A Spatial Analysis of the Uncharted Territory of Growing Old

2014 STUDENT HONOR AWARD FOR RESEARCH THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTS

a spatial analysis OF THE UNCHARTED TERRITORY

of

g ro w i n g

harriett jameson

old

a spatial analysis OF THE UNCHARTED TERRITORY

of

g ro w i n g

old

harriett jameson

R E S E A R C H C O L L A B O R AT O R & P H O T O S : A S A E S L O C K E R ADVISOR: MICHAEL LEE, PHD 2014 MLA THESIS PROJECT UNIVERSITY OF VIRGINIA SCHOOL OF ARCHITECTURE

Villagrande Strisaili, Sardinia view from village to ocean

C O N T E N T S intro du ctio n

ch 4 _ t e r m s

the united states public health imperative & the blue zones

cultural insidedness

the landscapes of longevity project

prospect refuge

ch 1_ perso n centered creating roots: the importance of place attachment 1_ foster ecological interdependence 2_ embrace a performative, multi-sensory aesthetic 3_ choreograph haptic & kinetic senses 4_ cultivate sense of purpose 5_ nurture sense of empowerment ch 2 _ plac e b a sed 6_ reinforce circadian rhythms 7_ build upon the sacred structure 8_ amplify roots of the cultural landscape ch 3 _ holi s tic wel l-being 9_ sense of place in the landscapes of longevity 10_ create connections 11_ foster spiritual health 12_ redefine accessibility & universal design

ademprivi thin places safety & security thresholds moai appe nd ic e s Creating a Framework for Healthy Place Design New York City’s Active Design Guidelines Limitations of NYC’s Active Design Guidelines b iblio g r aphy

introdu ction

Various features of the physical environment may act synergistically… This reinforcement creates a vicious cycle in which the environment contributes to the development of social norms (such as reliance of automobile transportation) and the behavior resulting from the norm reinforces the environmental features (such as absence of bicycle lanes or public transportation) that sustain it.

(Woolf and Aron, 2013)

This project evolved out of a concern of the state of public health and

coined “blue zones” by the Akea Study of 2004 (Poulain et al, 2004).

aging in the United States; a personal belief that built and natural

In these regions—Loma Linda, CA; the Ogliastra and Barbagia

environments can foster health and well-being; and a research study

regions of Sardinia, Italy; and the Kunigami and Ogimi districts of

examining the qualities of three cultural landscapes where people live

Okinawa, Japan, senior citizens refute all of the negative stereotypes

long, healthy, and meaningful lives well into old age.

that surround aging in United States culture.1 They do not retreat to their homes or retirement communities but, instead, are active

In the United States, seniors are the fastest growing segment of

and productive members of society—getting outside everyday,

the population. By 2030, their population will double, to 72 million

maintaining critical relationships with family and friends and a sense of

people, or 20% of the U.S. population (Center for Disease Control,

purpose in their everyday lives. In fact, the notion of retirement, as we

2013). Over two-thirds of them live with multiple chronic conditions,

know it, does not really exist in these places.

such as obesity, diabetes, heart disease, or depression—meaning they are living longer but with a lower quality of life (Center for

In these three regions, the cultures celebrates the oldest generation

Disease Control, 2013). Currently, the U.S. spends much more money

and do not stigmatize them with the prejudice that is too often found

on healthcare than any other country in the world, and with these

in the U.S.—where aging is seen as a decay of physical, cognitive, and

sobering statistics, the situation is only going to get worse (Woolf and

social function. In Ogliastra, a common greeting A chent’annos means

Aron, 2013).

“may you live to be 100.”

Lastly, the spatiality of retirement does not exist in these places. In

However, there are small pockets in the world where seniors live

Sardinia, multi-generational family housing systems are maintained.

long, healthy, and productive lives well into old age, originally 1. These three regions were chosen for study as aging anomalies, with very different cultural histories and landscapes. In Loma Linda, California, men live 9 years longer than the average U.S. male, on average, and women live 5 years longer than the average U.S. woman. Ogliastra, Sardinia boasts higher longevity for men than women and the most centenarians per capita in the world. Okinawa, Japan has the longest life-expectancy in the world, 87 years for women versus 81 in the U.S., and 79.4 years for men versus 76 in the U.S.

the united states p ublic health imp erative & the blu e zones

In Okinawa and Loma Linda seniors still live independently in

health. A lifespan approach contends that 1) health is a lifelong

neighborhoods and are not separated from one another or the rest

process 2) development is lifelong and not restricted to a given age,

of the community. This is a stark contrast to the United States where

and 3) that age is a descriptive variable, defined not by a quantifiable

seniors are often segregated to retirement homes or communities

number of years, but by a lifetime of health, disease, behavior and

because they are no longer seen as productive members of society, or

environmental patterns (Spiro 2007).

they move to Phoenix or Florida because they no longer want to be integral members of society.

Lastly, this framework argues that our environments—urban form, parks, and public places—can work to prevent and ameliorate major

This framework expands upon the lessons and themes learned from

health epidemics that are plaguing the U.S—such as heart disease,

the site research in these places of extreme longevity. It argues for the

diabetes, and depression. Given the increased life expectancy

design and planning of public places that integrate, versus segregate,

of senior citizens, the rise in healthcare costs, and the prevalence

communities based on the age and stage of its citizens. It also seeks

of preventable chronic diseases, it is imperative that our society

to combat widespread cultural prejudice of senior citizens—ageism—

embraces the ideals of preventative medicine, common in Eastern

based on negative stereotypes of health decline, loss of physical and

medicine traditions. It is equally important that these ideals are

cognitive function, and social retreat in the U.S (Schwanen 2012, Golub

manifest in the design and planning of our cities and public places,

and Langer 2007).

since environment contributes to the development of social norms that can prevent chronic disease (Woolf and Aron, 2013).

This framework espouses 2 main principles regarding health and aging. First, it argues for a lifespan developmental approach to

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1

the landsc ap es of longevity project The summer of 2013, a colleague Asa Eslocker and I were awarded the Howland Travelling Fellowship for a project entitled Landscapes of Longevity. We set out to examine three places of extraordinarily high longevity—Loma Linda, CA; the Ogliastra region of Sardinia; and Okinawa, Japan—to explore the relationship between place and wellbeing through a cultural landscapes framework.

We sought to understand seniors’ connections to their daily places and the characteristics they personally believed contributed to their longevity. Using the concept of narrative ethnography, we interviewed dozens of healthy seniors and filmed their daily rituals and routines.

Back home in Charlottesville, we corroborated this material with existing research in the fields of anthropology, sociology, neuroscience, psychology, public health, and medicine. The collaborative research culminated in a full-length documentary film, Landscapes of Longevity, that premiered at the 2014 Virginia Film Festival.

Building off this project, the contribution of my thesis was to rigorously investigate these three places, spatialize and test the themes gleaned on-site, synthesize them among existing interdisciplinary work, and develop a set of design principles. This synthesis is a critical precursor that can springboard the development of future guidelines and applications for landscape architects and urban planners.

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ch 1_ pers on centered

‘To be rooted is perhaps the most important and least recognized need of the human soul.” (Weil, 1955)

In the previous section, I argue that first and foremost, healthy urban

sustain and are sustained by feelings of attachment to that place.”

design must be person-centered. It must seek to foster healthy place

When there is a disruption of person-place bonds through involuntary

attachment—the psycho-emotional bond between an individual person

relocation or changes to a place that are perceived as threatening,

and place gained through emotion, perception, knowledge, and

separation distress can occur (Scannell and Gifford, 2014). This can lead to

experience—also known as rootedness.2

severe psychological and health consequences, including stress, anxiety, and depression (Lewicka, 2014).

Rootedness is an important indicator of a healthy relationship between people and their environments and public health in general. High place

Disruption of place attachment is especially concerning for seniors

attachment is correlated with higher quality of life, satisfaction, better

because of the ways in which they form these types of bonds. Seniors

social capital, and easier adjustment.

and other vulnerable populations—such as refugees or those with lower socio-economic status (SES) or cultural capital—create their attachment

Place attachment can be created and sustained through daily interactions

through place-dependent routines and habits (Lewicka, 2013). They rely

with our environment, that in turn, are reinforced by that psychological

on procedural memory, “memory as locus,” to create emotional bonds

bond (Seamon, 2014). Seamon (2014) writes:

with place and therefore may respond more negatively to relocation than

‘’place ballet may be significant in that everyday habitual routines

those other, more mobile populations who form place attachment through

regularly happening in place are one important foundation for

semantic memory (Lewicka, 2013).

long-term involvement and identity with place, which in turn 2. Kyle and Chick (2007) cite that place attachment originally referred to the phenomenological human-place bonding that can happen emotionally, cognitively, and through practice. They situate it as one part of the larger concept of sense of place that also “includes social context in a geographic region, as well as community and ancestral connections to place.”

c reating roots: the imp ortanc e of pl ace attach ment “My church and my sense of where I am here is very solid. I don’t want to move…I’ve got my roots well-down into the ground here.” (Holbrook interview, 2013)

“There’s a certain time of year when the orange blossoms are on the trees, and you go out in the neighborhood and all you smell are orange blossoms.” ( Bosinski interview, 2013)

In the landscapes of longevity, place attachment was cultivated by two

therefore, the haptic and kinesthetic senses are just as important as vision

components of the cultural landscape.

in shaping our understanding of place (Bannon, 2013). As witnessed by the

1) A highly sensorial environment that encouraged daily movement 2) A culture of interactive biophilia

seniors in Loma Linda, places that foster rich and vibrant engagement— with bright colors, textures, and smells—catalyze both healthy physical

In the Loma Linda, it was found that multi-sensory experiences were the

routines and attachments to place. As Bannon (2013) argues: “we are most

foundation of positive place attachments associated with daily routines.

healthy when engaged in the fullest sense, with our location and that…

Several seniors mentioned the seasonal smells of orange blossoms and

engagement with place starts with movement.”

the beauty of the purple jacaranda blossoms on walks through their neighborhoods. On one particular walk, an interviewee noted the smell of

We are living in a world of “increased sensory impoverishment” (Bannon,

rosemary; the texture of eucalyptus, rosemary, and pampas grass; and the

2013).

beauty of an olive tree, lilac, plum trees, and morning glories (Gilles’ Walk

sterile healthcare facilities, nursing homes, or pre-designed retirement

interview, 2013). Other common neighborhood plants were mentioned for

communities. This situation presents a double-edged sword where,

their bright color, textures, and scent, including cacti, magnolias, and roses

through relocation, seniors experience the psycho-emotional effects of

(Johnsons interview, 2013). In addition, seniors cited the pleasant breezes,

place detachment; however, they heal through similar bonds in their new

views of the mountains, and colors of the sunsets as contributing to the

places because the environment does not provide adequate stimulus to

pleasant experiences of their walks.

encourage positive place attachment. Additionally, through this relocation,

This is especially dangerous for seniors who are displaced to

healthy, outdoor physical routines can be lost due to feelings of insecurity As argued earlier, humans form place-attachment through movement;

or anxiety.

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1 _ c ultivate ec ologic a l interdependence

The Biophilia hypothesis argues that because humans evolved out of savannah landscapes and forests, we receive psychological benefits from being in places that remind us of it. In design, this has been translated into views of trees, landscape paintings, and office plants.

However, our ancestors had a much more interactive relationship with nature than this, which included foraging, farming, hunting, and fishing. This dynamic relationship was found in all three sites we visited—from Loma Linda where every person we interviewed grew citrus trees and weeded vegetables, to Sardinia where seniors use over 78 plants for medicinal purposes, to Okinawa where certain trees, geologic, and hydrologic forms have spiritual significance.

In all three sites, the ecological interdependence was multi-scalar— home, neighborhood, and community level. It was manifest in the material of public places. There were various examples of it within the same public space—that engaged different psychological associations, spiritual significances, or muscle groups. This dynamic and symbiotic relationship between humans and nature contributed to both their place attachment and their physical health.

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Giovanna Rosa Busa, 99 Fonni, Sardinia

“Biophilia, if it exists, and I believe it exists, is the innately emotional affiliation of human beings to other living organisms.” (Wilson, 1993) “And the god of rain and the god of ocean water will come together here and will create the god of joy.” (Kijoka, 2013) The Biophilic Hypothesis, proposed by Wilson and Keller, posits that humans have innate ways in which we perceive, interact, and respond to certain configurations of the natural environment. Accordingly, we are predisposed to find characteristics of nature—the smell of rain, bird songs, the green of tree leaves—therapeutic because our ancestors spent most of their time evolving in natural environments (Sowman, 2013).

However, our ancestors were hunters, foragers, fishers, and gatherers. They depended on their knowledge of natural systems, patterns, and processes for survival. Thus, their relationship with nature was much more cooperative and symbiotic than ours is today (Astbury, 2013). This suggests that more dynamic interactions with nature would provide greater “biophilic benefits” than the passive relationships that have previously been studied (Astbury, 2013).

Forms of ecological interdependence were found in all three landscapes of longevity. In Loma Linda, almost every interviewee was found to actively participate in gardening on a daily basis—growing citrus trees, plums, figs, tomatoes, herbs, onions, and other vegetables for food, as well as flowers for aesthetic enjoyment. They exhibited a strong knowledge of cultivated plants: noting the seasonal variations of certain plants, such as when orange trees blossom, and distinguishing male olive trees from female ones.

3. One study of 200 seniors in the town of Villagrande Strisaili found that they used 78 different plant species for medicinal purposes. 17 of these had never been used for medicinal purposes on the Italian peninsula (Loi et al., 2004) It is interesting to note the cultural construct of biophilia and language here. Our translator argued that “it is very hard to translate the names of plants [from Sardo into Italian]…The plants were mentioned this morning by the woman cooking the soup with vegetables… you can’t translate the words because those plants are only grown in this region.”

urban areas & topography

hydrology & topography

Besides knowledge of culturally significant plant species, the seniors in Ogliastra displayed interactive biophilic relationships with the natural spring water of the region. Due to the history of malaria in the coastal regions of the island, the cleanliness of water is of considerable concern to its seniors. We interviewed several anziani who claimed that the natural mountain spring water was a key to their health. One woman in the town of Fonni, Giovanna Rosa Busa, 99, still collects her drinking water from a natural emergence point daily, even though she has clean, running water in her home.

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acqu a di s argenti

Proximity to Natural Springs in Ogliastra

43 within 402m of urban areas

93 within 804m urban areas

203 within 1608 m urban areas 388 within 3216 m urban areas

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2_ embrac e a p erform ative, mu lti-s ens ory aes thetic We are living in a world of increased sensory impoverishment, especially for seniors who are displaced to sterile nursing homes and hospitals. This situation presents a double-edged sword where, through relocation, seniors experience the psycho-emotional effects of place detachment; yet, they cannot heal because their new environment does not provide adequate stimulus to encourage positive place attachment.

In Loma Linda, we found that multi-sensory experiences were the foundation of positive place attachments. Several seniors mentioned the seasonal smells of orange blossoms, magnolia, and rosemary; the texture of eucalyptus and cactus; and the bright colors of jacaranda, olive tree, and lilac, they enjoyed while walking in their neighborhoods. In addition, they cited the pleasant breezes, views of the mountains, and colors of the sunsets as contributing to the pleasant experiences of their walks.

To foster healthy routines and engagement with place, the environment must be rich and inviting. It should engage all the senses and faculties, encouraging the perception, reflection, and questioning of environmental processes and urban patterns and flows. Beth Meyer argued for this design aesthetic in Sustaining Beauty. She quotes the landscape architect Anne Spirn: “This is an aesthetic that celebrates motion and change, that encompasses dynamic processes, rather than static objects‌This aesthetic engages all the senses, not just sight, but sound, smell, touch, and taste as well.â€?

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spatial p r act ic e s & d a i ly r itu a l s

block density

frontage

mass / void

gardens

stopping points

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shade / sun

Pete & Patsy Gilles on their weekly Sunday walk with Hanna & Heidi

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1.

5.

8.

6.

9.

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11.

5.

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4.

3.

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10.

2.

7.

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7.

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10.

3_ choreograph the hapt ic & kinetic s ens es 11.

Engagement with place begins with our movement through it. By designing environments with evolving fluxes and flows, and surprising moments within recognizable structure, we can engage people in place realization through their daily habits and routines.

As a starting point, New York City’s Active Design Guidelines suggest 5 D variables for active movement: density, diversity, design, destination accessibility, and distance to transit. All of these were

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found in our sites, excepting distance to transit. However, Lawrence Halprin took it a step further arguing: “the job of the landscape architect is to provide constantly pleasing movement patterns such that our lives can be given the continuous sense of dance.�

In Okinawa, recognizable patterns and forms were juxtaposed with hidden thresholds, a traditional Japanese method, to entice people to move through the space and create surprise.

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other neighbors “further down that I wave to hello.”

the priest

“when we get by their house we have to be careful because that little dog and my girl Annie they get together”

Chuck “he’s got two big

dogs. They start barking immediately when we get by their house”

neighbor

“When he moved into the area...he painted his house similar to ours”

“I try to take them on a different route every day...Oh they love going on walks.”

RiteAid Staters

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Chase Bank

“They know me by my first name.”

“I know alot of people at the deli,the stock people, the cashiers”

4 _ c ultivate sense of pu rpos e The ability to maintain sense of purpose is integral to a senior’s wellbeing and gives him an ikigai, or reason for getting up in the morning.

In our sites, sense of purpose was found primarily in responsibility to someone or something else—such as a volunteer or work position, a pet, friends, a grandchild, or garden plants that need to be watered.

In order to support sense of purpose, these landscapes allowed seniors to continue meaningful activities, such as working and volunteering, in a way that was accessible to them—not dependent on driving—and adaptable as they transition to new stages.

Additionally, public landscapes and streetscapes should be designed to foster healthy activities with pets that can act as a catalyst for new friendships for older adults who might have a difficult time forming new relationships.

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Giovanni Luigi Biscu, 92, on his farm, near Oliena.

“If I stop, I am lost.”

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5_ nurture sense of empowerment

In Okinawa and Ogliastra, we found spatial structures that work with safety and security to promote empowerment and independence.

First, in each place, there was a mediating threshold between public and private space, similar to the idea of a front-porch. The front porch enables vulnerability without risk, encouraging one to simultaneously linger in both spheres, public (exposed) and private (protected).

In Okinawa, small, one stry houses are surrounded by low-walls— only 2.5-3 feet tall—so that passing neighbors can easily see into someone’s house and know if he is up and going. This ability for someone to “check-in” enables security and independence, as well as a spur not to sleep too late. Seniors can live functionally by themselves, without ever having the vulnerable emotion of being alone.

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ch 2_ pl ace ba s ed

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6_ reinforc e c irc adia n rhyth ms

Aging adults often suffer from erratic sleep and cognitive decline.

This could be due to not enough blue light—the kind of light that comes from the sun—either because they are indoors too much, or cataracts can block it. Sunlight has beneficial effects on sleep, wellbeing, performance, & brain responses.

In our sites, we found daily patterns influenced by circadian rhythms.

In Loma Linda, the entire town closes on the Sabbath, fostering a day of rest and recreation. Likewise, in Sardinia, seniors gather in the piazzas in the late afternoon, when the oppressive sun has waned.

And in Okinawa, seaweed foraging is tied to the lunar calendar.

One way to design for holistic well-being is to investigate & analyze circadian rhythms of people in a place; and work to optimize these rhythms through place design.

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In Okinawa, several interviewees mentioned the importance of lunar cycles and tide calendars because of the dependence on the ocean as a source of food. Miyagi Misako, of the village of Shioya, noted that “on the 13-15 of the lunar calendar we go to the beach and get the ocean vegetables on the day of low-tide and put seaweed in a jar under the sun� (Miyagi Misako interview, 2013).

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7_ build up on the s acred s tru ctu re

This can be accomplished by building upon the pattern of the places that community members most value and are most deeply attached.

Randy Hester writes: “the sacred structure of most communities comprises a center of community life, a natural boundary and distinctive place characteristics that define that community.”

In mapping sacred structures of our sites, we found most often, significant social places emerge from natural resources and their related rituals. In Sardinia, piazzas were constructed at the emergence points of springs. Over time, the place to gather water evolved into the cultural center of village life. Building upon the sacred structure—existing meaningful relationships, rituals, and places and life patterns— helps designers understand what is essential to the community and connect its people to the place.

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Fonni sourc / fresh 39

- derived from Latin fons: spring / ce / origin / well / fountain / stream h water

8_ amplif y roots of the cu ltu ra l l a nds cape

The philosopher Simone Weil said that: “to be rooted is the most important and least recognized need of the human soul.” In contrast, being up-rooted, detached from place, leads to severe psychological and health consequences—stress-disorder, anxiety, and depression.

This raises questions about our cultural system of retirement in Phoenix and Florida, seniors-only developments, or nursing homes.

One way that place attachment can be maintained—even when someone is displaced—is through materiality, incorporating features reminiscent of the homeland, in place design. This could be through the use of native plants, indigenous materials such as stone, wood, or shells, or cultural symbols like the Okinawan shiza. Additionally, our sites preserved traces of their historical pasts in the urban form, proven to catalyze stronger place attachment.

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ch 3 _ hol is tic wel l-being

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9 _ embrace pl ay

Many seniors desire to stay in the mainstream of life and feel belonging in their communities. Thus, a design goal should be designing responsive environments conducive to intergenerational interaction. One way this can be accomplished is through designing for play.

In the landscapes of longevity, we often found seniors playing in central public places. For example, in Okinawa, they would meet daily at the village center for a game of croquet. In Sardinia, older men would joke with one another and tell stories at Piazza San Rocco every afternoon.

Upon further research, we found that play has many of the same attributes as “quality of life� and catalyzes freedom, enjoyment, and fulfillment.

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10_ c reate c onnections

Importantly, in our three sites, seniors were not relegated to suburban style developments, but lived in the community. While the street networks were more dense than what we see in a typical US city, the density of pedestrian intersections was even more striking—99 per quarter mile in one town in Okinawa versus 46 in downtown Charlottesville. This was created by several methods—Okinawa and Sardinia had active alley networks and in Loma Linda, the university campus at the town center is used as a commons, where people feel free to move through it.

Additionally, road hierarchy was important. In these places, the roads nearest centers are pedestrian oriented, where someone would feel comfortable walking in the middle of the road, and car dominated roads are relegated to the periphery. For example, in Charlottesville’s center, 55% of intersections within ½ mile are car dominant, while in Loma Linda 14% are, and in Shioya, 6%.

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Almost the entire urban area of Arzana fi ts within a 1/2 mile of its 2 main piazzas.

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w al k ability to p iaz z e in Arza na , Ogl ia s tra

1608 m

804 m

402 m

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Assumui

Chiesa

Gateway to Heaven Mound

Okinawa

topographic anomaly

Kijoka Waterall

edge

prospect

Loma Linda University Church

Monte Idolo

urban form

Oku Utaki

ardinia Parco Santa Barbara

Patsy' Gilles' stairs

San Bernardino Mountains

geologic anomaly

center

refuge

oma Linda Shioya beach

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Villagrande Strisaili Cemetery

hydrologic anomaly

1 1 _ foster sp iritu a l hea lth

daily

destination Lastly, spirituality played a significant role in the health of seniors in the three sites we visited. In Sardinia and Okinawa, these were often landscape anomalies, such as waterfalls or mountain-tops at the edge of villages that could foster meditation and attention restoration through serene views. In Loma Linda, seniors noted spiritually significant spots—which they called “thin places”—along their daily routes where the barrier to heaven or transcendence seemed to dissolve.

Spiritual places can foster physical and mental healing, and activate

pilgrimage

reward centers in the brain that release serotonin and cortisol.

Elevated and out-of-the-way meditation spots can be places of

threshold

intentional pilgrimage. Likewise, small gardens or places of refuge along daily routes can provide needed moments of restoration and centeredness.

weekly

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1 2_ redef ine ac c essibility & u nivers a l des ign

People are disabled by their environment, not by impairment itself.

Unfortunately, the current paradigm of universal design focuses on “designing for disability,” at the expense of enabling people by fostering well-being. We eliminate stairs for elevators and escalators— rather than thinking about how those stairs could catalyze health, preventing some of the disabling diseases of our society.

In the landscapes of longevity, seniors were enabled by their environments. In Ogliastra, we met several seniors who daily ascend four flights of stairs, independently. Stairs correlate very well with their longevity, and not just because it strengthens bones and muscles— But also, navigating the difficult terrain, incorporates use of cognitive reflexes, linked to the prevention of dementia.

To design enabling environments, we must at first acknowledge constraints but then work with them and push their boundaries.

One way this can be accomplished is simply by having both stairs AND elevators, while designing stairs to be attractive, safe, and

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easily ascended. Secondly, designing enabling environments means designing simply, rather than focusing on being “all things to all people.” Simplicity can actually make a design and place “more accessible because simple is often more cognitively and culturally inclusive.” Lastly, we must intentionally design them, going beyond the functional imperative of universal design.

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ch .4 terms

cu lt ur a l i nside d ne ss Loma Linda, Okinawa, and Sardinia are cultural islands,

Y E L L OW S E A

situated geographically within other, dominant cultures.

Loma Linda, in southern California, is a Seventh Day Adventist enclave in the midst of the Southern California suburban culture.

Okinawa, though currently a part of Japan, has been occupied by both China and Japan at various points over time. Culturally, its inhabitants share rituals & customs of both civilizations. For instance, Okinawans use the Chinese

Sh ang h ai

lunar calendar versus the Japanese Gregorian calendar.

Although Sardinia is an Italian island, its people were constantly invaded and occupied by the Catalonians, Phoenicians, North Africans, and French over its history.

CHI NA

This has led to a cultural wariness of outsiders and identity distinct from that of the rest of Italy. Their indigenous language, Sardo maintains elements of Latin and Catalan, and each village has its own dialect.

As cultural islands, the landscapes of longevity have fostered cultural insidedness - constructing strong attaachments to social affiliation, bonds, and community, set against the mainstream, contemporary culture which they inhabit.

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Taip e i

S E A O F J A PA N S OUTH KO R E A

Tokyo JA PAN

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ky

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ai

To

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95

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es

EAST CHINA SEA

47

5

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il

es

es 0 mil 9 3 i aipe

Okinawa, though part of Japan, is twice as far from Tokyo as Shanghai.

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Vi l l ag rande S tri sai li

G E N N A RT G E N T U M O U N TA I N S

Arzana

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pros pect refu ge

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

Jay Appleton’s work on Prospect-Refuge Theory (1975) predicts that humans “prefer spaces where one is positioned in an edge condition, i.e. with backs protected versus being in the middle of a space, conditions in

To rtoli

which we are covered or screened rather than fully exposed” (Verdeber 2009).

Villages in Ogliastra, Northern Okinawa and Loma Linda share similar topographical conditions that corroborate this hypothesis. All three landscapes are situated between the mountains, providing a sense of protection from outside forces, and are elevated, with beautiful views promoting place attachment and attention restoration.

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Agriturism Mehnir is an ademprivi farm owned by Salvatore Bassuco, 94

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ademprivi

The system of common use lands in Ogliastra has led to an interactive biophilic relationship and sustainable land use ethic with the people there. This system, called ademprivi, enabled shepherds and farmers of a village to pasture their sheep and other animals and forage for acorns, firewood, and plants on communal land. After 1820, when the Kingdom of Italy began to institute private property management, most of the lands in the Ogliastra region remained communal. Even today, 28% of the land in Ogliastra and 65% in Villagrande StrisailĂ­ is owned by the local municipality.

Because even the poorest villagers had access to this communal land, and most people within the communities worked either as shepherds or farmers, very little social stratification developed over time. This still exists in the villages today. Furthermore, a sense of symbiosis and community, The urban areas in Ogliastra comprise less than 1% of the land owned by each municipality.

derived from the use of the land, blossomed within the culture. With a dependence on shared resources, everyone had to work together for

In Ogliastra, seniors still participate actively in agriculture and viticulture—

survival (Salaris interview, 2013).

commuting daily to their family farm plots to maintain the fruit trees, vegetable and herb gardens, livestock, honeybees, and grapevines.

This codependency fostered a culture of sustainable land management.

Several interviewees noted the importance of foraging in the forest and

Each villager recognized that only by taking what he needed, not

on the mountains for herbs, vegetables, nuts, and mushrooms during

overgrazing or over foraging, could the entire village sustain itself on

famine times of their childhood. They also cited the cultural significance of

the communal land. Therefore the people of Ogliastra have inherited

medicinal herbs and plants, since most villages did not have doctors until

an interactive biophilia based on this ademprivi system (Salaris interview,

recent times.1

2013).

60

t hi n place s

Randy Hester writes: “the sacred structure of most communities comprises a center of community life, a natural boundary and distinctive place characteristics that define that community.� In Loma Linda, the most spiritually significant space was the mound in the center of town. Similarly, in Sardinia, most churches were built on the sites of natural springs and piazzas. In contrast, in Okinawa, spiritually significant landscapes were most often on the borders of communities, marking the edge between the village and its natural surrounding.

In all three cases, spiritually significant landscapes were landscape anomalies--located on mountain peaks, near waterfalls, or on the tops of hills. In Kijoka, Okinawa, the waterfall represents the place where water from the sea meets fresh water.

61

urban

spiritual

urban

L oma Linda

spiritual urban

spiritual

Kijoka

spiritual

urban

Arza na

62

63

In Oku village, safety & security is provided by the small scale of the village , densely compacted houses, and geographic protection between hills and ocean.

s a fety & s ecu rity Empowering spaces can serve as anchors or secure foundations that promote exploration as well as safe places of retreat (Scannell and Gifford, 2013).

Conversely, places that instill anxiety and fear can prohibit activity and mobility in older adults (Iwarsson, 2013). Hester writes that “place attachments seem to be tied to basic wishes for security, new experience, reciprocal response, and belonging. With each wish are associated monsters, most notably fear, superficial thrill-seeking, loss of nearness and status seeking, respectively” (Hester, 2013).

Safety and security are essential to encouraging empowerment, and they have three dimensions according to Iwarsson (2013). They are the following: 1.Cognitive: the perceived probability of potential incidents, such as the likelihood of slipping and falling on an icy path 2.Emotional: fear and anxiety related to potential incidents, such as a “fear of falling” on stairs 3.Behavioral: behaviors of avoidance or protection

Most research supports the positive benefits of aging in place, defined by the U.S. Center for Disease Control as “the ability to live in one’s own home and community safely, independently, and comfortably, regardless of age, income, or ability level” (U.S. Center for Disease Control, 2013).

However, this can only be achieved by a social and physical infrastructure— i.e. cultural landscape—that supports it.

In Oku village, everyday the Country Grand Golfers meet to play croquet at 6:00pm sharp.

64

Okinawa thresholds

65

mediating thresholds between publ ic & private s pace

In Okinawa and Ogliastra, we found spatial structures that work with the

private dwellings extends vertically, as one can often see into homes with

three dimensions of safety and security to promote empowerment and in-

second story balconies.

dependence. First, in each place, there was a mediating threshold between public and private space, similar to the idea of a front-porch in the United

The idea of a mediated public-private realm that exposes people while al-

States. From the phenomenological perspective, the front porch enables

lowing them to be protected is both a cultural and architectural phenome-

vulnerability without risk, encouraging one to simultaneously linger in both

non. In the U.S., front-porch culture was common in the South until the rise

spheres, public (exposed) and private (protected) (Mugerauer, 1993).

in popularity of central air conditioning, when complete climatic control of our homes rendered them functionally obsolete (Mugerauer, 1993). One

Like the front-porch idea, in Okinawa, the villages are dense with narrow

could argue that this had a profound effect on our notions of community

streets and shallow setbacks. Small, one story houses are surrounded by

and neighbors, and ultimately aging in place. When we eliminated the

low-walls—only 2.5-3 feet tall—so that neighbors passing by on the street

intermediate space of the porch, we eradicated the accountability of one

can easily see into someone’s house and know if he is out of bed or not.

neighbor to another, thereby the ability for seniors to transition into old

The mediated public-private space often extends into some of the rooms

age with safety and independence.

of the house, visible from the street. This daily ability for someone to “check-in” while going about his routine enables security and indepen-

Besides front-porches, there are other many other considerations that can

dence, as well as a spur not to sleep too late. Seniors can live functionally

be taken to ensure that seniors feel safe and empowered in their neigh-

by themselves, without ever having the vulernable emotion of being alone.

borhoods. Good quality and well-maintained lighting adds to feelings of safety. Additionally, adequate and well-designed signage can influence

In Sardinia, we also experienced a mediated public-private space. There,

the ability to navigate and get around. Lastly, separation bicyclists from

most houses have zero setback from the roads, and balconies and windows

pedestrians on trail and streets promotes a sense of empowerment.

provide views into homes. The mediated space between the street and

66

67

Bashofu fields in Kijoka, Okinawa

moa i

Toshiko Taira of Kijoka, 94, grows bashofu—a type of banana tree—for

moderate physical activity.

weaving into kimonos using a traditional method. For her, the cultivation

As Toshiko Taira has gotten older, the position has evolved with her. Even

of the trees is dependent on more than knowledge of natural processes. It

though she can no longer ride her bicycle, she can still walk to work and is

relies also on her good character. “Growing the bashofu trees during the

able to enjoy the benefits of the morning commute. And although she can

process, you have to be honest, no lies. Otherwise the finish [of the thread]

no longer fulfill the array of responsibility and functions she did in the past,

will not be what you expect. So the weaving is honest. You really cannot

she still continues working as a valuable member of the organization.

cheat the weaving, like life” Healthy communities support the engagement of older citizens in the In order to support sense of purpose, landscapes must allow seniors to

creation of high quality of life for everyone. In Okinawa, group of women

continue meaningful activities, such as working and volunteering, in a way

known as moai meet daily to help resolve issues of the community. They

that is accessible to them—e.g. not dependent on driving—and adaptable

also tend to streetscapes, by picking weeds and planting flowers along

as they transition to new stages. In the example of Toshiko Taira, her small

roadsides. In similar ways, Patsy Gilles’ group No One Dies Alone serves

village provides her with a daily responsibility that strengthens her mind,

community members in need, and her volunteer trash work assists in keep-

body, and social health. She is able to continue meaningful work in which

ing the neighborhood clean and functional. All of these are important tasks

she is skilled within her village. She can access this work through a daily

to maintaining community and provide seniors with portals for staying

walking commute in which she see friends and acquaintances and employs

integral in community needs. (Toshiko interview, 2013).

68

appendix

A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF CURRENT DESIGN RATING SYSTEMS

a building or site, but finding the cheapest and quickest way to satisfy the

Designing a framework for healthy place design is no small task. In the

checklist.

last 15 years or so, the design and planning fields have become obsessed with frameworks and guidelines, indices, metrics, and rating systems

Secondly, given the nature and limitation of rating systems—i.e. the

for measuring, certifying, ranking, and branding our projects. Most of

requirement to measure components—designers begin to value

this stems from the sustainability effort, with LEEDTM being the front-

measurable infrastructure over the experiential qualities of place. For

runner. From this obsession, two effects have emerged. First, planners

example, the well-known system Walkscore® computes physical features

and designers have begun to adopt the values inherent in these rating

like presence of sidewalks and proximity of amenities to calculate the

systems at the expense of other values that might be less brand-able. It

walkability of a neighborhood. However, it does not take into account the

has become standard to think about our projects in terms of how they

urban design qualities—i.e. sense of enclosure, human scale, complexity,

succeed in the sustainability tripod promoted by LEEDTM of environmental

and imageability—perceived by humans that would determine if a person

quality based on resource efficiency, economic health, and social equity

would actually feel safe, comfortable, and encouraged to walk in his

(with social equity understood as gender, economic, and race equality). In

neighborhood (Ewing et al., 2006). Likewise, LEED NDTM encourages

doing so, we are at risk of neglecting how these designs might embody

mixed-use (calculated through percentage of floor area ratio) and

important characteristics or foster healthy behaviors or social interactions

mixed-income (percentage of inhabitants with certain income brackets)

not measured in these systems. For instance, LEEDTM does not explicitly

neighborhood centers but cannot consider social and cultural dynamics

consider the needs of specific age groups—either children or aging

that would encourage people of different SES, age, or race to inhabit

populations in its definition of social equity.

public places.

Even more irresponsible, many projects seek easy and inexpensive ways

NYC’s ACTIVE DESIGN GUIDELINES

to certification, and in doing so, ignore the overarching interactions and

Designers and planners are well aware of the inherent limitations within

effects of their designs. This is a blatant misuse of the system; however,

these rating systems and have made steps to improve upon the current

in a market where LEEDTM has become a marketable brand that adds $/

systems. New York City’s Active Design Guidelines is one such effort.

sq. ft. to a project, it is not surprising. The design problem for which many

The Active Design Guidelines acknowledges the role that the physical

architects and landscape architects are hired today is not the creation of

environment has in our daily behaviors and states an objective to

71

FRAMEWORKS FOR HEALTHY PLACE DESIGN reverse the current trends of obesity and related chronic diseases, over-

instance the LEEDTM rating systems are divided among project scale (LEED

consumption, and sedentary behaviors through place-making. Its goal

BD+C for a building and LEED ND for a neighborhood) because it is

is to “make New York City an even greater place to live, by creating an

limited to what is owned by the individual seeking certification. Walkscore®

environment that enables all city residents to incorporate healthy activity

creates it rankings based on the neighborhood scale, e.g. the number of

into their daily lives” (City of New York, 2010).

coffee shops or restaurants within a 0.5 mile radius.

Four aspects of the Active Design Guidelines are worth noting. Primarily,

Thirdly, the Active Design Guidelines expands on current rating systems

it is the first rating system to try to address current public health issues

by providing strategies that design for qualitative experience not just

by rethinking and redesigning our urban environments. It cites the role

infrastructure (presence or proximity). It recognizes Ewing et al’s argument

of architects and urban reformers—such as Frederick Law Olmsted—in

that perceptual qualities will determine if people actually use a public

defeating the public health epidemics of the 19th and 20th centuries, namely

park or a trail. It supports the idea that our engagement with place is

typhoid, cholera, and tuberculosis, through the redesign of the city (City of

determined by how we move through it, and we are most healthy when we

New York, 2010). It suggests that design strategies, such as emphasizing

are the most engaged and moving (Bannon, 2013). Therefore, designing

staircases, can increase physical activity and promote healthy eating,

for rhythm, speed, and haptic experience are imperative for encouraging

resolving the public health epidemics of our day—obesity, heart disease,

healthy behavior and enhancing how we interact with our environments

and Type II diabetes—through place design (City of New York, 2010).

(Bannon, 2013).

Secondly, the Active Design Guidelines emphasize working across

Lastly, the Active Design Guidelines acknowledges the importance—but

and among different scales in the creation of livable, healthy places.

not exclusive use of—evidence-based design practices in its system. Each

It has suggestions for land-use planning of large neighborhoods and

guideline in the system is qualified by “strong evidence,” “emerging

for designing mico-climates in a park, for connecting trails among

evidence,” or “best practice” as to the published research that supports

neighborhoods and optimal ways of marking them. It recognizes that

its health benefits. This qualification makes a case for using evidence-

people experience and move through the city in a variety of scales and

based research in design and for performing follow-up research on sites

temporalities, and all of these must be choreographed. In contrast,

post-construction to determine their effectiveness and capacity for public

traditional rating systems have focused on a singular site scale—for

health benefits. It shows that decisions for public-space design cannot be

2

made entirely on evidence based research without forgoing some of the

able to achieve important personal goals and participate in society.

important experiential qualities. Finally, it illustrates the gaps in the current

It is enhanced by conditions that include supportive personal

research and discourse on health and place.

relationships, security, rewarding employment and a healthy and attractive environment. (Steuer and Marks, no date)

LIMITATIONS OF NYC’S ACTIVE GUIDELINES & THE IMPORTANCE OF A

Supporting this, our research into the relationships between health and

HOLISTIC UNDERSTANDING OF HEALTH

place in Loma Linda, Sardinia, and Okinawa was based on the principle

While the City of New York’s Active Design Guidelines advances the

that a holistic concept of well-being—founded on physical, mental,

conversation of design and health and the role of design guidelines in

social, and spiritual health—can provide new insights for how the cultural

shaping healthy and livable places, it neglects critical components to

landscape serves as the infrastructure for healthy aging (Eslocker and

healthy aging by focusing only on physical health. Dr. Makoto Suzuki,

Jameson, 2014).

director of the Okinawa Centenarian Study and researcher of centenarians for over 40 years, claims that there are four factors that contribute to

Further, contemporary public health issues in the United States expand

healthy longevity—physical activity, diet culture, self-health, and mutual

beyond physical health. The past few decades have see increasing rates of

health systems (Suzuki, 2013). Likewise, Warber et al. argued for a “more

diagnosis in psychological illnesses—such as depression, anxiety, autism,

encompassing framework for considering the relationship between natural

Alzheimers’ disease, and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (Ples 2012).

environment and health”, proposing an integrative model of physical,

Additionally, current political theorists and sociologists argue American

emotional, spiritual, mental, and social health in their Interconnected

society has been decaying since 1950, citing lack of civic engagement,

Model of Well-being (Warber et al. 2013). In addition to this, most public

community participation, interaction with our neighbors and disinvestment

health experts also espouse a multi-faceted view of well-being. A cross-

in public space as indicators of our social illnesses (Putnam 2000;Levine

government working group wrote:

2013).

Well-being is a positive physical, social, and mental state; it is not

73

just the absence of pain, discomfort, or incapacity. It arises not only

Lastly, theologians lament that the spiritual landscape in the United

from the action of individuals, but from a host of collective goods

States is in a period of drastic turmoil. As traditional church membership

and relationships with other people. It requires that basic needs

continues to decline in the U.S., the Christian faith actually seems to be

are met, that individuals have a sense of purpose and that they feel

evolving into new forms that embrace liberalism, other spiritual beliefs,

and new interpretations of the Bible (McSwain, 2012). This suggests that

focus solely on physical health. Therefore, the goal of this project is not

spirituality—a personal belief in something other or greater than oneself—is to provide yet another rating system or matrix of indicators for designing still an important component of our individual health, if in a tenuous state.1

public places. Rather, it delivers a set of values and lessons drawn from three regions of extraordinary longevity. These values are embodied in the

These other three components of health are just as critical to well-being as

cultural landscapes of these regions and could be used as a framework

physical health. Mental, social, and spiritual issues have many of the same

for the design & planning of cities that foster a culture of preventative and

root causes as our physical health epidemics like obesity and heart disease

holistic well-being from childhood through old age.

and are exacerbated in similar ways by the contemporary cultural landscape in the U.S. Both the causes and the solutions are mutually reinforcing and

The framework, first and foremost, is person-centered—about meaningful

interdependent. For example, feeling unsafe in one’s neighborhood can

engagement and experience of place—valuing qualitative understandings

increase anxiety and prohibit walking outside, leading to obesity and more

versus quantitative metrics (Bernard and Rowles). It is intrinsically place

severe anxiety. In contrast, community gardening can build healthy social

specific—honoring the history, cultural landscape, and future of a town or

bonds while reducing the risk of heart disease through recreation.

neighborhood—over standard norms set from a national agency. Lastly, it embraces an integrated understanding that healthy places not only

As urban designers and planners, any framework that intends to design for

promote our physical health through recreational activities but foster

better public health should integrate a holistic idea of well-being and not

equally important psychological, spiritual, and social well-being.

1. Spirituality and religion are often confused. Spirituality is the personal, internal belief in something other or greater than oneself. In contrast, religions are social constructs connecting people of a similar belief system in an organized doctrine. One can be spiritual without being religious. Additionally, one might have spiritual experiences outside of his religious belief or practices.

74

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