1: The Memoirs of Ashod Sahag Kasardjian Translator: Simon Beugekian
Ashod Kasardjian photographed in Beirut. Photograph by the Safarian bros (Source: Vahe Yacoubian collection)
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2: I was born in the year 1883. I relocated to Beirut in 1894, alongside my brother Dikran’s family. I attended Beirut’s Saint Nishan Church’s school, where for a year, one of my teachers was Deacon [name missing; ed.], from Istanbul. In 1898, I attended a school in Cyprus that was sponsored by wealthy merchants from Manchester (England) and run by Mr. Vahan Kurkdjian from Ayntab [born in Aleppo in 1863, Vahan Kurkdjian moved to Ayntab with his family at a young age; ed.]. I stayed at the school for six months, after which I returned to Beirut and attended the Saint Joseph Jesuit College’s elementary school for six months.
Vahan Kurkdjian In 1899, I joined the ranks of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) alongside Mr. Arshag Kalousdian. We were initiated into the organization by the Vartanian, a known activist. That same year, Farhad and other members of the ARF were also in the area. Through 1899 and 1900, I worked alongside my brother in his shop, located in the Souk Ayass market district of Beirut. In 1902 I was sent to Adana and appointed manager of our shop there [at the time, the Kasardjian family owned shops in Sis (modern-day Kozan), Adana, and Beirut; ed.]. In the same year (1902), I served as the secretary of the Adana local subcommittee [of the ARF; ed.]. I served in that capacity for approximately two years (the other members of the local subcommittee included keremitdji Hanna Agha and Boghos Agha, Djlbakian, and Mr. Zacharia Bzdigian, son of the Adana tycoon Hagop Agha Bzdigian).
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In 1903, I was sent to Beirut to have a special meeting with Simon Zavarian, one of the founders of the ARF, on behalf of the Adana subcommittee.
The province (vilayet) of Adana at the beginning of the 20th century
Meeting with Simon Zavarian in Beirut, 1903
A view from the streets of Beirut (Source: Michel Paboudjian collection, Paris) Around this time, Sultan Abdülhamid’s barbaric and brutal treatment of Armenians, particularly Armenian political parties, had reached its peak. Simon Zavarian had traveled to Beirut (and later to Adana, Sis, Hadjin, Shar, and Dörtyol) disguised as a Russian
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archaeologist. In reality, the aim of his tour was to strengthen the party’s infrastructure and plan its expansion in various parts of the Ottoman Empire. It is difficult now to imagine the level of persecution Armenians were experiencing at the time, especially activists in the political parties, so it took quite a bit of courage for Zavarian to travel to meet with us, and some courage for us to meet with him, as well. I will relate the details of my meeting with him concisely.
Simon Zavarian The meeting took place in the coastal Zeytoun neighborhood of Beirut, which had a large European population, as well as many hotels that were built to European standards. One of these hotels regularly had French guests, and Simon Zavarian was a guest of one of these Frenchmen. Special measures were taken to ensure safety during my meeting with him. All communications between us went through Dr. Nerses Baghdoyan, who was a student at the American University of Beirut (at the time, there were many ARF members matriculating at this university, included Dr. Baghdoyan and Doctors Haroutyun Boghosian and Topal Yakoub, all three of whom hailed from Ayntab). Nerses was the one who led me to the meeting, too. At the scheduled time, we arrived at the hotel. The receptionist, who already knew Nerses, immediately led us to a waiting area. A few minutes later, the doctor left me, and within ten minutes, the receptionist returned and led me to Zavarian’s room. Just as we got to the door, it opened, and I came face-to-face with a rather short, thin man, with a small beard, bright black eyes, who smiled to us. It was Zavarian. The receptionist left us, and I entered the room. Up until then, all conversations had been in French. When Zavarian and I were left alone, he started the conversation – “Welcome, young Ashod. I am very happy to finally make your acquaintance. I hope you bring good news from Cilicia, and I’m sure you’re working hard to realize all the hopes that have been placed on you. Since your appointment as secretary of your subcommittee, we’re already seen quite a bit of progress. So, now I ask you – in order to reach our goals and accomplish our missions, what do you think we, as the Bureau [the supreme executive body of
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the ARF; ed.], should do? How can we help your local subcommittee and others? The floor is yours.” After delivering a detailed report on the activities of my subcommittee, I added that in order to intensify party operations and to take our activities to a new level, we were badly in need of, first, money, second, more money, and third, even more money. When he asked again if we needed anything else, and I insisted that money was the main necessity, his disposition changed, and his faced reddened. I realized that my answers had angered him. I steeled myself to receive a verbal lashing. After a few moments of silence, he finally spoke – “Young man, you disappoint me! We hoped that Cilicia, as rich as it is, would only require additional moral support, and not financial support. We even hoped that you would help us financially, not the other way around. Yes, the party has some funds, but these funds are meant for Armenia, which is impoverished [here, the term Armenia denotes the Ottoman Empire’s six easternmost provinces at the time – Van, Erzurum, Diyarbakir, Sepasdia (Sivas), and Bitlis; ed.]. There, people are starving, they are dying of exposure and of diseases, and they are badly in need of weapons.” He spoke with his arms crossed on his chest, like a pugilist reading out a challenge and ready to floor his opponent with one strike. After some time, I replied – “Yes, Cilicia is relatively wealthy, but very poor when it comes to patriotic commitment. In fact, the people there have continued to live lavish, extravagant lives. The massacres taking place in other parts of the country do not affect them, nor are they particularly concerned with them. We first need to convince them to stand behind us, to educate them, to train them to love their own people, to awaken the patriotism that lies dormant within them. For the past six centuries, Armenia has been under the yoke of Turkish rule. They kidnap our girls and women, and they rob us of our wealth. Cilicia has been relatively immune from such events, but one day, its turn will come, and its soil will be red with Armenian blood. Therefore, we must do everything we can to prepare for that inevitability, in order to ensure that we are not led to the slaughter like sheep. Thus, my dear comrade, the challenge we face requires us to confront it using all of our moral, as well as financial, means. We need the money to set up our organizational infrastructure in the area, and, when we finally reach our goals – which we are sure we will – we hope to return ten times of what we received back to you. When our committee was asked for 100 Ottoman liras last year, three of our comrades on the committee provided 60 liras from their own pockets, of which 30 was donated by Hanna and Boghos Keremerdjian, 30 by Zacharia Bzdigian, and another 40 by me. We lent that money, but we are aware that we will probably never be repaid. And in fact, if we are ever asked to do the same again, we are still ready to reach into our pockets and give more. But our personal
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donations will never be sufficient to fund the wide-scale revolutionary activities that you expect us to initiate in Cilicia.” I fell silent. I waited for his response, and I watched him. The kind smile had disappeared from his eyes long ago. He finally began“I hear you. What you say makes sense. Unfortunately, we have no funds for Cilicia.” I stayed with him for another five minutes, during which we discussed regular party business, and he made some suggestions and issued some orders regarding our subcommittee’s activities. I eventually took my leave, with the memories of the meeting engraved firmly into my mind. Since that meeting, I have felt that Zavarian’s spirit has always been with me, wherever I go. I will now provide an account of the second time I saw Zavarian, in late April 1909, in Mersin, right after the massacres in Cilicia
Second Meeting with Simon Zavarian, in 1909, Mersin
Views from Mersin (Source: Michel Paboudjian collection, Paris) In April of 1909, after the massacres, I traveled from Sis to Adana, in order to try to sell whatever merchandise we had that had been spared destruction [the Kasardjian family was involved in the textile trade in Adana; ed.]. Less than ten days later, there was a big discussion among the Armenian merchants of Mersin, among whom were merchants representing the Zelveyan trading house - the family is originally from Gesaria/Kayseri - and many others. While this discussion was going on, a man walked right by the store. My attention was immediately drawn by his gait, his figure, and his mannerisms. I leapt up, and without even apologizing to my interlocutors for leaving, I ran out of the store, the whole time wondering who the man could be. I followed him, and when I was a
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few steps behind him, I realized whom I was shadowing, and placing my hand on his shoulder, I said – “Comrade Zavarian, fourth, we need ever more money…”
Views from Mersin (Source: Michel Paboudjian collection, Paris) When he turned around, I could barely recognize him. He was in a dilapidated state. He was emaciated, his back was hunched, he could barely walk, and he looked depressed, as if he was carrying the whole weight of the Taurus Mountains on his shoulders. He seemed to have yielded to despair. And now, taken aback by my unconventional greeting, he became even more ashen, stepped back, and looked at me with eyes that had did not seem alive. After recognizing me, without a moment of hesitation, he replied – “Ashod, my boy, you were right. You were right all along, and we were wrong.”
Simon Zavarian
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He acted as if he were responsible for the terrible massacres. No! He was not responsible! The massacres were the result of the plans that had been hatched by that monster called Sultan Abdülhamid II. But he never had the gumption to implement those plans. After all, the Armenian merchants in Cilicia had invaluable connections with European traders. Additionally, there were scores of Europeans and other foreigners in the area. The Young Turks were able to achieve what the Sublime Porte had only dreamed of, namely, the slaughter of 20,000 innocent Armenians in Cilicia, including women, children, and the elderly. As for why Zavarian was in Mersin at the time, I never asked, nor did I ever find out. I never saw him again.
Simon Zavarian’s Visit to Cilicia in 1904
Adana (Source: Mekhitarist Order, San Lazzaro, Venice) Simon Zavarian visited Cilicia again in 1904. He traveled to Adana during the summer, and alongside Jean Artemis, an interpreter at the Russian consulate, presented himself to Prefect Bedirkhan Zade Bahri Pasha (a Kurd) as a Russian archaeologist (as usual). During the conversation, the governor turned to Avedis Efendi Sislian, his Armenian interpreter who would later meet a sad end, and remarked – “Tell this man that he does not look like a Russian…” In response, Zavarian simply said – “The honorable prefect doesn’t look like a Kurd, either…” The governor was a blond, handsome man, with blue eyes and a tall stature, and as such, really bore no resemblance to a Kurd.
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The prefect, at the time, had a mixed reputation among the locals, but the fact is that Armenians in his jurisdiction were treated relatively well, their rights were protected, and they sometimes even received preferential treatment. It was even said that he had received several orders to initiate pogroms against the Armenians in his area, but each time he had found excuses to avoid implementing the orders. His sons were often seen in the company of young sons of wealthy Armenians. On the other hand, the governor had always been uncompromising with the area’s Turks, often looking for excuses to punish them for their transgressions. For example, had had laid down the law with Baghdadli Zade, a wealthy and prominent Turk, and his associates, whom he had accused of treason and had exiled to faraway locations.
From left to right: Vahan Khoubeserian, Catholicos Sahag II, Zakaria Bzdigian, ca 1919-1920 (Source: Pyuzant Yeghiayian (Ed.), Armenian history of Adana [in Armenian], Antelias, 1970)
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During his stay in Adana, Comrade Zavarian would visit the café of the stock exchange, located in the Greek neighborhood, almost every day. He would be accompanied by Jean Artemis. The café was mostly frequented by foreigners, including Europeans, Greeks, and Arabs, and also by a small cohort of wealthy local Armenians. One of these Armenians was our comrade Zacharia Bzdigian, alongside some of his close friends. At the café, Zavarian would sit at a table, listen to the conversations swirling around him, and make mental notes of the speakers’ identities, without making it known that he was Armenian. One day, one of Zacharia’s inseparable friends, Oksen Avedisian (a handsome youth who came from a very prominent family in Adana, and was well-known throughout the province), nudged Zacharia and said – “Zacharia! That man over there keeps staring at you, as if he knows you.” Zacharia, too, had noticed the stranger glaring at him. Intrigued, he began thinking of a way to speak to the stranger privately. Thankfully, the solution to his problem dawned on him quickly. He was very friendly with Jean Artemis, and approaching him, asked to meet the “Russian archaeologist” on the following day. The meeting was quickly arranged, and took place in one of the rooms of the same café, which also served as an inn. Zavarian was the first to speak – “Zacharia, I, too, have been trying find a way to meet with your privately, but I couldn’t figure out how to arrange the meeting without drawing attention to us. Thankfully, you solved that problem, and I’m very glad you did.” The ensuing conversation mostly revolved around the organizational details of revolutionary activities in Cilicia. After long discussions, they came to the conclusion that the Armenian population of Cilicia was probably not threatened with massacres or pogroms, given that, first the majority of Cilician Armenians lived in large cities (the Armenian population in the Cilician countryside, both in the mountains and the valleys, was negligible, except for five to eight villages with very small populations); second, Cilicia’s geographic position – close to Europe; and third, the province’s proximity to sea lanes that were constantly patrolled by the navies of the Great Powers. Thus, the ARF had decided to focus its military efforts on Armenia instead, where murders, kidnappings, robberies, and rapes were regular occurrences. Meanwhile, the party’s priority in Cilicia was to be the creation of an efficient organizational structure, with the caveat that Cilicia’s local committees and party entities would be in constant communication with the center (the ARF Bureau). The Bureau would provide guidance, and would request activists and support from Cilicia as necessary. After Adana, Zavarian also visited Sis, where he met with Catholicos Sahag II of Cilicia, toured the monastery, and examined
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its relics. After Sis, he traveled on to Hadjin, and then to Shar, which was renowned for its ancient ruins. On his return trip, he stopped in Vahga [modern-day Feke; ed.] and explored its ancient and impregnable fortress. His last stop was DĂśrtyol. While there, somehow, he was heard speaking Armenian (I was never able to ascertain the details of this incident), and was interrogated by the government. However, he vehemently denied the accusation leveled against him. Neither Zacharia nor I remember how this issue was resolved. All I know is that Zavarian was very careful to present himself as a Russian archaeologist wherever he went, even to other Armenians, and even to the Catholicos.
The fortress of Sis (Source: Mekhitarist Order, San Lazzaro, Venice)
Underground Activities of the ARF during the Reign of Sultan AbdĂźlhamid II The foundations of the ARF in Sis had already been laid in 1902 and 1903 by Soghomon Efendi Kouyoumdjian (my uncle and a government-employed treasurer) and Santour Pekmezdjian (a tax collector and a nephew of Archbishop Pekmezdjian). Another one of the founding members of the local organization was Mateos Efendi
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Nalbandian, the youngest son of Hagop Agha Nalbandian, one of the four great aghas of Sis. He would later be elected to the Ottoman Parliament from the sandjak of Kozan, replacing the incumbent Mourad Boyadjian, a well-known leader of the Hunchag Party. Soon, Mateos’s older brother Garabed began supporting the ARF activities in town, as well as my other uncle, Hagop Gyulyudjian. Arrangements were made to establish regular correspondence with the ARF subcommittee in Adana.
Armenian Revolutionary Federation’s Cilicia central committee stamp (Source: Hagop Mandjikian, Memorial book of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (in Armenian), Album Atlas, Vol 1, Los Angeles, 1992) Here, I would like to take a moment to recognize a courageous young man from Sis, the muleteer Avedik Deovletian. He was entrusted with the task of delivering messages and issues of the “Troshag” magazine to us from the Adana subcommittee, and to deliver our messages and replies back to them. He fulfilled his duty without fear and without ever grumbling. He was honest, loyal, and despite being illiterate and having a slight build, he was fully aware of the importance of his job. He was a member of the Hunchag Party, but he was somehow able to serve both parties faithfully. He did not discriminate – he simply wanted to contribute to patriotic activities, regardless of who initiated or organized them. I hope his name, as well as the names of many others like him, will be remembered in the annals of our revolutionary history.
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The “Hunchag” and “Troshag” newpapers Despite the fact that the foundations of the ARF had been laid out in Sis, the original founders of the local organization faced many obstacles when they tried to intensify their activities. The Sis chapter was unable to grow as quickly or function as widely as had been planned. Still, on the eve of the constitutional reforms in the Ottoman Empire, the ranks of ARF members in Sis were growing, and Armenians of all walks of life, whether ARS sympathizers, Hunchag Party members, or neutral individuals, were lapping up accounts of the exploits and achievements of ARF activities and fighters in Armenia. The party was particularly admired for the discipline within its ranks. The attack on the Ottoman Bank [the armed occupation of the Ottoman Bank headquarters in 1896; ed.] and the Yildiz bombing [the attempt to assassinate Sultan AbdülHamid in 1905; ed.] hugely impressed Armenians throughout the Empire. In late 1902, a Hunchag activist with the pseudonym Jean came to Sis from Adana (his given baptismal name was Arsen, but I never knew his full name, nor did I know where he was born or why had had decided to come to Sis). He was educated, well-versed, and an expert in his field. He organized four or five meetings in Sis, one after the other. Besides youth who had always been members of the Hunchag Party, his meetings also attracted many neutral young men. Sis being a small city, Jean’s name immediately spread from mouth to mouth, and he became one of the main topics of conversation among the people. Jean himself was secretly being accommodated in the house of Mateos Djeredjian, a Hunchag Party member, and the son of the bell-ringer of the Saint Sarkis Church.
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The Hunchag Party’s emblem (Source: Arsen Gidour (editor), History of the Social-Democrat Hnchagian political party, 18871962 [in Armenian], vol 1, Beirut, 1962) The head priest of the Saint Sarkis Church was Father Yeznig Tour-Sarkissian, a native of Hadjin, who had been ordained as a priest after serving as the head teacher of the Sis Armenian parochial school for some time. He, too, had once been a member of the Hunchag Party, and to boot, was a close relative of Mourad Boyadjian. For some time, the government had suspected him of being a revolutionary, and he had even served some time in prison. When he heard that a Hunchag activist was in town, he immediately requested a meeting with him, and later praised Jean’s understanding of revolutionary ideology and his rhetorical skills. There was a custom [in Sis], whereby a prominent agha, such as a Kahya [the equivalent of a public notary or a mayor; ed.] would take such-and-such priest, teacher, or even archbishop under his wing, and become the latter’s patron. These fortunate individuals were always free to visit the agha in his home, to share the agha’s meals, or to even stay in the agha’s house for several days. They also received many gifts from their wealthy patrons. Father Yeznig, too, had found a patron in Hagop Agha Nalbandian. Now, we must mention that these protégés, in exchange for the patronage they received, were virtual slaves of their patrons. They were obligated to report to their patrons any news they heard in town, as well as any important developments of a religious, political, social, or economic nature.
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And so, one day, Father Yeznig, with nothing but good intentions in his heart, went to his agha and informed him of Jean’s presence in the city, while at the same time praising the man’s eloquence and brilliance. The agha immediately ordered the priest to summon Jean to appear before him. The priest immediately realized he had made a mistake, but it was already too late to rectify the situation. Having no other recourse, he met up with Jean and asked him to appear before the agha. Naturally, Jean refused. The priest returned to his patron and made up some excuse for Jean’s refusal to come. The agha, however, became angry, and ordered the priest to return to Jean and figure out a way to make sure the latter accepted the agha’s invitation. The priest, his tail between his legs, was forced to speak to Jean again, and begged him to appear before the agha that evening, but Jean was angered with the agha’s attitude, and repeating that he didn’t even know this agha, he simply said – “If he wants to see me so badly, he can come to me.”
Sis (present-day Kozan) (Source: Mekhitarist Order, San Lazzaro, Venice) After receiving this reply, the agha was so furious, that he immediately went to the Mutasarrif [prefect; ed.], and told him what he had heard of Jean and his activities in Sis. The governor, in his turn, made the appropriate arrangements, and communicated his orders to the police. That night, around 10 or 11 o’clock, without any fuss, and without making their presence known in the village, policemen surrounded the Jerejian home, and blocked off the streets around it. At the time, Jean was conducting a meeting inside the house. Within an hour, everyone who was present at the meeting was arrested. More than 40 young men were taken to jail. Fortunately, after interventions by the appropriate people, most of
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them were quickly released. But the police refused to release Jean, Bedros Atmadjian, and Mateos Djeredjian. All efforts to free these men were in vain, and after being held at the local jail for a year, they were condemned to ten years of imprisonment at the famous Payas Fortress. They were kept there until the Ottoman constitutional reforms. The police had also confiscated quite a few documents from Jean and the others, and the authorities tried to hire several Armenians to translate these documents, but all of these men refused to participate in the project. So, as a last resort, the government called in Haroutyun Kederian (the father of Sarkis Dekhrouni), who was, at the time, a teacher at the local Armenian school, and was proficient in Armenian, Turkish, and French. Kederian sought to ingratiate himself with the government, hoping to get a government job, so he gladly accepted the commission. He began working on the same day, and translated many secret and notso-secret documents for the Turks. From that day on, Hagop Agha and Kederian lost the respect of the Armenians in the area. Every move they made was watched, and not a single soul would discuss issues of national or political importance in their presence. The priest, too, was judged by the public to have been guilty, and he, too, lost the respect from his flock. After being released from prison, Bedros Atmadjian became a member of the ARF, and was quite active within the organization in subsequent years. Minas Martayan and Mateos Djeredjian remained in the ranks of the Hunchag Party. As for Jean, nobody ever discovered what happened to him after his release.
Meeting with Catholicos Sahag II, 1905, Sis
Sis, the Catholicosate complex (Source: Achabahian family collection, courtesy of Mike Tsilingirian)
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By 1905, the local ARF subcommittee of Adana had already grown to become a full-fledged local committee. I was given the task by the committee and the Sis chapter to meet with Catholicos Sahag II. My objective was to communicate to him the ARF’s plans and viewpoints, and to request that he support us in the future. On the first day of Easter of 1905, after an official reception in the Catholicosate, I approached the lowest-ranking deacon I could find, and through him, asked for a half-hour audience with the Catholicos. My request was immediately granted. This deacon’s name was Kyud, and later he was ordained as a priest, and eventually became a bishop. At the time, he was a supporter of the ARF, and later on he would officially join the party’s ranks and become one of the most active members of the Sis local committee. When I was finally led to the Catholicos’s quarters, after the customary greetings, I spoke – “Your Holiness, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation has given me the task of officially informing you that it has an active presence in Cilicia, just as it does in Ottoman Armenia and Russian Armenia. The party has been functioning in Cilicia for quite some time now, and many of its efforts have met with success. Our ranks grow by the day, and we ask of you to grant us your blessing and your moral support. The party would also ask of you to actively support its efforts if necessary, and perhaps to interfere with the government if such intervention is needed. The party would also like to bring to your attention the cases of two of your confidantes – Hagop Agha Nalbandian (who was an adviser and friend of the Catholicos) and Haroutyun Kederian. These two men are notorious as turncoats and lapdogs for the Turks. They have acted as informants and spies for the authorities.” When I mentioned these two names, the Catholicos immediately cut me off – “What do you mean? What have they done wrong? What are you trying to insinuate?” Without losing my cool, and with utmost politeness, I simply elaborated and pointed out that these men, due to their behavior, deserved neither their positions nor their reputations. They had dishonored themselves, and they had not acted as honest Armenian men should act toward their compatriots. He listened to me, then fell into a silence that stretched for several minutes. I expected him to retort or to defend the two men in question, but he did neither. He did not seem interested in going into those details. Instead, he looked at me and asked – “How long have you been a member of the party for? Is your father aware that you are a committee-man?” “No,” I replied, “my father does not know. But my older brother, Mr. Dikran, who lives in Beirut, knows.”
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Catholicos Sahag I Khabayan (1902-1939) (Source: Hermann Goltz, Der Gerettete Schatz der Armenier aus Kilikien, Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden, 2000)
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Brothers Dikran Kasardjian/Sahakian (left) and Ashod Kasardjian (right), in the 1910’s in the US (Source: Vahe Yacoubian collection) “I’m surprised,” he said, “that he has not tried to convince you to stop meddling in such affairs.” I answered that my entire family was a patriotic family, and willing to sacrifice anything necessary for the nation. He seemed miffed by this answer, and he replied dismissively – “Well, next time I see your father, I’ll tell him about this conversation that we had. Once I speak to him, you may change your tune!” At this point I realized that, as far as I was concerned, nothing I could say was going to put the conversation back on track. In fact, things could only get worse. I stood, again kissed his right hand, and concluded our meeting with these words – “Well, I confessed my secret to the Catholicos of Cilicia. It is his business what he does with it.” Then I left. The deacon was there, right outside the door, and he had heard everything. He smiled and said – “Your last words were like a knife. Don’t worry, I’ll make sure he does what’s right.” And in fact, the Catholicos never spoke to my father, but nor did he heed the advice I had relayed to him. The two men whom I had warned about seemed to have received a talking-to, and kept a low profile for a while, but their behavior did not change perceptibly.
More Arrests in Sis In 1907, three members of the Adana ARF committee – Hanna, Boghos Toughladjian and Garabed Djblakian, as well as Garabed Efendi Fermanian from Sis, were accused of treason by the government, arrested, and taken to Aleppo Prison. Garabed Efendi
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Fermanian was the son of one of the most prominent men in Sis, Shahan Kehya (Kahya). The name Fermanian had been bestowed upon the family by an order (ferman) of the Sultan’s [in the manuscript of this text, there is a missing word after “Sultan’s”. The author probably intended to finish the sentence at some later time, but never did; ed.]. Shahan Kehya had once been an adviser, a factotum, and a virtual minister of internal and external affairs of the Kozan Oghlous [a tribe that was once very powerful in the Kozan area; ed.]. After the legal establishment of the Ottoman government in 1860 [here, the author is referring to the consolidation of central government control throughout the Empire; ed.], he had served as a member of the local criminal court, until his death. On more than one occasion, he had saved his compatriots in the area from massacres and other cataclysms. In short, he was one of the most influential and pragmatic diplomats, thinkers, and psychologists of the time. Whenever new government officials were dispatched to the area from Istanbul, they were advised by the ministry of internal affairs to pay their respects to Shahan Kehya, and to accommodate his requests. This brings to mind an anecdote that attests to his sense of humor and his wit. One day, the central government informed the governorship of Adana that a new governor for the province had been appointed. At the same time, the newly appointed governor informed the governorship that he would arrive on such-and-such day. As local custom dictated, when the day of his arrival came, both Armenian and Turkish officials and dignitaries from the city gathered to welcome the newcomer, at an appropriate location about half an hour’s walk from the city. The governor finally arrived with his retinue. They dismounted, and everyone began performing their traditional temennah greetings, which involved bowing at the waist, touching one’s knees, and then bringing a hand to the chin and then to the forehead. An official then went around introducing the new governor personally to each of the members of his impromptu welcoming committee. After these rituals were performed, the governor addressed Shahan Kehya –
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Sis, general view (Source: Léon M. Alishan, Sissouan, ou L'Arméno-Cilicie : description géographique et historique (traduit du texte arménien), S. Lazare (Venise), 1899) “Shahan Kehya, of all the governors that have come and gone, which was the best?” “Hassan Pasha was the best,” replied Kehya. The governor inquired as to why Hassan Pasha had been the best. “Because,” replied Keyha, “before even entering the city of Sis, he died right here at this spot.” The governor was completely taken aback by the wit and gall of his Armenian interlocutor. I have heard many similar stories about Kehya. As for his brother, Artin Kehya, he was renowned as a courageous warrior and a leader of men during the many of the battles that pitted the different tribes of the area against each other. Eventually, his enemies resorted to attacking him while he slept, and killed him. [After the arrests of 1907; ed.], Adana, Sis, and the surrounding Armenian areas once again experienced a period of terror. All were convinced that the government would arrest masses of Armenians, and fabricate charges against them. The wealthy and the prominent were especially terrified, given that a man like Fermanian, who had always remained neutral and was known as a coward who kowtowed to the government, was arrested and sent to Aleppo Prison. However, widespread arrests did not materialize. Fermanian and others, after spending two years in prison without ever being charged, were released after the Ottoman Constitutional reforms in 1908. Allow me to add that during this period, Armenians from Zeytun and Marash were also arrested and detained in Aleppo Prison.
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Istanbul, the parliamentary elections after the proclamation of the Constitution. The solemn ceremony of transporting the ballot boxes can be seen in the photo. (Source: Salname-i servet-i f端nun, Istanbul, 1910) In [July; ed.] 1908, Sultan Abd端lhamid II was forced by the Young Turks to re-establish the Ottoman constitution. All over the Empire, and especially in areas populated by Armenians, church bells immediately began to peal, celebrating the dawn of freedom that was purportedly breaking over the land. Feasts, celebrations, and commemorations were organized everywhere, and scores of speeches in praise of the reforms were delivered. Toasts were drunk to celebrate the new spirit of fraternity that was expected to rule the land, following by Armenians and Turks embracing, and even exchanging kisses. Prayer ceremonies were held in both mosques and churches, attended by both Armenians and Turks. Resounding hurrahs rose to the sky, and seemed to echo from horizon to horizon. People lauded the wisdom of the Sultan and the tenacity of the Young Turks, whose heroic leaders were repeatedly toasted. The celebrations lasted for weeks, as if it was Easter for the Armenians, and Bayram for the Turks. Suddenly, the massacres and persecutions of the past, the hatred and the hostility between the two peoples, seemed to have been forgotten. The people of Armenia were certain that they stood at the threshold of a new age, and were already convinced that happy, prosperous lives awaited them. Alas, the future held calamities much worse than the ones they thought they had left behind. Very soon, the sky of Cilicia would darken, and her fertile fields would be painted red with the blood of her own children. The
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calm Djihoun and the wild Sihoun [the Ceyhan and Seyhan rivers; ed.] would soon run blood-red.
Conversation with Mehmed Efendi on the Road to Iskenderun, Early April 1909 In around mid-March 1909, by request of the Central Committee of Adana [the highest local executive body of the ARF; ed.], the Sis local committee requested the local committees of Hadjin and Kars-Bazar [modern-day Kadirli; ed.] to send two representatives each to a meeting that was scheduled to take place in Sis on March 30 (the second day of Easter).
The sandjak of Sis/Kozan at the beginning of the 20th century On March 30, the meeting was convened as scheduled in one of the rooms of the Grand Monastery of Sis (built by His late Holiness Catholicos Giragos I). As planned, representatives from Hadjin and Kars-Bazar were present. The representatives from KarsBazar were Sahag Ghradjian and Sdepan Keklikian (a native of Hadjin). The former currently resides in the United States, and the latter in South America. The main item on the agenda was the election of representatives to attend the regional ARF summit that was scheduled for April 6 in Iskenderun [or Alexandretta; ed.]. After two hours of discussions, I was unanimously elected. Initially, the request had been for three representatives representing the three regions, but given the logistical, financial, and other difficulties, it was decided that I would represent Sis, Kars-Bazar, and Hadjin. In the afternoon of the third day of the Eastern holidays, I and comrades Sahag Ghradjian and Sdepan Keklikian hired a chariot and got on the road. These two were natives of Hadjin, but had relocated to Kars-Bazar and had made a name for themselves in
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trade. The plan was for me to rest for five or six hours overnight in Kars-Bazar, and then to make my way alone to Alexandretta. This was the most direct route from Sis to Iskenderun. On the way, we were overtaken by another chariot, occupied by only two Turks. One of them was Mehmed Efendi. A native of Sis, he was just about our age, and he was a senior government clerk. He and I shared a close friendship. He was the son of Abdullah Efendi, head of the finances division of the Sis government (mal müdiri). The latter, though a fervent believer in his faith, was not a zealot. Rather, he was a humble and kind man, who embraced Armenians. His son (Mehmed) had inherited his father’s character, except for the piety. He loved merriment and drinking arak with young Armenian men of his age. When he saw us in our chariot, he expressed wish to join us in it, as he was bored sitting in his. Naturally, we gladly granted him his request. As soon as the chariot resumed its journey, he initiated the conversation. There was a custom at the time, that every year, on the third day of Easter, both Armenians and Turks would go to the Armenian cemetery, and spend the day competing with each other in games, gymnastics, Rasdukesdi (human pyramids) and wrestling. Mehmed Efendi told us that that year, there had been a big brawl at the cemetery between the Armenians and the Turks, and blood had almost been spilled. A 22-year old Greek man name Yorgi had beaten bested at wrestling. Finally, a giant of a wrestler from the city of Aydin had come forward to compete against him. The Greek had initially refused the challenge, but the Turks had forced the issue, and had even made some threats, after which Yorgi had decided to finally pick up the gauntlet. The fight had ended with another victory for Yorgi, which had enraged the Turks, who had claimed that Yorgi had cheated, and had asked for a rematch. By this time, both Armenians and Turks present had been preparing themselves for an all-our brawl, which could only end in real violence and bloodshed. An imprudent move or an unintentional insult could have easily set fire to the powder keg. Thankfully, a prominent, influential, and fairminded Turk, Khalil Agha Zade, had been present. This man was known for his tolerance, and putting all of charisma and eloquence to use, had resolved the situation. He had come forward and had demanded from Yorgi to admit that he had cheated, and additionally, that he was not the best wrestler present. Despite the fact that, at the time, the Armenians present constituted a majority, they immediately understood what Khalil Agha Zade was doing, and having confidence in him, they agreed to declare Yorgi the loser and even apologized for their “cheating”. Yorgi, too, had gone along with it, thus preventing an escalation of the situation. And thus, the games and the contests were over, and the people, filled with bitterness and anger, had gone back to the city. As for the Agha, he was glad he had helped avoid bloodshed, but he was still in troubled as he headed back home, surrounded by his Armenian and Turkish friends.
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Mehmed Efendi told us this story, and then fell silent. He was usually gregarious, humorous, and quick with a joke, but I noticed that he seemed gloomy and deep in thought. I wonder now – did this man, who had been raised with me in my neighborhood, whose father had been close friends of my father’s, and with whom I had shared many nights and adventures, and many bottles of arak, did he know that as we were speaking, the Armenian population of Adana and the Armenian villages in the area was being subjected to another round of massacres, that had started on the first day of Easter? Did he know that Armenians were being robbed, and their homes burnt? Adana was burning, and we, the people of Sis, of KarsBazar, of Vahga, and of Hadjin were not yet aware of it. That’s because the much-heralded Young Turks knew how to work more systematically and with more discipline than Sultan Abdülhamid II, and they had organized the massacres efficiently. The military had formed a perimeter around the affected areas, a perimeter from which not even a bird could escape to inform the outside world. As we rode along in the carriage, the conversation reverted back to the topic of the events in the Sis cemetery. We three Armenians, and especially I, kept analyzing the event, examining it from every angle, and trying to come up with a final interpretation as to what lay behind it and what it may portend. On the surface, it looked like an unimportant, isolated dispute, but on the other hand, there was a possibility that it was an augur of things to come. I was certainly alarmed, and could not dismiss my pessimism. I couldn’t even exchange views with my friends, as our Turkish interlocutor was quite proficient in Armenian.
In Kars-Bazar: First News of the Massacres, and Djin Toros We reached the city around dusk, and we headed toward the house of Comrade Keklikian, accompanied by our Turkish friend. After dinner, Mehmed Efendi took his leave and went to spend the night at a relative’s home, and we settled in our host’s living room. It’s important to remember that at the time, the wealthy usually built a structure separate from their actual home, and dubbed this outhouse their “living room.” The house of the Keklikians was next to the government building, but their living room was built right across the street, next to a mosque. Soon after we moved to the living room, some of our local associates arrived. The conversation mostly revolved around the regional ARF summit to which we had to send representatives, and the events of the Sis cemetery, which weighed on many minds. Around midnight, most of the guests took their leave, and my friend Sdepan and I were left alone, alongside a servant. We went to sleep. It was about 4:00 a.m., and I had just woken up to resume my journey, when I heard someone yelling for Mr. Ashod from the
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street. I jumped out of my bed, and opening the window, asked him who he was and what he wanted. “I’m Ghradjian,” he said, “open the door, quickly!” By that time, Sdepan and the servant had also been roused. The servant went downstairs and opened the door. Comrade Ghradjian had to catch his breath, and he seemed possessed, but when he finally spoke, he did so calmly – “Massacres have been taking place in and around Adana for three days. This morning, they are going to attack Kars, and they are going to kill any Armenians they find.” Here’s how he had found out – A man by the name of Deli Djin Toros Dardaghanian [meaning mad and demonic Toros Dardaghanian; ed.], a native of Hadjin, who was a policeman (zabtiye), had traveled to the countryside alongside other policemen to collect taxes. On the last night of their assignment, they had arrived at a village near Kars, either Vayvayli or Yalunuz. They had stopped at the house of the kahya, where Toros had gone to sleep, and his Turkish colleagues had invented some excuse to leave. As soon as they had left, though, the daughter of the owner of the house had tiptoed to Toros, roused him, and had whispered – “Get up! Get dressed! I’ve readied your horse. Get away from here, but don’t make a sound!” When Toros had asked why he was fleeing, the girl had told him of the massacres in and around Adana, and had added – “They’ve planned everything for this area, too. A bunch of them have gathered in the countryside, and early in the morning, they will attack Kars. Their plan was to torture you to death in this house. Enough talking, run!”
Djin Toros Dardaghanian (Source: Bibliothèque Orientale-USJ) Within five minutes, Toros was dressed, and readying his weapons, had made his way to his horse. He had mounted and had disappeared into the darkness within minutes. Soon, the Turks had realized he was gone. They had tried to pursue him, but he had been able to escape. Finally, Toros had reached the city and had headed
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straight for Comrade Ghradjian’s house, to tell him what he had heard. In his turn, Comrade Ghradjian had come to us. As for Toros, for some odd reason, he had decided to go to the government and inform them of the situation. He had been arrested and accused of spreading malicious, defeatist rumors, and had been detained under the orders of provisional governor, Djemil Bey. It is important here to say a few words regarding this monster of a man. The governor’s seat in Kars had been empty after the dismissal of the previous governor, and the functions of the office were being filled by the former governor’s secretary. Djemil Bey was a native of Sis. His father was taptap Hadji Mehmed Efendi (he was given the nickname taptap because he had an odd gait). Taptap was a member of the municipal board, and known as a zealous Muslim. He had three sons, all three of whom had been sent to Istanbul to receive an education. All three of them were also fervent Muslims, and had been raised to honor the legacy of Sultan Abdülhamid and to hate Armenians. Throughout their lives, they had rarely been in Sis, as their work had taken them to different provinces of the Empire. So it was difficult to understand how one of them, Djemil Bey, had suddenly reappeared and been named provisional governor. In fact, he had arrived in the city they same day I had arrived, to assume his new responsibilities. Later on, it became clear that he had been deliberately appointed by Istanbul. He had been ordered to Kars specifically to organize the massacres there.
The Turks and Armenians of Kars-Bazar: An Overview Now, let’s return to the information that was related to us by Comrade Ghradjian. After deliberating for about five minutes, we came to the conclusion that the following steps needed to be taken immediately: 1) To immediately inform all Armenians to arm themselves and gather in the Armenian neighborhoods. They would be asked to bring as much food with them as possible, as well. 2) To informing the local Hunchag Party committee of what was expected, and to request a representative from them in order to coordinate our response. 3) To form a team of a select few brave men, and to station them at key positions in the Armenian neighborhoods. They would be the first line of defense, and would engage the enemy first, while the rest of the people prepared in their rear. 4) To form a committee, consisting of leaders of the political parties and the people, who would go to the government and at least ascertain what its intentions and plans were. Naturally, we already knew what the government was trying to do, but this was a necessary formality, so that in the future, we could say that we, as loyal
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subjects of the Empire, had asked our government for protection from the violence. 5) To also send some prominent men to Turkish dignitaries, who could perhaps interfere and prevent the mob from attacking the city, or to put pressure on the government to do the same. Here, it’s important to describe the most prominent men of Kars-Bazar, both Armenian and Turkish, who would soon become protagonists of what was to come. The Turks: 1)Arif Efendi Müfti Zade: His father had been an influential Mufti, known from Sis to Marash. His word was respected throughout the mountains and fields of the Kars-Bazar area. He was known for his hospitality, and for his love of Armenians. In fact, the administrator and the treasurer of his estates were Armenian. The Mufti had died many years ago, but his oldest son, Arif, had inherited his fortune and his name. Unfortunately, Arif was the mirror opposite of his father. He lived a disgraceful life, and he never associated with Armenians. During the actual massacres, he didn’t even leave his village, and his complacence contributed to the catastrophe faced by the Armenians. 2) Veli Efendi: Head of the municipal board. He provided absolutely no help. 3) Meherli Mehmed Efendi: He did not provide any help. 4) Hassan Efendi Tekerlek Zade: He did not provide any help. 5) Ibrahim Efendi Chuldur Oghlou: He did not provide any help. 6) Tefik Efendi: Head judge of the local court. He was very helpful to us. 7) Idem Efendi, the son of Ghurundurlu Vayis Agha: He worked very hard, and provided us with invaluable help. He was a kind, gentle man, with a pro-Armenian disposition. He was also quite influential in the area. 8) Cherkez Nouri: a bloodthirsty monster. A two-faced, duplicitous animal. We will speak of him again. 9) Mehmed and Hyusni Efendis, the sons of Mousa Agha and Ahmed Agha Zade (Tatarli): The two young men had been educated in Istanbul, and were cosmopolitan and liberal. These two fatherand-son pairs did everything they could to prevent the calamity. When they realized they had failed, they continued the work behind the scenes to help in any way they could. They took many Armenians under their personal protection, thus saving their lives. And after the massacres, they provided financial and moral support to the survivors. In short, they were humanitarians. We will mention them again in our story. The Armenians: 1), 2) Panos Efendi Gharamanian (Böyük Panos) and Güççük Panos: They had both been members of the local court for many years. Each was wilier and more opportunistic than the other. But
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they understood the Turkish mentality perfectly. Both of them were equally greedy and materialistic. 3) Arakel Efendi Chakalian. 4) Krikor Efendi Chakalian. 5) Nazar Efendi Adjemian: He had been a member of the Office of the Examining Magistrate. 6) Toros Agha Doumanian: A native of Hadjin, and a wealthy textile merchant. 7) Asdour Agha Keklikian (Comrade Stepan’s father): A kind man, a native of Hadjin, and another wealthy textile merchant. 8) Yeghishe Efendi Keklikian: A native of Hadjin, and a clever, witty, brave man with a likeable character and face. 9) Garabed Agha Tosdjian: A native of Hadjin. 10) The Dolabdjians: Natives of Marash. 11) Yaghledian: A doctor who provided smallpox vaccinations for the Marash and Sis areas. Due to his poor eyesight, he had been dubbed keor hakim [blind doctor]. He was a humorous, harddrinking, fun-loving man. The Armenian population of Kars-Bazar, at the time, numbered 360 families. They were a diverse bunch, coming from different parts of the country. The majority was native to KarsBazar, and a large portion were also Hadjin natives. There were also some from Marash, Gesaria, and Chokak, this latter being an ancient Armenian village nestled almost impregnably in the mountains of Kars. Its people were known for their bravery and courage. The Turkish villages near Chokak had always lived in fear of the Armenians near them. There were also some Armenians from Zeytoun in Kars. The Turkish population of Karz-Bazar, on the other hand, numbered 150 families. But the countless villages near the city were almost exclusively populated by Turks.
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