq, Afghanistan, Vietnam, Korea) designated by the Secretary of the Army.

Military Occupational Specialty (MOS) Military occupational specialty (MOS) refers to the United States Army job coding. Examples include 11 Bravo (11B), a basic infantry soldier, 88 Mike (88M), a truck driver, and 73 Alpha/Bravo, a social worker and psychologist in the Army.

Combat patch A combat patch is defined as a shoulder sleeve insignia indicative of former wartime service (SSI-FWTS). Wearing combat patch (SSI) applies only to soldiers who are/were assigned to U.S. Army units that meet the following criteria: (1) the Secretary of the Army or higher must declare the theater or area of operation as a hostile environment to which the unit is assigned, or Congress must pass a Declaration of War; (2) the units must have actively participated in or supported ground combat operations against hostile forces in which they were exposed to the threat of enemy action or fire, either directly or indirectly. (3) the military operation typically must have lasted for 30 days or longer. An exception may be made when U.S. Army forces are engaged with a hostile force for a shorter period when they meet all other criteria, and a recommendation from the general or flag officer in command is forwarded to the Chief of

55 Staff, Army; and (4) the Chief of Staff, Army must approve the authorization for wearing the SSI for FWTS (Department of the Army, 2014).

Civilian For the purposes of this research, a civilian can be generally defined as one who has never served in the armed forces.

Self-Psychology The conceptualizations of the relationships within the selfobject system is known as the theory of self-psychology (Wolf, 1988). Historically, selfpsychology was developed as a psychoanalytic theory to better understand psychological development. Self-psychology observes the emergence of a sense of selfhood during the second year of life and infers the presence of a psychological structure, the self. Selfpsychology is the study of this structure, its subjective manifestations, and its vicissitudes (Wolf, 1988). Moreover, the emergence of the self requires more than the inborn tendency to organize experience. It requires the presence of others (objects), who provide certain types of experiences that evoke the emergence and maintenance of the self (Wolf, 1988).

Belonging The need to belong and feel accepted by one's cohort in which the person feels two needs - a need to feel that members of the group are alike and a need to feel that group members experience one as essentially alike (Basch, 1994).

Identity A mutual relation that connotes both a persistent sameness within oneself (self-sameness) and a persistent sharing of some kind of essential character with others (Erikson, 1980).

The self Kohut's concept of the self was built on Heinz Hartmann's (1950) distinction between the ego - the subject of the ego psychology - and the self. In Kohut's early work, he used the terms id, ego, and superego of Freud's structural model of the

56 psyche (Lessem, 2005). According to Kohut (1997), the self is a depth-psychological concept that refers to the core of the personality. He proposed that the self is at the center of the experience, and it coincides with but is not identical to "the set of introspectively or empathically perceived inner experiences to which we later refer to as 'I' (p. 311).

The "self" also refers to the center of human initiative with its own motivational force seeking "the realization of its own specific program of action (Kohut & Wolf, 1978, p. 414). Kohut (1984) asserted that one's sense of self is strengthened through intense, invigorating, positive emotional experiences and that a strengthened sense of self, in turn, enables one to experience and express emotions more clearly and intensely (Lichtenberg et al., 1996). Second, it contributes to feelings of positive regard and worth through the exercise of one's skills and talents and accomplishments of one's goals (Lessem, 2005).Third, it has the quality of richness achieved by integrating and expressing selfexperience from birth to death (Lessem, 2005). Fourth, it is continually undergoing expansion and growth by virtue of efforts to resolve the inevitable tension between one's actual and ideal selves (Lessem, 2005). Lastly, it is capable of enhancement through a lifelong process of internalizing ideals and through relationships with admired others (Teicholz, 1999) selfobject experiences. These can be a function not only of objects but also of symbols or ideas representing objects (Wolf, 1988). Selfobject experiences are also inevitably mixed, composed of more than one type of selfobject experience, which consists of mirroring, idealizing, and twinship experiences that are always interwoven (Lessem, 2005). In every idealizing and mirroring experience, some of the others are present, and in order for mirroring to be vitalizing, it must be experienced with someone at least a bit idealized (Lessem, 2005). Likewise, in order for idealization to be

57 experienced as self-enhancing, the idealized person needs to be viewed as implicitly affirming (Lessem 2005). The self-object experience of essential alikeness that is at the core of the twinship experience involves a background of affirmation (Fosshage, 1997).

Selfobject Kohut (1977) replaced the term "narcissistic" with the selfobject concept. The selfobject concept emphasized his view that so-called narcissistic phenomena reflected the frustration and distortion of a basic sort of psychological need and were healthy needs of the self in a relational context (Bacal, 1995). The selfobject concept rendered the self as fluid, unbounded, and contextualized; therefore, it is open to mutual influence. The self cannot be meaningfully considered a discrete entity capable of attaining psychic autonomy (Teicholz, 2001).

Selfobject needs that are required to maintain cohesion, vigor, and balance to be self-sustaining (Wolfe, 1988). These consist of mirroring, twinship/alter ego, and idealizing needs. Mirroring is a need to feel affirmed, confirmed, recognized, and appreciated, especially when able to show oneself (Wolf, 1988). Twinship/alter ego is a "need to experience an essential alikeness from the moment of birth to the moment of death" (Kohut, 1984, p. 194). Idealizing is a need to experience oneself as being part of an admired and respected selfobject, needing the opportunity to be accepted by and merge into a stable, calm, non-anxious, powerful, wise, protective, selfobject that possess the qualities the selfobject lacks (Wolf, 1988).

Research Questions This study utilized a narrative qualitative research design method to address the following three research questions: 1) What is the experience of having a combat patch

58 for ANG/USAR soldiers? 2) What is the experience of not having a combat patch amongst ANG/USAR soldiers? 3) Is the experience of military belonging different between ANG/USAR soldiers who have a combat patch compared to ANG/USAR soldiers who do not have a combat patch? A total of sixteen semi-structured interviews with USAR/ANG soldiers were completed. Semi-structured interviews were used to gain a more robust understanding of soldier identity and belonging.

59

Chapter III

Methodology Study Design The original study sought to examine the concepts of how a combat patch impacts soldier identity and belonging among Army reservists/guardsmen. The original study sought to use an explanatory sequential mixed-method design (as shown in Figure 3) and narrative methodology to better understand the meaning of soldier identity and belonging as it relates to a combat patch.

A mixed-method design was initially chosen as the “mixing” or blending of data can provide a more robust understanding of the problem or question than by itself (Creswell, 2014). Furthermore, a mixed-method design was the most appropriate design to answer the research questions. In general, military behavioral health or soldier-focused research studies tend to be quantitative or qualitative; therefore, the study presumed that an explanatory sequential mixed-method design would offer richness to understanding their experiences. While quantitative measures were also being used, the main method of inquiry was the qualitative interview. The overall intent of this design is to have the qualitative data help explain in more detail the initial quantitative results (Creswell 2014).

60 Figure 3

Sequential design, mixed methods (Creswell & Clark, 2011)

Explanatory sequential mixed-methods design involves a two-phase process, as shown in Figure 3. Within phase one, the researcher collected quantitative data, analyzed the results, and then used the results to develop (or build on) the second qualitative phase (Creswell, 2014). Phase one would have consisted of a survey where data would have been collected, results analyzed, and then use the results to select a subsample of participants for the second phase to participate in a semi-structured interview. In this type of mixed-methods design, the quantitative results would have determined the types of participants to be purposefully selected for the qualitative phase and the types of questions to be asked during the interview process (Creswell, 2014). The qualitative phase would have consisted of an interview, which would have been conducted as a follow-up to help explain the quantitative results. The aim of this study was to explore the extent to which and in what ways identity and belongingness issues affect the soldier who

61 has never deployed. The study planned to explore four research questions, with the administration of the General Belongingness Scale (GBS), Warrior Identity Scale (WIS).

Conversely, this study experienced issues within phase one of the data collection.

Multiple issues arose related to survey responses and difficulties with sufficient advertisement, which created insufficient responses to gain a robust sample of the overall desired population. Despite numerous attempts to address the issue, the survey was unsuccessful in collecting the necessary data. Therefore, it was determined that the original design would transition from mixed methods to a qualitative design.

The restructured study continued to explore the meaning of a combat patch related to belonging and soldier identity amongst USAR/ANG soldiers by exploring soldier experiences through narrative research - a methodology that studies life stories created by Lieblich et al. (1998). The authors of this methodology developed a narrative approach to studying life stories that provide guidelines and techniques, analyzing and interpreting life story material (Duval, 2007). The authors’ theoretical position argued that people are storytellers by nature, and stories provide coherence and continuity to one’s experience and have a central role in our communication with others (Lieblich et al., 1998). Lieblich et al. (1998) went on to say that the mission of psychology is to “explore and understand the inner world of individuals'' (p.7). Their belief is that the best way to do this is through verbal accounts and stories of individuals, as one’s narrative provides access to and is representative of one’s personal identity (Lieblich et al., 1998).

Lieblich et al. (1998) promoted a constructivist approach by claiming that individuals build their image based on their interpersonal context. By studying and interpreting self-narratives, researchers can access personal identity and meaning and

62 construct a picture of one’s social and cultural world. For Lieblich et al., one of the research goals of narrative inquiry is to “illuminate the causes (and meanings) of relevant events, experiences, and conditions” (p.172).

According to Lieblich et al. (1998), narrative research refers to “any study that uses or analyzes narrative materials” (p. 2). Data can be collected in different ways (e.g., interviews, literary works, field notes, written observations) and analyzed along with a multitude of dimensions, including content, structure, style, affect, attitudes, beliefs, motives (Duval, 2007). The investigator usually has a guiding research question that determines the sample selection and procedure for obtaining narrative life stories, with the goal of reaching interpretive conclusions (Duval, 2007).

For the purpose of this study, personal life narratives were collected and used to gain a better understanding of how combat patches and other military experiences impact soldier identity and belonging by analyzing the content within their interviews and making interpretations from this narrative material. Therefore, a narrative methodology and the incorporation of self-psychology were most appropriate for this study.

Research Questions The original study design sought to explore four research questions that guided the study. These consisted of: 1. What is the frequency and variation of scores on the General Belongingness Scale (GBS) for Reservists/Guardsmen without a combat patch vs. for Reservists/Guardsmen with a combat patch?

63 2. Do reservists/guardsmen without a combat patch score lower on identity and belongingness vs. soldiers who have deployed to a combat zone?

3. Do reservists/guardsmen who score lower on identity and belongingness scales score higher on suicide scales?

4. What is the meaning of soldier identity for non-combat Reservists/Guardsmen?

Within the quantitative phase, the survey included the administration of the General Belongingness Scale (GBS) by Glenn Malone, David Pillow, and Augustine Osman, and the Warrior Identity Scale (WIS) Steven Lancaster, Sara Kintzle, and Carl Castro, which would have followed to the qualitative phase of a semi, structured interview using a narrative content analysis research method.

Upon change to a qualitative study, questions were slightly altered but were similar in nature. The three qualitative research questions that were asked in the study were: 1. What is the experience of having a combat patch for ANG/USAR soldiers?

2. What is the experience of not having a combat patch amongst ANG/USAR soldiers?

3. Is the experience of military belonging different between ANG/USAR soldiers who have a combat patch different from ANG/USAR soldiers who do not have a combat patch?

In addition, the initial semi-structured interview consisted of 16 questions, which was changed to 28 open-ended questions that sought to gather a more in-depth wealth of knowledge from the soldiers.

64 Sample Selection The initial study’s recruitment plan consisted of recruiting non-combat and combat-experienced Army reservists/national guardsmen between the ages of 18-24 years old. This age bracket was chosen, as it is the traditional age that most individuals join the service. Participants consisted of males only for this study due to the literature review indicating similar studies that accounted for both males and females in nature. Having a single participant gender was speculated to allow for a more focused set of data for this study.

Participants were only from the USAR/ANG in M-day status (drill only once a month) vs. guardsmen who have been placed on State active duty (SAD), title 32 which are “full-time National Guard Duty” in which they are ordered onto active duty by the Governor of their state with approval from the President or Secretary of Defense (nagus.org) and title 10 which is a voluntary order onto active duty by the President with the Governors’ consent to release the soldier (NGAUS, n.d).

Participants only had a combat MOS Code and had at least one full year of enlistment (excluding basic training, AIT, and other Infantry schools). The researcher recruited 60 participants for phase one and 5 participants for phase 2 that came from phase one sampling. Participants were recruited through social media sites such as Facebook, USAR/ANG focused websites, and placed within local Army newspapers and flyers. USAR/ANG above the age of 24 were not considered for this study. USAR/ANG who do not have a combat MOS code were also excluded. Other exclusions included reservists from other branches consisting of the Navy, Marines, Air Force, Coast Guard, and all active-duty components.

65 A total of 30 USAR/ANG soldiers without a combat patch and 30 USAR/ANG soldiers with a combat patch would have been were recruited for this study (N=60). This number was chosen to ensure an adequate amount of quantitative data would be collected. From the non-combat sample, a total of five individuals would have been selected to participate in Phase 2 of this study. This researcher planned to use the quantitative data from Phase one by way of Survey Monkey to select these five participants, which is known as a purposive sampling technique. Due to the issues noted prior to this study, a new sample selection was created.

The current sample for this study used purposeful and snowball sampling methods. Purposeful sampling is a technique widely used in qualitative research to identify and select information-rich cases for the most effective use of limited resources (Patton, 2002). This involves identifying and selecting individuals or groups of individuals that are especially knowledgeable about or experienced with a phenomenon of interest (Creswell & Plano Clark, 2011). This study included only male soldiers who were actively serving in the USAR/ANG and held the rank from junior enlisted to junior officer. Thus, male soldiers who served USAR/ANG with a certain rank were purposefully selected for the study. This rank was chosen as it is the lowest rank for most officers and enlisted upon entering the Army. This was important due to the critical growth period for individuals in the initial soldier development and organizational introduction phase of their Army service. Additionally, individuals with this rank are commonly younger in age and at a point in their psychological development crucial for identity formation. According to Erikson (1980), adolescence is the last and the concluding state of childhood. However, the adolescent process is conclusively complete

66 only when the individual has subordinated his childhood identifications to a new kind of identification, achieved in absorbing sociability and in a competitive apprenticeship with and among his age-mates. Further, junior ranking soldiers enter the Army surrounded by a significant number of senior ranking soldiers who have already deployed.

Snowball sampling was also used, which is common with qualitative measures and is appropriate when studying special members of a population who are difficult to locate (Rubin & Babbie, 2001), such as military reservists. Due to the nature of the population and the close-knit community, it was assumed that once some participants participated in the study, they would encourage other friends or unit members to participate in the study.

A total of 16 male soldiers who served either in the Army Reserve or Army National Guard component participated in this study. The study sought participants between the ages of 18-41; 18 years old was the minimum age selected because this is the minimum legal age for joining the military without parental consent, and 41years old was the maximum age because it allowed for better recruitment numbers as individuals in the reserve component sometimes come in the army at a later age for a variety of reasons such as additional employment, having a long break in service or being inspired to serve their country later in life.

Survey flyers were posted at local coffee shops and associates’ social media pages that had friends within the reserve/guard. It was also assumed that once some participants completed their interview, they would be familiar with soldiers from their units and be able to recruit others to participate in the study. After being told about the

67 study by others who had volunteered for the survey, a handful of participants reached out to express interest and volunteer for the interview.

Interviews were held over the audio/video platform Zoom due to COVID-19 restrictions, in addition to some participants residing in states outside of this researcher's geographic location. All participants digitally signed a consent form to participate in the study and consented to a recorded interview for transcription purposes. Participants were provided a $10 Amazon e-card for their participation. At the end of each interview, participants were asked if they knew of any fellow unit members or friends serving in the reserve/guard who might be interested in participating in the study and requested to pass along the study and contact information.

Data Collection and Instrumentation The original study data collection phase would have consisted of two distinct phases of data collection, rigorous quantitative sampling in phase one by way of the survey using the General Belongingness Scale (GBS) and the Warrior Identity scale (WIS). This would have been followed up with purposeful criterion sampling of participants from phase one for a semi-structured interview and criterion and snowball sampling, which would have assisted in identifying particular research participants to interview. The purpose of using two different methods would have caused a triangulation that allowed for using multiple procedures in the data collection phase to reduce the chances of misinterpretation (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2012; Johnson et al., 2007).

Survey monkey would have been utilized to determine if participants meet the study criteria in the quantitative data collection phase. Once a participant met all

68 inclusion criteria, they would have moved into the main survey encompassing two scales that measure identity and belonging. The two scales that would have been utilized would have consisted of The General Belongingness Scale (GBS) and the Warrior Identity scale (WIS).

The GBS was a validated 12-item measurement scale developed by Malone et al.

(2012). Malone et al. (2012) found this scale to have high internal reliability among both men and women, with Cronbach’s α = .92 and average inter-item correlation = .49 (M = 70.0, SD =10.9). This scale was also found to have significant predictive validity. The tool was further modified by Pfeiffer (2014) to fit a military population. The use of Pfeiffer’s version of the GBS would have been implemented with slight modifications to the verbiage of the questions to fit an Army reservist/guardsmen population in addition to tailoring to only ones who have never deployed. However, the number of items and scoring method would not be changed or altered.

The WIS examined the relationship between group identity and functioning, the presence of military identity, and its effects, which are relatively unexplored (Lancaster & Hart, 2015). The WIS was developed as a multidimensional scale of military identity.

Based on other measures of identity (e.g., ethnicity, team), the aim was to quickly assess the level of identification while also examining the various forms this identification may take. The scale was formulated with verbiage that was appropriate to the military population. For example, the original item “I have a strong sense of belonging to my ethnic group” became “I have a strong sense of belonging to the military” (Lancaster & Hart, 2015).

69 Lancaster and Hart (2015) provided initial psychometric evidence in terms of relatively strong internal reliabilities (0.76–0.87) and generally strong relationships with key indicators of psychosocial functioning such as post-deployment social support, affect, and depression. Further, the multidimensional nature of the scale was supported by correlations consistent with minimal overlap and the dimensions differing in their relationships with the psychosocial variables (Lancaster et al., 2017). For this study, question numbers 15-17 (feeling like an outsider) and 18-21 (public perception of the military) were deemed unnecessary for the study, and therefore were excluded.

This researcher would have conducted a pilot test of these scales to calculate the length of time it takes to complete the survey and to assess if this time amount is appropriate. Using these scales for the quantitative phase, this researcher had hoped to capture features that consist of a strong identification to their military service, the importance of desire for a combat patch, lack of identity/ belongingness to their unit, and negative self-worth.

All tools would have been placed on survey monkey to collect the quantitative data and uploaded on various social/web media websites. The original target sample size for Phase 1 was 60 (30 reservists/guardsmen with a combat patch and 30 without one who are all in M-Day status). Once 30 from each group would have been collected, the Survey Monkey site would have shut down and exported to SPSS for statistical analysis to ensure a level of saturation as occurred. This would have consisted of running descriptive statistics on all of the researcher’s demographic variables. This would have included but was not limited to the mean, the range, and the standard deviation.

70 1. An independent-samples t-test would have been conducted to compare the General Belongingness Scale scores (military unit) for combat and non-combat patch soldiers.

2. An independent-samples t-test would have been conducted to compare the General Belongingness Scale scores (people outside of the military) for combat and non-combat patch soldiers.

3. The relationship between pride in military service (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to a military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) would have been investigated using the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

4. The relationship between feeling connected to the military and its members (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to the military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) would have been investigated using the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

5. The relationship between identity fusion (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to the military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) was investigated using the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

71 6. Prior to running inferential statistics, the researcher would have run descriptive statistics on all demographic variables. This would have included, but not limited to, mean, range, and standard deviation.

7. An independent-samples t-test would have been conducted to compare the General Belongingness Scale scores (military unit) for combat and non-combat patch soldiers.

8. An independent-samples t-test would have been conducted to compare the General Belongingness Scale scores (people outside of the military) for combat and non-combat patch soldiers.

9. The relationship between pride in military service (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to the military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) would have been investigated using the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

10. The relationship between feeling connected to the military and its members (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to the military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) would have been investigated using the Pearson product moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

11. The relationship between identity fusion (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to the military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) would have been investigated using the Pearson product

72 moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

The data from the survey would have been downloaded into SPSS. The researcher would have run all-inferential statistics at the confidence interval to determine statistical significance. With the quantitative data analyzed, results would have been used for qualitative follow-up (Creswell, 2014) by way of interview.

In the original study, to determine the best fit for an interview, certain participants would have been chosen from that quantitative section and utilized for the qualitative data collection. Participants for the qualitative phase would have been chosen through purposeful sampling. This would have consisted of utilizing a criterion-sampling strategy as this sampling method involves selecting cases that meet some predetermined case (Patton, 2001).

Criterion sampling can be useful for identifying and understanding cases that are information-rich and can provide an important qualitative component to quantitative data (Cohen & Crabtree 2006). Criteria and common trends that were to have been analyzed from the quantitative data would have consisted of high positive responses for strong identification to desiring a combat patch, high negative responses on belonging to their unit, high positive responses for desires to deploy, and high responses for identity formation to the military. In the original study’s collection phase, the use of in-depth semi-structured interviews would have helped facilitate the stories, thoughts, and feelings about the target phenomenon studied (Smith et al., 2009). Six to 15 open-ended questions centered on combat patches, soldier identity, and belonging would have averaged 45-90 minutes of conversation. During the interview, research participants were informed of

73 what they can expect in terms of time commitment and re-emphasize the goal of the study. Within the original study, interviews would have been recorded via an audio platform such as Zoom or Vsee.

However, at the time of survey posting, multiple issues arose when this researcher noticed the survey was not being answered or was half completed. Attempts at advertising the survey through social media platforms such as Facebook that had veteran/military-friendly group pages did not gain exposure as originally planned. A majority of requests to group page monitors went unanswered despite providing researcher and university point of contact information and scope of the study.

Additionally, flyers posted at local coffee shops also did not generate adequate responses as initially expected despite being placed in areas of high exposure for reserve/guard members (i.e., coffee shops near armories). After assessing these difficulties, the researcher made four assumptions related to lack of participation. Assumption one: unanswered requests to social media pages on reserve/guard soldier-friendly Facebook pages (not official USAR/ANG pages) were either not checked regularly or had apprehensions to advertise a research study on their page seeking military participants.

Assumption two: the study’s inclusion criterion was too restrictive and limited potential recruits to volunteer (i.e., age, MOS, status). Assumption three: the survey was lengthy and contained too many questions that created a loss of interest, and assumption four: there was no financial incentive, and therefore decreased motivation to volunteer. One last attempt was made to gain interest in the study by adding a raffling of an amazon Ecard to the study flyer to increase recruitment numbers. Unfortunately, this did not improve survey responses and appeared to be tampered with by a scrambled IP address

74 that resulted in one person attempting to take all of the surveys in an attempt to get the amazon e-cards resulting in the survey being shut down indefinitely.

Due to these complications, the study transitioned to a narrative qualitative study.

The updated data collection and instrumentation consisted of a semi-structured interview with 28 questions. Participants were asked specific closed-ended questions to gather personal and military demographic information such as age, gender, relationship status, and the participant’s military demographics (i.e., current service branch, length of military service, MOS). In addition to these demographic information questions, participants were asked more specific questions related to specific areas of inquiry related to their thoughts and experience related to the meaning of a combat patch that included deployments, soldier identity, experiences (e.g., deploying, not deploying, military school). Examples of interview questions consisted of the following: 1. Can you tell me why you joined the Reserves/guard? And what made you decide on the (guard or reserve)?

2. What are your feelings about joining the reserves/guard?

3. Did you ever want to join regular Army /AD? / Can you tell me more? Was there a particular AD unit you wanted to join/what drew you to that unit?

4. If I were to shadow you during a typical drill weekend, what would I be seeing/experiencing?

5. How many deployments do you have? (Where to and for how long)?

6. Did you deploy with a reserve/guard unit or (regular Army?)

7. What was your deployment like? Any experiences stand out for you?

75 8. Did your unit have a patch ceremony? Yes/no? Was that important to you? If I were to be there, what would I experience?

9. When you see a combat patch on the shoulders of your fellow unit members, what thoughts come to mind, if any?

10. When you don’t see a combat patch on the shoulders of your fellow unit members, what thoughts come to mind, if any?

11. Do you/unit members ever talk about your deployment “war” stories (if any)?

12. Was deploying important to you as a soldier? Yes/no, why?

13. Was having a combat patch important? Yes/no, why?

14. Does having a combat patch strengthen your sense of identity as a soldier? What are some things you have thought about?

All interviews were audio-recorded with permission from the participants.

Recorded interviewers were sent to a Rev, a transcription service that provides a combination of automatic speech recognition artificial intelligence (AI) and a community of speech-to-text freelancers (Rev.com). Within Rev, all files are kept confidential and protected from unauthorized access. Furthermore, all Rev professionals signed a nondisclosure and strict confidentiality agreement. Interviews followed a basic protocol outlined by Creswell (2014). An interview protocol was designed for asking questions and recording answers during the qualitative interview and consisted of the following: 1. Heading.

2. Instructions for the interviewer to follow to ensure a standard operating procedure for the interviews.

76 3. Questions that consist of icebreakers that follow sub-questions and concluding remarks.

4. Probes questions to follow up and ask individuals to explain their ideas in more detail.

5. Spaces between the questions to record responses.

6. Final thank you statement to acknowledge participant participation and time.

5. Notebook for observations during interview.

As a means to increase reliability and validity, interview questions related to soldiers’ identity, military history, identity, connection, and experiences within the Army were examined from prior questionaries of previous research studies related to soldier identity and belonging, which were conducted by Lancater et al. (2018), Griffith (2009), and Hoopsick et al. (2018).

To protect the confidentiality of participant’s interviews, the researcher implemented several measures. While COVID 19 restrictions did not allow for face-toface contact, interviews were conducted through the audio application of Zoom. Each participant granted permission for the interview to be recorded. Audio files were saved and secured in a zip password-protected folder on the researcher’s personal laptop that she only had access to. The video component of Zoom was not used as a way to reduce feelings on virtual intrusion. The researcher’s personal residence consisted only of herself, thus eliminating any bystander exposed to the interview. Participants were informed that they could stop or discontinue the interview if they became concerned

77 about confidentiality or were no longer interested in completing the interview. This did not occur in any of the interviews, and all the participants were appreciative of the opportunity to contribute to the study that explored their experiences and thoughts related to a combat patch and how it impacted soldier identity and belonging.

Once the interviews were completed, field notes were written after each interview as they related to certain statements participants made or impressions of how some of the questions were answered by the participants. This was a quality control measure to assist in minimizing personal bias and to keep the study organized. Next, transcripts were sent to Rev, a transcription service, and formatted to a word document from the audio recording. The word document was then uploaded into the software program called (Nvivo), a qualitative data analysis software program. Interviews were organized into two groups, patch and no combat patch. Contents of the interview were analyzed, and coding was developed. Coding is the process of organizing the data by bracketing chunks (or text segments) and writing a word representing a category (Rossman & Rallis, 2012). Codes were developed with topics related to the study topic, significant codes that were not anticipated at the start of the study, and uncommon codes of interest to the study.

Additionally, a qualitative codebook was developed that contained predetermined codes that were used for coding data (Creswell, 2014).

Data Analysis The original data analysis plan consisted of running descriptive and inferential statistics from quantitative gained from Survey monkey. An independent-samples t-test would have been conducted to compare the General Belongingness Scale scores (military

78 unit) for combat and non-combat patch soldiers. An independent-samples t-test would have been conducted to compare the General Belongingness Scale scores (people outside of the military) for combat and non-combat patch soldiers. The relationship between pride in military service (as measured by the Warrior Identity Scale) and belongingness to a military unit (as measured by the General Belongingness Scale) would have been investigated using Pearson’s product-moment correlation coefficient. Preliminary analyses would have been performed to ensure no violation of normality, linearity, and homoscedasticity assumptions.

The data from the survey would have been downloaded into SPSS. The researcher would have run all inferential statistics at the .05 alpha level to determine statistical significance. The quantitative data would have been analyzed, and results would have been used for qualitative follow-up (Creswell, 2014). When the data would have been completed, purposeful sampling would have been used to determine which participants were most appropriate for the qualitative phase of the study, which consisted of a semistructured interview. The qualitative section utilized a categorical-context perspective for the data collection tool. While the initial qualitative portion of the study changed minimally, below is what follows the current data analysis.

Qualitative Analysis The semi-structured interviews were recorded and transcribed through a professional transcription service. These interviews were coded and transcribed for data analysis. This process was done through one of Lieblich et al.’s narrative analysis

79 models. Out of their four approaches, categorical-content analysis was chosen for this study.

According to Lieblich et al. (1998), narrative research refers to any study that uses or analyzes narrative materials. The data was collected as a story (a life story provided in an interview or a literary work) or in a different manner (field notes of an anthropologist who writes up his or her observations as a narrative or in personal letters). “It can be the object of the research or a means for the study of another question. It may be used for comparison among groups, to learn about a social phenomenon or historical period, or to explore a personality.” (pp. 2-3) Through this method, participants expressed their unique military experiences, which elicited important themes. The research approach delivered a rich understanding of the participants’ experiences related to the meaning of a combat patch and how it impacts their soldier identity and belonging.

The categorical-content model consists of four main steps, beginning with the selection of the subtext. These narrative materials of the life stories were processed analytically by breaking the text into small units of content and submitting them to either descriptive or statistical treatment, also known as “content analysis (Lieblich et al., 1998).

In step one, transcripts were loaded into the coding program Nvivo, where they were identified and differentiated the narratives of soldiers with and without a combat patch and prepped for coding. Within this step, the selection of the subtext is based on the research questions within the study. The subtext is considered the “content universe” (p.112) and is used either in a descriptive or statistic approach. Similar studies use a

80 directive interview approach leading the researcher to choose a directive interview, which instructs the teller to focus on “relevant” material (and not to provide a complete life story), all the obtained text was taken as data for content analysis (Wiseman & Lieblich, 1992).

In step two, identification and selection of categories were extracted from specific words or statements. Themes were noted throughout the subtext then categorized and defined. Words, sentences, and/or groups of sentences were highlighted and used to define and exemplify each category. Categories were predefined or created after reading the subtext and determining what themes emerged from the content (Duval, 2007).

In step three, the narrative material was sorted into content categories via sentences or utterances assigned to relevant categories (Lieblich et al., 1998). The researcher analyzed the narrative material analytically by looking at the themes that emerged.

The final step of the categorical content analysis analyzed the data and drew conclusions from the results. This was done by counting, tabulating, and ordering the principal sentences, words in each category and participating in various descriptive statistical computations to obtain quantitative measures. Alternatively, or in conjunction, the contents of each category were used descriptively to formulate an overall picture of the “content universe” for the population under study (Duval, 2007).

For this study, a semi-structured, somewhat directive interview approach was used to help focus the participant’s narrative reports on specific aspects of their military experiences allowing the participant’s narrative interview to be considered the “content universe.” Based on the research questions, some pre-defined categories created a

81 structure in the interview process based on military demographics and common military experiences. The researcher wanted to uncover what are participants’ thoughts regarding having a combat patch vs. not having a combat patch and how it impacted their soldier identity and belonging. Additional goals were to explore experiences and other characteristics needed to be a soldier and what type of words they used to describe soldier identity and belonging. Transcripts were loaded into the coding qualitative data program Nvivo. Words, phrases, and paragraphs throughout each transcript were labeled to signify specific codes; examples included but were not limited to: age, reserve component, belonging, soldier identify, combat patch is important to soldier identity, shared experiences, negative perceptions, deployment is important. The content within these codes was analyzed and made into themes that addressed the content from the narratives.

Credibility.

Research participants selected for this study reflected accurate representation of how they think and feel documented by this researcher. Bloomberg and Volpe (2012) suggested a variety of steps to help improve credibility. These consist of clarifying the researcher’s biases, discussing involvement in the field, requesting other colleagues to review the researcher’s interpretations and interactions of participants, and presenting discrepancies in data.

82 Dependability.

In the original study, the data collection would have been collected from both quantitative and qualitative instruments. The quantitative instrument consisted of a preestablished survey, data collected from its web-based application called survey monkey, and separated into categories and analyzed through a computer-based data program called statistical package for the social science (SPSS). Here, categories from the survey would have been broken down and put into pie and bar charts. In the qualitative phase of the study, participants would have been selected and interviewed from the quantitative data collection. Data from this phase would have been analyzed for recurring themes and trends.

For the dependability in the updated qualitative study, participants were interviewed after they were deemed appropriate for the study. Data from this phase were analyzed for recurring themes and trends.

Transferability.

While this study focused on Army reserve/national guard soldiers’ perceptions of identity and belongingness, it is expected that this information can be applied to the active-duty Army and other military branches to better understand identity and belonging within the military.

Ethical Considerations

83 There was mild to low risk in this study for the research participants. While there were no physical risks in this study, this study focused on research participants‘ thoughts, perceptions of belonging, and identity regarding their views on their service. To ensure the safety of the individual research participant, the study was approved by the institutional review board (IRB) prior to the start of data collection. Additionally, all research participants were educated on the purpose of the study, risks and benefits of participation, and their right to terminate their voluntary participation at any time.

Informed consent forms were provided and signed by the research participants. This form described the purpose of the study, procedure, costs/benefits, possible risks/side effects, privacy/confidentiality, and participant assurances. To ensure the confidentiality and privacy of the research participants, the researcher ensured that all identifying information and research data that was collected was free of personal identity by applying coding to eliminate all identifying information such as legal name or military information. All materials collected by this researcher were locked in a passwordprotected zip folder on the laptop that only this researcher had access to.

No participants asked for the interview to stop or report emotional distress, but if they were to have, they would have been provided with information for local outpatient counseling centers and/or local community mental health clinics. There were no financial benefits to the researcher and no material gain to research participants other than a $10.00 Amazon e-gift card for participation in the study. The consent form explained the purpose of the study, costs/benefits, possible side effects, and how privacy/ confidentiality was kept on the research participants and data obtained (See Appendix A).

84 As a former active-duty Army combat veteran and current Army National Guard behavioral health officer, the researcher presented potential bias to the process and outcome of this study. One of the ways the researcher attempted to control this bias was by excluding herself as a respondent to limit personal beliefs and experiences.

Additionally, the researcher monitored her perspectives and bias by keeping a field journal throughout the research study. However, as a prior active duty solider, deploying to a combat zone, and having a continuation of service, brings an awareness of having some understanding of the background of the participants. The researcher’s experience gives the ability to be able to relate and understand the military life from someone who did not initially have a combat patch when entering into service.

As with all mixed-methods studies, the researcher needed to establish the validity of the scores from the quantitative measures and discuss the qualitative findings' validity (Creswell, 2014). In the explanatory sequential mixed-methods approach, there were many issues associated with keeping sample data separate, focusing on or overlooking certain aspects of data that can contribute to inaccurate results. To limit this in the quantitative phase, the researcher chose research instruments with acceptable reliability and validity scores. The researcher maintained transparency with the results even if the results did not support her hypotheses. While the original study was not completed for data collection, the qualitative phase changed slightly in the number of interview questions that were asked. In addition, the researcher presented any negative findings or discrepancies, ensuring that personal biases did not influence how participants’ perspectives are portrayed by sending transcribed interviews to the participant for review and using a peer review process (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2012). This entailed using a

85 colleague to review personal field notes when needed and ask questions that challenged personal assumptions (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2012).

86

Chapter IV

Results The purpose of this study was to explore the meaning of a combat patch as it relates to soldier identity and belonging from the perspective of Army National Guard (ANG) and Army Reserve (USAR) soldiers.

The study sought to address three research questions.

The three qualitative research questions asked in the present study were: 1. What is the experience of having a combat patch for ANG/USAR soldiers?

2. What is the experience of not having a combat patch amongst ANG/USAR soldiers?

3. Is the experience of military belonging different from ANG/USAR soldiers who have a combat patch different from ANG/USAR soldiers who do not have a combat patch?

Participants also participated in a semi-structured interview that sought to gain a more indepth understanding of what a combat patch means to their soldier identity and sense of belonging.

This section establishes a foundation for exploring the findings that emerged during the data analysis regarding what affected soldier identity and belonging. An outline of Chapter IV proceeds as follows:

87 1. Demographics of research participants 2. Introduction to participants 3. Introduction to results categories 4. Field notes 5. Summary of Themes 6. Narratives Themes 7. Results 8. Summary

Demographics of Research Participants A total of 16 participants (N=16) participated in this study. The participants ranged in age from 23 to 41 years old and consisted of only males. Eight participants identified as Caucasian, five African American, two as Hispanic, and one as Asian. Most participants identified as heterosexual, but two of the 16 participants self-identified as gay. Out of the participants, eight were married, two were divorced, and six were single.

Of the 16 participants, five had children, and twelve did not.

All participants served in the reserve component, with ten serving in the ANG and seven serving in the USAR. The ranks of the participants consisted of seven officers and ten enlisted soldiers. MOS consisted of combat arms (i.e., infantry, armor), combat support (i.e., military police, signal), combat service and support (i.e., transportation, finance), and specialty branch (i.e., medical, JAG). Out of the 16 participants, two were combat arms, four were combat support, three were combat service support, and seven were in a specialty branch.

88 Out of the 16 participants, seven had a combat patch; one had deployed to a combat zone but did not receive a patch due to being in the Air Force before going into the ANG, and six did not have a combat patch at the time of the study. Out of the participants, four soldiers had a single deployment to Afghanistan, one had a single deployment to Iraq, and two had deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan. Table 1 provides information on the basic demographics of research participants, including age, ethnicity, relationship status, and the number of children. Table 2 provides information on their military demographics, including their time in service (length of time they have served in the military), current rank, their MOS (the current military job they operate in), and the total number of deployments.

Table 1 Non-military Demographics (N=16) Participant Name CPTJ1

Age

Ethnicity

Relationship Status

35

African American

Divorced

Number of Children 1

SGT B2

34

African American

Single

0

SSG F4

31

Hispanic

Married

1

1LT K5

40

Caucasian

Married

2

SSG L6

33

Caucasian

Married

0

1LT M7

41

Hispanic

Divorced

4

SGT N8

32

African American

Married

2

SGT T9

27

Asian

Single

0

CPT E10

31

Caucasian

Married

0

SPC G11

27

Caucasian

Single

0

1LT B12

27

Caucasian

Married

0

SGT C13

27

Caucasian

Single

0

89 Participant Name

Age

Ethnicity

Relationship Status

SGT G14

27

African American

Single

Number of Children 0

1LT L15

23

Caucasian

Married

0

SSG 16

39

African American

Married

0

CPT T17

29

Caucasian

Single

0

Table 2 Military Demographics (N=16) Time in Service (years)

Rank

Military occupation specialty (MOS)

Number Deployments

CPTJ1

17

CPT/03

11A-Infrantry

2

SGT B2

10

SGT/E5

68W- Medic

2

SSG F4

10

SSG/E6

17E-Electronic warfare

1

1LT K5

9

1LT/02

70H- Medical planning

1

SSG L6

11

SSG/E6

88H- Cargo specialist

1

1LT M7

23

1LT/02

70H-Medical planning

1

SGT N8

10

SGT/E5

31B- Military police

2

SGT T9

12

SGT/E5

68W- Medic

1

CPT E10

10

CPT/03

70F- Human resources

0

SPC G11

7

SPC/E4

88M-Transporation

0

1LT B12

10

1LT/02

31A-Military police

0

SGT C13

7

SGT/E5

27D- Paralegal

0

SGT G14

23

SGT/E5

25U- Signal

0

1LT L15

3

1LT/02

19A- Armor

0

SSG P16

17

SSG/E 6

42A- Human Resources

0

Participant Name

90 Participant Name CPT T17

Time in Service (years)

Rank

Military occupation specialty (MOS)

Number Deployments

20

CPT/0 3

70H- Medical planning

0

Introduction to Research Participants This section provides a brief overview of each research participant’s experiences and perspectives related to their soldier identity and belonging and the researcher’s field notes. Participants were assigned a random number and letter to their associated rank to protect their identity.

CPT J1-combat veteran.

CPT J1 is an African American married male and has one child. He is an infantry officer with two deployments (Iraq and Afghanistan). He has served in the Army reserve for almost 20 years (has prior enlisted time) and has two deployments to Afghanistan and Iraq.

When discussing his thoughts on why a combat patch was essential to him, he reflected on a childhood experience where his grandfather brought him to a veteran of foreign war (VFW) hall. He discussed his enchantment with the stories he heard and thought these older veterans were extraordinary individuals: “I got a chance to hang out with them, and I felt like I was part of something.”

91 SGT B2-combat veteran.

SGT B2 is an African American single male with no children. He is a medic and was prior active-duty Army with two deployments to Afghanistan. Currently, he serves in the Army National Guard. SGT B2 joined the Army stating, “I wanted a bigger change and a more purposeful life.”

While SGT B2 had deployed to a combat zone, he openly shared his thoughts on how it would have affected his soldier identity if he had not deployed.

Hearing the culture of everyone talking about their deployments and their combat patches is almost like wearing your Red Badge of Courage type thing. It's almost something to be proud of or something everyone should do type thing; at least the military makes that impression on you early on. So yeah, for me, I felt would have felt like a kind of fractured career.

SSG F4-combat patch.

SSG F4 is a 31-year-old Hispanic married male with one child who has served in the Army National Guard as an electronic warfare specialist and has one deployment to Afghanistan. SSG F4 contacted this researcher after being referred by another participant who participated in the study. SSG F4 noted that deploying and having a combat patch was important to him when he first joined. He stated, “I wanted to be like the NCOs around me, and I wanted to be able to have something on my right shoulder.” Not only did having a combat patch offer a twinship, but he also described how it allowed him to be a part of something bigger.

92 1LT K5- combat patch (AF).

1LT K5 is a 40-year-old Caucasian male who currently serves as a medical service corps officer in the Army National Guard. He is married and has four children.

1LT K5 has prior active-duty service within the Air Force and has one deployment to Iraq before joining the Guard, which made for a curious dynamic due to deploying with a different branch of service. While he has deployed, he discounts his deployment due to it not being with the Army stating, “I think it's something you have to earn, and you have to earn during the Army deployment.” The Air Force does not wear combat patches, and while some Airmen may get an “honorary” patch if they served alongside an Army unit, they are unauthorized to wear it on their uniform.

SSG L6- combat patch.

SSG L6 is a 33-year-old Caucasian married male and has no children. He serves in the Army Reserves as a cargo specialist and has two deployments to Afghanistan. SM discussed that deploying and getting a combat patch was essential to his soldier identity, stating, “I am going to be a soldier," versus "not just a Reservist.” This translated to using his training skills in a real-world situation as opposed to only in drill training. Drill training does not always consist of training related to one’s military job (i.e., online computer training, administrative tasks).

1LT M7- combat patch.

1LT M7 is a 41-year-old Hispanic male, divorced with three children. He has served in all branches of the Army (active duty, reserve, and National Guard) with prior-

93 enlisted time. He has served in the Army for almost 23 years. Currently, he serves in the Army National Guard as a medical planning officer. For 1LT M, deploying and earning his combat patch was extremely important to him as he spent the majority of his service without one, stating, “I thought I was going to miss deployment period. So, when I finally got the opportunity, it was a big deal for me.” This statement was in reference to his length of time in service, and he was fearful that he would have retired without being deployed to a combat zone.

SGT N8-combat combat patch.

SGT N8 is a 32-year-old African American male, married with two children. He has served in the Army National Guard as a military police officer for the past ten years and has one deployment to Afghanistan. For him, deploying and getting a combat patch was vital as it represented “sacrifice, service, and the full value of being a soldier.”

SGT N9-combat patch.

SGT N9 is a 29 y/o Asian single male with no children. He has been in the Army for 12 years as a medic. He was prior active-duty Army and had one deployment to Afghanistan. Currently, he serves in the Army National Guard. SGT N9 was different from the majority of the participants within this study. Throughout the interview, he appeared to struggle with opposing views on having a combat patch. This was evident in many of his responses to the interview questions related to deployment, combat patches, and other military regalia.

94 When he discussed the importance of deploying or receiving a combat patch, he stated “no” and that it was not important as it did not make you better than another soldier, however later, he compared earning a combat patch to that of standing on an Olympic podium. He states, “It’s like they're on a pedestal, in a way, like they're just one step higher, you know? It’s kind of more like if I was standing on a third-place podium, and they're standing on the first-place podium.“ This comparison showed how he truly did place value on having a combat patch.

CPT E10- no patch.

CPT E10 is a Caucasian married male with no children and currently serves as a medical planner in the Army National Guard. He has served for the past 10 years and presently does not have a combat patch. When discussing the importance of a combat patch or the desire to deploy, CPT E10 was the only participant who did not have an interest in deploying. Additionally, he shared that having a combat patch did not validate his self-worth by stating, “I feel that needing that kind of validation doesn't appeal to me because, like I said, I know what I do, and I feel like I do it well, and a combat patch isn't going to improve that or lessen that.”

SPC G11-no patch.

SPC G11 is a 27-year-old Caucasian male, single with no children. He has served in the Army National Guard for the past seven years and does not have a combat patch.

At the time of the interview, SPC G11 was in the process of getting ready to transition out of the Army. He shared that this was due to his dissatisfaction with his military

95 service and missed opportunities to deploy. He further discussed that his service has not been worthwhile, as he has nothing to show for it. He states, “the National Guard, to me, is a lot of commitment, more so than you think, without the satisfaction of being active or feeling like you're really serving because you're doing it so little. And in my situation where I didn't deploy, you don't necessarily have that to look back on.” The connection to his inability to deploy reinforced to him that his service as a soldier was not good enough.

1LT B12-no patch.

1LT B12 is a 27-year-old Caucasian married male with no children. He currently serves in the Army National Guard as a military police officer and has not been deployed.

When discussing if a combat patch and combat deployment were important to him, he stated yes. He alluded to how this would give him a sense of purpose as a soldier. He states, “if I were to go on a deployment, being able to do more than just sit around. In the National Guard, we're always training to be prepared to be called up. It would actually mean I’d be supporting a mission for a greater cause of the country.” Additionally, he described having a combat patch as a symbol that represented, discussed the importance of a combat patch as something that would allow for an experience to become “well rounded” as a soldier, thus highlighting how this experience for him makes him a better soldier.

SGT C13- no patch.

SGT C13 is a 27-year-old Caucasian male, single with no children. He had prior active-duty Army service and currently serves in the Army reserve as a paralegal. SGT

96 C13 discussed that joining the Army was a “lifelong dream” that started with attraction to military movies that portrayed heroism and combat action attention stating, “The chance where you could put your life on the line, to save either you comrades or somebody else's life. I think that's very heroic. And defending our nation, I think that's one of the highest honors.”

SGT C13 does not currently have a combat patch and deploying and earning one is important to him. For him, having a patch was important as he felt that it would increase his chances for promotion to the next rank and be able to do a job as a “soldier.”

He states, “… everyone wants to deploy. To get that combat experience and get a little adrenaline rush.”

SGT G14-no patch.

SGT G14 is a 27-year-old African American male, single with no children. He has served in the National Guard for the past ten years as a signal and support specialist.

Currently, SGT G14 has not deployed and is conflicted about deploying and getting a combat patch. He explains this by stating the “military has a culture of pride…. and in my opinion, there's a pride in deploying, and I think that when you see that combat patch on someone's arm”. For SGT 14, having a sense of pride comes from deploying, and wearing the patch is a physical representation of that. Due to not having a combat patch, he stated his service was “illegitimate.” He went on to say, “the expectation when I joined the military is that I would deploy. And as I reached the ten-year mark and I haven't deployed, it makes me feel like I didn't fulfill my end of the bargain, whether

97 that's something that the military imposed or something that's self-imposed, I do kind of feel like I haven't fulfilled my end of the bargain by not deploying.”

1LT L15- no patch.

1LT L15 is a 23-year-old Caucasian married male with no children. Currently, he serves in the Army National Guard as an armor officer. At this time, 1LT 15 has not been deployed yet and desires to do so. He shared his disappointment and lack of belonging about being in a unit deployed before he got there. He equated to not fitting in due to no “being part of the club” regarding not having a patch on his right shoulder. Not having a patch meant that he lacks experience as a soldier and has not truly sacrificed as others have.

SSG P16- no patch.

SSG P16 is a 39-year-old African American male, married with no children. He has served in the Army National Guard for the past 13 years. He held a prior MOS as a medic and later switched to human resource specialist in order to progress in rank. Of the majority of the participants, SSG P16 was unbothered by not having a combat deployment, which seemed to have little impact on his soldier identity and belonging.

Out of all the participants, he conveyed having a strong sense of belonging and a secure sense of self both professionally and personally. He went on to say, “I can't say how I would feel if I did deploy, but …soldier identity, you still have that. You still work in the military. You still work around different people. You still go on different types of missions. So, I don't think it hurt my sense as a soldier.”

98 CPT T17-no patch.

CPT T17 is a 29-year-old Caucasian male, single with no children. He has served in the Army National Guard as a medical service corps officer for the past ten years.

Presently, CPT T17 does not have a combat deployment. When discussing what a combat patch means for him and his soldier identity, he sounded ambivalent about it and believed it was not something that was “necessary” for him.

Introduction to the Results Categories Ten themes emerged in the initial stages of the data analysis while reviewing the participant’s transcripts and listening to their recorded interviews. The initial themes consisted of (in no particular order): Self-worth, Soldier identity, Service, Resiliency, Maturity, Family influence, Deployment, Combat patch, Belonging, and Army culture.

Upon further review, common themes and similarities were found within these ten themes, and therefore they were reduced to six.

These six consisted of theme one: Sense of Purpose, with three sub-themes that included soldier identity, Army badges, and self-worth. Theme 2: Belonging, theme 3: Service and Importance of Deployment, theme 4: Significance of Combat Patch, theme 5: Family Influence, and theme 6: Maturity.

Nearly all participants discussed the important role of combat patch and deployment on their individual soldier identity and sense of belonging. Most participants in this study conveyed a consistent message that a patch physically and symbolically represented what was needed to be a soldier and feel a sense of wholeness. This was evident in common statements throughout their interviews.

99 Field Notes All interviews were recorded via audio to capture each narrative. The video was not included as it was thought to be introversive to this population as a few participants inquired prior to the interview through email if the interview was to be video-based. After informing them that it was audio-only, there appeared to be a sense of relief when receiving communication back with statements such as “ok good. I prefer that.”

Therefore, the decision was made to keep it as an audio recording unless otherwise requested for an interview to foster a secure space. Most participants expressed curiosity and interest in the topic of the study and sounded pleased to have representation of their branch being researched. The researcher was hearing them discuss how they believe that the guard/reserve is often forgotten about or not being personally recognized as a service member within the Army which was evidenced by some of the participant’s negative experiences that came about in their interviews (i.e., considered not to be a part of the Army, or believing that they are treated less than). While a few participants thought this, most were able to see value in their experiences and self-worth.

Summary of Themes Six themes emerged from the research participants’ interviews that were common experiences that impacted soldier identity and belonging. These categories consisted of (1) Sense of Purpose, which included three subcategories within this category of soldier identity, Army badges, and self-worth, (2) Belonging, (3) Service and Importance of Deployment, (4) Significance of Combat Patch, (5) Family Influence and (6) Maturity.

Table 3 provides a list of themes that emerged from the study.

100

Table 3 Themes (N=16) Theme Sense of Purpose (soldier identity, Army Badges, Self-Worth) Belonging Service and Importance of deployment Significance of Combat patch Family Influence Maturity

Narrative themes and examples from the transcripts that describe the research participant’s thoughts and experiences are presented below to help provide a more indepth view of the responses.

Narrative themes.

Theme 1. Sense of purpose.

Sense of purpose emerged as a theme that was needed to build soldier identity and belonging. Within this theme, three sub-themes emerged that appeared to be items that encompassed the meaning of sense of purpose. The sub-themes consisted of soldier identity, Army badges, and self-worth.

Sub-theme 1. Soldier identity.

Nearly every research participant commented on soldier identity as a way of life and having a sense of purpose within the Army. When they described what it meant, one could hear in their voice the importance of it within their daily life. There were variations

101 to this for the prior active duty participants, those who had a combat patch, and those who worked full time within the reserve component vs. those who are traditional reservists.

Several conveyed that soldier identity was always a part of who they were.

Some soldiers described their identity more generally: ● “Soldier identity… it's about deploying, it's about sacrifice.” Deploying to a combat zone is something you need as a soldier to truly be a soldier. Most individuals, especially within the combat arms branch, want to deploy and sacrifice freedoms such as safety or being away from friends and family, and this provides a sense of purpose to them. ●

“Having an identity as a soldier is just knowing the purpose and knowing why you're wearing the uniform.” For this participant, this meant that at the individual level, one must personally know why they serve (sense of purpose, drive) and that the uniform can symbolically and physically stand for ideals and concepts such as freedom, heroism, strength, America. All of these things combined lead to one’s sense of purpose.

Others described being a soldier as part of their identity in more detail, such as: ● “The soldier part is definitely a part of me, just like how I'm a son or a husband or a brother. Those are who I am. I am a brother. I am a son. I am a soldier.” - This participant describes his soldier identity that is made of many layers, vs. a single element that defines him as a soldier. For him, being a soldier is just part of his identity. Being a husband, brother, and son are other parts of his identity. He is not one thing, but many.

Identity was also related to values, as one solider described:

102 ●

“You kind of live by a code of values. You embrace a code of values that the army stands for, and you live them every day. That's what soldier identity really means to me.” For him, being a soldier is a part of his daily life. He did not separate being a citizen soldier; rather, he subscribed to a life of being a soldier.

When individuals initially join, they are taught the Army code of values. This set of values defines a soldier's character, signifies what is important, and influences how the organization and soldiers should operate.

For some soldiers, though, their identity as a soldier was affected by societal perfections, as one soldier reflected: ●

“For me as a National Guardsman, my soldier identity wasn't much of a soldier at all. It was more of a Boy Scout, because that's how society makes you feel when you serve in the National Guard, despite what you actually do”.

This participant had negative experiences that shaped his perceptions of what being a soldier looked like and felt like, and historically the Reserves (especially the National Guard) have been looked down upon that dates back to the conflict in Vietnam, which casted a shadow that continues to exist. While this has improved, National Guard soldiers are often looked at as incompetent due to only serving once a month or showing up to training with broken equipment and outdated gear.

Sub-theme 2. Army badges.

The desire for or currently owning Army badges, tabs, and patches was mentioned by nearly all research participants as something important to them as part of their soldier identity in addition to the reinforcement of self-worth. These tangible items included

103 patches, badges, tabs, and awards and appeared to have served a self-object function for them.

Soldiers described how these items were viewed and their meaning: ● “They would look at, and judge you by as is, the number of badges you have on your chest or the tabs on your left sleeve.” Army badges, like combat patches, physically represent specialized Army schools. Upon graduation, individuals receive badges or tabs they are authorized to wear that represent their new skill identifier. Individuals who graduate can only wear these items on their uniform, which immediately sets one apart from a traditional soldier. Certain badges can be perceived with more prestige over others, and some are harder to obtain from others, which increases their appeal and sense of value. Often, soldiers report to their new units and engage in sizing each other up as a form of competition to see who is “better” by the amount of “bling” they have on their uniforms. This can play a crucial element in self-worth, identity, and belong. ● “I feel like if someone sees something more on your left lapel besides having an Air Assault School and having a CAB, they give you a little bit more respect. It's like, oh, he's had some combat experience. Something has happened to him”.

When looking at other Army badges, the participant talks about a badge one earns in combat, known as the combat action badge. This badge is awarded when actively engaging or being engaged by the enemy. To have one on your uniform symbolizes having been in “actual” combat.

Or, ● “You see a Ranger tab, excuse the French here, but you think like, "Badass."

104 The Ranger tab is a tab that is only given to soldiers who graduate from Ranger school, and many soldiers within the combat arms branch want one. Tabs are unique within the Army as they are worn on all military uniforms, unlike medals that are earned and only worn on the dress uniform. Visually, this sets one apart from others. Tabs, unlike patches, have words that are symbolic to the unit vs. an image like the patch. What makes the Ranger tab so desirable or “badass” as this participant describes it, is that it is the first step that gets you qualified to serve in the 75th Ranger Regiment, an elite Special Operations unit. For this participant, the Ranger tab represents an image of a soldier who is proficient, elite, and a step above everyone else.

And, ● “It separates you ma'am. Not everybody's airborne. And it's just having that one thing that somebody else doesn't have.” For this participant, he describes having a badge as something that separates you from others. It makes you better or unique because not everyone gets to attend or graduate from these military schools.

Sub-theme 3. Self-worth.

Part of the soldiers’ self-worth seemed to be impacted by their status as either National Guard or Army Reserve. Negative perceptions of the National Guard were more prevalent compared to that of the Reserve Army. The majority of the participants discussed how the Guard was not seen in a favorable light, which could be heard in their voices during the interview. Emotions expressed were that of embarrassment, frustration,

105 and shame. Ten out of 16 participants who had a combat patch discussed that there was a strong negative perception of the Army National Guard service seen by others, most specifically active-duty Army. Three out of the 17 participants who did not have a combat patch also reported negative perceptions and mirrored similar sentiments of the combat-patched participants.

Statements included: ● “They don't consider the National Guard actual military. They actually believe that it's glorified Boy Scouts.” This participant shared that because he only served monthly, the perception by some of his extended family and friends was that on the weekends, he went away to “camp”; thus, his military service was equated to being in the Boy Scouts. This brought much shame to the participant due to not having his service accepted as real. or ● “The fact that our name is the National Guard, that's going to associate with negative perceptions.”

This participant discussed that the title alone brings about negative perceptions when he either told someone he served in the Guard or things he has heard over time about the Guard. He compared this to differences he experienced why on active duty. These differences included the appearance of soldiers (being overweight, not following Army regulations, the appearance of uniform, and things not being held to a standard). For him, these things reinforced these negative perceptions. ● “Yes, I think the Guard, if you ask me, they get it worse. They're at the bottom of the totem pole. ”

106 For this participant, the Guard was perceived as being at the bottom of the totem pole for various reasons. One was related to how the Guard is controlled by their respected state governor, while the reserves are controlled federally. Because of this, there is a perceived stigma that because their state owns the Guard, they are not “true” Army. This participant also discussed that the guard being at the bottom of the totem pole meant there was never enough money for training exercises or adequate equipment and gear because the broken stuff was passed off to the Guard. These things combined gave him the impression that Guard soldiers were not worthwhile.

Two participants with no patch had mixed statements of the perception of the National Guard where they noted both positive and negative perceptions, and one participant with no combat patch reported positive perceptions about the Guard and appeared to be the only outlier.

Overall, having a sense of purpose as a soldier appeared to be a complex construct and was filled with many layers that either reinforced or minimized this theme. It was evident that experiences (deploying) and certain Army items such as (combat patches, badges) appeared to enhance or minimize their sense of purpose of what it means to be a soldier. Additionally, negative perceptions (real or perceived) on being in the reserve/guard component of the Army significantly impacted how they viewed themselves as soldiers. Not always being seen as an equal to their active-duty counterparts reinforced a real or perceived negative as a soldier and ultimately impacted their self-worth as a soldier.

107 Theme 2. Belonging.

Within this study, belonging and having a shared experience were important to a soldier. Out of the 16 participants, four participants with a combat patch discussed that having a combat deployment was important to their sense of belonging as a soldier. Three of the 16 participants without a combat patch also reported that having a combat patch was important to them as a soldier.

Statements included: ● “It’s not just about belonging within the unit, there's also this greater kind of American expectation, or club if you will, that you can join once you actually do deploy. ” This participant shared his thoughts on deploying, and his sense of belonging was like getting into an elite club that comes with status/benefits in the military world. There are levels within this “club,” and not uncommon to hear soldiers convey this concept of when they return from a deployment or want to deploy. ● “You do belong to something because you have deployed. ” For this participant, deploying to a combat zone made him feel like he belonged to something. Being in the Army alone was not enough to feel connected to others, but the act of being a part of a deployment to him spoke to a higher meaning of what belonging meant to him. ● “Yeah, as a soldier, I would say more so than belonging in my unit. A soldier having a deployment patch, you want one. ” Here, the participant reinforces the connection between combat patch and sense of belonging. For him, having a patch fosters a higher sense of belonging than merely just being in his unit.

108 ● “I'm not part of that right-arm patch club” To be a part of the “right-arm patch club” is significant to this participant. He conveys that he does not fit in since he does not have a combat patch. He is different from his peers who have one and has created a level of exclusion for him as a soldier.

Theme 3. Service and the importance of deployment.

Nearly all research participants mentioned military service and the importance of having a combat deployment as something important to them as part of their soldier identity and a piece to their self-worth. While a high percentage of participants reported being proud of their service, others commented on how they felt less of their service due to not being able to have gotten the chance to deploy and reinforced how important it is in having a combat deployment to be a soldier. ● Positive statements included: “One’s the pride. To be able to say I'm one of the less than 1% of the US population who's ever decided to sign the dotted line, that's a big thing. ” There is an element of pride when one joins the military as a volunteer. Not many individuals choose to do so, as evidenced by this participant's statement about being 1% of the population to have joined a profession that comes with many sacrifices. ● “Gives you a sense of pride that you're doing something that's more than just yourself. It's not just for you, but also for your country. ” He discussed that joining the military for him means something more than just putting on the uniform. That it is about serving and taking part in something that is bigger than himself.

109 Others described the lack of deployment negatively impacted their view of their service and self-worth: ● ” Without actually deploying or sacrificing, even the active-duty sacrifice where they leave home and they live at a base and they're sacrificing that, you're living at home, so you're not sacrificing that, and you're not going overseas. ” He equates his military service to less than because he has not deployed yet. He views his reserve service as lacking because there is nothing physically to show on his uniform what he has done as a soldier. For him, not only would deploying to a combat zone negate his negative reserve, deploying would show others and himself that he has sacrificed as a soldier. ● “When you have that patch and you wear it, you know you've been somewhere, you've gone somewhere, you've actually served your country. You haven't just shown up to drill. That's really where mentally it affected me. ” Wearing the uniform alone is not viewed as important to equate to service for him. He minimizes his service because he was not deployed and reinforces how he perceives himself as a soldier. He infers that one must be able to have something that physically shows you have done something that extends past drill weekends and emphasizes the impact of what having a combat patch means. ● “I knew I belonged with my unit, but maybe not necessarily in the Army or as an actual service member. I didn't view myself as a service member. And I know if people saw me in uniform and said, "Thank you for your service," it didn't really resonate with me, because I didn't feel like I served.. Being in the National Guard, for me, unless you've actually deployed, you don't count what you do as serving,

110 you're just drilling. ” Deploying is important for some soldiers, and for him, he highlights how not deploying has impacted his sense of belonging within the Army as a whole, despite wearing the uniform. The combat patch for him is the piece that delineates him from just a reservist and to a soldier.

With this theme, the desire to deploy continued to be echoed as an important element to their service as a soldier. Many individuals assigned a great deal of their selfworth to the notion that their military service is only of value if they deploy.

Theme 4. Significance of the combat patch.

Nearly all participants reiterated the importance of what a combat patch meant as a soldier but with some variations to how it impacted their identity and belonging as a soldier. Out of the 16 participants, 14 participants, which consisted of both combat patch and non-combat patch, commented on how it reinforced and affirmed their self-worth, allowed them to fit in/ be a part of a club or feel secure- all of which were important to their sense of self as a soldier. However, within those 15, two participants who did have patches later changed their perspective as they aged. Only two participants were an outlier and commented that it was not the most important thing for themselves or as soldiers.

Statements included: ● “You get to literally wear it on your sleeve to show people that you've served in a bit of a higher or a different standing, having actually deployed. ” This participant conveyed the combat patch as a status symbol, something you get to show off. For him, this was important being able to visually show others that he had deployed.

111 ● “Coming out of AIT, that patch really meant a lot. Just having a deployment. I think wearing that patch on your right shoulder definitely gives a more appreciatory meaning for our own self-worth as a part of a major valuable organization. ” ● “I wanted to be able to have something on my right shoulder, seeing the NCOs around me, those I really looked up to having combat patches, just going ahead to being able to deploy and be able to do what they've done when they deployed. ” Others: ● “I feel that needing that kind of validation doesn't appeal to me because, like I said, I know what I do and I feel like I do it well, and a combat patch isn't going to improve that or lessen that and not having one is not going to lessen that. ” ● “I don't think it's important. It's something I see people wear, and people say, oh, it gives people more respect. But I don't think it's an important thing as a leader to necessarily. ” This participant does not believe having a combat patch is important or improves your ability to be a leader. For him, it was just a physical representation that one has deployed and did not assign personal meaning to it.

Overall, the combat patch played a significant role as part of being a soldier.

While a few indicated that this was unimportant to them as a soldier, most themes indicated it was essential. Having something to visually show that they had deployed was also connected to their self-worth as a soldier. It was also seen as a status symbol or something that should be respected.

112 Theme 5. Family influence.

Family influence and family history of service appeared to be an important factor in how some of the research participants decided to join the Army. Out of the majority of the participants, there appeared to be a strong family history of military service, where 11 of the 16 participants discussed how there were generations of military service. For some, you could hear a sense of pride and the idea of wanting to follow in their footsteps; others discussed that the decision to join was made for them despite wanting to pursue other military options.

Statements included: ● “My dad was in the Navy, and then I had my grandfathers on both sides actually were in the Navy. ” ● “My grandfather, he was Army. He was cavalry in World War 2, my dad; he was Navy in Vietnam as a minesweeper.” For some participants, having a family military history was a factor in why they joined.

Others discussed how their parents decided for them: ● “If I had it my way, I would have graduated high school and went straight into the armed forces. But unfortunately, my mom and my dad at the time told me no, so I had to wait until I was 21 to join.

For this participant, family influence played a factor in when he was allowed to join the Army. He also discussed that this was also due to growing up in a strict West Indies home environment and following parents wishing was expected.

113 ● But as far as the active duty at the time, I didn't want to do the traveling or be away from my family, because I'm pretty close with my family, so I decided that the National Guard was the best move for me. ” For others, staying close to family was a deciding factor on whether to join the reserve component of the Army, as this would not require him to move or lose his support system.

It was found that military family history and family relationships influenced participants on how and when they joined the Army. For most of the participants, their fathers or grandfathers served. Continuing this line of service was something of importance to these participants.

Theme 6. Maturity.

When discussing the importance of deploying or the desire for a combat patch, there was an overall shift for the majority of the participants as they started to age and matured into older adulthood. For the participants who were married or started to have families, there was a priority shift in what they felt was important to them as soldiers and to a deeper sense of self. Others acknowledged physical limitations due to no longer being able to perform like they could when they were younger, which brought about a shift in priorities. A few participants indicated that they would deploy again or would like to have the opportunity to deploy.

Statements included: •

“You're younger. You're more able. You're more eager. You have fewer responsibilities. So, it's easier to do those things when you're younger. ”

114 ● “My knees and hips aren't what they used to be when I was 20. That's really what's changed. My physical ability to do something like Ranger School would completely break my body. ” ● ”Once you have a kid and you tend to the line of duties, a lot of that gung-ho stuff doesn't last. ” Life phase changes are normal developmental processes to have. Things such as age, physical limitations, and starting families can change what priorities are important for soldiers within their military career.

Results This section establishes a foundation for exploring the results that emerged from the participants' narratives about soldier identity and belonging. Results are presented in tables according to the six categories. Table 4, Sense of Purpose, starts the discussion of the themes that arose during the study.

Table 4 Sense of Purpose Theme Soldier Identity

# Times Mentioned (N=16) 21

# Times Theme Referenced 50

Army badges

6

29

Self-worth

31

91

Sense of purpose yielded interesting sub-themes that emerged from the data analysis process. These sub-themes consisted of soldier identity, army badges, and self-

115 worth. These sub-themes were important when understanding what a “sense of purpose” meant to a soldier. Nearly all participants annotated that soldier identity was a way of life, meaning soldier identity was a part of who they were rather than something they did once a month. Soldier identity was also about living a certain way of life (values, ethos), much like how someone not in the military follows their morals or personal values. While some of the participants had a stronger sense of soldier identity, others struggled when they appeared to focus on their personal assigned value of what a combat patch meant to them as a soldier, which was mostly seen in the participants who did not have a combat patch. The desire for a combat patch was echoed throughout all themes and interviews, indicating the significance of the combat patch to a soldier and their identity.

Other tangible items, such as badges/tabs (ABN, Air Assault, Sapper, Ranger), were also noted of importance and appeared to impact their sense of purpose as these schools and skill identifiers also gave something to strive for and cultivate a deeper sense of purpose within their military career. Being able to wear badges or tables was also a visual representation of a soldier, each badge highlighting a different skill set that would be encouraged, like a school a soldier should attend and enhance promotion potential.

This desire for or currently owning Army badges, tabs, and patches was mentioned by nearly all research participants as something important to them as part of their soldier identity in addition to a bridge of reinforcement to their self-worth. Prestige, judgment, and competitiveness add a layer to one’s soldier identity and belonging. Participants within this study appeared to be impacted by negative perceptions of being in the USA/ANG, which ultimately impacted their view of their self-worth. The majority of the participants discussed how the Guard was not seen in a favorable light or were often

116 called derogatory names, which impacted their identity, and a sense of purpose as a soldier. If they did not feel valued as soldiers, they did not believe that they had a sense of purpose.

The results presented in Table 5, Belonging, are discussed next.

Table 5 Belonging

Theme

# Times Mentioned (N =16) 13

# Times Theme Referenced 23

Combat patch affects the sense of belonging

12

23

Sense of belonging in unit

11

17

Personal thoughts on being in the NG/USAR

6

13

Camaraderie

7

12

Shared experience

Table 5 depicts belonging as a soldier and highlights the five components that comprise belonging. Deploying was noted as the main shared experience that brought individuals together. Those who deployed became closer to their military buddies or had life-long friends they related to post-deployment as opposed to those who had not deployed. In addition, the research participants who had no deployment history wanted to

117 be part of the “right arm patch” club and recognized that they did not “fit in” with those who had experienced deployment.

Belonging was found to vary at different levels, like a caste system. For example, a universal belonging occurred by wearing the uniform, but as time progressed in their service by way of deployments or other military experiences, further separation occurred.

For example, soldiers with a combat patch belonged to this inclusive group, while soldiers who did not have a patch expressed knowing they did not belong. However, if soldiers without a patch found themselves in units or situations where they were the majority, there was a level of belonging amongst their group. Another variation appeared to be that majority of participants, with or without a patch, felt like they collectively belonged in their unit. Having a shared experience of deployment and a combat patch was the critical element to have that enhanced belonging as a soldier.

118

Table 6 Service and Importance of Deployment

Theme

# Times Mentioned (N =16)

# Times Theme Referenced

Deployment experiences

9

31

Deployment is important

11

19

Deployment war stories talked about

13

21

Military positive experience

6

15

Reasons joined

17

79

Thoughts on personal service

14

32

Table 6 shows critical elements to the construct of soldier identity and belonging.

The aforementioned includes having deployment experiences and war stories that were talked about. It provided a real-life account of being a soldier on the battlefield, something that many soldiers in this study longed for. At the outset of their service, all participants identified joining the Army for the benefits such as school, health care, and employment security. It appeared that once they completed basic training, the importance of deploying and how this was connected to being a soldier and fitting in was more apparent. There was a shift from external benefits to inner meaning. It can be speculated that once entering into the environment of the Army, they started to see what the meaning and expectation of becoming a soldier was.

119 Next, the results presented in Table 7, Significance of a Combat Patch, are discussed. This table highlights the elements that were striking to developing the overall theme that emerged from the participants’ interviews.

Table 7 Significance of Combat Patch

Theme

# Times Mentioned (N=16)

# Times Theme Referenced

Combat patch important

18

77

Perception of soldiers with a patch

8

20

Perceptions of soldiers without a patch

13

48

Thoughts on discontinuing the combat patch

15

26

Table 7 shows the four key items that highlight the meaning and significance of a combat patch and illustrates some interesting results related to the significance of a combat patch. In terms of importance, the combat patch was referenced 77 times throughout the study. This was of most significance and emphasized the high regard the patch plays within a soldier’s environment.

In terms of other factors that reinforce the significance of a combat patch, perceptions of soldiers with and without a combat patch were referenced 48 times throughout the study, signifying how perception plays an important role in how the combat patch is viewed. Some noted that soldiers who had a patch were perceived to

120 walk taller or carried themselves differently. In addition to that, they were thought to have been “high speed,” a term used in reference to being competent and effective at their job. Another result related to the significance of the combat patch was the negative perceptions of not having a combat patch and the positive perceptions of having a combat patch. Individual who did not have a patch had the negative perception that they avoided a deployment, as there is no patch on the right shoulder sleeve to visually signify that one had deployed. Moreover, there can be negative perceptions of senior rank individuals who have not deployed to a combat zone and gives a false perception that one has not sacrificed being away. Another interesting result was related to thoughts about the combat patch being discontinued from the Army uniform. Despite some participants discussing the patch was not important, the majority of them stated that the combat patch was crucial for unit history and a tradition that needed to be kept, which reinforced the importance of the patch.

The results in Table 8, family influence, are discussed further below.

Table 8 Family Influence

# Times Mentioned Theme

# Times Theme Referenced (N=16)

Family history of military service

9

13

Family inquired on no deployment

5

12

Having kids

4

5

Parental influence

4

8

121

Table 8 shows the four key items that impacted military service among participants. This included having an extended family history of individuals who had served in the military, such as their fathers, grandfathers, or uncles. For the participants who participated in the study, nine out of 16 had some member of their family who had served in the military. For the majority of them, it was an influential reason why they joined. It was also found that family interest in the participant’s service, starting a family, which included both marriage and having children, and parental influence are important themes. Another interesting result within this theme was that of families who expressed or did not express an interest in the participant’s military experiences. During their interviews, there appeared to be a disconnect of either the participant not wanting to share due to concern that their family would worry (especially if one was deployed) or cultural influences that consider talking about oneself as not favorable. Participant’s families were an influential part before they joined and while they remained in service. While there were numerous family influences that occurred for why the research participant decided to join, family influence during present service was also a factor that emerged within this theme. Factors such as getting married, having children, or wanting to have stability to have a relationship appeared to impact the participant’s desire to remain in service and decrease their desire to deploy. On average, most participants who had already deployed were either married, had kids, or were content in their civilian endeavors and did not want to deploy again unless ordered to do so. This was due to not wanting to miss out on family life events or concern about having their spouse become a widow. Results for Table 9 are discussed further below.

122

Table 9 Maturity

# Times Mentioned (N =16) 2

# Times Theme Referenced 4

Physical limitation/pain

2

2

Family/Kids/Relationships

7

9

Changing perspectives

3

4

Would still deploy

3

3

Theme Age

Table 9 shows the five important items that impacted the participants' growth and maturity. Factors such as age (getting older) and physical limitations/pain related to injuries or wear and tear sustained throughout their career impacted their decisions about their military career choices. Attending physically demanding courses (i.e., Ranger School, Air Assault) appeared to no longer be of importance as it once was when they were younger. Family changes or the desire to be around for the family also played a part in their desire to no longer be willing to engage in high-stress positions or lengthy deployments. Along with acknowledging age and physical ability limitations, changes to perspectives in what they saw were now important in their lives. Despite this, some participants still had a desire to deploy as a likely result of internalized significance.

Summary Based on the collected data and data analysis, elements that impacted the development of soldier identity and belonging amongst USA/ANG soldiers consisted of

123 having a sense of purse, belonging, deploying influence of one’s family, and maturity.

Each of these concepts and experiences intertwined with each other; it was never one item that summarized soldier identity or belonging, instead a host of items connected that needed to be present in their lives. Some of these concepts and experiences appear ordinary, while others appear to be shaped by the need for selfobjects. The significant overarching theme that emerged was the impact of a combat patch. This finding is discussed further in the following chapter. Using the results to guide the findings, the author asserts that military objects such as the combat patch and shared experiences represent selfobject functioning needs.

124

Chapter V

Discussion and Findings

Introduction The interest in this study began after this researcher left active duty and transitioned into the Army National Guard. It was 3 months post-deployment from a yearlong tour in Iraq and three months most post-transition out of active duty. This researcher often spent time reflecting on a memory of arriving in Iraq. By the time the military aircraft had landed, Fort Bragg felt like a million miles away with all the comforts of home, but to this researcher, “I had made it. ” Earning the combat patch and being part of a legacy of other soldiers who deployed and served in a time of war was of great personal importance. During this time, this researcher identified as a soldier and, more specifically, a “paratrooper” serving in the prestigious 82nd ABN. Adjusting to civilian life was difficult. Transitioning off of active duty and into the reserves came with feelings of discontentment. At times, the author longed for the familiarity of active duty army life, the other paratroopers. However, despite the excitement of Army life, the combat patched signified the end of this researcher’s journey as an active-duty soldier.

The experience of having deployed, earning a combat patch, and returning to civilian life, shaped the topic of the study. Having a combat patch was not only important in the active component of the Army, but it was important within the reserves. The transitioning into the National Guard was around the time that the Iraq war started to see

125 reductions in troop presence. The unit that this researcher transitioned into returned from a deployment from Iraq as well. Having returned from deployment meant that there would be a 5-year dwell time, and all the new soldiers coming to this unit would not be deploying any time soon, at least to a combat zone. It was no surprise to hear soldiers who did not have a patch express envy and lament about not deploying and earning their patch.

The motivation for this study was derived from a desire to learn from the research participants the extent to how the combat patch impacted their soldier identity and belonging while adding to the dearth of literature on Army reserve/guard.

Interpretation of Findings The qualitative data results were collected and analyzed using the semi-structured interviews presented in Chapter VI. Findings are discussed in the current Chapter V. This study sought to answer the following questions: 1. What is the experience of having a combat patch for ANG/USAR soldiers?

2. What is the experience of not having a combat patch amongst ANG/USAR soldiers?; 3.

Is the experience of military belonging different between ANG/USAR soldiers who have a combat patch different between ANG/USAR soldiers who do not have a combat patch?

The study found that having a combat patch was important to the reinforcement of soldier identity regardless of patch status (having one already vs. not having one).

However, participants with a combat patch reported having a higher sense of soldier

126 identity and belonging vs. participants who did not. Evidence suggests that a combat patch is important to one's soldier identity and sense of belonging.

Within this chapter, results are presented using key themes that emerged from conducting a qualitative narrative study using content analysis and three research questions that inquired on the experiences of soldier identity and belonging. The theory of self-psychology was utilized in the conceptualization of this study, and as a result, the findings of this study examined certain concepts of self-psychology. The data collected revealed several findings related to the research questions that inquired on the experiences of having a combat patch, the experiences of not having a combat patch, and evaluating differences in one's sense of belonging with having a combat patch and not having a combat patch. The findings are discussed further below.

The first research question explored what the experience of having a combat patch was like for ANG/USAR soldiers. Findings suggest that having a combat patch was deemed a necessary experience to have as a soldier, resulting in a positive, cohesive self.

Having a patch provided an experience that led to connection and an enhanced ability to be understood and share a likeness to each other of twinship and mirroring. Having a combat patch provided a selfobject function both by way of a tangible object and the experience that led to the patch.

The second question inquired about the experience of not having a combat patch as an ANG/USAR soldier. The author discovered that not having a combat patch brought about negative emotions that impacted their sense of soldier identity and belonging.

There was a significant difference in how they viewed their service and how they thought others perceived them. Their idealized self was incongruent with their current self, which

127 often increased negatives or levels of fragmentation. The experience of not having a combat patch did not provide a self-object experience where they could experience twinship idealization.

Lastly, the third question aimed to identify if there was a difference in one's sense of belonging between ANG/USAR soldiers who have a combat patch and ANG/USAR soldiers who do not have a combat patch? Overall, it was found that having a patch did impact their sense of belonging, but that experience fluctuated in degrees and different layers. Soldiers with a combat patch self-reported a more profound sense of belonging that appeared to set them apart from their counterparts who did not have a combat patch.

Soldiers who did not have a combat patch did not feel a strong sense of belonging, especially amongst combat patch soldiers. However, in this study, participants did report having a sense of belonging amongst their own professional skill set group. An example of this was heard when a participant discussed the differences between being on a line unit and that of a medical setting like a hospital. Historically, a line unit is mainly made up of combat arms MOS. Deploying can be seen as an integral part of their job, and most often do deploy. Not having a combat patch in this group would put oneself as an outsider. Soldiers working in a hospital may find the opposite true of combat patch exposure. Medical providers such as doctors and nurses are often PROFIS (professional filler system) and fill vacancies when a unit may need a particular profession (i.e., surgeon). Due to hospitals not deploying as a complete entity, the opportunities to deploy are not often or only have a few go if called upon. Finally, it was found that soldiers, regardless of their patch status (having one vs. not having one), felt a sense of belonging by how their units made them feel. This was potentially related to high levels of unit

128 morale, having supportive leadership, or feeling connected to their fellow soldiers within their unit that provided that translates into self-object needs that were needed.

The study found multiple themes that emerged from the narrative interviews that emphasized particular selfobject experiences that were needed for the subjects to strengthen or weaken their sense of self. Things such as group experiences (mainly combat deployments) and military items such as patches, badges, and other awards were significantly meaningful to the participants who participated in this study. These experiences and military items appeared to provide more than a tangible item to wear on a uniform or experience to talk about; it also appeared to provide selfobject functioning that either strengthened or weakened their sense of self. The self-psychology theory postulates that, for healthy growth and development, a child needs to feel desired, wanted, and valued and have the experience of predictability, dependability, and reliability (Elson, 1986). These needs continued on into adulthood and were, observed to come from tangible military items or experiences that represented these functioning needs. These needs served as psychological functions that are essential to all human experience, including the interpersonal, familial, social, cultural, and religious (Rowe et al. , 1989), and are evident within the military population. These proper self-object experiences favor the structural cohesion and energetic vigor of the self; faulty self-object experiences facilitate the fragmentation and emptiness of the self (Wolf, 2002). The findings of these self-object needs of twinship, mirroring, and idealizing that were found in this study are discussed further below.

Finding 1: Twinship.

Kohut (1984) initially defined twinship in two significantly different ways: first

129 as a sense of essential alikeness and second, as a sense of being a human among human beings. All participants longed for a twinship experience, evidenced by their desire to be seen as soldiers to others and Army members. The frequency at which a combat patch affected a sense of belonging was referenced 23 times; this was the exact amount referenced to having a shared experience, specifically a combat deployment. It was not surprising to learn that a shared experience enhanced one’s sense of belonging as a soldier. This desire for a shared experience and the impact of deploying on soldier identity is illustrated in previous research by Vest (2012), who found that National Guard members with no deployment experience had different relationships to their service than those who had deployed. While it was not completely universal, a truly part-time experience was qualitatively different from an intensive full-time immersion through a deployment (Vest, 2012). This data reinforces the findings of the current study. Having a combat patch and a shared experience of a deployment impacted soldier identity and belonging. Furthermore, the current study found that some of the participants did not truly feel like a soldier because of their intermittent service and lack of opportunity to deploy, thus supporting Vest’s study.

For both sets of participants (patch and non-combat patch), the study found that having a combat patch and deploying impacted their identity and sense of belonging as a soldier, as evidenced by the combat patch being described as important multiple times.

Both sets of participants discussed that the combat patch visually represented that they had served and made them feel like a soldier. The desire to have a combat patch was referenced 77 times and reinforced the significance of having a combat patch. This appeared to create a mirroring and twinship experience that fulfilled a need for

130 affirmation and being accepted and appreciated. It allowed for a likeness or oneness with others. Visually, wearing the patch created a likeness compared to that of ones who did not. For some, this ultimately reinforced negative self-worth they had about themself or how they believed others saw them. The twinship experience in adulthood is a component of the sense of affiliation and belonging one derives from being a member of a team (Lessem, 2005). The Army can be a highly sought-after team to be part of, and the desire to be a part of certain units such as but not limited to Ranger, Special Forces. These specialty units can be seen as another team to be a part of, which offers its own exclusivity. Physically, there is exclusivity to being in the military that comes with special identification cards to get onto the gated and guarded installation, which provides a separation of military vs. non-military (this excludes civilians who work for the department of defense). There are opportunities that the average person does not get to experience, such as jumping out of planes, flying helicopters, or driving armored tanks.

All of these things combined provide a shared experience that assists in making soldiers more relatable to each other.

White et al. (1986) argued that “the essence of the twinship self-object relationship is a similarity in interests and talents, along with the sense of being understood by someone like oneself” (p. 103). Basch (1994) redefined a twinship transference as “the need to belong and feel accepted by one’s cohort” (p. 4) in which he saw two needs—a need to feel that members of the group are alike and a need to feel that one is experienced by group members as essentially alike. When applied to the participants of this study, being a part of the group (the combat patch group) and being accepted as a soldier within the Army is the essence of a twinship need.

131 Receiving a combat patch also offered a selfobject function of twinship. This twinship function provided the “need to experience essential alikeness (Kohut, 1984) and can be seen by the data that the value of a combat patch to one belonging is significant. ” Twinship is something that can be seen throughout the military-from being a part of a certain unit; or following standards of appearance, the desire to fit in and be seen like others is an important experience to have that affirms their sense of self. Whereas idealizing need is seen when they want recognition and to be respected by the selfobject.

In The Analysis of the Self, Kohut states the yearning for twinship is experienced by an individual who seeks a merger with the other but who, to some extent, recognizes the other as a psychologically separate existence (Togashi & Kottler, 2012). Kohut (1971) further explains that twinship transference is “not a primary identity, but a likeness (similarity) with the object is established, [which] corresponds to a more mature developmental phase than that from which the merger transference takes its origin” (p.

122).

Finding 2: Mirroring.

Mirroring is another critical self-object need. Kohut describes the mirroring experience in a bidirectional way. He states that a mirroring need is activated: “By looking at the mother and by being looked at by her” (Kohut, 1971, p.117).

A good example is found in Kohut’s (1977) discussion of a child’s experience in the Oedipal phase: If the little boy, for example, feels that his father looks upon him proudly as a “chip off the old block” and allows him to merge with him and with his adult

132 greatness, then his oedipal phase will be a decisive step in self-consolidation and self-pattern-firming ” (p. 234).

When applying this concept to this study, the combat patch can be seen as a representation of seeking approval from one’s leadership, such as a company commander, platoon sergeant (PSG), or first sergeant (1SG). This favorable exchange, whether verbal or non-verbal, is the mirroring need that is activated for the soldier.

When applying this to the participants of this study, these participants are trained by individuals who are usually senior in rank and age. There is a responsibility of the leadership to take care of them, protect them, and train them in how to do their military job and prepare them to be able to progress in the ranks and take on different positions.

Individuals in leadership are people who are training the next generation of soldiers to take over in their footsteps. This process provides a merger experience, which in turn affirms them as a soldier. An example of this process can be seen when senior soldiers (a first sergeant or platoon leader) take junior soldiers (privates or specialists) and assist them in learning rifle marksmanship for prepping them soldier of the month boards.

Finding 3: Twinship and mirroring.

Army badges and tabs unexpectedly surfaced in the interviews. Within the military, patches, badges, and medals are outward displays of accomplishments. When in a dress uniform, to military members, one becomes a walking resume, highlighting all their accomplishments for one to see. These items referred to as “bling” provided mirroring and twinship self-object needs. These tangible objects provided an external

133 affirmation and validation needed for one’s self-worth as a soldier to assist in feeling whole.

While having a patch was notably important, the study found a particular badge that was mentioned numerous times that appeared to be of importance in some of these subjects. Of interest to this study, many soldiers mentioned the combat infantry badge (CIB) or the combat action badge (CAB). Not particularly surprising to soldiers within combat arms MOS, the CIB is the “ badge” to have as it represents engagement in combat. The CIB is only given to soldiers within the infantry, and the CAB is only given to soldiers who are not in the infantry for qualifying incidents during which the soldier was actively engaging or being engaged by the enemy. The CAB is intended to serve as a companion to the Combat Infantryman Badge (CIB) and Combat Medical Badge (CMB) and was created to recognize the greatly expanded role of non-infantry soldiers inactive, ground combat (AR 600–8–22, Ch 8-8a, 5 March 2019). This is of significance as it speaks to the essence of what it means to be a soldier. Examples of combat engagement include but are not limited to being engaged in a firefight, having an IED detonated under one's vehicle, or rockets hitting within one's area of operation. However, not all CIB/CABs are considered equal in relation to how they are earned by some soldiers, which some participants referenced. This researcher has found that a comparison game can sometimes come into effect, often aiming to minimize how one earned this badge to make the others more significant. Some earn it under hazardous and heroic situations; other soldiers say that it was given as a “blanket” award due. This can be seen with the year of deployment, the type of patch one has, and their role during the deployment (i.e., traveling on conveys, going on patrols, providing security).

134 Finding 4: Idealizing.

The study found that many of the research participants came from a family background of military service. Eleven out of the 16 subjects all had family who had served, which ranged from fathers, uncles, and grandparents, and ultimately was a factor in why they joined the military. The idealizing self-object need refers to the need to feel linked to an admired other, creating an experience of a sense of calming, soothing, safety, strength, and inspiration (Wolf, 1988). This indicated a significant idealizing need to be admired and merged with their parent or caretaker figure. This type of experience is needed throughout life to maintain one's sense of self.

Another finding of this study related to the idealizing self-object need was related to self-esteem. It appeared that part of the soldiers’ self-worth seemed to be impacted by their status as either National Guard or Army Reserve. Negative perceptions of the National Guard were more prevalent than that of the Reserve Army, which was not surprising given the historical stigma associated with the National Guard. But it was interesting to note that 10 out of the 16 subjects who had a patch were the ones that reported most of the negative impacts this had on their self-worth. It was unclear if it was strictly due to being in the Guard or taking on the personal ownership that they were less than.

Finding 5: Family as self-object needs.

It was found that the participants changed their perspectives and reevaluated what was important within their military career as they started to transition into a phase of life where they wanted to settle down and get married and have children. According to Bland

135 (2010), marriages are a joining of two people who serve to sustain self-object functions for each other. A self-object function can be thought of as the "self-affirming way . . . " (Lachman, 2008, p.8) the other is experienced. Having a spouse or child appeared to meet selfobject needs, including affirmation, connection, and recognition that was once met through military experiences or tangible object items. Some subjects who had prior deployed and now had young children appeared to have a decrease in their desire to deploy and be away from their loved ones for an extensive period. This showed a more mature and age-appropriate use of a self-object transition. The research participants who were not married and had not deployed at the time of the study remained focused on the desire to deploy as this seemed to be something that was necessary to reaffirm their sense of self as a soldier.

Within this study, one subject, in particular, SGT T9, struggled with chronic conflicting emotions and thoughts related to his soldier identity and sense of belonging.

The self-object functioning needs often appeared to not be met, or if they were, they were often dismissed. Below is a case example that highlights the integration of the findings and the application of self-psychology concepts.

SGT T9 is a 28-year-old single male who is first-generation within his family to have joined the military. He has a unique background of having parents who migrated to the United States due to being war refugees from Vietnam. SGT T9 has prior active duty service within the Army and has one deployment to Afghanistan. Presently he services in the Army National Guard. Out of the 16 research participants, he stood out compared to the others. This was in part due to the conflicting responses he had throughout the interview. His conflicting responses, also known as cognitive dissonance (discomfort that

136 results from holding two conflicting beliefs, values, or feelings) was apparent throughout the interview and led this researcher to become puzzled and frustrated at his responses, as this did not appear to be a typical response compared to the other research participant’s interviews.

After his interview was completed, his transcript was reviewed to better understand how a combat patch affected his soldier identity and sense of belonging and to see how and in what ways the selfobject needs emerged from within his narrative using the theoretical framework of self-psychology. Furthermore, his cognitive dissonance was explored in further detail as it was speculated that he struggled with self-esteem issues caused by a narcissistic injury that occurred at some point in his life. It was speculated that there were some cultural influences that reinforced his cognitive dissonance. From a cultural viewpoint, the Vietnamese culture discourages individuals from seeking praise or express disagreement (Doan & Gruen, 2010), and this possibility could be a reason for his conflict. This researcher will illustrate how SGT T9 used certain military experiences and tangible military items to meet selfobject functioning needs. Three examples from his interview will be discussed further below.

When asked whether or not having a combat patch was important or affected his soldier identity and belonging, he stated “no” because others around him did not stress the importance of having a combat patch, and therefore he did not see the importance of it. Here he shows how there has been an impairment with internalizing self-objects and is complying with others around him and ends up avoiding his true self of how he truly feels, in which he states later how it is important. Later, he discussed how he looked at other unit members who had a combat patch as something that was important, stating,

137 “the guys who did have their combat patch when I was at that unit, I felt like they accomplished a lot more. They all had that aura about them.” This example shows the desire for twinship and idealizing needs when he discussed how he looked at his other unit members who had a patch. This inconsistency between what he believes and what he wants is an attempt at trying to minimize the feelings of discomfort that arise at wanting the desire to be recognized.

Another example of his cognitive dissonance is when he reflects back on the thought of how he would have felt if he had not deployed. He expands on this by saying that if he had not deployed, this lack of experience would have affected his sense of belonging and that he would not be able to relate. He goes on to say, “If I didn't have a combat patch, I wouldn’t really get to share that same connection like everyone else who had one. ” Deployment offered a twinship and a mirroring experience, as he annotated how a shared experience and is connected to his fellow soldiers was important to him, thus highlighting how a deployment can provide a selfobject need. Another interesting experience he shared during his interview was related to a tradition within the Calvary that was of significance yet created a source of internal distress.

The “Order of the Spur” is a Cavalry tradition within the United States Army.

Troopers serving in Cavalry units are inducted into the Order of the Spur after successfully completing a series of evaluations set by the command, culminating in the final test, the "Spur Ride," or for having served during combat as a member of or with a Cavalry unit. A trooper who has earned both Silver and Gold spurs is known as a "Master Spur Holder” (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019). In some units, gold spurs are awarded for combat inductions, while silver spurs represent having completed the Spur

138 Ride (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019). Within the tradition, silver spurs and gold spurs hold a similar relationship for the cavalry as how the Expert Infantryman Badge holds for the U.S. Army Infantry (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019).

According to USAARMS pamphlet 360-12 (2019), the tradition of having to "earn your spurs" reaches back to the beginning of the American Cavalry. New troopers (soldiers new to a Calvary unit) were not allowed to wear spurs as they may misuse or overuse them, injuring the horse (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019). Only when they could prove their ability to perform with their horse and saber were they awarded spurs (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019), known as the “spur ride. ” Induction into the Order of the Spur is for life, and the status travels with the soldier from unit to unit (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019), thus making this tradition exclusive and highly sought after by soldiers within a Calvary unit.

The purpose of the spur ride is to enhance Esprit De Corps, promote camaraderie, and develop proficient leaders with the necessary tactical and technical skills and humility to "lead from the front" (USAARMS pamphlet 360-12, 2019). When looking at this tradition and the requirements to qualify, it is evident that selfobject functioning exists. The spurs, like the combat patch, offer a tangible mirroring selfobject function.

The spurs allow one to feel affirmed and recognized, to feel accepted and appreciated, especially when showing something valued about oneself (Lessem, 2005).Miller (1996) pointed out that two types of admiration are involved in the experience of mirroring: unelicited and elicited admiration. An example of unelicited admiration is the affectionate, admiring attention a baby often receives simply for being a baby (Miller, 1996).However, elicited admiration is the most important form for developing self-

139 esteem, according to Miller (1996). When applying this to the spurs, the act of competing and receiving the spurs by one’s leadership elicits admiration and approval and reinforces positive self-worth.

Upon learning that he was going to get to compete in a spur ride during deployment, he expressed excitement.“ I was excited because it sounded like we were going to do something like the spur ride. “ Unfortunately, SGT T9 did not get to experience this and was resentful for not being able to go through the tradition in its entirety. He explains, “To me, the spurs were a big deal because that's like an exclusive thing in a way. You only get spurs if you're assigned and deployed with a Calvary unit.

So, I was like I can get something that no one else is probably going to get their entire life. ” While canceled, he was provided a certificate of completion upon returning home, but this did not meet his needs. He expressed disappointment on how it was not the same as having a ceremony like others had, which spoke of his desire for an idealizing need.

He states, “when we got back, all I got was a piece of paper that said I earned it, in a way. ” When inquiring why this ceremony was important to him, he discussed that it was about “entitlement.” Per this example, it can be seen that the mirroring need was not met and activated a prior childhood narcissistic injury that was split off from consciousness.

According to Muslin and Hyman on Kohut (1985), describing the quest for a narcissistic individual to fulfill unmet selfobject needs notes that certain aspects of narcissism are inherent in all of us. Kohut describes the self as “the center of the psychological universe” and believes we spend our entire lives trying to build and maintain our selfesteem through the use of selfobjects (Muslin & Hyman, 1985).

140 Relevance of Findings to Literature The findings of this study support the findings of other studies which identified how deploying to a combat zone is important to soldier identity and belonging. A study conducted by Hoopsick et al. ’s (2018) on understanding the emotions related to soldiers who have never deployed concluded that while there was some variation in reported emotions related to not having deployed, a substantial proportion of soldiers reported moderate to high negative emotions regarding non-deployment. According to their results, among the never-deployed USAR/NG soldiers, 64% felt guilt, 59% felt less valued by their unit, 49% felt less camaraderie within their unit, and 50% felt less connected with their unit due to not having deployed. Additionally, their findings showed that not deploying might conflict with soldier identity and contribute to additional stress for the non-deployed soldier. This data was similar to the results of this study as it related to the importance of deploying and having a combat patch for soldier identity and belonging. Within this study, 14 out of the 16 subjects, which consisted of both combat patch and non-combat patch participants commented on how having or the desire to have reinforced and affirmed their self-worth and created a sense of belonging- all of which were important to their identity and sense of self as a soldier.

In a similar study on soldier identity, Griffith (2011a) conducted a study on reserve component soldiers that examined the meaning and importance of identity.

Within his study, four identity scales were given in that included the weekend warrior (service is experienced as a part-time weekend activity), the instrumental volunteer (service offers material benefits), the identity seeker (service gives a sense of meaning and purpose), conservative ideologue (service seen as consistent with fundamental social

141 and political values), and soldier warrior (service provides a way to become and perform as a warfighter) (Griffith, 2011b). The results of the study revealed that reservists who scored higher on the identity seeker, soldier warrior, and ideologue scales had a deeper sense of commitment to their service. In addition, soldiers who scored high on the soldier warrior and ideologue scales were associated with reserve military service providing a special purpose and sense of belonging (Griffith, 2011b). Within this study, service and the importance of deploying were critical to the construct of soldier identity and belonging. A majority of the research participants who had deployed shared deployment experiences and war stories, which provided a real-life account of being a soldier, something that many participants in this study longed for. When looking at Griffith’s instrumental volunteer identity, the monetary benefits were similar for the research participants within this study and why they initially joined (i.e., school, health care, and employment security). Another similarity to the present study was related to military service, identity, and belonging. It was found that while the majority of the research participants discussed that they had joined for some type of benefit, which would have classified them as an instrumental volunteer identity, that this motivation or identity shifted once they completed basic training and saw the importance of deploying and how this was connected to being a soldier. This finding supports or relates to Vest’s (2013) results that reservists who had scored higher on the identity seeker, soldier warrior, and ideologue scales had a deeper sense of commitment to their service, as he originally hypothesized. Furthermore, high scores on the soldier warrior and ideologue scales were associated with reserve military service providing special purpose and a sense of selfidentity (Vest, 2013). This was similar in nature to the results of this study, as there was a

142 shift from the desire for external benefits to finding a higher, deeper meaning as a soldier.

It was speculated that once entering into the environment of the Army, they started to see what the meaning and expectation of becoming a soldier was.

Return to Original Study Assumptions The study had four original assumptions that consisted of: 1. Soldier identity is stronger among soldiers who have a combat patch.

2. The desire to belong is more pronounced among soldiers who do not have a combat patch.

3. The pressure to have a combat patch is more pronounced among soldiers aged 18─25 years.

4. Throughout the course of this research, the terms Army National Guard, Army Reserve, and reservist are used interchangeably.

The first assumption was varied as the results indicated that nearly all subjects reiterated the importance of what a combat patch meant as a soldier but with some variations to how it impacted their identity as a soldier. Out of the 16 subjects, 14 subjects which consisted of both combat patch and non-combat patch participants, commented on how the combat patch reinforced and affirmed their self-worth, allowed them to fit in/ be a part of a club or feel secure- all of which were important to their sense of self as a soldier. Additionally, nearly all research subjects mentioned the importance of having a combat deployment (which would result in getting a combat patch) as

143 something that was important to them as part of their soldier identity and a piece to their self-worth.

The second assumption was that the desire to belong would be more pronounced among soldiers who did not have a combat patch. This assumption appeared to be split.

Seven (four had a patch and three did not) of the 16 research participants discussed that having a combat patch was important to their sense of belonging.

The third assumption was that the pressure to have a combat patch would be more pronounced among soldiers aged 18─25 years. At the time of the interview, most of the research participants were in their late twenties to early forties. There was one outlier who was 23 at the time of the interview. The majority of the research subjects who did have their combat patch had previously deployed in or around their early twenties (2123); thus, this assumption was addressed retrospectively. It was assumed that there was more pressure around the age of 18-25 for these participants as combat deployments to Iraq or Afghanistan were common, and therefore the pressure placed at the point of basic training due to the need for training for combat, as well as going into units after graduation from AIT who were set to deploy added situational pressure. Whereas soldiers who are completing basic training now are potentially less likely to feel the pressure to deploy and get a combat patch as American Forces have been pulled out of Iraq and Afghanistan at this current time. It can be argued that the research participants within this study who expressed disappointment over the inability to deploy to a combat zone are from a generation in which a majority of their peers have deployed at least once.

However, for a variety of reasons of why they did not deploy (i.e., unit was not up for rotation, they were attending military schools, medical issues) now fall within a class of

144 soldiers who will never have the opportunity to deploy due to current change in the political and military-strategic climate. Therefore, the pressure has now turned to disappointment and reinforcement of negative self-worth.

The last assumption was that the terms Army National Guard, Army Reserve, and reservist were used interchangeably. These terms were used interchangeably throughout the study.

Contribution to the Field of Clinical Social Work: Recommendations for Therapists Treating Reservists and Veterans The findings of this study will contribute to existing theories on soldier identity and belonging, in particular by expanding the understanding of how a combat patch and other uniform items impact the development of the sense of self as a soldier. Both sets of subjects reported how deploying and earning a combat patch was important to their selfworth and value as a soldier. While it is agreed that military cultural competence is essential to the effective delivery of health care to service members, Hoopsick et al.(2018) noted a report from RAND (2014) suggested that less than half of community mental health providers regularly screen for both military status and stressors related to military life. This information calls attention to the need for clinicians to become more culturally aware of the Army and military on a deeper level in order to better understand the meaning and importance of certain items and military experiences such as the combat patch/badges, deployment, separation issues, grief related to combat loss, and moral injury. Furthermore, civilian therapists need to become more aware and informed of the Army’s reserve forces. They should consider the development of the soldiers’ identity

145 and belonging as a reservist inherently different than its active-duty counterpart to include but not limited to their part-time service, strains of multiple deployments, lack of training, different types of activation orders having different benefits attached, and funding constraints. This calls attention to seeing the service member holistically and how the lack of traditional military experiences can breed competition amongst each other and individually, which can cause great sources of internal conflict throughout their military career.

Given the clinical tendency to misunderstand the relevance and meaning of a missed or unavailable opportunity to deploy to a combat zone, most specifically the reserve soldier, it would be of benefit for clinicians to gain awareness of how these events impact not only one’s promotion potential but how it impacts their self-worth working in a culture that reinforces worth by awards and patches/badges. This serves to remind clinicians that working with reserve soldiers is not always about treating PTSD or other psychopathology: rather, it is about assessing how the reserve culture and experiences impact their sense of self. In the treatment of self-disorders, Kohut (1984) viewed the psychological health of the core of the personality as always best defined in terms of structural completeness, that is, in terms of an energetic continuum in the center of the personality having been established such that the unfolding of a productive life has become a realizable possibility. When looking at this view, the person is embedded in a net of ever-changing relationships, the selfobject experience of which has evoked and maintained a structurally complete, vigorous, balanced, and ever-changing self (Wolf, 1988).

146 Moreover, the health psychology literature has recently linked social identity to stress experience and adaptation, leading to the proposition that the more that identities are congruent with the demands of reserve military service, the more committed, mission ready, and adaptable the reservist. Thus, some identities are likely better than others to meet current and emerging national threats and be better prepared to cope and adapt to deployment stressors (Haslam et al. , 2010). In other words, understanding the role that soldier identity and belonging play in a reserve patient using a self-psychology approach would assist in creating a healthy self and better manage military stressors. Coulter et al.(2010) found that service members in deeply stressful situations can often make it through successfully, as long as they belong to socially cohesive groups and as long as those with authority over them (who are supposed to be “on their side”) do not betray them. This emphasizes the impact and importance of how having a strong sense of belonging can impact the wellness of the soldier.

Study Limitations and Recommendations for Further Study The current study does not go without limitations. While the sample size was able to reach data Saturday, a limitation of the study was that it was strictly a qualitative, which did not allow for generalization. Another limitation included having multiple exclusion criteria (females, other military branches, and senior rank) and only studying USAR and ANG soldiers. Future studies should include a variety of military demographics and military branches, which could have provided a deeper expansion of soldier identity and belonging related to having a combat patch and the importance of deploying to a combat zone.

147 Another limitation this study had were restrictions related to COVID-19 impacted the study sample and data collection. Physical distancing restrictions and coffee stores being temporarily closed did not allow for advertisement or being able to conduct interviews on individuals who were local. Another limitation to the study was the use of a singular data collection. While the narrative interviews provided a robust amount of data, it was impossible to consider every detail that was provided. Additionally, narratives were examined from a content analysis approach, which extracts texts, words, and paragraphs out of the narrative context, which may run the risk of misinterpretation of the data. Additionally, the qualitative design limited its data to one mode, where, as a mixedmethod, it would have provided both quantitative and qualitative data. While there were limitations with the use of a qualitative study, this study sets the stage for future larger quantitative or mixed methods studies, which will be important to gain a more robust set of data that explores how a combat patch impacts soldier identity and belonging.

Future studies might assess soldier identity and belonging in phases within certain points throughout their military service (early, middle, and retirement) to assess for additional variants that may impact identity and belonging. Advertising through nonofficial military social media was a limitation. Seeking approval to advertise on official pages could have yielded better results having the potential for the initial study design to be more. Lastly, future studies might include the use of multiple National Guard units from a variety of states, in addition to multiple Army Reserve units, in order to provide a bigger catchment.

In suggesting that a combat patch impacts identity and belonging as a soldier, the study approached this question from the perspective of the individual soldier. This

148 appeared to be a thought that existed for both combat patched and non-combat patched soldiers making this experience common. There are many more possibilities for additional studies that are based on this experience. More research is needed to determine the extent to which a combat patch impacts soldier identity and belonging in the long term of the soldier life cycle and ways to instill this inclusive development. Additional research with a comparison to other branches such as the USMC would shed light on variations of military identity and belonging or a longitudinal study following a service member’s point of entry into basic training to the end of their Army career. Lastly, when considering the implementation of a theoretical perspective to explore the experiences of these military subjects, limitations existed as well. While Self Psychology was chosen, it was one of many theoretical lenses to consider assessing these subjects’ experiences.

Object relations theory is similar to self-psychology as it views the development and use of objects and could serve as an alternative approach for assessing and understanding this population.

Author’s note.

Views expressed here are those of the author and do not represent those of the U. S. Department of the Army.

Funding.

The researcher received no financial support for the research.

149 Conclusion.

The purpose of this study explored the meaning of a combat patch and how it impacted soldier identity and sense of belonging amongst ANG and USAR soldiers. The author interviewed 16 Army reserve and National Guard soldiers about this topic. Much was discovered about how the combat patch affected soldier identity and sense of belonging amongst USAR/ANG soldiers. Overall, while it was found that the combat patch impacted soldier identity and one’s sense of belonging, there were additional elements that played a role in soldier identity and belonging amongst USA/ANG. Findings suggest that a sense of purse, belonging, deploying influence of one’s family, and maturity played into the overall identity and sense of belonging for a USAR/ANG soldier. This is important information as it shows a need to better understand how military experiences such as the combat patch/badges and deployments influence soldiers and their overall sense of self.

150

Appendix A Consent Form

151 Institute for Clinical Social Work Research Information and Consent for Participation in Social Behavioral Research Identity and belonging among Army Reservists/Guardsmen

I, ____________________________________ acting for myself, agree to take part in the research entitled: Patch-less: Soldier Identity and belonging among Army Reservists/Guardsmen.

This work will be carried out by Laura Stewart, (Principal Researcher) under the supervision of Dr. John Ridings (Dissertation Chair or Sponsoring Faculty).

This work is conducted under the auspices of the Institute for Clinical Social Work; 1345 W .Argyle Street; Chicago, IL 60640; (773) 943-6500.

Purpose The purpose of this study seeks to develop a deeper understanding of what a combat patch means to an Army Reservist/National Guardsmen and how it impacts their identity and since of belonging as a soldier.

Procedures used in the study and duration In this phase, participants will complete one-two structured semi in-depth interviews. These semi in-depth interviews will provide a detailed account of how not having a combat patch impacts their sense of identity and belonging as a soldier. These interviews are also expected to provide researchers and licensed clinical therapists information, which may inform and enhance their clinical work and research with this population, as well as provide a better conceptualization of how these issues may affect this population. The time involved should not exceed 60-90 minutes per interview. The interviews will be conducted over VSee/Zoom, a HIPPA compliant video/audio conferencing platform in my home, which will be recorded and transcribed. Data will be confidential and will be destroyed after 5 years. I will keep all information on a password-protected file. At the completion of the interviews, you will be asked if you would be willing to participate in a follow-up phone call if more information is deemed important or necessary. I will make the information collected available to you at the completion of the study, if you are interested. You will also receive one $10 Amazon gift card upon completion of the interviews.

Benefits There are no known benefits to the participants who participate in this study.

Costs There are no known costs to the participants, for participation in this study.

Possible Risks and/or Side Effects

152 Privacy and confidentiality are risks to any study, including this one. However, the risk is very minimal. Some participants may experience some anxiety when sharing their personal experiences when describing their sense of identity and belonging as a soldier. For example, they may feel some anxiety about sharing the emotions they feel due to/not having deployed, feeling as if they don’t fit in or belong to their unit, or a memory that surfaces during the interview process. However, the anxiety associated with this study is no more than would likely be experienced in their everyday lives.

Participants will have been informed that they have the option to withdraw from the study at any time as well as be provided with mental health information in their area of residence if a psychiatric emergency were to occur.

Privacy and Confidentiality The names of the participants will remain anonymous, all data collected from the transcribed interviews, and any notes, will be stored on a password-protected computer, and in a password-protected file. Data that is collected will be destroyed after five years after the results are published.

Subject Assurances By signing this consent form, I agree to take part in this study. I have not given up any of my rights or released this institution from responsibility for carelessness.

I may cancel my consent and refuse to continue in this study at any time without penalty or loss of benefits. My relationship with the staff of the ICSW will not be affected in any way, now or in the future, if I refuse to take part, or if I begin the study and then withdraw.

If you have any questions about the research methods, you can contact Laura Stewart (Principal Researcher) at this phone number: (559) 732-2395 or Dr. John Ridings (Dissertation Chair/Sponsoring Faculty), at this phone number: (773) 263-6225. In addition, you can e-mail Laura Stewart at lstewart@icsw.edu or Dr. John Ridings at jridings@icsw.edu If you have any questions about your rights as a research subject, you may contact Dr. John Ridings, Chair of Institutional Review Board; ICSW; 1345 W. Argyle Street; Chicago, IL 60640; (773) 943-6500, irbchair@icsw.edu.

Signatures I have read this consent form, and I hereby agree to take part in the above-described research project. I am 18 years of age or older. I have had all my questions answered. I understand that by signing the consent form, I will be giving my consent to participate in this study.

153 Signature of research subject (Print, sign, date)______________________________________.

154

Appendix B Semi-Structured Interview Protocol

155 Interview Protocol Guide for combat patch Thanks for meeting with me. Can you tell me your age, rank, MOS/AOC, branch of service, TIS? What state do you drill?

Relationship status? Do you have children? What is your ethnicity?

1. Can you tell me why you joined the Reserves/guard? And what made you decide on the (guard or reserve)?

2. What are your feelings about joining the reserves/guard?

3. Did you ever want to join the regular Army /AD? / Can you tell me more? Was there a particular AD unit you wanted to join/what drew you to that unit?

4. If I were to shadow you during a typical drill weekend, what would I be seeing/experiencing?

5. How many deployments do you have? (Where too and for how long)?

6. Did you deploy with a reserve/guard unit or (regular Army?)

7. What was your deployment like, any experiences stand out for you?

8. Did your unit have a patch ceremony? Yes/no? Was that important to you? If I were to be there, what would I experience?

9. When you see a combat patch on the shoulders of your fellow unit members what thoughts come to mind if any?

10. When you don’t see a combat patch on the shoulders of your fellow unit members what thoughts come to mind if any?

11. Do you/unit members ever talk about your deployment “war” stories (if any)?

12. Was deploying important to you as a soldier? Yes/no why?

13. Was having a combat patch important? Yes/no why?

14. Does having a combat patch strengthen your sense of identity as a soldier? What are some things you have thought about?

15. Does it affect your sense of belonging within your unit? Yes/no tell me more

156 16. Are there any things, if any, your friends and family have said to you about having been deployed? If any 17. What are your thoughts about your military service?

18. Do you think that regular active Army looks down upon serving in the reserve/guard component?

19. As a soldier, have you ever felt less than your AD counterpart? Yes/no why?

20. If you were prior AD, did you think less of the reserve counterpart? Yes/no why? (have your thoughts changed since then?)

21. Do you think that there is a negative perception of being in the guard or reserve?

22. Have you ever been called a derogatory name for Being in the reserves? (weekend warrior/nasty-guard/your light on the right).

23. What does “soldier identity” mean to you? Would having a combat patch impact you differently?? If Yes, please explain. If No, please explain.

24. Do you think it’s important as a soldier to have combat patch? If Yes, please explain. If No, please explain.

25. What are your thoughts when you see an officer without a combat patch?/What are your thoughts when you see an enlisted member without a patch? Are there any differences in your perceptions when it’s someone who is more senior in rank that does not have one?

26. What are your thoughts if the Army did away with combat patches?

27. When you think about the possibility of deploying again, do you want to go? (has anything changed for you since your first deployment?)

28. Is there anything else you’d like to share or discuss before we end the interview?

157 Interview Protocol Guide for non-combat patch Thanks for meeting with me. Can you tell me your age, rank, MOS/AOC, branch of service, TIS? What state do you drill?

Relationship status? Do you have children, what is your ethnicity?

1. Can you tell me about why you joined the Reserves/guard? And what made you decide (guard or reserve?)What did you want to experience?

2. What are your feelings about joining the reserves/guard?

3. Did you ever want to join regular Army on AD? Can you tell me more about that?

4. Particular AD unit u wanted to join?

5. If I were to shadow you during a drill weekend, what would I see/experience?

6. When you see a combat patch on the shoulders of your fellow unit members what thoughts come to mind?

7. Did they deploy with a reserve/guard unit or regular Army?

8. For your fellow unit members who have deployed, do they talk about their deployment “war” stories (if any)?

9. What types of things, if any, do your fellow unit members say to you about not having a combat patch? About never being deployed?

10. Do you want to deploy? Yes/no can you tell me a little more?

11. Is a combat patch important? Yes/no why?

12. What has it been like to not have not deployed to a combat zone yet?

13. Has the lack of a patch impacted your sense of belonging as a unit member?

What about as a soldier? (yes or no and Can you tell me more about that)?

14. Did you think not having a patch has affected your sense of identity as a soldier?

15. What types of things, if any, do your friends and family say to you about not having a combat patch?

16. Do your friends or family ask why you have not deployed yet?

17. Do you think that regular active Army looks down upon serving in the reserve/guard component?

18. As a soldier, do you feel less than your AD counterpart? Yes/no why?

19. If you were prior AD, did you think less your AD counterpart? Yes/no why?

158 20. Do you think that there is a negative perception of being in the guard or reserve?

21. Have you ever been called a weekend warrior/nasty guard/your light on the right not a real solider? Did those labels ever bother you? If yes/no why?

22. Do you think it’s important to have a combat patch? Would your sense of identity as a soldier be different as a soldier? If Yes, please explain. If No, please explain.

23. What are your thoughts when you see an officer without a combat patch?/What are your thoughts when you see an enlisted member without a patch? Are there any differences in your perceptions when it’s someone who is more senior in rank that does not have one?

24. Do you think the army should do away with wearing a combat patch?

25. When you think about possible future deployment and the chance to earn a combat patch, what thoughts come to mind?

26. Is there anything else you’d like to share or discuss before we end the interview?

159

Appendix C Army Rank Chart

160

E-1

No Insignia

Private

PVT

Enlisted Soldier

E-2

Private Second Class

PV2

Enlisted Soldier

E-3

Private First Class

PFC

Enlisted Soldier

E-4

Specialist

SPC

Enlisted Soldier

E-4

Corporal

CPL

Noncommissioned Officer

E-5

Sergeant

SGT

Noncommissioned Officer

E-6

Staff Sergeant

SSG

Noncommissioned Officer

E-7

Sergeant First Class

SFC

Noncommissioned Officer

E-8

Master Sergeant

MSG Noncommissioned Officer

E-8

First Sergeant

1SG

Noncommissioned Officer

E-9

Sergeant Major

SGM

Noncommissioned Officer

E-9

Command Sergeant Major

CSM

Noncommissioned Officer

161

E-9

Sergeant Major of the Army

SMA

Noncommissioned Officer (Special)

W-1

Warrant Officer 1

WO1

Warrant Officer

W-2

Chief Warrant Officer 2

CW2

Warrant Officer

W-3

Chief Warrant Officer 3

CW3

Warrant Officer

W-4

Chief Warrant Officer 4

CW4

Warrant Officer

W-5

Chief Warrant Officer 5

CW5

Warrant Officer

O-1

Second Lieutenant

2LT

Commissioned Officer

O-2

First Lieutenant

1LT

Commissioned Officer

O-3

Captain

CPT

Commissioned Officer

O-4

Major

MAJ

Field Officer

O-5

Lieutenant Colonel

LTC

Field Officer

O-6

Colonel

COL

Field Officer

162

O-7

Brigadier General

BG

General Officer

O-8

Major General

MG

General Officer

O-9

Lieutenant General

LTG

General Officer

O-10

General

GEN

General Officer

O-10

General of the Army

163

Appendix D Abbreviations

164 ANG Army National Guard USAR United States Army Reserve AD Active duty MOS Military occupational specialty (MOS) refers to the United States Army job coding.

OIF Operation Iraqi Freedom OEF Operation Enduring Freedom 73A Army social worker 73B Army psychologist CIB Combat infantry badge CAB Combat action badge ABN Airborne AIT Advanced individual training AT Annual training IED Improvised explosive device DOD Department of Defense PTSD Posttraumatic stress disorder ROTC Reserve officer training corps VFW Veterans of foreign wars ALARACT All Army activities message SSI-FWTS Shoulder Sleeve Insignia-Former Wartime Service LCSW Licensed Clinical Social Worker

165

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