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Tower opposite the parish house in Merizo.

A Publication Of The U N IV E RS ITY OF GUA M Produced By The M ICRO N ESIAA NRE A RE S E A RCH CE N T E R E DITOR ThomasB. McGrath, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITORS MarjorieG. Driver EmilieG. Johnston S TA FF ElaineP. Concepcion F eliciaP laza, M.M.B . JohnP.Sablan RositaD. Tosco A lbertL. W illiams WRITEFORTHE RE CORDE R The Recorder wantsarticles from you. Sendthemto: TH E GUA M RE CORDE R Micronesian AreaResearch Center University of Guam P .O.B ox E K Agana,Guam96910

A l l p h o t o g r a p h sa r e f r o m th e M ARC co lle ctio n u n le ss o th e r wise in d ica te d .

Published annually to provide scientific, cultu ral and h istorica I information concerning Guam and Micronesia. Des i g n e da n d P u b l i s h e db y Ga r r iso na n d Asso cia te s,Gu a m , U .S .A . F r o n t c o v e r p h o t o o f M a lo jlo j F a lls b y Rich a r d Ca la mba B a c k c o v e r p h o to o f F in to sa F b lls b y Da vid L o r z

Since the inception of the second seriesof the Guam Recorder, Sr. Felicia Plaza,M.M.B. has been an integral part of each publication. She has indicated that for health reasons she will be unable to continue her work of research at the Micronesian Area ResearchCenter and the Guam Recorder. This is the last time we will be privileged to add her name to this first page of the publication. But we trust that as opportunity offers, she will be able to offer us new contributions from her vast knowledge of the Pacific. The researchspeciality of Sr. Felicia Plazais the Spanish Era of Guam and the Marianas. She has combined this with an extended residencein this region. On a .recent field expedition she confided that she first touched these shores on a journey aboard the Pan Am Clipper, while accompanying the Mother General as secretary on her visit to China. Little did she realize then that this region would be the focus of her interestsin future years. All of us here feel that Sr. Felicia is a thorough-going researcherwith the rare gift to see beyond the pages of a document to how its content can be communicated. Countless projects and articles have developed from her keen eye and the special ability she possessesto animate ideas. Her most recent effort to appear in these pages is on Fort Santiago. She served as the comprehensiveresource person, in that she had personally gathered the materials in the Archives of Spain and Mexico. The benefit of her reflection and expertise was constantly available to the artist and the editor. Sr. Felicia Plaza has the persistance and dedication of a born researcher,combined with the ability to stimulate new research in the process. We will all miss her many contributions to research here. The best to vou and bonne chance, Sr. Felicia.

Fr. Thomas B. McGrath, S.J. Editor, Guam Recorder

MAGAZINE OF GUAM AND MICRONESIA Published by the Center MicronesianArea Research Universityof Guam Agana,Guam




f iE n rr n c e : A L ET T E RTO MY CHILDREN by PaulSouder

USS GOLD STAR: FLAGSHIPOF THE GUAM NAVY Jr., U.S.N.(Retired) by Capt.JosephLademan,

3 12 '15 :5

FORT SANTIAGO M.M.B. Delgadillo. by Yolanda B. McGrath. Thomas S.J. Felicia Plaza, M.M.B.








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The opinions expressedin articles published in this magazineare the private ones of the writers and should not be construed in any way as reflectingtheviewsof the MicronesianArea ResearchCenter, the University of Guam, or the Government of Guam. Volume 1 of the revived Guam Recorder consisted of only one issue.Volume 2 consistedof three issuesof which issuesNumber 2 and 3 were combined, and Volume 3 cansistedof three rbsaes.Subsequentvolumes will coincide with the calendaryear. Wereservethe right to accept or reject any material submitted for publication.

TheNqmeof Feqseis lnfqmous by Mary Browning

was Pease'smost vocal and persistent antagonist,and available records show that he was also the first to complain publicly. Peasewasn't named, but there is little doubt about who was meant in the following portion of a letter written by the missionary three years earlier at Ponape when the first cruise of the Blossomhad been made:

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is a chapter from the author's forthcoming book about the Pacific. On March 27, 1870, the U.S. Sloop-of-War. Jamestown commanded by William Talbot Truxtun steamed into Honolulu after a steady but unhurried fifteen days out of San Francisco. Her publicized orders were to cruise through Micronesia, but everyone knew she was going after Capt. Benjamin Pease. She lay at anchor for a month giving Commander Truxtun time to verify the accumulation of complaints and accusations which had been lodged against Pease, and probably to seek advice on just where specifically the searchmight be made. Truxtun spoke with Rev. Albert A. Sturges, had who recently arrived on the Anne Porter. Sturges

"A captain of a trading schooner, a notorious fellow in these seas, and who says himself that he led the French in their attack upon the missionaries on Lifu, has just left here. He made our Nanakin drunk and then bought of him the mission premises at Kiti. He has ordered me to leave, and says he will push me off at the point of the bayonet if I don't leave in a suitable time . . ."1

Ponape,Caroline I slands ?

That had been only the first of many such references to Peasemade by Sturges,each sent to the Hawaiian Mission, relayed to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions in Boston, quite often quoted verbatim in The Friend in Honolulu as well as in the Missionary Herald, and, of course, duly forwarded to the U.S. Secretary of State. The florid style of the Victorian pulpit flowed through Sturges' pen as he wrote of "wolves among his lambs", of foreigners gaining the "upper hand" and "flooding the island with trade" while there was a "rush into the hands of these traders". Perhaps he literally cried "wolf' too often; other evidence against Pease appeared to carry more weight. And, such evidence was no doubt solicited by Truxtun from the Honolulu merchant C.A. Williams who had some very expensivefirst-hand knowledge of Pease'stactics, and who'd also been a surrogate target for complaints against his slippery trader. One which had made its way to Williams had originated on Ebon in the form of a letter from the missionary Benjamin G. Snow. It was not made public, perhaps because the published letter was simply not Snow's style, or perhaps because the nature of the crime it attributed to Pease would have offended the public sensibility. In any event, the letter went first to the Hawaiian Mission and then to Williams. His response,made just after the Blossom set out in the summer of 1867 on her second voyage, was an announcement of his decision to terminate his joint venture with Pease in the Marshalls. However, in defense of himself and Pease, he added this gentle reminder: "l wish I couldbelievethat the removalof my men would be the withdrawalof evil from the Group;but I fearthat the missionaries will find that othercaptains sailthosewaterswith othervicesaddedto theprincipal onecharged against CaptainPease.. ."2 No doubt Truxtun would have recognized the narrow path Williams was forced to walk, on the one hand giving his men the benefit of the doubt, knowing that there was little chance they would conform to mission standards of behavior, and, on the other hand, needing to placate the powerful mission representatives in Honolulu who were, after all, his neighbors. Williams had also received complaints from other quarters, for instance from Capt. Michael Eury, the British trader whose oil stations in the Gilberts and Marshalls had been robbed by Pease. But, Williams shared the sentiments expressed in the July 1868, editbrial of the Hawaiian Gazette which pointed out to the public that the oil trade was highly competitive, and that oil traders were likely to exaggerate the questionable practices of their peers. The Gazette also announced that certain

rumors about a conspiracy to cut off the mission vesselMorning Star at Majuro were untrue (but denial of the rumor shows us what was being relayed by the coconut telegraph). The object of all the talk was not hiding out, the editorial continued, but was actually in China on a mercantile venture. Not only that, but letters solicited from Pease'sofficers spoke of him in "commendatory terms". It's likely that the oil poured by the Gazette on troubled waters was pumped by Williams himself. At this early stage even Hiram Bingham, Jr., one of the missionaries' own, put in a good word for Pease when he suggestedthat the captain had performed a useful service in supplying arns and ammunition to the Gilbert Island chief whose subiects were rebelling.3 But, by January of 1869, Williams had learned from Capt. George A. Bridges and Robert Briggsthat they had been unable to retrieve his schoonerMalolo. Forbearance finally gave way to chagrin as reflected again in the Gazette which trumpeted in a headline, "Why Has the American Government Never Sent a Man-of-War to Cruise in Micronesia?" and followed that with a text which mined the samevein. The February 1870 arrival of the Anne Porter, its decks abristle with the combined and highlyrighteous indignation of ReverendsSnow and Sturges and an assortment of Pease'sco-workers, had a last straw aspect to it. And, the Jamestown's appearance a month later was greeted by an attitude of "High time!" JAMESTOWN SETS SAIL Tardy as her orders may have seemed, however, the fact is that an earlier voyage would have been premature. Not until 1870 had all sentiment jelled, had all excusesevaporated, had all interested parties finally and completely run out of patience with Capt. Benjamin Pease.The time was right, and the Jamestown sailed on April 30, expecting to be absent for severalmonths. On May 15, she dropped anchor at Tarawa where Peasehad made delivery two years earlier of arms to the deposed chief, Kaiea. Truxtun spoke with the chiefs and extracted an agreement from "the rebels" that they would pay "50 casks of oil for mission property destroyed at Apaiang" during the rebellion.4 Surely he could do no less with Apaiang's missionaries,Rev. and Mrs. Hiram Bingham, Jr., aboard the vessel. They were safely delivered to Apaiang on May 20 and no doubt introduced Truxtun to that atoll's chiefs. "Settled all the troubles between the natives of Aping and Tarawa," Truxtun wrote.4 This optimistic view of his influence was disputed later by the trader Randall, who reportedly saidof the Jamestown, "She had better never have come to this island, for these natives to make a laughing-stockof. It is useless

for me to enumeratethe derisivemanner in which her visit here is treated by them. Suffice it to say that they will not pay the oil, and say that they will fight the ship that demandsit.") Truxtun continued to report in the positive terms expected of naval commanders.His one day inspection of conditions on Butaritari convincedhim that all those who had been involved in shooting the Hawaiian missionary Mahoe had met violent deaths. And, the King made a solemn promise of better behavior. The Jamestown next lay al anchor for six days at Mili where Pease's"depot" for the Marshallswas located. The station was in chargeof one Capt. Rodd at the moment, and Rodd may or may not have shared with Truxtun the news that Peasewas off for Samoa, or the information that the schoonerMalolo, which Williams had failed to recover, had sailedonly a week earlierfor Ponape. Truxtun wasableto confirm GeorgeFox Hazard's claim of robbery which the victim had reported to the American consul at Honolulu in a letter sent on the Anne Porter. Verification came from the Prussian John Smith who boarded the Jamestown to make this sworn statement:

" 'Having been as a passengerand employee on board the Brig Water Lilly (with) Capt. Benjamin Pease at var iou s time s fo r about ( 10) t en m ont hs . W as on b o a r d said Brig Water Lilly in August 1869. when Capt. Pease landed (3) three armed boats crews at Mulgrave lslands, and robbed the oil station of one George F. Hazard. an A m e rica n citizen of t he f ollowing ar t ic les ,v iz : ( 5 ) f i v e casks o f o il, so me em pt y c as k s ( 19) ninet een Pig s ,a n d (7) se ve n Ducks'. And f ur t her t hat ' To my certain knowled ge the said Peas ehas r obbed t he oil s t at i o n o f C ap t. Eury, a n En glis hm anat t he M ulgr av e ls land s ;a n d the sta tion of o ne Capelle, a G er m an, on t he ls la n d o f N amwre ck'".6

Probably feeling that progress was being made, Truxtun next ordered the Jamestown to Majuro, where two North German vesselswere at anchor. Two months earlier the Malolo. which servedPeasein his oil trade, had contacted the trader Henry Burlingame here. Whetherthis worthy was an independenttrader, associatedwith the North German vessels,or working for Peaseisn't certain, but he most certainly would have been sought out by Truxtun. The Jamestown now left the Marshalls and cruised to Kusaie where it found all quiet. The Anne Porter was at anchor, perhaps dealing with Pease'strader Frank Benson.Kusaiehad been part of Pease'sempire as early as 1868, but it's difficult to know just what went on there becausethere was no American missionary in residenceto forward the kind of report coming from other locations.The presence

of the Anne Porter m'akesit rikely that some timber was being taken. Little if anything remained of the wrecked Morning ,Srar which had been left in the care of its carpenter after the disaster the previous November. Pioneer (Water Lilly's new name) and Malolo had gone to it together in January, taking the anchor, chain and a number of planks. The hulk was then burned and its ashes sifted through for nails and spikes which were then reportedly taken to the Bonin Islands. Al1 was reported quiet at Mokil when the Jamestown hove-to briefly on June 14. Pease'sagent there at the time was probably Charles Sturges. On the l7th, the sloop-of-war anchored at Ponape in the great northern harbor usually called at the time "Jokoits Harbor". but which Truxtun called Jamestown Harbor. The news of her arrival rapidly reached Lod Harbor on the southeasterncoast where Capt. E. A. Pitman was making repairs to Malolo, determined since Pease had been away so long to take all the Chinese carpentersback to Shanghai.Pitman was told of the Jamestown's arrival by William Adams who borrowed a boat to go to the sawmill at Sapwehrek, perhapsto spreadthe news. On the l8th, Pitman went to Sokehs harbor to see for himself. He boarded the Jamestown and was told by Ttuxtun, as he later recorded in Malolo's log, that Truxtun "had been to Millie and Ebon and that the Captain which Capt. Peasetook from Ebon to Samoa had arrived back at Ebon with a bark and that the last heard of Capt. Peasehe was spoken by an English bark to the North East of Samoa".He added that Peasehad now been gone for six months. Convenient to the harbor was Rev. Edward T. Doane'smission station from which he attempted to minister to the whole island in the absenceof Albert Sturges. Doane was at Truxtun's elbow as translator and guide during most of the latter's two-week visit, and he told later how Truxtun assembledthe leading chiefs of the Sokehs and Net tribes and persuaded them to sign this agreement:

"Know all the rulers of the earth, that we the King and High Chiefsof the lslandof Ponape,do bind ourfrom this time selves,our heirs,and lawful successors, and protect the lives and property of all personswho may be shipwreckedon the shoresof any part of our territories,and to give them all possibleaid and comfort till they are able to leavefor their homes, or such other placesas they may elect. And further; That such shipwreckedpersonsshall in no way be restrainedof their liberty or freedom while within the limits of our territories,unlessfor the preventionof crime by such shipwreckedpersons.And further; That they shallbe havi ngvol untari l yrecei vedmi ssi onari es, allowed perfect freedom in preachingand teachingof

their doctrines;nor shallany of our peoplebe forbidden or withheld by any personwithin the limits of our territoriesfrom attendingsuch preachingand teaching. And further, that any of our peoplewho now are, or hereaftermay becomeChristians, shallnot be interfered with in tfreir new religiousopinions or belief. And further; Any foreignerswho may hereafteracquireland in our territoriesby lawful purchase,shall,on the payment of the sum mutually agreedupon, be furnished with a deed descriptiveof the land so purchased.which deed shall securesaid purchaser,his heirs,assignsand possession executorsforever in the quiet and peaceable o f th e l a nd.A nd f ur t he r;T h a t a l l fo re i g n e rs re s i d i n go r trading within the limits of our territoriesshallbe safe and securein the possession of their propertyand the p u rsu i t of t heir lawf ul b u s i n e s sn;o r s h a l la n y p e rs o n within our dominion enticeany seamanto desertfrom his vesselor harbor or concealsaid seamanafter such desertion,undera fine of (50) fiftv dollars".T

and commiserating with the abandonedemployeesof the South Sea Trading Co., another disgruntled soul with a story to tell was boarding the Jamestown at her northern anchorageto make a statement: " 1, JamesW al shl eft S hanghaiC, hi na,C hi efO f f icerof American Brig Water Lilly, B. Pease,Master,May 25th 1868, on a voyage to Goam or Ports in the South Pacific Ocean, not exceedingsix months. Insteadof goingto Goam camehereto Ascension and then cruised through the North Pacific Group. During the cruise, Capt. Pease's cruelty in murderingnativesand robbing Stations did not satisfy me as Chief Officer, which causedsomewords betweenCapt. Peaseand myself.He then orderedme to my room, sayingthat he was King of these lslands;that there were no consulsnor magistrateshere. I went to my duty again,and Peaseput me on shoreat the Group,to look after a wreck that he took from a manthat waslookingafter it for the InsuranceCompany,statingthat he would be in eight or ten days,leavingme and a to my assistance sailor with 15 lbs. bread,8 half boxes of sardines.No food to be got of Nativesduring my time there. I was droveaw ay & my houseburnt,that l w as l i vi ngin; sam e Then I took and wreck did not belongto Capt. Pease. passagein a schoonerthat happenedto land there, and went to Ebon, then took passage to Ascension lsland,in searchof Capt. Peasein a whaleship & found Peasehere,& statedmy caseto him. He said I could not go to China in his ship, as I was put ashoreI must stay; sayingthat he would not take me to Shanghai to get him in trouble for he was in troubleenoughalready.He then forced me on shorehere,where I havebeencompelled to stay on accountof sickness & other reasonswhich I can explainto whom it may concern.Now with sickness and desti tute.;. ds I am, after sel l i ngal l my c lot hing, bedding.books, instruments,for food and medicines,I now feel necessary for me to apply to you for a passage to a ConsulPort,so that I can getjustice.or to Shanghai, where the ownersof the said Water Lilly belongs;for I have receivedno dischargenor wagessinceI signedthe articles before the United States Consul General in S hanghaiMay 25th 1868. H opi ngthi s w i l l meet your ki nd approbati on . . . (si gned) JamesW al sh" .9

Truxtun also persuaded the king of Sokehs to return twelve-year-old Caroline, the daughter of Doane's valued assistant, Narcissus. Caroline had been kidnapped.from the Meetinghouse, as Doane reported-r by five "powerful, well-armed and drunken natives" 6 on behalf of the king the previous December. Rev. Doane had been joined by the girl's Ponapean mother and Filipino-Portuguese father in struggling with the kidnappers and pleading with the king who waited in his canoe. But, the king had been adamant then and remained unrepentent later, insisting that he was only retaliating for being snubbed in favor of his lowly subjects at mission services. Caroline was returned at Truxtun's request, but it was another temporary

success. The following day the Jamestown's steam launch and two of her boats began a purposeful clockwise circumnavigation of the island, carrying Rev. Doane as guide and interpretor. The first stop was in Uh district where the chiefs were successfully urged to add their names to the agreement already subscribed to by the Sokehs and Net chieftains. The night was spent at the Ohwa mission station, temporarily abandonedby the vacationing Sturges. Continuing to move along the coastline on the twentieth as far as Metipw, the party conferred with the chiefs of Madolenihmw^, "both Christian and heathen", as Doane put it.6 One of those sticky problems of protocol developed when the king receivedTruxtun while seatedin a chair, but provided only a mat at his feet for the Commander - who refused to sit there. But, all ended peaceably with the king assentingto the agreement.

A similar statement was collected on June 23rd at "Port Ponatic" by Truxtun before the launch worked its way round to Mutok. This testimony was from E.A. Pitman, master of schooner Malolo, who'd served in the same capacity as Walsh, but was a later

recruit: "Being an AmericanCitizen", Pitmanstated,"now in commandof the SchoonerMalolo, under the Hawaiian flag, not beingableto receiveredress otherwiseI appeal to you, and will state the following circumstances of my case:"l left Shanghaias Chief Officer of the Brig Pioneer, under the command of Capt. B. Pease;servedin that capacity eight months,sincewhich time have been in charge of the above mentioned schooner Malolo and

EVIDENCEAGAINST PEASEGROWS As the official party on the launch checked on Pease'stimber and trade operations at Metipw and then at Lod, or "Ponatic," handing out provisions



having mad e a cru is e of f iv e m ont hs t hr ough t he M i c r o nesian lsla nd s I h ave c om e t o t he belief t hat , f r om w h a t I can he ar a nd do believ e,t hat t her e will be no jus t ic e t o myself or pe op le em ploy ed by G lov er Dow & Co. u n l e s s I am p resen t in p er s on in Shanghai. "Ther e is on t h i s lsla n d nin ete en Ch ines eand t wo ot her f or eigner sanx i o u s to go to Sha ng ha i f or t heir own s at is f ac t ion. and a r e quite willing to go t her e in t he M alolo. lf y ou t hi n k I am r igh t by taking them I am willing t o do s o, but s h a l l need your assistancein supplying the vesselwith the following p rovisio ns , v iz : O ne Bbl Beef , O ne Bbl P o r k , T w o Bbls Brea d . . . ( s igned)E. A. Pit m an". 10

Pitman got his provisions a few days later, and supplied the paymaster of the Jamestown with a draft on Glover,Dow & Co. for $104.98. Meanwhile, the launch was visiting Kiti, the last remaining district where the king's affirmation of the agreementbeing carried round the island by Truxtun was obtained with no trouble. But, the real power in Kiti was firmly in the hands of the Nahnken. How Doane must have looked forward to this encounter! As the missionarytold it, the Nahnken knew of the visit well in advanceand "trembled not a little" at the prospect. "The day the steam launch hove in sight". Doane continued, "pushing rapidly along over the somewhatcalm water, as a thing moved by some


spiritual a-sency.- for neither sail nor oar, nor aught else of motive power was seen, - the natives had gatheredin largenumbersat the mission(at Ron Kiti) to witness the wonderful phenomenon.As the launch passedinto the harbor they fled to the feasthouse,to await the arrival of the captain. The missionary, a half caste native, was deputed to inform the Nahnken of the arrival, and that he was invited and expected to see the captain on board. When first informed of this he made no reply, of assent or dissent, but being informed more particularly of the nature of the Jamestown'svisit to Ponape, and what all the kings and chiefs of the island had done - what treaty they had made he gaveword to go aboard,and all rushed for their canoes".r r Once aboard and (we trust) suitably impressed, the Nahnken receivedan admonishmentand a fine of fifty pounds of turtle shell for, in Doane's words, "the wrong done to the American citizensresidingat his place" and for destroyingthe mission's$300 bell. The Nahnken paid thirteen and a half pounds in shell ("@ $4"), and forty dollarsin cash.And, just to make sure that all was understood, he was persuadedto endorsethe following specialagreement: " We t h e u n d e r s i g n e dN a n a k i n a n d C h i e f s o f R o a n Ki ti do hereby certify that a certain plot of land known as

th e 'Mi s s ionP r em is esa' ,t th e mo u th o f th e R o a n K iti Riverwas in the year 1852 donatedby our predecessor, th e fo r m er Nanak in,to th e Ame ri c a nB o a rdo f C o mmi ssi o nerfsor F or eignMi s s i o n sa, n dth a t fo r th e s i x te en ye a rsl a s t pas t s aid B o a rdh a sh e l d fu l l a n d u n d i s p u t ed possession of said land, and that we do from this date co n fi rm s aidM is s ionBo a rdi n i ts fu l l a n d l a w fu lp o s s ession of said land; herebypromisingto protectsaidBoard from the agressions of any and all personswhatsoever tre sp as s ing on s aidM is s i o nL a n d s " . "Gi ven t his t went y f o u rth d a y o f J u n eA D 1 8 7 0 o n board the U.S. Steam Sloop Jamestownat Roan Kiti Ha rb o r .ls landof P ona p e " . Placing their marks to this agreement were Nanakin in Ron Kiti, Uajai en Kiti, Noj en Kiti, Lepen Telui and Nanweatau en Tolani. E.T. Doane witnessed- the document, with a certain gloating, we

suspect.I 2 All this was followed by an order to seethat the buildings were vacated and removed immediately. Apparently, they were still occupied by John J. Mahlmann, who'd been banished from the main station by Pease,but who, it seems,was in chargeof trading at Ron Kiti, or was at least allowed to live there temporarily. Quite recently, he'd been named by the unanimousconsent of the other employeesto manage the "Port Ponatic" station after Pease's appointed manager,Coe, had died. So it was that at the same time he was ordered to vacate the land at Ron Kiti, he identified himself as "Acting Manager

for PacificIslandTradingCo., Port Ponatic" in his requestto Capt.Truxtun: "Owing to the prolongedabsenceof Capt. Benjamin Pease,Managerof the undermentioned ShanghaiFirm of which GloverDow & Co. are agentsat Shanghai,I have compl etel yrun out of provi si ons and for buyi n gnat ive food I haveonly enoughtrade on hand to keepme and the companiesservants(of which thereare28 in number) for a few days longer.You will readilyseemy distress and I begof you. i f at al l possi bl e. to spareme 2 Bblsof Fl our,2 B bl sB readanda l i ttl e Tea.w hi chw oul d lastm e perhaps until Capt. Peaseor a vesselfrom Shanghai arrives.I haveorderson Messrs.Glover,Dow & Co. for $1000 and i f requi redl w i l l gi veyou an ordero n t hem for the amount you charge. . . (signed)John James Mahl mann" .l 3 Mahlmann subsequently received his supplies and supplied the order on Glover, Dow & Co. for $64.72 required by the Jamestown's paymaster. The steam launch completed its circular cruise of the island without incident or pause along the mangrove-thick western coastline, returning to the main anchorage. When the supplies promised for the Malolo arrived at "Port Ponatic", Pitman took the schooner to sea, destined for the Jamestown anchorage which he reached the next day. The Anne Portel now lay at anchor near the sloop-of-war.

and maltreating natives and foreigners with great impartiality". I ) On the 28th, a veritable parade of statementgivers and testifiers boarded the Jamestown, each adding weight to the packet of evidence which Truxtun would forward in due course with his letter to George Seward, the American Consul General at Shanghai.

T RUX T O N FO R WA R D S C O MP L AIN T S William Truxtun, attentive to duty, wrote two letters on the 27th in which he reported on his investigations and the conclusions he'd drawn. The first, addressed to Glover, Dow & Co., Merchants, Shanghai, said: "For severalmonths past I have been cruisingwith th i s s hipam ongt he G i l b e rtM a rs h a lal n d C a ro l i n el s l ands. I feel it due to you to inform you that at every point. almost without exception,complaintsfrom the Native Kings, Chiefs and whites residingamong them have been made to me regardingthe offenses,cruelty and Agent,Benj.Pease, want of goodfaith of your Managing Masterof Brig Pioneer. "l t is unnec es s a ry fo r me to e n te r i n to d e ta i l s.the more so as severalpersonsare about proceedingto when doubtless,the truth will Shanghaito seekredress, be made known; suffice it to say the nameof Peaseis i n fam ousin M ic r on e s i a . "ln this lslandlargequantitiesof timber lie rotting on the shores.I am told it wasall paidfor beforeit wascut' A number of Chinese,whoseterms of serviceexpired six monthssince,are sufferingfor food. Sincethe death of Capt. Coe, one Mallman. . . has assumedchargeof your affairs.I find him without provisions. An American citizennamedAdamsunder contractfor serviceat some lslandto the Westwardhas neverbeenlandedthere,but of was left here,and is without food or the necessaries life; the wantsof thesepersonsI haverelievedas far as o o s s ible. "For ( 16)s ix t ee ny e a rsth e M i s s i o n a ri e h sa v eh e l dfree a n d undis put edpo s s e s s i oonf a p l o t o f l a n d ti l l the adventof Pease,who, by threatsand the free distribution of spirits, induced the Nanakin to sell him the privilegeof cutting wood; to which Peasewith other foreignershaveaddedthe right to build housesof trade and residence.I have directed the buildingsto be retoprotect moved.I encloseyou the Nanakin'sagreement the mission. "lt is testifiedbeforeme that Pease sailsat will under the Hawaiian,Englishand American Flags,carryingat times seven(7) guns,with a crew made up of Malays, Groupnatives,and abandoned whites. in falling in with Capt. "So far I havenot succeeded to is Pease,who certainly entitled a hearing.I am satisyour affairs, fied, however,he is culpablymismanaging and causingyou greatpecuniaryloss".14

William Lawit Adams and William Theon Etter, both Americans, testified that fhey'd agreed to work for Glover, Dow & Co. on St. David's Island for a period of three years, and had sailed from Shanghai with Peaseon the 6th of April, 1869. But, they'd first gone to the Bonins (where Peasehad hauled seven guns up out of the hold for target practice) and then on to Ponape where Pease put them ashore and ordered his agentsto take care of them. They'd never gone on to St. David's (Mapia) and when the flow of provisions from the agents had stopped in January, John Robinson had provided for them on Pease's behalf until mid-April. Since then, however, they'd been reduced to selling of their clothing to keep from starving. Truxtun also took a statement from John Robinson, their last regular meal ticket, whose testimony was hazy. He simply stated that he'd been hired (for unspecified duties, presumably at Ponape or another island) in June, 1869, at wages of fifty Mexican dollars per month, had been feeding a number of Pease'semployees at his own expense, and, "I also loaded a schooner with wood which belonged to me", he said, "and for-all the foregoing I am unableto obtain a settlement".l6 Alvin Bowen had hooked up with Peaseearlier. His testimony was brief, but valuable;

"Was second officer on board the American Brig WaterLilly Benj.Pease,Master,duringthe latterpart of the year 1868, during which time we cruisedamongthe Marshall lslands for oil; the Brig had mounted the followingarmament:two 12 pounders,two 6 pounders, five 2 pounders.with two smallswivelsover the stern; had a crew of forty two (42) men; shecarriedmuskets enoughto arm eachman. I was presentin and cutlasses or about October 1868 when Peaserobbed the oil stationof Capt. Eury. an Englishmanat Tarawaof the casksof o il; t r eat shis Gi l bert Group.of (17) seventeen crewwith greatbrutality;feedsthe;nbadly".17

In his second letter, this one to the U.S. Consul General in Shanghai, Truxtun refened to the complaints about island conditions which had been made at the consulate in May, 1869, by Pease and William Coe, and then noted that, after investigation, he had found that "Pease, without exception, is the greatest rogue working in all Micronesia". Saying that the Consul General would hear more from persons now on their way to Shanghai, he added that he trusted the facts they would present "will enable you to rid these Islands of this fellow. who is said to be robbine

Henry Gardner had known Pease longest and had served him in a variety of capacities largest of any of this group. He claimed no back wages or destitution, and his 1868 service as an interpreter


might well place him in the beachcomber category. He verified a number of points, and added some fillips of his own: "Dur ing t he y ear 1 8 6 8 w a s i n te rp re to rto C a pt. Benj. Peaseon board the American Brig Water Lilly, fo r the K ingsM ill G r o u p ;w a s p re s e nat t th e ro b b i n gof Ca p t. E ur y ' ss t at iono n th e l s l a n d so f H a l l a n d T a ra w a. Du ri n g 1869 was pre s e n ta t th e ro b b e ry o f th e oi l sta ti o nsof one Cap e l l e ,a Ge rma n i n th e l s l a n d of Na mor ic k and als o o n th e l s l a n d o f Arn o ; a l s o the robberyof a station in Mille lslands- the ownershipof wh i ch I am not c er t ai n . "Hav e k nown P ea s es i n c e1 8 6 7 , h e g e n e ra l l sy a i l si n a rme d v es s elss, ails u n d e r th e H a w a i i a n ,E n g l i s ha nd Americanflags;think Peasewould not hesitateto rob any trading station. Have heard him threaten to run d o wn Capelle'tsr adin gv e s s eilf h e fe l l i n w i th h e r; al so that he would blow the vesselof Briggs(his former Mate) out of the water if he cameout from Honolulg; wanted to rob a schoonerbelongingto the King of Apamamain 1868; but could not get the consentof his crew. In 1869 he suggested to his matethat it would p a y bet t er t o go s la v i n g(i n th e Ki n g ' s M i l l Gro up); mate would not agree.Was on board the Water Lilly when Capt. Peaseremovedthe agent in chargeof a wreck on Majuro lsland,and placedJamesWalshfrom his own vesselin charge,at the sametime removingsuch articlesas he could. He also told the King of Strongs l sl a n dt hat if he did n o t ma k e o i l fo r h i m h e (P e a se) would bring an armed force and take possession of his i sl a n d " . 18 That was the last of the sworn testimony available to Truxtun on Ponape, and he spent the next

three days making final arrangementsand tieing off looseends. JAMESTOWNRETURNSTO HAWAII John Alexander Pond was directed to take Adams and Etter, "American citizens with their families", back to Shanghaiaboard the timber vessel Anne Porter. Pond was supercargoof the brig at the moment, but he was also one of the partnersin the Ponape timber operation. His position hadn't given him immunity from Pease'sarbitrary and high-handed manner, however, and he still smarted from Pease's removal of him as Ponape manager in 1868 when Mahlmann was installed in his place. Pond now offered to take Mahlmann to Shanghai aboard the Anne Porter, but Mahlmann declined, deciding to remain on the island and wait there for Pease.On July 1, the brig sailed for "Metalanien Harbor" where shepresumablybeganloading timber processed at the sawmill before sailing for Shanghai. Malolo planned to sail for the same port in a few days with the Chinesecarpentersaboard. It seemedthat all that could be done had been done by the Jamestown.Two Hawaiian seamenwho needed passageto Hawaii were taken aboard, the bundle of evidenceagainstPeasewas safely stowed, and Truxtun felt that he had left the "missionaries at all points visited in good spirits, feeling perfectly securein their personsand much encouragedin their labors . 'r IY The sloop-of-warsailedfor Honolulu on July 2.

Gilbert lslands

References 1.

. u E U st.1 8 6 8 , 2 5 3 M is s i o n a r yH e ! - a l d A


ABCF M P a p e r s ,C . A . W i llia m s to F e v. Gu lick, 3 Ju lv i8 6 8 lbid. , H i r a m B i n g h a m , Jr . to Re v. Cla r k, No v., 1 8 6 8


M is s i o n a r yH e r a l d , N o v ., 1 8 1 O,3 7 O


Hawa i i a n G a z e t t e , 2 0 De c., 1 8 7 1 Des p a t c h e sf r o m U . S . C o n su l in Sh a n g h a i,Ch in a F e b .2 3 - Oct. I , 1 8 7 1 . G e n e r a l R e co r d so f th e De p t' o f Sta te , Re co r d Group 59, N a t i o n a t A r c h i v e s M icr o film Pu b lica tio n M 1 1 2 , r o ll 12'



S t a t e m e n t o f J o h n S m ith . l. 8.

T he F r i e n d , N o v . 1 , 1 8 7 0 Mis s i o n a r yH e r a l d , S e p t., 1 8 7 0 ,2 8 3 - 4


D i spatches frorn U .S . C onsul s. . . , S tatement of J ames W al s h l bi d., S tatement of E .A . P i tman


Mi ssi onaryH eral d, S ept., 1870


l bi d., S tatement of N anaki n and C hi efs of R on K i ti l bi d.. S tatement of John J. Mahl mann


13. 15.

l bi d.. Wm. T. Truxtun to Gl over, D ow & C o. l bi d.. Wm. T. Truxtun to C onsul General


l bi d.. S tatement of John R obi nson

17. 18.

l bi d., S tatement of A l vi n B ow en l bi d., S tatement of H enry Gardner


l bi d.. S tatement of Wm. T. Truxtun



Commodore Biddle and Mn,Thguchi Commodore Matthew C. Perry presented tiie Japanesegovernment with American demands for diplomatic and trade relations 125 years ago. His bloodlessvictory, which is commemoratedby both nations, was not the first American attempt to gain accessto Nippon, the "source of the sun,', nor have the effects of Perry's successfuleffort ceasedto be felt by the peoplesof the Pacific. Three little-known, nonethelessfascinating,aspects of Japaneserelations with Pacificneighborsare highlighted here. Every American schoolchild learns that Commodore Matthew C. Perry-the younger brother of Lt. Oliver Hazard Perry who won fame at the Battle of lake Erie during the War of l8l2-opened the recluse of Asia to world trade when he returned for an answerto his demandin 1854. Who, then, does that Japaneseballad of 1846 tell about? Here are the lyrics in English.

by Larry Lawcock

A JapaneseBallad, 1846 Ame no yo ni Nippon chika ku, Nebokete nagarekomukoze moyo Kurofune ni nori komi happyaku-nin, Rashashojyohi no tsutsuppojuban, Ozutsu kozutsu o uchi narabe. Kurombo wa mizusokoshigotosura, Taishogunwa heya ni suwarite maiime gao, Naka nimo higedarake najagatara tojin ga Sora o nagamete dora-nyochachi tataite, Ki kurai kikurai kin mosai. Morota daikon miyage na America sashitenigete yuku.

T HE CRE WO F E I G HTHUNDRE D Closeto Japan,on a rainynight it appears asthoughthe Windcomesrushingforth drowsily. Eighthundredmenall crammedin the foreignship I n h ik e d -u p b rillia n re t dwo o le n underwear Linedthe gunsandcannons neatly in a row Downin the waterholdthe Blacks work The seriousfacedAdmiralsits in h isro o m. Therearealsoforeigners inside,who arecompletelyshaggybeardedWhilegazing at the sky andbeating on the chamberpot tom-tom "Ki kurai kikurai kin mosai" Takingthe present of whiteradishes TheyhastilyheadbacktowardAmerica, James Buchanan


The song relates the premature visit of Commodore Biddle. During the administration of President James K. Polk, when James Buchanan was secretary of the state and famed historian Ceorge Bancroft was secretary of the navy, the American government made its first attempt to open Japan's barred ports. CommodoreBiddle was sent to Japanin command of two ships, the Vincennes, a 780-ton sloop of war modified to the specificationsof a small frigate, which carried ninety guns, and the Columbus, anothersloop. Commodore Biddle's ships anchored off Uraga in what is now known as Tokyo Bay in July 1846. The arrival of the foreign ships of war caused consternation among the Japanese. The frightening foreign ships were first sighted at an outpost manned by two petty samurai.Sixteenyear-old Totaro Sasakurawas on duty that day. The brave lad had fishermen row him out to the ships. which he hoped to persuade from entering the bay. The youthful samurai was taken on board, but he could only convince the commodore to permit him to guide the ships to the official inspection station at Uraga. Even before the ships anchored, an express messenger from the Misaki outpost delivered the alarming news to Uraga, from where intelligence was promptly passedon to the court at Edo. Two governors, who normally altemated on a regular basis between Uraga and Edo, were on hand to receive PresidentPolk's letter to the Emperor. The ships were told to wait at Sitaura, a few miles out from Uraga, while the council of the Tokugawa government consideredits reply. Japaneseauthorities in the meantime took precautions for emergencies.The crews of six largejunks were pressedinto service at sword point and their vesselsrequisitioned. Two small field pieces were mounted on each junk. Two samurai and ten government sailors on duty at the Uraga office bolstered the crew of each vessel.The junks were rowed out to mount guard on the formidable American ships, whose sides and stems bristled with guns. As the ships at anchor swung with the tide, the crews of the junks vied with one another for positions of safety in the shelter of the bows. The Americans, fathoming the reason for the jockeying of the boats, opened the bow port to reveal the weapon there. The confusion of the boatmen's gameabruptly subsided. While this frenetic maneuvering was going on, parleys continued between Uraga officials and those aboard the war vessels.The Japaneseport authorities insisted that the visitors give up the idea of establishing trade between the two countriesand leaveJapan. The Americans were equally persistent. The councilors at Edo decided that the traditional seclusion,breachedonly by a singleDutch ship

which reached Japan annually from Batavia in the Indies, would be defended. On the ninth day after the arrival of the ships, one of the governors convened a secretcouncil of officers on the junks. This was the plan: the govemor, three officers and an interpreter should proceed to the flagship on the following day to convey the order to weigh anchor. If Commodore Biddle refusedto comply, one of the officials, all of whom were accomplished swordsmen,would put him to th-esword und ju*p overboard. His leap would serveas a signal to the gunners on the junks to open fire. Commodore Biddle, specifically charged by his superiors to abstain from any act which would provoke hostility or distrust, promised to comply with the governor'srequest the next day. "And laden with radishes,pumpkins, and fowl as souvenirsfor home; got as a farewellpresent;the shipshastenedto America," as another version of the popular otsuye song proclaims. Without the euphoria the Japaneseexperienced at Biddle's expense,would subsequenteventsand the amicable advice of Holland's trusted king who informed the Emperor in advance that war was the alternative to commercial relations-have been sufficient to propel the proud rulers of Japan into a trade agreementwith the United States? Matthew C. Perry felt that he owed nothing in his "victory" to the "defeat" of his predecessor.He

James K. Polk

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pleasedhim very number of small boats.The savages much by their mildness;he receivedthem with kindalsothe Governor,who dismissed ness,and persuaded them loaded with presents,and sincethis time they have had the courageto come every year. They told Torres that they had a commercial intercoursewith the inhabitantsof this island,and only givenit up on hearingof the settlementof the white men, and having themselvesbeen witnessesof their cruelty. ln 1788, after a long time had elapsed,they undertook this expeditionto barter for iron. Torres askedthem how they had found their way here,as the distance from Ulle to Guahan is above three hundred miles. They answeredthat the description of the way was preservedby them in their songs,and after this their pilots had found it. lt is remarkablethat they did not islandlike Guahan,when the miss an inconsiderable were their only guide,in a voyage the songs starsand When the Caroliniansvisited miles. hundred three of Guahan in 1788, they promised to return in the following year. They kept their word; but on the voyage back were overtakenby a furious storm, and found a watery grave so that not one of the brave seamensavedtheir lives,and, after this circumstance, De Torres waited 15 yearsin vain for his friends,to whom he had becomeattachedon accountof their gentle dispositions.In the year 1804, the American ship Maria, from Boston, took in provisionsat Guahan. The Captainof it, CaptainWilliam Boll, undertook with the supercargo, Thomas Borman,a voyage to the Carolines,where he intended to make the attempt to catch bechesde mer, and de Torres embracedthis opportunity of visitinghis friends,as the Captain promised to bring him back to Guahan. The Maria sailedin July, and the first groupof which she touchedwas Ulle. Torresfound hereseveralof his who piloted the ship into the old acquaintances, group; and this was the ship of which Kadu spoketo us; the nameBorman,of which he madeMarmol,and Louis, as they called de Torres,occurred in one of his songs, which the Carolinianshad composed, that these men might not be forgotten". (Kotzebue refersto his own visit to the Carolineswhere he met Kadu, a chief). "The preservationof remarkable eventsin songs,is common to the Carolines". "Torres inquired why his old friendsno longer visited him in Guahan.They then told him of the fleet which had gonethere fifteen yearsago,and, as it had not returned,they concludedthat their countrymen had all beenmurdered.Torresof coursedeclared that no harm had been done to their brethren on Guahan,but that a ragingstorm had overtakenthem a day after their departure, and probably destroyed the fleet. Louis de Torres saw on his voyage,many islandsbelongingto the Carolines,and drew a chart of the whole chain, which M. von Chamissolikewise copied. On the twenty eighth, we returnedearly to the ship, as I proposedto leaveGuahanthe following

JosephMiguel De Torres CaptainJoseph Miguel de Torres, born around 1710, your great, great, great, great, great, great grandfather,accordingto the Censusof 1759 (Page 22, item 480 of the MarianasArea ResearchCenter in Guam) was residingon Guam with his wife Dona DolingaJosephde Espinosa,and their five childrenFrancisco Xavier de Torres (born 17371, Maria Joseph de Torres (born 1741l-, Luisa Lugardade Torres (born 17431, Maria Rosa de Torres (born 17451,and Juan FranciscoReyes de Torres (born 1739), your great, great, great, great, great grandfather. Dona DolingaJosephDe Espinosa Dona DolingaJosephde Espinosa,born around 1715, your great, great, great, great, great, great grandmother,marriedCaptainDon JosephMiguelde Torres,and bore him five children. FranciscoReyesDe Torres Captain Juan FranciscoReyesde Torres, your great, great, great, great, great grandfather,servedas Captain del Campo (Mayor of the Town), the Vice Governor.Don Juan Franciscolatermarrieda daughter of Guam's only pure blooded Chamorrocouple, referredto by Chamissoand Kotzebue,"as a vigorous couple,the only man and his wife on the whole island of the original branch,and on whosedeath the race of the old Ladroneswill be entirely extinguished." (Otto von Kotzebue, a Russiannav.alofficer, commandedthe Brig "Rurik," fitted out at the expense of Count Ramanoff,Chancellorof RussianEmpire, which visited Guam in 1817.Adelbertvon Chamisso, the eminent botanist, accompaniedKotzebue.) In 1770, a son Luis was born to Don Franciscoand his wife. Luis De Torres Don Luis de Torres, your great, great, great, great grandfather,born in 1770, was brought up in the Spanishfashionaccordingto Louis de Freycinet, who commanded the French Corvette "Uranie," which arrived here in 1818. For many yearshe was and secondin rank to the Governorof the Marianas, was a lifelong student of Chamorrohistory and culture. Don Luis, accordingto Safford (1901), served also as had his father as Captaindel Campo (Mayor of the Town) a position with more power than that possessed by the Gubernadillo(Governor)established afterwardsin its stead. Kotzebue,in writing of his expeditionto Guam reportedthat "De Torres was here when the Carolinians,in 1788,visitedthe lslandof Guahan,in a great


AFamilyTree Grandparents

Great Grandparents

Grcat, great, great, great, great, great Grandparents

Great, great Grandparents

Maria Pergz Calvo (18861

day. Louis de Torresaccompanied us, with all the off icers and the Governor.We spent a pleasant eveningin the societyof the Spanishofficers,who all remained on boardduring the night". Chamisso,the naturalist of Kotzebue,sexpedition, relatedthat "l was bound quickly and intimatelyin friendshipto Don LuisTorres.I think of him with the greatestaffectionand true gratefulness.Don Luis de Torres,who had learnedto know the customsand habits, history and tales of the lovely inhabitants of Ulea,has had their most experiencedseamanwith whom he has had the most familiar intercourse, draw for him a map of their

neptunianworld, and has kept an uninterrupted with his friendsthroughtheirtrading communication fleet from Lamurekwhich comesto Guam every year. Don Luis de Torresopenedto me the treasury put beforemetheirmap,and of his knowledge, spoke to me lovinglyof his hospitablefriendsand their people,for whom I had acquiredthe greatestregard throughmy friend Kadu.All my time in Aganawas spent in the instructiveand hearty intercourse with the obligingDon Luisde Torresfrom whosemouthI got all the informationI wrotedown".Incommenting on his languagestudy, Chamissoreportedthat, "Don Luis stated that in the Marianaand Ulea 18

On February 20, 1834, Don Luis requested age.Don Luis, retirement on accountof hisadvanced still alivein 1839,wasthe fatherof Luisde TorresJr. and Ritade Torres.

languagesthere is no declension.We must observe, that the words of the Marianalanguage,which we communicatefor comparison,are not taken from the Vocabulariode la LenguaMariana,but written from our own orthography, from the pronunciationof Don Luis". Freycinet,who visited Guam in 1818, reportedthat Don Luis, "informs us also,that in all the villagesof this archipelago,there.areschoolsof navigation,under the direction of the most skillful pilots; and that no Carolinianis allowed to marry, until he has givenproof of his dexterity in steeringa proa. For this examination,a time is chosenwhen the sea is rather high, the candidateis placedat the sheet and there surroundedby reefs,and in the midst of foaming waves,he must make his proa sail a certain distancewithout allowing its balancerto touch the waves. I could not have believedthat they possessed suchskill, if I had not sailedin their vessels". Jacques Arago, the artist of the Freycinet expedition,who painteda portrait of Don Luis' grandparents,and who generallywrote in a most sarcastic way, commentedthat, "Major Don Luis de Torres, the only nativewith whom you can ventureto havea little conversation,has told me more than once, that a woman was the only causeof the disordersthat had for some time afflicted the colony; and that but for her the Governorwould have been known here only as a benefactor".(lt is assumedhe referredto Governor Don Joseph Medinilla y Pineda,Captain General of the Marianasor Ladrones)."Don Luis de Torres, the Mayor of Agana, has assuredus that the nativesof all the Carolinesbelievein a deluge, and in one God in threepersons- the father.the son and the grandson".

LuisDe Torres,ll Don Luis de Torres,Jr., your great,great,great grandfather, the lslandAdministrator,togetherwith Don SilvestrePalomo and his his brother-in-law R ita a new grant to the Orote obtained sister Peninsula in 1855 and repairedthe walls built by their father Don Luis de Torres, Sr., to protect their cattle, horsesand swine. However,another Governor,accordingto FatherPalomo,dispossessed them of the peninsula,givingas a reasonfor his decisionthe excusethat agriculturewas preferredto of animals. the breeding Rita de Torres,his sisterand your great,great, great aunt, married Sgt. Major of the Garrison, SilvestreInoncencioPalomo y Rodriguez,whose Spanishfather was born in Mexico.They had two children,Rita Palomoy Torres,and JoseBernardo Palomoy Torres,born October19, 1836,and was baptized on October 23, 1836 by Padre Ciriaco de EspirituSanto, curator of the church of Agat. PadrePalomo His early life was spentunderthe tutorshipof FatherPedroLeon del Carmen.At an earlyagehe perfectedEnglish,Spanishand French.In 1856the tragicsmallpoxepidemictook the life of hisparents, and the populationof Guamwas reducedfrom over 9,000 to 4,000.Thisepidemicso profoundlyaffected young Jose Palomothat he decidedto enter the priesthood. He completedpractically all of hishigher studiesin Guam under Father Pedro and Father Aniceto Ybanezand then went to Cebuto study at the SanCarlosSeminary for oneyear.Hewasordained a priestby the Bishopof Cebuon December 11th, 1859, who five days afterwardnominatedhim as assistant(Co adjustor)of the Priestof Agana. He sailedfor Manilawhich he reachedon January1, 17,1860. 1860,andreturnedto AganaSeptember In 1865, he was namedparsonof Saipan,a positionhe held for two yearsbecoming againAssistant at Agana.ln 1883they gavehim the title, Priest to the of Saipan,and in 1887 he was transferred parishof Tinian until 1891,when he returnedto Agana.In 1893 he was appointedParsonof Agat, six months thereafterwas transferredto the incumbencyof Rota, and in 1895 returnedto his wasat the turn of the century,when the United StatesoccupiedGuam and the local peoplewere apprehensive about their future, that PadrePalomo'sleadership to helpedimmeasurably bridgethe gap betweenAmericans and Guamanians

Dumont D'Urville,who visitedGuam in 1928as Commander of the "Astrolobe", reported that Major Don Luis de Torres, received them most cordially. Don Luis owned the Orote Peninsula,and built the wall of masonry acrossits neck at Apra. Father Jose Palomo, his grandson,in a letter to Safford in 1900, wrote that "the Sargente Major (Don Luis) had built the stonewall acrossthe neck of the peninsulato servenot only as a boundary of the property, but as an enclosurefor his animals". He further wrote that "a disreputableGovernor seized the land becausemy grandfatherhavingthe pride of his family, did not yield to the whims of the despot". Don Luis was mentioned in a May 2, 1828 report describingthe territorial military force which "consistedof 160 men divided into threecompanies. Don Luis de Torres, SargenteMajor: 3 captains (12 pesosa month), 3 lieutenants(10 pesosa month), 3 ensigns(8 pesosa month), 9 sergeants(6 pesosa month), 3 corporals,and the rest privates.Neither officers nor soldiersever touch their pay, which goes for objects brought from Manila and sold by the Governorat his own price".'


Guerrero(1844-1919), the daughterof RitaT. Palomo, and the mother of Maria(Mrs.PedroMartinez).Juan, a judge, auditor of the Treasury,and also a member of the GovernmentJunta in 1898, married Juliana Perez. Jose married Rita Cruz whose son Antonio married your greataunt Pepa(JosepaCalvoTorres). Felix married GuadalupeMartinez, the parents of Regina,who marriedTomasA. Calvo.Josepa,another daughter,did not marry; and lived with Pedro de Torres Rodriguez(born 1845) and his wife Josefa Perez Rodriguez (born 18621 in 1897. Rufina, another daughter, who married your great uncle Antonio Calvo,the father of Mrs.PilarVelarde,your Aunt Lina's mother; and Vicente, their son, who marriedyour greataunt Bacha(TomasaCalvoTorres) who raisedEdwardT. Calvo.RitamarriedJuan Aguon. Manuel married Barbara. Josepa married Juan Millinchamp,the son of Henry Millinchamp(18421938),whosefather RichardMillinchamp,an Englishman, had arrivedin Guam on August31, 1851.

and sealedand cementedthat friendship.He was a memberof the GovernmentJunta in 1898. lt should be emphasizedthat Padre Jose Palomo y Torres was not only a Roman Catholic priest, but also a friend of Catholicand Protestantalike. He was loved and respectedby all, no matter what their religious beliefsmight be. He assisted in preparationof various booksabout Chamorrolanguageand historv of Guam. He was a man of great piety, splendid moral reputation, and of saintly habit and the only priest who remained in Guam after the departureof . the Spanish Augustinians in 1899. He was made a Monsignorin 1909 and given various honors. Padre Palomo died in Guam in July 1919 at the ageof 82 and is buried in the family cemetery,Anigua. In describinghis mother Rita, PadreJose,in a letter to Safford, describesher as a "lady of piety, educationand kindnessof heart. She was a woman superiorto many Spanishladies,who rearedme with an iron rod in one hand and a cake in the other. Every morning at four o'clock she awoke and took me to church, and before goingto bed shetaught me to say the rosaryor some novenaand night prayers. She never repeated a request, for she expected obedienceat once and allowed me to go to but certain housesand to associatewith but few relatives. She receivedthe holy communion not seldom and was so charitablethat the peoplewere readyto fulfill her desiresas though it werethe order of the church. She knew Spanish,English and some French, was able to figure and make mental calculations,She understoodthe sea,tides and she was skilled in all householdtasks and she wove aggagfrom coconut leaves".Concerninghis father, Father Palomorelates that, "He was returningfrom his third trip to Manila on the Schooneror Brigatine E. L. Frost, arriving March 17, 1856, with smallpoxon board.When my father came home and felt the f irst symptomsof the disease,he called the priest to be shrived and he preparedfor the other world, and askedthat he might be isolated.He was taken to a ranch in a secluded valley on the right of the road to Sinajana,his son Jose being preventedfrom following him by order of the Governor". Don Luis de Torres,Jr., was the father of Jose, your great, great grandfather,the first cousin of FatherPalomo.

DonJoser. r":::,;",1;::,

FranciscoDiaz De Torres Don Francisco Diaz de Torres, your great grandfather,married JoaquinaCrisostomoMartinez. They had six children - Jose (your grandfather), Juan who marriedConcepcionCruz,Ritawho married Manuel Sablan, Gregorio who married Lagrimas Flores and later JosephaRoberto, Concepcionwho married J. K. Shimizu and Franciscowho did not marry. Don Francisco,was the only man practicing medicine in Guam during the time interveningbetween the removal of the Spanish Garrison and the arrival of the AmericanGovernorand Naval Medical Administration.In 1938 GovernorJamesT. Alexander named the Barrigada-Dededo Road "Dr. Francisco Torres Road". JoseMartinez Torres


was a sub lieutenant,honoredfor his part in downing the Philippine Insurrection in 18b1. He married VicentaDiaz. They had eight children- Francisco(your great grandfather),Luis,Juan,Jose,Felix,Josepa,Rita and Manuel.Luis,a judgeand memberof the Government Junta in 1898, marriedConsolacionCrisostomo,who died childless,and after her death Ana palomo Leon


Don JoseMartinezTorres,your grandfather,was born in Agana on October 20, 1882. He receivedhis early education from his father, graduatedf rom San Juan de Latran College in Agana during the Spanish regime,and later attendedthe local public school. His English instructor was Lt. W. E. Safford. With the assistanceof his father, he attained a proficiencyin Spanish.He wasan accomplished composer and pianist. His father died in 1902 when, Jose was 20, at which time, deprivedof financialbackingat home, it was necessaryfor him to hustle for employment. His first job was as a foremanon road construction; later he worked in the shoo of a silversmith.Meariwhile he formed plansto get into business for himself at the first opportunity. He rented a canoe and traveledto the variousvillagesaround the island,in

searchof whateverhe could buy or sell.Soon he had established a smallbusiness in rosaries, churcharticles and varioustrinkets,manyof which he made,voyaging from time to time to Saipanand other islandsin the Marianas.When his abilitiesas a salesmanhad netted him some 500 pesos,he establishedthe Union Trading Company the first all-native corporation ever formed in Guam. After two prosperousyears, he sold his holdings and with his wife, establisheda retail businessin the district of San Nicolas,Agana, which later resulted in a chain of thriving stores. Through hard work and a keen insightof the people's needs,his local business budded,and by 1912,he was doing a full-scaleimport-exporttrade, with agentsin Manila,China,Japanand the United States. In his endlessbusinessendeavors,Mr. Torres built a soap and candle factory, and made marked improvementsin an infant copra industry by constructingGuam'sfirst copradrying plant He held hisfirst publicoffice in 1917as Congressman, representing the San NicolasDistrict. At the outbreakof the war with Japan,he was among the group of key merchandisedistributors who were summonedfor a reorganization of storesto distributeJapanesegoodson a ration basis.His three succeedingyears representedmuch work and little reward. He always held as his main interestthe general prosperity of the island and the Chamorro people, and was one of the pioneersof the copra export trade. He establishedthe first modern copra dryer, which resultedin greatlyincreased productionof that important item of incometo prewar islandresidents. He was recognizedby his contemporariesas a capable leader and executive. He was elected a member of the First Guam Congress. He also served as an AssociateJustice of the Court of Appeals in 1934-35 and 1948-49: member of the Guam Fair ExecutiveCommittee;memberof the Annual Budget Board of the Naval Government of Guam; and member of the Board of ManagersBank of Guam 1935-36. Don JosemarriedMariaPerezCalvo(Nana,your grandmother). They had six children: Francisco, Concepcion,Jose, Felix, Pilar,who died in the 1918 influenza epidemic, and Mariquita (your mother) who married Paul BernhardtSouder,your dad. Don Jose(Tata)died in 1950.

pedition in 1818, mentionsPadreCiriaco,indicating he probably arrived in Guam sometimeafter 1800. Don Ciriaco was an energeticman, interestedin the island'swelfare,and Safford in 1900 reportedthat, "in the villageof Agat, in consequence of the zealand industry of the Parishpriest,PadreCiriaco,there has been a great increasein the plantations of rice. PadreCiriacoand.GovernorVillaloboswere intimate friends.Ciriacowasa very thrifty man". His housekeeper(Ama de Llaves) was Juana Crisostomo_ or as the islanderscalled her "Juanan Chano". Although unmarried,the following children were born to the: Juana, who married Vicente de Leon Guerrero (Padrq Ciriaco built a fine masonry house, Number 4 San Ramon for her); Rosa who married Jose Martinez, your great, great grandfather (Padre Ciriaco built her a house opposite that of Don Justo dela Cruz); Ana who married Francisco Suarez, a Spaniard and a sergeantof artillery, had a house built for her in front of the church; Lecadio who married Ana dela Cruz, the sisterof Don Justo dela Cruz, had his house built at Number 3 San Ramon; Vicente who had a daughter Maria who married Jose dela Cruz, had his house built on the edge of the marsh;and "Bada" who did not marry but who had a daughterConsolacion who becamethe first wife of Luis de Torres (the brother of your

Ciriaco De Espiritu Santo Don Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo, a Filipino dioceseanpriest,your great,great,greatgrandfather,was a Tagalogby birth, "not handsome,and skin quite dark", accordingto what Don Jose Herrero reported to Safford in 1900. He was presumedto havecome from Cebu in the Philippines. Jacques Arago, artist with the Freycinet ex-

d, itl ?i


& Jose M. Torres (Circa 1930)


Joaquina (your great grandmother) who married Franciscode Torres(your greatgrandfather).

great grandfatherFranciscoTorres). Her house was built at Number2 San Ramon. Not far from the villageof Sinajana,in a low place to the right of the road from Aganawere the ruins of a masonry house.The stone stepswere in place, although one end had fallen, and a banyan tree spreadits snake-likeroots over it. This was the country houseof PadreCiriaco,wherehe often went and recreatedwith GovernorVillalobos.Ciriacowas devoted to his childrenfor all of whom he provided well, building for each a good masonryhousewith a tile roof". He was much liked and respected by all the Governorsaccordingto Don Jose Herreroin conversationswith Safford. Padre Ciriaco baptized Father Jose Palomo y Torres on October 23, 1836, as the curate of Agat. He died January21, 1849,the Priestof Rota,who on account of his advancedage and feeble health, had been permitted by the Government to reside in Agana.

John Anderson John Anderson, your great, great, great grandfather, a Scot, came to Guam on March 17, 1819 on the French Corvette "Uranie", Louis de Freycinet commanding. He had served temporarily on the "Uranie" as Chief Ouartermaster, and wasallowedto remainin Guam at hisown request.Dumont D'Urville, in commandof the "Astrolobe" visitedGuam in May 1828, and describeshim "as a fine lookingman,well behaved,and speakingFrench pretty well." "Anderson knew Ouoy and Gaunard,havingbeenshipmates with them on the "Uranie". As Captainof the Port, he came to investigate the sicknesson board, fearing that some contagiousdiseasemight be introduced into the island.He gaveD'Urville informationregarding the hydrography of the region." He married Josefa Cruz, and they had the following children: Josefawho marriedJoseTudela,Maria who married Andres de Castro,Doloreswho married Felix Calvo, Jose who married Ramona Ouitugua, Juan who marriedMaria de Castro,and Rosawho marriedFelix Roberto (the son of John Roberto and Maria Montu fat. ) In 1848, Governor Don Pablo Perezforwarded a petition of John Andersonaskingthat he be paid a salaryfor his servicesas interpreterand translatorof English and French when the governmentrequired suchservice.Andersonwas Aide to the Captainof the Port, with the approvalof the SuperiorGovernment and the CommandantGeneralof the Navy datedJuly 20, 1831, as attested by orderscertified by Governor Villalobos.He acted as pilot for bringingshipsinto and out of the harbor,and receiveda fee of 10 pesos per year from the Navy fund. "He was attentiveto his duties, and his conduct was good, except when there was a reunion of his fellow countrymen,Captains of ships arriving at this port-on which occasions,like a good Englishman, he got drunk; but apart from this there was nothing to be said againsthim. He had no permit of naturalization." An extract from the log of the "Emily Morgan" Captain Ewer comof New Bedford, Massachusetts, manding (1849-1854) gives a most interestingaccount in Caotain Anderson'sown words of an attempt to take over the island severalvears before. "The Captain and a few more Englishresidentsconof the trived a plan to make themselvespossessors island. They secretly worked, step by step, at the. same time insinuating themselvesinto the good gracesof the Governor. Their plans worked to a charm, and when they were fully matured, they quietly took possession of the Palace,the Governor it, havingbeen made,as CaptainAndersonexpressed "as drunk as a boiled owl." As they now had posses-

lgnacioMartinez Don lgnacio Martinez, your great, great, great grandfather,was a lieutenantof artillery and deputy of the Governorin 1817,accordingto Kotzebuewho met him upon his arri valin 1821. He had a son,Jose. According to Arago, Don lgnacio was banishedto Rota (1818) and was the "second person in the settlement(Rota), but who appearedhere to act the principal part was the Captain Martinez,whom the Governorof the Marianaslslandshad banished,and greaterinformation I soondiscoveredthat he possessed put together, their than all the officers in Guam he might have at first that Chief included.I thought been sacrificedto wounded vanity; but I was afterwards convincedthat Signor Medinillahad punished too severelya fault so slight as that of which hewas accused(for stealingthe powder was a calumny) he had acted with prudencein banishingfrom Guam a citizen who availedhimself of the advantages he had received from nature and education only to seduce young wives and to sew enmity and dissensionin families". JoseMartinez Don Jose Martinez, your great, great grandfather, nlarried Rosa Crisostomo, the daughter of Juana Crisostomo and Don Ciriaco de Espiritu Santo. ln 1851 he was a lieutenant,and after the Filipino Insurrection,requestedpermissionto escort imprisonedconvictsto Manila. Don Jose and Dona Rosa had five children: Juan who married Rosa Pangelinan(the mother of Pedro Martinez),Guadalupewho was the first wife of Felix de Torres,Maria who marriedPedroAda of Saipan, Emiliana who married Joaquin Perez,and


sion of all the arms and ammunition,it was an easy matter to subduethe natives,which they did in short order, without loss of life on either side, covering with glory. As a matter of course,the new themselves lords and mastersmust have a gloriousjollification over the affair, and at the same time agree on a governor. This latter, however, proved no easy task, asall wereequallyanxiousto "servetheir country" in being the chief dignitary of the island.After consulting and debatingsome hours,and finding they were no nearer a decision than at first, they decided to have a spree,and whoever should remain sober the longest,and seethe othersall laid out, shouldbe the honorable governor. Accordingly at it they went, bottle after bottle disappeared,one by one they voluntarily relinquishedtheir seatsand quietly rolled under the table. After a short time no one remained in his seat but Captain Anderson,and he, feeling elated at his success,drank a few bumpersto Captain Anderson,the future Governorof the distinguished lslandof Guam. But, as he said,"he was born under an unlucky star." So it proved, as the bumpershe drank to his own good health keeledhim over,and he took his place among his comrades.The Spaniards, who had been watching these proceedingswith no small degree of interest, seeinghow matters stood, and the would-be Governorsgloriouslydrunk, very adroitly bound them hand and foot. The dethroned governorwas, of course,immediately reinstated,and the next day these noble spirits were arraignedfor trial. Being convictedof treason,they were sentenced to be placed on a raft, taken out to sea,and then cast loose, leavingthem at the mercy of the winds and waves.This was accordinglydone, and after drifting about severaldays, they were safely landed on the islandof Tinian. Here they residedsometime, finally expresing their sorrow for what they had done, the governor pardoned them, and permitted them to make Guam their future residence, on swearingallegianceto the governmentand promisingto be true and loyal citizens."

MariaPerezCalvo(Born7886) Government,and conducted it for five months. On September8, 1848, Don Pablo PerezrelievedDon Felix Calvo as Governor. He wrote the Captain Generalthat he was well satisfiedwith the bearing, zeal and integrity of the ProvisionalGovernor,Don Felix Calvo. After his term as Acting Governor,he continued servingas Administrator of the Treasury, until his death in 1866. Don Felix and Dona Maria had the following children: Jacinto who was a LieutenantColonel of the Spanish Infantry who died in Manila in 1892, Vicente who was Captain of the Port, Gregorio, Ana Calvo de Johnsonwho marriedCaptainJohnson an Englishman(his ship carriedcargobetweenManila and the Marianas),Felisa Calvo de Murillo who married the Subtreasurerin Guam, CarmenCalvo de Marshwho marriedan AmericanCaptainof a whaling vessel (the couple settled in Alameda, California), Pepita (Josefa) who lived with her sister Carmen, and Felix Calvo y Olivares,the youngestson, and your great,greatgrandfather.

Felix Calvo Don Felix Calvo y Noriega,your great, great, great grandfathercame from Castilla La Vieja in Spain. He married Dona Maria Olivares,s Spanish senorita,who lived in Manila. He was decoratedfor distinguishedserviceduring the uprisingin Manila in 1823. He was a Cavalierof the Order of the Grand Crossof San Hermegildo.After many yearsof distinguishedservicein the Philippineshe cameto Guam in 1837 as Minister of the Royal Treasuryof the Marianas. Don Gregorio de Santa Maria, inaugurated Governor of Guam on October 1, 1843, was striken with apoplexy April 4, 1848, and three days afterward, Don Felix Calvo, Administrator,or Treasurer and Paymaster of the lslands, took charge of the

Felix Calvo y Olivares Don Felix Calvo y Olivares,your great, great grandfather, a merchant by profession, married Dolores Anderson,the daughterof John Anderson.


They had three children: Jacinto, Jesusand Felix ( | | l). The latter wasyour greatgrandfather.

Felix Calvoy Anderson Don Felix Calvo y Anderson was your great grandfather.On October 28, 1872, he married Dona Juana Perezy dela Cruz, the daughterof Jose Perez and Maria Cruz. They had elevenchildren: Antonio, Gregorio, Leon, Ramon, Felix, Vicente, Tomasa (Mrs. Vicente Torres), Maria (Mrs. Jose M. Torres, your grandmother),Rita (Mrs. Vicente Martinez), Josefa{Mrs. Antonio Torres),and Ana (Mrs.Vicente Aflague).Don Felix was servingas Mayor of Rota at the turn of the century. Paul and Mariquita (Torres) Souder with their daughters Deborah (left) and Laura (right).

Maria Calvo Torresy Perez Dona Maria Calvo Torres y Perez,your grandmother was born on Guam. The eighth of eleven children, she married Jose M. Torres. Nana, as she was affectionately called by her children, grandchildren,was an energeticsupport to her husbandin all his endeavors, she managedher householdwell. She raisedher grandaughter Geri, Felix'sdaughter, with your mother Mariquita'sassistance after Geri's mother'sdeath during the Japanese invasionin 1941. She lived with Geri in the Perez house in Agana Heights, purchased by your grandfather prior to his death. Nana was a good disciplinarianof her grandchildren,all of whom loved her dearly. She and your dad got along particularly well. Although your dad doesn'tspeakChamorro,and Nana didn't speak English, they found it easy to communicate, sometimes to the amazementof other membersof the family.

porary home was built on the site of a prewarwarehouse in Agana,adjacentto the Skinner Plazaarea and Marine Drive. Tita operated the Triangle, a generalmerchandisestore at the site of their temporary home in Agana.She married your father, a lieutenantcommanderin the U.S. Navy, on June 19, 1948. They had five children: Mary, stillborn May 15, 1949; Laura on August 15, 1950; Deborahon November 16, 1951; a miscarriagein June 1955; and Paul Jr. on November 7, 1958. The children attended Catholic schools in Guam, and residedin Casade Souder on CuestaSan Ramon during their childhood. Tita has been responsiblefor the Agana Cathedralaltar flowers and decorationsthroughout her married life. She servesas an active memberof the ChristianMothers,charitiesappealdrives,Eighth of December activities, Guam Memorial Hospital volunteers,Guam Women'sClub, and Guam Beauty Pageant.She has a distinct flair for flower arranging and has assistedin many facetsof life in Guam in this capacity.She is fondly calledTita, M,T., and Mama Tita by family and friends.

Mariquita TorresSouder Mariquita ("Tita") Calvo Torres, your mother, was born on September4, 1913 in Agana,Guam, the daughterof JoseMartinezTorresand MariaPerez Calvo.She grew up in Agana in the Spanishtradition and was very active in the Sodalityand other churchrelated activities.She was educatedby tutors and attendedprivate schools,the CollinsSchool and the Guam Institute. As the daughterof a leadingmerchant and judge, she was active socially and frequently assistedher mother and father as a hostess. During the Japanese occupationin World War ll, she secretedand cared for the statue of Our Lady of Camarin,first in Aganaand laterat the Torresfamily ranch at Pado in Toto. The reoccupationof Guam by Americanforcestotally destroyedthe family properties in Agana and throughoutthe island,and a tem-


USSGoldStar: Flagship

of the GuamNavy

She was elderly, plain, slow, broad in the beam, straight-lined from stem to stern with not a trace of graceful sheer. During the period between World Wars, she became a familiar figure in ports of the Far East, spending 17 years making regular runs to Japan, China, and the Philippines,picking up supplies for the island of Guam. She brought coal for Guam's power plant, rice for the natives,merchandisefor the shopkeepers. In short, she brought all manner of goods and servicesdeemed necessaryto sustain the economy and raise the standard of living on our distant island possessionin the Marianas. During those years of humdrum housekeeping chores, the ship came to be regarded as a mother to the half-forgotten island which lay sleeping far off trans-Pacific shipping lanes. A freighter with raised forecastle, bridge, and poop, she was built for the Shipping Board by the Bethlehem Shipbuilding Corporation of Wilmington,

By CaptainJ. U. Lademan, Jr., U.S.Navy(Retiredl

EDITOR'S NOTE: This article first appeared in the United States Naval Institute Proceedingsfor December, 1973. The author has a manuscript entitled: GOLD STAR AND GUAM: WAR IN THE WESTERN PACIFIC, 1941-1942, a copy of which is in the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace located at Stanford University and the Micronesian Area Research Center in Guam. The Guam portion of the original article is reprinted here with the permission of the United States Naval Institute and the author.


Delaware. Her length was 392 feet, beam 52 feet, loaded draft 24 feet, and standard displacement 4,500 tons. Steam at 2O0 pounds pressure from three oil-burning Scotch boilers fed a 2,000-h.p. reciprocating engine which rotated a l?-foot propeller to move her along at a sqail-like cruising speed of about 9 knots. Except for a pair of 4-inch guns mounted on fore-castle and poop, she looked exactly like hundreds of other common cargo carriers plodding the SevenSeasas line and tramp freighters. The Navy took her over on 8 November 1921, gave her the designation of "miscellaneousauxiliary" (AG-12), and christened her the USS Gold Star. On 3 November 1924, the GoId ,S/ar was assigned .as the Naval Station's supply ship. Though

listed as a "station" ship, she was almost constantly on the move. She went up to Japan so often to fetch coal for the ancient power plant that she was called Goldie Maru. She carried the mail and passengers between Manila and Guam. She hauled in polished rice, which as time went on, replaced the brown rice that the natives formerly raised.Everything for a new way of life-building materials,bulldozers, tractots, buses,taxis, shoes,stockings,dtesses,canned goods, Coca-cola, radios,juke boxes, chickens,pigs, cows, and an occasionalBrahma bull to perk up the Guam strain-came in the Goldie Maru. The Cavite Navy Yard at Manila, where wood was always plentiful and steel in short supply, did its best to improve the bulk-cargo carrier for the countless tasks demanded by the Guam assignment.Ex-

' ;.-. ,.

IJSSGold Star in 1924 Photo by De7artment of the NavY

dock at the Cavite Navy Yard undergoing routine overhaul and upkeep.

tensive makeshift alterations, accomplished for the most part by skilled Filipino carpenters, brought about a transformation in the nondescript freighter. Tiny mahogany-paneled staterooms on port and starboard sides of the midship section-each with an awkward ventilator sticking up six feet through the deck above like a row of fence posts - provided accommodationsfor first classpassengers.

I served directly under Captain George G. McMillin, Governor-Commandant of Guam. When the Gold Star was at Guam, I becamesecondin command of the island. The Governor made out the ship's schedulesand issued her sailing orders. But when she was cruising in the westem Pacific or operating in the Philippines, the Gold Star came under the operational control of Admiral Thomas G. Hart, Commander-in-Chief Asiatic Fleet and Asiatic Station. He approved the ship's schedulesand kept track of her movements. As I took command, clouds of war were gathering and the Health Cruiseswere a thing of the past. There were no more trips to Japan. The Governor had requested the Navy Department to evacuateGuam's dependents. Upon completion of her overhaul, the ship was scheduled to shuttle between Manila and Guam freighting in cement and construction material for a basebeing built at Apra Harbor.

Forward on the port side of the upper deck were the captain's quarters. The glassed-in parlor, bedroom, and bath had a Victorian elegance.Framed in the wooden bulkheads of the parlor were eleven double-hung windows, five facing forward and six along the side. A large overhead fan, about five feet in diameter, stirred the air in living room and bedroom. In his cabin, the captain walked on colorful Chineserugs, reclined on rattan chairs with flowered cushions, stowed his gear in mahogany bureaus, and slept in a big brass bed, generally alone. Some skippen, according to reliable sources,carried their wives along during a tour of duty in the Gold Star. An identical setup on the starboard side was reserved for the Governor-Commandant of Guam who occasionally took his family on a cruise to escape the heat and monotony.

The overage, l0-knot ship would have to steam alone, as Admiral Hart couldn't spare an escort from his thinly spread forces. Her four 4-inch guns had been removed years before. She now carried two .50caliber machine guns mounted on the flying bridge. She had a few low-security ciphers for handling restricted and confidential messages.Secret and Top Secret codesusedby the Fleet were not allowed-too much risk of being captured on board an unarmed vesseloperating independently. An entry in my diary for l8 July (the day I took command) reflects my concern:

Somehow, the Yard managed to squeezea sick bay and a dozen second classcabins into the fantail. Perched on the poop deck was a little wooden shack complete with revolving chair, mirrors, and a wide assortment of warm weather toiletries-all the conveniences of an up-todate barber shop for passengersin transit. With those improvements the ship beganmaking "Health Cruises" - combined recreation/cargoruns. Each year, loaded with naval station dependents,she set sail on a morale-building jaunt around the loopYokohama, Kobe, Shanghai,Hong Kong, and Manila. She was a sight to behold as she barged into ports, her clotheslines flapping with panties and bras, rompers and diapers.

"No guns for the Gold Star. I gather she isn't consideredworth defending. It would be silly to say that it doesn't worry me. If war is declared and we encounter any lapaneseship with a gun, what do I do? Can't surrender.It would be my job to resistwith all availableforce-two .50 cal. machineguns-a nice spot that would be. . ' -"

The Gold Star, originally designed along the lines of an ocean tramp, moved up to a more genteel status in the society of ships. With almost yacht-like paneled interiors and accommodations for 50 passengers she became a quasi-QueenMary to the Islanders, their opulent, if only, link with the outside world.

Yet, although this glamorizedrice and coal barge contributed nothing to the combat capability of the Fleet, she was well manned. Every officer on board, including the paymastet, was a graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy.


Many years before, some sort of a ruckus had taken place at Guam. Several "mustang" officers from the Gold Star were alleged to have causedthe disturbance. Thereafter, the Bureau established a policy of ordering only Naval Academy officers to the ship. Thus, in the summer of 1941, the Goldie

On 16 luly 1941, after a year at Pearl Harbor as navigator of the battleship Colorado, I reported to the "Goldie Maru" at Manila with orders to relieve her commanding officer. The ship lay alongside a


Carolines,Marshalls,and Gilberts)stretchingapproximately 2,500 miles acrossthe southwestportion of the north Pacific, were allocatedto Japanunder a Leagueof Nations' mandate.Guam,the largestland masswestof Hawaiiwith strategicvalueasa steppingstone to the Philippines,lay closeto the middle of the widespread network.

Maru steamedon cargo runs fully manned by regular officers while the battleship Colorado (BB-45), having transferred a goodly number of experienced officers to new ships under construction, operated out of PearlHarborwith 40% ofher officersreservists. It was much the samewith my crew-not a first enlistment on board. About 15% were Chamorros serving in the seaman, engineer, quartermaster, and stewardbranches-proud of their billets-making the Navy a career. The petty officers were old-timers, some of them plank owners on their third and fourth hitches.

In the early 1930s,Japan,in violationof treaty agreements, beganbuilding air fields and military installationsat strategicpointsin the MandatedIslands. By 1941, although Japanhad createda defensive barrier cutting acrossour line of communications between Hawaiiand the Philippines,the islandof Guam, defenselessand beyond the reach of supporting forces,still stood its ground* caughtlike a fat fly in the centerof a vastfortified insularspiderweb.

GOLDIE MOORS IN GUAM On 2l August, upon completion of the overhaul, we sailed for Guam with 2,000 tons of coal from the Cavite Navy Yard's dwindling stock-pile. Goldie also carried cement, rice, and the usual assortmentof merchandise for the merchants of Agana. In San Bernardino Strait we took a newly constructed water barge in tow. A week later, having averagedabout 7 knots, the flagship of the Guam Navy moored to a buoy in Apra Harbor. Submerged coral heads that clogged most of Apra Harbor surrounded the small mooring area. There were no docks for deep-draft ships. Little steam launches(formerly officers' liberty boats in the days of coal-burning battleships) towed miniature lighters from the ship up through a Lilliputian channel to a wharf at the village of Piti where a cluster of tin-roofed shedsmasqueradedas a Navy Yard. It took l2 days of round-the-clock work to unload the ship. As I rnade the entry, "Apra Harbor still sleepstranquilly in its Spanish-American War state of development," in my diary, I recalled some history. On 20 June 1898, the cruiser USS Charleston (C-2\, had steamedinto Apra Harbor and had opened fire on Fort Santa Cruz. The Fort remained silent. When the Port Commander, who didn't know that there was a war on, made his boarding call he said they thought the Charleston had fired a salute which couldn't be returned because the Fort was out of ammunition. The next day the Govemor of the island surrendered and the garrison of 120 Spanish Marines becameprisoners of war. After the war, Spain ceded Guam to the United States. The Navy Department, which had been assigned responsibility for the civil administration of the island, continued in that capacity for the next 40-odd years.

In additionto the Gold Star,Navy shipsassigned to Guam were the Penguin(AM-33), a Bird-class mounting a 3-inch, .50-calibergun mine-sweeper (the only weaponlarger than a machinegun on the island,)and an underpowered fuelbargenamedR. L. Barnes.If an attack in force were launchedagainst Guam, the Gold Star wassupposedto be sunkat the entranceto Apra Harbor. The MarineDetachmentstationedon the island, primarilyto maintainlaw and order,consisted of 146 men with small arms*26 more than the Soaniards hadin 1898. The PanAmericanOceanAir Base,which began operatingin 1935,wasthe only 20th centuryinstallation at Apra Harbor.It had a landingchannelfor the Clippers,a landingramp, and a white framebuilding passengers to accommodate ovemight. At Wake Island, the "Contractors, Air Bases Pacific" were dredgingthe lagoonand buildingan air strip. Elementsof the Fleet MarineForce were putting in defenses.The "Orange Plan" for war with Japancontemplatedthat the Fleetbasedat PearlHarbor would support Wake if the island cameunder sustainedattack. However,therewasno provisionfor renderingsupportto Guam which lay 1,200milesto the southwest. Our War Plan concededGuam to Japan. Nevertheless, Apra Harbor hummedwith activi ty. Bulldozers,dredges,constructionmaterial, and civilian workers had recently been sent out from the States.Assistedby natives,they were building a causewayleading out to a deep water dock site. Coral heads were being blastedand dredgedto enlargethe anchoragearea.New roads,quarters,and recreational facilities were being built. Construction of a breakwaterwasin the planningstage.Therewere no plans,however,for putting in defense.

Following World War I at the PeaceConference in 1919, a chain of islands and islets (Marianas.


On l0 September we sailed to fetch another load. A news broadcast reported that President Franklin D. Roosevelthad announcedthat it was now a "shooting war for the Navy." The transport Henderson (AP-l), en route to Manila escorted by a cruiser assigned from the Fleet at Pearl Harbor, steamed several hundred miles ahead. The diary noted: "Steaming darkened. Both AA machine guns manned during daylight. Fired 40 men over the rifle range, 36 qualified. While Henderson and Army transports including President liners steam through these waters with a cruiser escort, old Gold Star with no protection makes it alone."

and sink like a rock. There would be no time for launching boats. At Manila we doubled the number of life rafts being carried. Because fluids were more important than food for men adrift in tropical waters, we added canned fruit juices-enough to stock a supermarketto abandonship rations stowed in life rafts and boats. Lengths of line fitted with five-gallon tins, half full of fresh water-to act as floats-were coiled down on deck from bow to stern. If the ship sank suddenly, some would drift clear to serve as lifelines and provide a floating reserve of fresh water. We bought a skeet set and practiced shooting clay pigeons,to improve combat readiness On our six crossings while hauling cargo into Guam the only ships sighted were Japanese,usually on a north-south coursebetweentheir homelandand the western Carolines. With airfields and bases in Japanese-heldislands circling all but the southwest quadrant, the JapaneseFleet could control the Philippine Sea. We sailed in an ocean belongingto Japan. On 29 September the Gold Star returned to Apra Harbor with the secondload.

GOLDIE SUPPLIESGUAM THROUGHOUT THE WAR If a hostile man-of-war made contact with the Goldie Maru it would be like shooting fish in a barrel. She could neither run nor fight. A hit in one of the old Scotch boilers could causethe ship to iack-knife

USSGold Starin 1941


tally deranged woman for hospitalization in Manila. Two Guamanian nurses attended her during the voyage. The nurses, returning to the Guam Naval Hospital, were on board as passengers. We loaded 1,000 tons of rice and sailed for Malangas on 27 November. We stopped en route at Cebu to load 1,000 tons of cement. On 2 December,we entered a tiny cove,dotted with shoalsand scarcelyhalf a mile wide, and moored to a T-shapedpier at the village of Malangas.Bow and stern lines were made fast to palm trees on the beach. A mine, located several miles inland, produced an inferior grade of volatile bituminous coal. Rickety trucks, salvagedfrom some scrappile, hauled the coal from the mine to the pier where it was shoveledonto a conveyor belt leading out to the end of the dock and kicked up a cloud of dust as it tumbled down into the ship. We rigged thermometen in the holds' Lieutenant W.B. (Bill) Epps, the first lieutenant, looked worried during our stay at Malangas. Rust bloomed all over the pitted decks. Large patches on the ship's side had to be chipped and painted in port. Each day, a layer of fine black dust settled on the decks and sifted into compartments below. We faced "Annual Inspection" at Guam, a scrutiny from truck to keel with cleanliness and smartness the criterion. Epps fought a losing battle. By noon on 7 December, (6 December,Pearl Harbor date) the last of 1,800 tons was coming on board. As we prepared to get underway for Guam, we receiveda dispatch from Admiral Hart.

When tt'e Gold Star stearned into Apra Harbor with the third.load on the evening of 7 November a row of piles erected at the end of the causewayoutlined the partially completed dock. Saturday, 8 November, was a day of celebration at Guam. The Station band, made up of 18 Guamanians, provided music for the occasion while local dignitaries assembledon the newly constructed mole proudly watched the Gold S/ar become the first seagoing ship ever to go alonside a dock at Apra Harbor. Fuel oil could now be pumped directly into a new 25,O00-barrel tank ashore. Coal moved by truck from the ship's side to the power plant. Cement drums-lifted from the holds by "cherry pickers"could be dropped at a nearby shed. The little towboats and lighters were out of a job. The improved cargo-handling facilities would give Japan an updated seaport in the center of her insular defensive barrier. Monday, 17 November, had its historic and sentimental aspects.The long, strange marriage of a ship and an island came to an end, a parting of the ways that led to separatedestinations. Thus, almost 17 years to the day after she first reported, the Gold Srar sailed from Guam for the last time. Manila Bay seemeddesertedwhen we arrived on 23 November. The light cruiser Marblehead (CL-12), the tender Black Hawk (AD-9), and her destroyers (except several under upkeep) were in the southern part of the Sulu Sea-off the island of Tawi-Tawi somewhere- engagedin "maneuvers." Over the Army-Navy Club, where attendance had fallen off sharply after the evacuation of dependents on l7 October, you could get pretty good odds that Japan's "D-Day" would come on the weekend of 29 November when the ServiceAcademiesclashed in their annual football classic. But we couldn't spend our time standing around the club's famous mahogany bar; Guam needed coal again. Cavite's stockpile had almost vanished. However, at Dumanquillas Bay on the south coast of the island of Mindanao-near the Moro village of Malangas-a coal mine, abandoned 30 years before, had been put back into operation. This would be the Christmas voyage. Our commercial cargo anticipated the coming Yuletide festivities. We took on board 1,500 casesof San Miguel beer and 300 or so of whiskey, colorful fabrics for dresses,lingerie, silk stockings, and the complete furnishings for a beauty parlor, toys, Japanese dolls, candy, and casesof bubble gum for the children of Guam. On our previous trip we had transported a men-

FROM: CINCAF GOVNAVSTAGUAM TO: INFO: GOLDSTAR l-A-L l-D-E-N-Tc-o-N-FDESPITEFACT GOLD STAR READY TO SAIL SITUATION INADVISABLE BECAUSE OF GENERAL TO STARTNOWX We turned in wondering what new crisis had prompted the Admiral's message. The night was stifling and black as the inside of your pocket. The village of Malangaslay silent under its palms. Most of the crew were asleep on deck. I was sleepingin my cabin under the large-bladed fan which revolved slo*ly ovethead, when at 0340, Ensign Gallagher, communications officer, awakenedme with an urgent plain languagebroadcast. FROM: Cl[\CAF ASIATICFLEET-ASIATIC STATION TO: U.R-G-E-N.T GOVERNYOUR. JAPAN STARTEDHOSTILITIES ACCORDINGLY SELVES


"All hands on deck!" Chief Boatswain'sMate Cochransangout, rousingthe crew topside and below. "You get out of the inspection at Guam!" he kept repeating as he exhorted his gang to "Strip ship for action!" The crew turned to getting rid of fire and splinter hazards.Down cameawningsand their strong backs. Overboardwent the rows of room ventilators. Two spare.50-calibermachine guns, barricadedwith sand bags, were mounted aft on top of the barber shop. The scene had serio-comic aspects.We were getting the amiable packet ready to fight an action, which if it cameshe was bound to lose. The first shipboard reaction was one of relief after four months of strain and ever-increasing tension waiting for this thing to happen and knowing that the odds were definitely againstus. Where,we wondered,had the hostilitesstarted? The Japaneseprobably had landed in Thailand or somewherein Indochina.At any rate, tucked dway in this remote cove some 500 miles south of Manila, contact with the enemy 'seemeda long way off. I decided to anchor out in the bay and wait for orders. A dispatch in one of our codescameas we were leaving the dock.


.*r. :&l pr..

FROM: CINCAF TO: GOLDSTAR c-o-N-F-t-D-E-N-Tt-A-L PROCEED IMMEDIATELY TO MANILA The 2nd of September 1945, that great day when the instrument of surrenderwas signed,found her in Manila Bay, back where she had started three yearsand nine months before. I caught a last glimpse of the Gold Star early in 1946. Pearl Harbor was filled with shipson their way back from the war. One morning, while walking to my office in the headquarters of CinCPac, I saw a familiar silhouette slowly emergingfrom the forest of masts. I watched her shuffle acrossthe harbor until she disappeared from view around Ford Island. Unnoticed and forgotten, which seemsto have been the ship's destiny, she was returning to the States after an absenceof more than 2l years, as Joseph Conrad put it * "to die obscurelyunder the blows of many hammers".

Lt. Cmdr. Joseph U. Lademan, Jr., Commanding Officer of USS GoldSrar, September, l94l


fuerte dc Sontiojo

de Orote


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FORTSANTIAGO by YolandaDelgadillo, M.M.B. ThomasB. McGrath,S.J. FeliciaPlaza, M.M.B.

the Successfired through the darknessof the night at the flashesof the cannonsat Fort Santiago. The situation grew grave for the men of the Success.Their Captain was unable to continue9. and Mr. Cook assumedcommand in the middle of the night. He struggled with the task of freeing the vessei until 4 p.m. of the next day (May 29), only to seeit aground again after a few minutes. By using ropes and anchors, the crew managed to float the vessel.Early the next morning (May 30) the land forces called upon the Successto surrender.Before dawn the crew was forced to carry on these rescue operations while under intense fire. Their return fire seems to have been ineffective possibly because of range. Shortly before noon they moved the cargo and deck guns around to ease the vesselinto deeper water. During the course of the day one more man was wounded. By dusk they were making their way out of the harbor with a small boat in the lead. T}:.eSuccesstook another round from the shore, killing one and wounding two. It finally left the harbor and by 10 a.m. (May 3l) the vesselwas well out to sea and undergoing some repairs. The casualties suffered in this encounter were two men killed, six wounded and two missing.These last two-Mr. Pritty, an officer on the ship, and Mr. Godrey, the owner's agent,-were left behind.

The first fort to protectl Apra Harbor was under construction in May l72l when the Suc-cess under Capt. Clipperton arrived on the ,""rr"2 in need of provision.J For nearly six days the ship remained in the harbor exchangingarms and ammunition for food and water. The exchange came to a sudden halt when Clipperton and the Governor, Capt. Don Luis Antonio Sanchezde Tagle,could not asreeon the terms+. During this period work continued on the fort and cannons were set in p1ace.Inside the harbor, riding at a_nchor,was the 20-gun) Spanish ship, San Andreso, under the commandof CaptainAntonio Barnabal. SHIPSBATTLE IN APRA HARBOR of the encounter8 The following is a ,r**u.y7 between the Success and the San Andres. On May 28th, Clipperton broke off negotiationswith Governor Sanchez de Tagle. He ordered the ship to weigh anchor and sent a small boat out to check the depths of the channel. This boat came under fire from Orote and reported back that the Successmust sail within the shadow of the cliff and the battery, if it was to make its way out to sea. Clipperton, after receivingthis information, gave orders to turn to and attack the San Andres. The pilot, supplied by the Governor, moved the ship into the shallows where it was caught in a cross fire between the San Andres and Orote Point. By dusk the ship had run aground, but managed to free itself. Some three hours later the vesselwas on the rocks taking sustained fire from both sides, which killed one man and wounded three more. The eunners of

SIGNIFICANCEOF FORTSSHIFTS The planl0 of the Fort Santiagodevelopedover the years. Six cannons,both six and eight calibersrI, were placed on a barbette, or raised mound inside a wall of coral stone masonry or mamposteria. The natural advantage of sheer cliff and deep channel


D ugan {1956:94) fol l ow i ng B etagh takes the v i ew that the engagementtook pl ace i n U matac rather than A pra H arbor'

close by made the fort an important feature in the defenseof Apra Harbor. The ammunition was stored in the rear in the same complex with the soldiers' quarters. This was constructedby Manuel Murol z in l80l along with a .fortin to block any attacks by land - a problem which existed from the time of the construction of the fort. Agat, the nearestsource of help besidesSumay, was about five miles away. Water had to be brought in from a well nearly two and a half miles away. The defensivestrategy shifts with the passageof time. San Luis de Apra is built in 1737 close to the edge of the shore near the present site of GabGab Beach. By 1800, Fort Santa Cruz is constructed to protect the inner harbor. In 1819, Fort Santiagohad four l2 caliber cannonsand two six caliber cannons at the readvl3. Villalobosl4 guu" the impressionthat in 1833, Fort Santa Cruz had become the principal focus for defense because of its location at the inner harbor. For over a century, Fort Santiago had proudly commanded the entrance to the outer harbor, but the soldiers' quarters were in disrepair and the reasonfor its existenceseemedin doubt. By 1853 de la Cort-el5 wrote the quarters were in ruins, and Olive 16 in 1884 commented that the fort was used as an observationpost. This unique location servedlater generationsof soldiers when guns were mounted there more than once in this century. For well ove1J00 years, this site hasprotected the shoresof Guam.l /

Wycherl ey (1828:31 1). Wvcherl ey 11828:312\ and B urney tV ( :544-4 6) rec ount the i nci dent of the Marqui s de V i l l a R oche, a pri so ner aboard the Success for over a year. The Marquis went ashore at Guam to secure funds for hi s rel easefrom the Governor . Three of the shi p's company w ent ashore as w el l , to return w i th the funds . Negotiations later broke down over the matter of jewels left aboarclthe vesselby the Marqui s and the detenti o n as horeof the shi p's company. S hel vocke1724:4431.


A Gl , S evi l l a, Legaj o Fi l i pi nas99, Fol i o 10.


Callander .1768:484\. A s sai d above D ugan (1956:94) quoti ng B etagh hol ds that the battl e took pl ace at U matac. S hel vocke|1776:443-441,Wvcherl ev |1828:3121 , and c a||ander (1768) report that C l i pperton took spi ri ts to qui cken hi s c ourage in the battle and was overcome by them. He recovered after the Successhad cleared Apra Harbor and was well out to sea.



Wycherley (a28:312l, relates that the new fort absolutely c om m a n d e d t h e s h or e lin e a n d th a t its g u n s co u ld fir e at poi nt bla n k r a n g ef r o m a l mo st d ir e ctly o ve r h e a d .



P l ano de l a B ateri a de S anti ago de Orote i n M apas y P l anos , S ervi ci o H i stori qo Mi l i tar, Madri d. (n.d.)


C rozet (1818:513).


P N A , Mari anas1-3.


Freyci net (1819:514), LC , MD :Mari anasN o.97.


V i l l al obos (1833).

l c.

D e l a C orte (1875).


Ol i ve (1887:101).


During the Second World War this fort was the site of an anticraft battery. l t w as heavi l y bombed on June 12,1 944 by pl anes from the C arri er U .S .S . Y orktow n (V F-1, R epor t N o. 23, S eri al 0020). June 29, 1944 V ol . 1.




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A Spaniard'sDescriptionof Fort Santiagoon Orote Point

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Ruins of Nan Mandol in Ponape

Ytistorefc ano c;ralIcrano,lpraesea io atioo in rY)icplonesior Leocrl eos es aDo oirr:ecf,iol, r;

ThomasF. King Historic preservation in Micronesia, and the less well defined field of cultural preservation, hav,e receivedconsiderableattention in the lastfew yearsl. Since 1974, the Trust Territory Government has operated an historic preservation program, and severalagenciesof governmentdo things that haveas their intent the preservationof some aspector aspects of culture2. As the end of the trusteeshipperiod approaches,the fate of theseprograms is in doubt. It is my purpose in this paper to discussthe legal bases for historic and cultural preservation,upon which a preservationprogram mtght be built in the independent island groups of Micronesia.


children. Preservation is not, or should not be, a static thing, but an attempt to retain the lessonsof the past, and the richness of many cultures, as living parts of the present.How can we do this? We can try to identify those aspects of Micronesian cultures, and the things these cultures have left behind, that are most important to retain; we can study them, record them, compile information about them, and figure out what sort of capital and social investment will be necessaryto retain them. Those responsible for Micronesia's economic and social future can decide whether it is worth making this investment. Conversely,we can look at the changesproposed in Micronesia's social and natural environment, to see what these changeswill do to the cultural and historical status quo. Will a construction project destroy valuable archeological sites? Will introduction of a new technology cause the loss of a community's traditional social integrity? Perhapsmost important, are there ways to adapt the technology, or the construction project, to local conditions in such a way as to reduce or eliminate the damage?This information, too, must be presentedto thosewith ultimate decisionmaking authority, so that they can decide what trade-offs are appropriate. The idea ofpreservation is not to stop progress,but to proceed with progress intelligently, with due respect for what remains from the past. As the Congressof Micronesia'sCommittee on Educational and Social Matters has elegantly put it:

D O M I CRO NE S I A NS W A N T PR ES ER VA T IO N ? A fundamental problem with historic preservation in Micronesia is that it has grown, with little Micronesian direction, from transplanted American roots. It does not follow from this that historic preservation is irrelevant to Micronesia, however, Official Micronesian statements are filled with expressions of concern, respect, and honor for the past. For example: "We, the Peopleof Micronesia . . . affirm our common wish . . . to preservethe heritageof the past. . . (Prea mb l et o t he CO NST IT U T IO NO F T H E F ED ER ATE D STAT E SO F M I CRO N ES IA). "(l ) t is t he publi c p o l i c y o f th e Pa l a uD i s tri ct to preservefor public use locations,structures,landmarks, buildings,and other objects of outstandinghistorical, or cultural significancefor the inspiration archaeological and benefit of the people of Palau" (PalauDistrict L e g i s lat urBeill #916 , e n a c te d1 9 7 8 ). "Due recognitionshall be given to traditions and customsin providinga systemof law, and nothing in any th i s Ar t ic le s hallbe c o n s tru e dto l i mi t o r i n v a l i d a te recognizedtradition or custom, except as otherwise p ro videdby law" ( Arti c l e1 , B i l l o f R i g h ts Se , c ti o n17, CHA RT E R F O R T H E T R U K D IS T R IC T GOV ER N MENT ; ident ic al la n g u a g ea t S e c ti o n 1 7 , Arti c l e 1, CHA RT E R F O R TH E YA P D IS T R IC T G OV ER N . MENT ) . "The District Governmentshall have the power to conserve and develop the District's.. . objects and o l a cesof his t or icor c u l tu ra l i n te re s t.. . a n d fo r that purposeprivateproperty shall be subjectto reasonable re g u lat ionby law" ( A rti c l eV l l l , S e c ti o n4 , C H A R TE R FOR T HE T RUK DIST R IC TGOV ER N ME N Ti;d e n ti cal l a n g uage at S ec t ion4 , A rti c l el X , C H AR T ERF OR TH E YAP DI S T RI CT G O V ER N ME N T .

"(l)t is unwiseto destroythe linksto the past,along pridewhichtheyengender, in of national with the sense peoples can Micronesia progress. of The the nameof before of othersby realizing, benefitfrom the mistakes fromthepastarethe it istoo late,. . . thatthetraditions with eachotherand andharmony keysto livingin peace us"4. which surrounds with the naturalenvironment

On the other hand, some Micronesian spokesmen express a certain amount of uncertainty about just what preservation of history and culture entails. Dwight Heine, for example, has written:

BUILDING AN HISTORICAND CULTURAL PRESERVATIONPROGRAM The existing historic presewation program in Micronesia is built upon the foundation of a United States statute, the National Historic PreservationAct of 1966. Although this program has been relatively effective, its status as a "transplant" does present problems. Central among these is its narrowness;the Act applies only to tangible "historic places" - sites, buildings, objects, ateas). There is no centralized program for cultural preservation, that is, for the identification and protection of traditional social institutions, arts and crafts, technologies,knowledge, etc. Some programs in education, and some designed for the elderly, deal with theselesstangible aspectsof

"When the writer hearsthe phrase'cultural pre.servation', the first thing that comesto mind is a museum the idea . . . Therewas a time when some. . . advocated that it was not good to educatethe peopleaway from th e i r c ult ur e.T oday , s o me h o l d to th i s v i e w . . ' ( but turn others)say that they do not want to seeMicronesia into a huge museumtecmingwith thousandsof living humanspecimen5"3. Obviously there is no place in the world for human zoos, or museums full of living people under glass. The purpose of preservation is to retain viable elements of the past as parts of today's life, and as part of the life that will be experienced by our


Village women weave a basket and cloth for a lava. Lavas are the traditional loincloth worn by many Micronesian men. Today handwovencloth is being replacedby imported manufactured fabric.

culture, but these too are essentiallytransplantsof U.S. programs. A more general basis for historic and cultural preservationexists in the form of conventionsand recommendations of the United Nations and its Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Crganization (UNESCO). For instance, the U.N. (JniversalDeclaration of Human Rights, at Article 22, assertsthe right of every individual to the "cultural rights indispensablefor his dignity and the freedevelopment of his personality". UNESCO's Recommendation Concerningthe Protection, at National Level, of the Cultural and Natural Heritase statesthat:

of comprehensivehistoric preseruationprograms in all nations, and the specific protection of historic properties threatenedby constructionprojects: its Recotnmendation Concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role of Historic Areas calls for maintaining historic properties as living parts of the modern environment through sound local and regional planning. In the Trust Territory Code itself, there is presently a singlechapter of six sectionsdealingwith historic preservation,and nothing dealing with the preservationof intangibleaspectsof culture. Title 67. Chapter ll, Sections 252-256 deal with "historic sites,buildings,and objectsof territorial significance". The Deputy Director for Resourcesand Development is authorized by these sectionsto survey and studl' historic sites, to acquire them, restore them. administer them, manage them, grant concessionsto operate them, place tablets to commemorate them. and develop educational programs about them. Sections252-256haye neverbeenimplemented.

"each item of th e c ult ur al and nat ur al her it age i s unique a nd . . . th e dis appear anc e of any one it e m constitu tes a de finite los sand an ir r ev er s ibleim pair m e n t of (a na tion 's) h erita ge ".

UNESCO's Recommendation Concerning the Preservation of Cultural Property Endangered by Public and Private Works calls for the establishment


largely because of hostility toward historic preservation within the Department of Resources and Development6.Perhapr thi, ir just as well; the program envisionedin these sectionswould have involved the central government in aspectsof land management that are more properly the responsibilityof the individual districts (sic: emerging state and national governments).Sections252-256 were closelymodeled on the U.S. Historic Sites Act of 1935, which, incidentally, hasneverbeenvery effectivelyimplemented in the United States/. In the United States,it was found necessaryto supplementthe Historic SitesAct with the National Historic PreservationAct of 1966, which closely approximates many of the UNESCO recommendations. It is the 1966 Act which was applied to Micronesia by amendment in 1974, and which has provided the basisfor the Trust Territory's historic preservationprogram. There is no guarantee that a program based solely on U.S. laws can be sustainedin Micronesia when the Trusteeshipis terminated. Nor is it necessarily a good idea to continue the Trust Territory historic preservation program in its present form. The centerpiece of the National Historic Preservation Act is the National Registerof Historic Places, which is eventually supposed to list all "districts, sites, buildings, structures,and objects significantin Americal_l history, architecture, archaeology, and culture"d. Properties listed in the Register qualify for grants for restorationand development,and those listed or eligible for listing are protected against indiscriminate government destruction. While it is hardly "outright illegal" to regard Micronesian historic places as significant in American history, architecture, archeology and culture, as StewartY has claimed, it does require a certain stretch of the imagination. More significantly, the U.S. law is not really very sophisticated;we havelearneda good deal since it was enacted,and Micronesiacould do better than to retain it in its presentform.

to "historic places", not to the tangible social institutions, traditions, and lifeways so important to Micronesians.Early in the Carter administration, a task force was formed to reorganizehistoric preservation and related programs, and there was talk of bringing the non-material aspectsof culture under the program's umbrella. The task force could not figure out how to do this, and the idea seemsto havebeen lost in the shufflelo. Mic.onesians- a good deal closer to their traditional cultures than are U.S. bureaucratson the whole - may be able to do a betterjob. PRESERVATIONIN THE FUTURE To be sure of the continuation and development of historic and cultural preservation programs after termination of the Trusteeship, I believe that the legislativebodies of Micronesia should establish their own direct mandatesfor suchprograms,independent of the U.S. historic preservation agenciesbut so organizedthat they could continue to receivefinancial and technical support from the U.S. preservation

The relianceof the U.S. law on a static National Register is unfortunate, and has caused a lot of unnecessaryproblems. While it is necessaryto make decisionsabout which placesare important and which ones are not, the act of placingthings on the National Registeris only one way of expressingsuch decisions, and it is not necessarilythe best way. It tends to fossilize old decisions, inflicting them on people later on. It createsconfusions:a "National Register" automatically makes people think of magnificent landmarksreveredby the whole nation, when what is really included in the National Registeris everything important enough - to the nation, to any group of local people, to science- to be worth considering when deciding how to use the land on which it exists. Still more important. the U.S. law relatesonlv

A Yapeseman displays traditional tattoos. Once a popular form of ornamentation throughout Micronesia, tattoos are becoming much less common. Early islanders wore little or no clothing. lnstead they adorned their bodies with tattoos.


Men of Kanakaperform dance.

community as part of the developingfree association relationshiptt. My experiencewith the existingTrust Territory historic preservationprogram suggeststhat a new, Micronesian preservation should have the : following characteristics 1.

o f c u l t u r e s h o u l d b e a c o o p e r a t i v e e n t e r p r i ze b y th e s t a t e s , t h e p r o f e s s i o n a l s e r r r i c e su n i t , e d u ca ti o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . a n d o u t s i d es c h o l a r s i,n s t i t u t i o n s,a n d n a ti o n a l i n t e r n a t i o n a la g e n c i e s .


with the bulk of lt shouldbe largelydecentralized. day-to-d ay op era tions handled by t he indiv idual s t a t e s of the Federated States and by the other separatebut associate dna tion s of M ic r ones ia.


lt sh ou ld h ave acce s st o a c ent r al pr of es s ionals er v i c e s unit with e xp ertise in ant hr opology , ar c heology ,s o c i o l ogy, h isto ry, a rch itec t ur e,and ot her r elev antdis c ip l i n e s , perh ap swith links to t he Collegeof M ic r ones ia.


Ow ne rsh ip an d m anagem ent of his t or ic pr ope r t i e s should b e h an dle d at t he s t at e lev el. m unic ipal, a n d villag e levels.


A concentrated program to identify and study Micronesian historic pro per t ies , t r adit ions , lif eway s , s o c i a l institutio ns, world v iews , ar t s , c r af t s , and ot her as p e c t s

P r o p o s e da c t i v i t i e st h a t m i g h t d a m a g eh i s t o r i c p r o p e r ti e s o r c a u s ec h a n g e si n c u l t u r a l s y s t e m ss h o u l d b e r e vi e w e d , a g a i n a s a c o o p e r a t i v e a c t i v i t y , b o t h b y sta te - l e ve l preservationista s n d t h e p r o f e s s i o n a lu n i t , w i th m a xi m u m i n v o l v e m e n t o f l o c a l p e o p l e . T h e i n t e n t o f th i s r e vr e w s h o u l d n o t b e t o s t o p o r d e l a y p r o j e c t s , b u t to m a ke s u r e t h a t t h e e x e c u t i v e a n d l e g i s l a t i v e b r a n ch e s th a t m a k e f i n a l d e c i s i o n s a b o u t s u c h p r o j e cts a r e fu l l y i n f o r m e d o f t h e i r p r o b a b l e e f f e c t s b e f o r e th e d e ci si o n s are maoe.



T h e p r o g r a m s h o u l d s e r v e a s a c h a n n e l f or a p p r o p r i a te g r a n t s a n d o t h e r f o r m s o f a s s i s t a n c ef r o m U .S. a n d o th e r f o r e i g n g o v e r n m e n ta g e n c i e sf o r t h e i d e n t i f i ca ti o n ,stu d y, p r o t e c t i o n , a n d d e v e l o p m e n t o f h i s t o r i c pr o p e r tl e s a n d o t h e r a s p e c t so f c u l t u r e . l t s h o u l d a l s o s e r ve a s a r e vi e w b o d v o v e r t h e a c t i v i t i e s o f o u t s i d e s c ho l a r s a n d i n s t i t u t i o n s d o i n q r e s e a r c hi n M i c r o n e s i a .

quarter 1978:10-19; W.A . S tew art, "D evel opment Trade-Offs : Development vs. Environment", Micronesian Reporter 2nd 1978:2G23; S . R ussel l , "P reserv ati on i n P aradi s e: ouarter E nsuri ng a Tomorrow for Mi cronesi a'sY este rday s ",N ew P ac i fi c in oress.


The Historic Preservation Office was initially attached to the D i vi si on of Lands and S urveys i n the D epart ment of R es ourc es and D evel opment; i t now i s attached di rectl y to the Offi c e of the H i gh C ommi ssi oner.P rogramstouchi ng on c ul tural pres erv ati on i ncl ude bi l i ngual /bi cul tural programs i n the B ureau of E ducati on. and certai n aspectsof the Offi ce of A gi ng P rograms , as w el l as speci fi c proj ects sponsored by C E TA , Y C C , Y A C C , and Outw ard B ound. H ei ne, op ci t. From a l etter-report dated S eptember 6, 197 8 to the H onorabl e B ethw el H enry, S peaker of the H ouse, supporti ng H ous e R es ol uti on 7-25. "A H ouse Fl esol uti on E xpres s i ng the S ens e of the H ouse of R epresentati vesR egardi ng C onti nuati on of the H i stori c and C ul tural P reservati on P rograms i n Mi c rones i a" (S tand. C omm. R ep. N o. 7-314). The resol uti on urged the H i gh C ommi ssi oner to conti nue, expand, and i mprov e hi s tori c and cultural preservation programs, assure their continuance after termination of the Trusteeship Agreement, and associatethem cl osel y w i th the C ol l ege of Mi cronesi a. l t w as adopted by the H ouse on S eptemberB , 1978. U .S . N ati onal H i stori c P reservati onA ct, P .L.89-665 as amended. For detai l ed di scussi onseeT.F. K i ng, P . P ark er H i c k man, and G. Berg, Anthropology in Historic Prssarvation: Caring for Gulture's C l utter, A cademi c P ress,N ew Y ork, 1977.

Dr. Thilenius, the former president of Hamburg University and director of the Hamburg Museum Ftir Vijlkerkunde. Thilenius edited the famous seriesof books about the German South Seas Expedition. The seriesis a vital source of historical and cultural information today. (Photo by permission of Hamburg Museum Filr Vcjlkerkunde). Many of my ideas about historic and cultural preservation in Micronesia have arisen from discussions with people who are likely to sit in the first Congress of the Federated States, or in the elected legislative bodies in Palau and the Marshalls. As a person concerned with maintaining all the world's cultural diversity, I hope they will take early and vigorous action to protect Micronesia's cultures and history. NOTES i.


E xpressi onsby D eputy D i rector of R esourc esand D ev el opment S tew art (op ci t) are i ndi cati ve.


K i ng, H i ckman & B erg op ci t. pp.22-23.


N ati onal H i stori c P reservati onA ct. S ec. 101 ( a)(1).


S tew art op ci t. p.22


B ased on a seri es of mai l -outs from the D epartment of the I nteri or to S tate H i stori c P reservati onOf f i cers ,1977.


cf. C OM H .R ,7-25. The extent and nature of c onti nui ng U .S . ai d to Mi cronesi aunder a rel ati onshi pof free assoc i ati onremai nsthe subj ect of debate, but some ai d appearsi nevi tabl e.S i nc e the U .S . has done much to erode the vi abi l i ty of tradi ti onal Mi c rones i an cul tures, and has met i ts Trusteeshi p ob l i gati on to res pec t tradi ti onal cul tures and appl y appropri ateU .N. rec ommendati ons (such as the U N E S C O recommendati onsci ted) i n onl y a margi nal fashi on, there i s great i usti fi cati on for conti nui ng s upport of hi stori c and cul tural preservati on i n Mi crones i a. The U .S . obl i gati on i s compounded by the fact that i ts mi l i tary and ec onomi c acti vi ti es i n Mi cronesi aafter termi nati on are al mos t s ure to hav e some adverse effects on Micronesian culture and historic properties.

F o r e x a m p l e , s e e R.A. Ap p le & J.L . Ro g e r s,"Histo r ical Integri ty a n d L o c a l S i g n ifica n ce in th e Pa cific lsla n d Co n text". Guam R e c o r d e r 6 ( 1 ) : 3 3 - 3 6 , 1 9 7 6 ; D.A. Ba lle n d o r f, "Histori c and C u l t u r a l P r e s e rva tio n in M icr o n e sia ", M icr o n e sian R eporter 2 3 ( 2 \ : 1 3 - 1 7, 1 97 6 , r e p r in te d in Gu a m Re co r d er 7:30-32, 1 9 7 7 ; D . H e i n e , "Cu ltu r a l Pr e se r va tio n a n d De vel opment i n frrlicronesia", Micronesian Roporter 4th quarter 1977:.13-23; T . F . K i n g , " C a p ita l lm p r o ve m e n tsa n d Histo r ic Pr e servati on:the C a s e o f T r u k I n te r n a tio n a l Air p o r t", M icr o n e sia n Reporter 2nd


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Beached canoe, llomaw in Mogmog


llomaw and three other canoesmade an accidental voyageto the is the story of this voyagethat I bring to you now. The preparationsfor the building of this canoe were made in Yap. The tree was cut down in Tomil by Dig, who laterwent to Saipanand died there after the greattyphoon about the turn of the century.The time right beforethe arrivalof the Germanadministration in Yap. Two Yapese canoe makers directed the work. Fithengmow and his student Sog. Two Ulithians assistedthem, Tahatch,the Chief of Mogmogtoday, and Peilug.Thesemen worked at Gagil over a period from 18 months to two years.A regularfeatureof canoe construction was the use of magic. Some Yapeseworked magic on the Ulithians engagedin

The llomaw was made in Yap and sailed the seas during three administrations. lt is nearly a quarter century since she went on a iourney to Fais in 1954 and landed in the Philippines. The llomaw is the lone remaining canoe from that journey. One was lost at sea, and two were broken up in subsequent typhoons. All photographs were taken by the author.

by ThomasB. McGrath,S.J. fhe llomaw is one of the ocean-going canoesof Ulithi.l Today it restsquietly in the clnoe-houseon Mogmog. Nearly a quarter of a century ago the


building the canoe, and they were instructed to stop eating for a few days to counteract it. Tahatch indicated that he held the two Yapesecanoe-makers in very high regard. He attributes the successof the canoe and its survival to the magic worked on it during the time of its construction. In Typhoon Ophelia, which destroyed the other canoeswhich madethe journey to the Philippinesin 1954,not even a leaf was found on the llomaw. Once the canoewascompleted,it waitedfor the fleet of canoesto come down to Yap on its annual visit and then made its first journey to Ulithi in their company. ILOMAW EARI\ISNAME The canoe spent a great deal of time in the Woleai area of the Western Carolines.Those men, who sailed aboard it felt safe, for it was strong and easy to manage. In the face of strong winds and waves, crews usually lower the sail and use the paddle, but with this canoe, they did not have to lower the sail at all. Becauseof its aggressiveand resifient nature, this canoereceivedthe name//omawthe Tough One. Before the Second World War, it madea trip with anothercanoefrom Ulithi to Woleai. A Japanesefield trip ship, the CHOME, found it and brought it back. The other canoe was returned on a subsequent trip. Both crewswent aboardthe CHOME afong with the llomaw. CREWSPREPAREFOR TRIP TO FAIS Fais, an island largerthan Falalop,Ulithi, lies about 50 miles away from Ulithi Atoll. Tripsz were made there on a more or lessregularbasisto seehow conditions were and to obtain tobacco. Four canoes made preparationsfor a journey to Fais in 1954. Two came from Fassarai,in Ulithi Atoll, the Salipiy (money) and Harigrig (pulley). The crew of the Salipiy included Thil, Mug, Thok, Ramaliai and Hasegur.The Harigrig was manned by Harongochem, Tangelmal,Thig, Vicente,Wolfoi and Mathaualmeng. On Falalop, Uwelpului, the captain and navigator prepared the canoe, Yangelur. This canoe was larger and longer than the rest. The captain took on as his crew: Suiob, ltheuerang,lrus, Fler, Figir, llolmar and Mag. The llomaw, from Mogmogunder the command


of JesusSoreg,had a crew consistingof Abraham Sarof, Yangelmar,Yanger,Yarawechogand Jesus F a g o l. The canoeswere assembled at Falalop,where they remainedfor a few dayswhile the journeywas being organized.Uwelpului aboard the Yangelur would leadthe restof the canoes.lrus, a crewmemplacinga whitecoconut ber of this canoe,remembers frond about his wrist, before he prayed: "e limge iroros pol meval le ngang (lrus) be rol pai smal imwlo ifal fich palu ngimalaw." To paraphrasethis text, lrus askedfor goodweatherand that the canoe be light on the waves.He alsoremindedthe god,that he, lrus,kept all the rulesfor a studentof navigation. Somenew peoplewereon the trip in additionto lrus naturallycenteredon starcourse so the conversation andcurrents. The map of the stars(Fig. 1) hasUlithi at the centerand givesthe starcoursein all directions.The journeyis to be toward Fais,which liesto the eastof Ulithi, and the generalplan for tackingis outlined in Fig. 2. The properstarcoursefor Fais,Yulyol, is illustrated in Fig. 1 , where Maylap and Sarabul are the extremesfor the tackingcourse. The usualdirections for Faisalsoincludethe use methodof sailing(Fig.2). Once of the Wareang3 outsidethe pass,threesmallislandspointthe wayto Fais from Ulithi. Theseislandsare Yar, Yew and Losiep.Yew liesdirectlybehindLosiepandoncethe tackingprocedurebeginsYew "moves",so to speak, to a middlepositiondirectlyin linewith Faisandto a point behindYar as the outer limit for the tacking procedure.Yew continuesto "move" to its resting placebehindLosiepasthe tackingcontinues. DA NG E RO US J O URNE YB EG I N S All four canoesleft together4with Uwelpului aboardthe YANGELUR,in charge.The usualjourthe wind,sothey tackingagainst ney to Faisrequires set the course.They encounteredbad weatherand this causedsomedifficulty.The canoescameupona A decisionwas reef5 and closedfor. a discussion. in a madeto havethem split up with two searching northerly direction for Fais and two canoesin a westerlydirection. Later they made a rendezvous towarddusk,pulleddown the sailsand restedfor the night. Thesemen usedup three days searching for Fais.o

The canoesfinally reacheda place of ro-ugh water and Ulwelpuluithoughtthey were north/ of Ulithi: Ulwelpuluiwantedto returnto Ulithi and so he set the course.They spenta whole day on this courseand then Ulwelpuluiannouncedthey were betweenYap and Ulithi.They tried in turn for Yap, NguluandPalauwithoutsuccess. At this point a decisionS wasmadeto headfor the Philippines. As they were riding together,the Salipiy collidedwith the llomaw. The Salipiyquickly becameunseaworthyand its crew wastakenaboard the lbmaw and the Harigrig. Food on the journey

consistedof saltedflying fish and copra.Juicefrom the copra helpedto quenchsomeof the thirst, but wheneverthey saw rain they simply headedfor it. Differentthoughtsracedthroughtheir minds.Some thought they were not trainedto go to the Philippines,but still theyhopedtheywouldmakea landfall there. Still others fearedthey were lost. One crew membernearly lost his senses due to the exposure wasbeatinghim. andthoughtthat someone As the journey continued,the two canoesput down tJreirsailsand rested.The Harigrigwent on and landed9 near San Antonio in Samir, Philippine

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lslands.Three ren10 went ashore and asked for water. At first the people ran away, but later they returned. The other two canoes reached landfall about five miles away. Yarawechogand Fagolwent ashore first,11 where they receivedfood, witer and coconuts. The canoes later left San Antonio for Gamay after a period of some rest.They left the canoesthere for the journey to Lawang.At Lawangthey boarded a warshipfor the jourjrpyto Manila. The Ulithi menrz eventuallyleft Manilaby air for Guam and Ulithi in three groups.The canoes came later. Thus ended the long journey without reaching their primary destination, Fais.lJ The llomaw made one more short voyage after its return, and this time made it to Fais. Today the llomaw is in the canoe-houseat Mogmog awaiting repairs to make it seaworthy. Should such a living monument to a proud sailing tradition be allowedto fade away as her sistercanoe the Harigrig? The llomaw is more than a canoe, it is almostan historiclandmarkin its own right.

il,onlN[7 Vicente of Ulithi, member of the Harigrig crew.

L. lrus (left) of the Yangelur and R. Yanger (right) of the llomaw.


Thok of Fassarai,member of the Salipiy crew.

Itheuerang of Falalop, Ulithi, member of the Yangelurcrew.

Thig of Fasnrai, aboard fhe Salipiy when it sank after a collision with the llomaw.


N OTE S 1.

I w i sh to expressmy grati tude to John R umal , N i c hol as R ahoy , P hi l i p Y atch, P edro E mal and the survi vorsof the 1954 tri p to the P hi l i ppi nes for thei r i nval uabl e assi stance.N ei l P oul i n, S .J . provi ded speci alhel p on Y ap. The usual procedure w as to ask permi ssi onof Mogmog to go to Fai s and to send w ord to Fal al op for a navi gatorto mak e the tri p. Later i n the j ourney to the P hi l i ppi nes, i t w as the s ame Fal al op man w ho made the deci si onto head for the P hi l i ppi nes . Tw o school s of navi gati onexi st on U l i thi . They a re the Fal uc h and the Wareang.The Fal uch school fol l ow ed a number of ri tual restri cti ons, and excl uded some from thei r canoe for thes e reasons.The Wareang school coul d take anyone on board the canoe. U l w el pul ui , the captai n and navi gatorforthe tri p bel onged to the Fal uch school . There i s no substanti aldi fferenc e betw een the tw o school s on the matter of star coursesto Fai s .A c omoas s w as al so taken al ong on thi s tri p. A ccordi ng to another versi on they qui ckl y spread out w i th the S al i pi y i n the l ead. The Fal al op canoe came next, the H ari gri g w as thi rd, and the l l omaw took l ast pl ace. The fas tes t c anoe w ent out and w ai ted for the others on the ocean.

Yanger of Falalop,




S ome say they had never seen i t before and coul dn' t i denti fy i t. Others cal l ed the reef l abudmal , i .e., w here the brow n and yel l ow col ors mi x together. Thi s term can al so be us ed for a snarK .


C anoes smal l er than the l l omaw have made the j ourney from Fai s i n three hours. l rus, then a student navi gato r,feel sthat the canoeschanged course too earl y i n thei r tacki ng m aneuv ersand i n so doi ng mi ssedthe i sl and.

of the llomaw crew.

Small boy surveys ruins of the canoe Harigrig on Ulithi'

JesusFagol,member of the llomaw crew, today a health aide on Mogmog.



l r u s t h o u g h t a t t h is p o in t th e y sh o u ld g o So u th to get to Fai s a n d W e s t t o r e a c h Ulith i.


O p i n i o n s v a r y a s t o h o w th is d e cisio n wa s m a d e b y Ulw el pul ui . O n e i s t h a t M a g , a n o ld e r m a n a b o a r d th e Ya n g e lu r , infl uenced h i m t o c h a n g e h i s m in d b e ca u seth e yo u n g e r sa ilo r swere feel i ng the effects of the long ordeal at sea.They were only prepared for a j o u r n e y t o F a i s . An o th e r is th a t h e tu r n e d th e co u r se hi msel f a n d h e a d e df o r t h e Ph ilip p in e s.


E s t i m a t e s o f t h e le n g th o f th e jo u r n e y fr o m Ulithi to the P h i l i p p i n e s r a n g e fr o m 1 9 to 2 1 to 2 9 d a ys. T h e e lapsedti me f r o m t h e d e c i s i o n to g o to th e Ph ilip p in e s a n d la n d fal l ranges f r o m 4 n i g h t s t o 6 n ig h ts"


M a t h a u a l m e g , T h il a n d Ha se g u r . An o th e r ve r sio n has Matha u a l m e g ,W o l f o i a nd Vice n te a sh o r efir st.


M o g m o g p e o p l e w e r e e xp e cte d to le a d th e wa y in th is ti me of uncertainty. The plan was if these two men were attacked, and the safety of the canoes required it, they would withdraw leaving the two men behind.


T h i s s t o r y i s a l w ays to ld a b o u t th e sta y in M a n ila. l rus and Y a n g e r w e r e a d h e r e n tso f th e tr a d itio n a l r e lig io n o f Uli thi at thi s time. They decided they would receive better treatment if they a s s u m e d t h e C h r i stia n n a m e s: Ya n g e r ( M a n u a l) a n d lr us (Jose). T h i s c a m e i n h a n d y wh e n th e y we r e visite d b y F r . Vi ncent l . K e n a l l y , S . J . , V i c e Pr o vin cia l o f th e Ph ilip p in e sVice P rovi nce, a n d f o r m e r S u p e r io r o f th e Ca r o lin e a n d M a r sh al l l sl ands. S o m e t i m e l a t e r , h e b e ca m e th e Bish o p o f th e Ca rol i ne and M a r s h a l l l s l a n d s ,a n d visite d Ulith i a skin g fo r h is fr ie n ds Manual a n d J o s e . T h e y a r e o ld m e n to d a y a n d in th e co u r se o f ti me they d i d b e c o m e m e m b e r s o f th e Ca th o lic Ch u r ch . lt seems thev h a d n o c h o i c e i n s e le ctin ga n a m e a t Ba p tism b e ca u sethey w ere a l r e a d y s o w e l l k n o wn a s M a n u a l a n d Jo se .


O n e v i e w i s t h a t Ulwe lp u lu i wa s th e ch ie f n a vig a to ro f the atol l , a n d e v e n t h o u g h h e fo llo we d a ll th e r u le s,th e sp ir it wa s not w i th h i m o n t h e j o u r n e y to F a is. So th e sp ir it to o k h im el sew here. Others say he simply became lost.

Sarof of Mogmog,crew member of llomaw'

lslander carves a canoe from tree trunk in Yap (1978)



Tahatch of Mogmog,






ADEI P POffT by the late Aguedal. Johnston

EDITOR'S NOTE: Every llednesday afternoon during 1946 and 1947 between 5 and 5:30 the GUAM HOUR was a regularfeature of Radio Station WVTG. This talk is part of that radio series.The text of the original is held at the Micronesian Area ResearchCenter.

Adelup Point School is located on top of the little hill facing Coontz Junction and the entrance of the road leading to the Headquarters of the Commander of the Naval Forces in the Marianas. There are many interesting stories connected with this rocky point. In days gone by, it was the abode of the ancient taotaomona. It has been said that men walking without heads were seenunder the thick banyan trees and thorny pandanus leaves usually before the rising or after the setting of the moon. Travelers in the wee hours of the night often dreaded to passby Adelup Point in going to or from Agana, for they were almost sure to see or hear something that would give them goose pimples. A creaking sound, the rolling of heavy pieces of coral down the sides of the hill (as if someone was trying to hit the passers-by),would frighten even the ox pulling the cart until he refused to go any further, leaving the rider or passengerson the cart trembling and speechlesswith fright. One swing of the whip, however, and the uttering of a word too hard to spell would send the animal flying from the spot. In the meantime, a big white bundle would be seen rolling from one side of the road to the other until it disappearedinto the bushes. Of course, all these peculiar experienceswould only be seenor heard by thosewho believedin the taotaomona.and those who

Houseowned by Atkins Kroll & Co. which once stood on Adelup Point and wasbelievedto be hauntedby the ancient Taotaomona.

did not believe were either disappointed or equally scared. It was presumed that the Achang family felt they could do something with the place by clearing


part of the jungle and perhapsin doing so drive the taotaomona to other places.The family then built a home on one sectionof the point. More than one authority on the subject of the taotaomonahas indicatedthey can be befriendedand be very useful. People who had taotaomonafor their gachong or companionscould work all day 1s1* m6 carry the heaviestburdens without any difficulty or without experiencingany fatigue. PerhapsMr. Achang also had in the mind the possibility of making use of some of the powers of the taotaornorn, wltel he decidedto move his family to Adelup Point and farm there. For a while the living was very easy. The crevicesand holes in the rocks were full of large coconut crabs some weighing as much as twenty-five pounds. The land at the foot of the hill was good for farming, and the ocean around the point had an abundanceof the bestkinds of fish, crabsand clams.

ACHANG FAMILY FLEES Some kind of sickness overtook the Achang family and severalof its membersdied. The blame for the tragedy was placed on the taotaomonq and the family moved out of the point as fast as their animals could carry them and their belongings.The placewas then known as Puntan Anite or Devil's Point - a name which did not increase its popularity as a residence.Years later, PuntanAnite becamea subject for all kinds of stories. Sometimes the visitor or listener was forced to spend the night at a friend's houserather than go home alonewith all those stories still fresh in his mind.

MI S S I O NA RI EMO S V EI N It was not until the year 1901 that Devil's Point was again occupied. This time, ironically, the

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The late AguedaJohnston taping the "Guam Hour" at Radio Station WVTG.


residentswere two Congregationalmissionariesfrom Boston, whose names were Rev. F.M. Price and his son-in-law,Rev. Logan. Two big buildings were built for the missionaries and their families. Three others were erected for the school. This school was conducted by Rev. Price over a three-yearperiod. Unfortunately he was struck with a kind of paralysisof the brain and had to be sent home. His place was taken by Rev. Case,who taught until 1907, when the CongregationalChurch decidedto give up the mission in Guam. Severalyearslater, the BaptistMissionin Oakland City, Indiana decided to take over the mission work in Guam started by the former missionaries,and Rev. Arthur U. Logan and his wife were sent out. At this time the place was called Missionary Point. Rev. Logan thought that the place was too far away from the congregation,so with the approval of the members,the two remainingbuildingswere moved to Agana. Missionary Point was then offered for sale to any member of the Baptist Mission for two hundred dollars. Since no one was interested, the property was sold to a captain of a Navy tugboat for $300. Later it was bought by Captain Bissetof the Station Ship t/.S.S. Supply. Captain Bissetsold the lower part of the point to Mr. Antonio Cruz, and the high rocky part toward the ocean side to Atkins Kroll & Co., whose manager built a big re-enforced concrete building on the highest part of the cliff. But before it was completed, tragedy occurred. Atkins Kroll & Company's big store and warehouseat Agana caught fire and burned to the ground. A few months later, the manager of the company and builder of the pretentious mansion at Missionary Point was found dead behind Pigo Cemetery shot through the head with a pistol - possiblya suicide.

alerts and blackouts increased.The intervals canle closer and closer together until June 1 1, i 944. n'herr things began to happen at Devils' Point. Heavv Japanesebombing and shelling plastered the point until it was a completely unrecognizableshamble. About a month later, the Third Marine Division followed by the Fifth CB Brigadewith the inevitable bulldozer changed the appearanceof the location over night. On top of the old concrete foundation. the Fifth Brigade built the first officers' club in Guam after the American re-occupation. The rest of the area was filled with quonset huts for headquarters and the offices of the Brigade.The officers' club u'ent over the cliff in the next typhoon, but the concrete foundation remained. The quonset huts were taken over later by the Department of Education for headquarters,offices and classrooms for military dependents' children.



Fascinated by the beauty of the location, Governor and Mrs. H.L. Shapely transformed the building into a beautiful summer home, and appropriately christened the whole hill "Siesta Point". Upon and around the hill, other houseswere built by Mr. Cruz who rented them to officers of the Naval Station and their families. SiestaPoint retainedits name until Decemberl0 1941, when it again became Devils' (plural) Point. After having been occupied and heavily looted by the invading JapaneseArmy Officers, the whole area was turned over to the JapaneseCivilian Government. The Governor lived in the summer house, while the rest of his staff and other officers occupied the rest of the houses. About January, 1944, war activities at Devils' Point increased. The soldiers were seen digging here and there for a "typhoon shelter". They prepared a cave to store ammunition and other supplies, while over it they set a machine gun. About the sametime

Today, the point has resumedits originalname. and the school is called "Adelup Point School". It is located on one of the most beautiful spots in Guam. "Adelup" meanslook before you leap.On some parts of the point, it is advisablenot to leap at all, but just to look.

Aerial view of AdeluP Point'

Adelup ElementarYSchool todaY'


Double ThkeOn lndependence by Dirk A. Ballendorf

fail to recognize Aguinaldo's government? Had Dewey actually promisedindependence? By 1898 the Filipinos had a long history of conflict with the Spanish. In 1561, forty years after Magellan discovered the islands, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi began the subjugation of the Filipinos to the Spanish crown. The Spanish, seeing themdelvesas protectors and defenders of the Catholic Church, began missionary activities and many Spanish clergymen came to the islands for this purpose. Taking advantage of tribal rivalries and superstitions, the priests made many converts among the natives and over the years achieved substantial successfor the Church. Many of the early Spanish churches still remain, even in remote barrios, and are still used. Oftentimes the church is the only permanent and stable structure in the village. The actions of the Spanish priests, however, were not always prudent. As time went on clerical comlption and exploitation of the Filipino people became more and more severe.A feeling of unrest became increasingly evident, manifesting itself in rebellions and protests. A literary criticism of the behavior of the Spanishfriars entitled, El Filibusterismo, written in 1891 by Jose Rizal, a pacifist Filipino leader and statesman,brought the matter of Spanish tyranny to a head. Organizedrebellion soon followed. The fire of rebellion increasedas Filipinos, going to Europe to study, returned to their homeland with rnany liberal ideas. The Spanishrefused to accommodate these new trends and initiated numerous repressive measures.Such actions merely servedto increase the growing sense of national identity among the Filipinos. Local revolts increasedand in 1872 Filipino troops at Cavite Naval Station mutinied.

On July 4, 1946, the Philippine Islandsbecame independent from the United States. But many remember another day as Philippines Independence Day: June 12, 1898. On that day eighty years ago, Emilio Aguinaldo established the first provincial government in his country with himself as presidenta government which was never internationally recognized. Since that time there has been a continuing dialogue over the events surrounding Dewey's destruction of the Spanish fleet and the eventual seizing of Manila by American troops. Some have said that the Americans sold the Filipinos down the river; that Dewey deluded Aguinaldo with clever promises of independencein order to enlist his support, only to deny the promises after Manila had been secured. Others have maintained that at all times Dewey was reasonable and clear with Aguinaldo and that expectanciesof independencewere Aguinaldo's illusions.

U.S.AT WAR WITH SPAIN In 1898 the United Stateswas at warwith Spain. Commodore George Dewey had destroyed the entire Spanish fleet in Manila Bay on May l, and was engaged in holding the Spanish troops in Manila until American ground troops could arrive from California. Aguinaldo, with an armed band of patriots, had been fighting Spanish tyranny in the islands for years. Dewey enlisted his aid in containing the Spanishuntil more Americans could arrive. Aguinaldo agreed to this arrangement heartily, later claiming that Dewey had promised Philippine independenceas a reward for their help. Independence, however, was not forthcoming and Aguinaldo and his followers fought the Americans for four long and bloody years.American textbooks report this struggle as the Philippine Insurrection. In the Philippines it is known as the Philippine-American War. Why did the United States

FI LIPINO INSURGENTSORGANIZE In 1892 the first formal group dedicated to Philippine independence, called the Katipunan, or


KKK, was organized by Andres Bonifacio. This soon gainedmasssupport. By 1896 Bonifacio and his followershad gained sufficient force to launch their first armed revolt, on a large scale,in some of the provinces of Luzon. KKK internal dissentions proved disasterousto this revolt however, and Bonifacio was captured and executed. With the passingof Bonifacio, Emilio Aguinaldo assumedthe leadership of the KKK. A young man of great energy, determination and love of country, he led his people well. At the beginning of his revolutionary career,Aguinaldo fought for socialjustice and representation for the Filipinos in the Spanish colonial government. Later, when America entered the scene and Spanish defeat was certain, he sought outright independence. During 1896-97 the rebel forces fought bravely against the Spanish and apparently made significant inroads to victory, for on December 12, 1897, Aguinaldo and the Spanish signed the Treaty of Biakna-bato.r The Spaniards agreed to pay the rebels 800,000 pesos,and to institute some of the reforms which had been urged by the leaders.Among these were freedom of speech and press, representation on the Spanish Cortes, and the expulsion of the Friars. Aguinaldo and nineteen of his followers were to be paid a half of the 800,000 pesosand exiled to Hong Kong as part of the treaty. The terms were acceptable to both sides.and the revolt was called off. Aguinaldo kept his part of the bargain and was off to Hong Kong with 400,000 pesos.The Spanish, however, did not keep their part and soon the tyranny, which the Filipinos knew of old, returned. The time was January, 1898; in two months the U.S. battleship Maine would be blown up in Havana harbor, touching-off the Spanish-AmericanWar. In March of 1898 the Filipino community in Hong Kong became quite excited when Dewey arrived from the United States via Nagasaki, Japan, with an entire flotilla of ships.There was little doubt of the fleet's eventual destination in the Philippines, since trouble between the U.S. and Spain was an issue of world interest at the time. Captain Wood, commander of the Petrel, one of Dewey's men-o'-war, first contacted Aguinaldo and presented the American suggestionsfor cooperation. Since the Spanish had broken their part of the Treaty of Biak-na-bato, the Americans contended, Aguinaldo had everyjustification to return to the Philippines and resume the revolt. This first meeting led to a seriesof conversations between Aguinaldo and the Americans during March and April, 1898. According to Aguinaldo, Captain Wood promised that the United Stateswould supply the rebel forces with advice and suppliessuch

as arms and ammunition, which would enable the revolutionary army to carry on the fight, holding that "the U.S. . . . is a great and rich nation, and neither needs nor desires colonies."2 Aguinaldo thought that it would be a good idea to put any agreements which might be made in writing, but Wood put him off, saying that he would have to refer such a suggestion to Dewey. It was at this time, early in April, that Aguinaldo broke off the talks with the Americans and fled to Singapore.According to his own account, he became very alarmed when a former member of his revolutionary council, Isabelo Artacho, appearedin Hong Kong demanding to be paid for the serviceshe had rendered for severalmonths when Aguinaldo and his army were fighting against the Spanish on Luzon. Artacho demanded 200,000 pesos.He threatenedto take the matter to court if he was not paid. Aguinaldo suspectedthat Artacho was an agent of the Spanish since he had served the revolutionary govemment for only a short time-two months-and the sum he demanded was outrageous.In additi6n, none of the revolutionary officials or officers were being paid as yet. If Artacho could be successfulin collecting 200,000 pesos from the revolutionaries, it would diminish Aguinaldo's already meager supply of war money by one-half. The Spanish-American War broke out while Aguinaldo was enroute to Singapore.After he arrived there he was almost immediately contacted by the American Consul-General,E. Spencer Pratt. Pratt. like Wood, urged Aguinaldo to ally himself with the Americans in their fight with the Spanish.Naturally Dewey wished to enlist the support of the revolutionaries, since they could be a valuable source of information. Dewey makes it clear in his autobio. graphy, however, that he had dealt with Aguinaldo in an unofficial manner without consulting Washington beforehand: A mong the si tuati onsw i th w hi ch I had t o deal promptly as they arose,when I could not delay to consult Washington,the most complicatedwas that of the Fi l i pi no i nsurgents. B eforethe squadronha d lef t Hong Kong for Manila a cable,dated April 24, had beenrecei ved from our C onsul -General i n S i ngapor e.saying that E mi l i o A gui nal do,the i nsurgentchief , was at Singaporeand would proceedto Hong Kong to seeme if I so desired.I requestedhim to come,as it was possi bl ethat he mi ght haveval uabl ei nformati ont o im par t at a time when no sourceof informationwasto be neol ected.3 While Pratt continued to urge Aguinaldo to cooperate with the Americans, Aguinaldo again asked


No. 29.-Insurgent Prieonere Deported to the Island of Guam. that any agreement they might arrive at be put in writing. Pratt said that he would refer the requestto Dewey. This Pratt did, and although there is no record of any telegram, Aguinaldo claims that Pratt did receivea reply from Dewey:

The McCullock, with Aguinaldo aboard, dropped anchor in Manila Bay on May l9th. Dewey's launch, Nanshan, arrived almost immediately to convey Aguinaldo to the Commodore's flagship, Olympia. Aguinaldo says that he was greeted cordially by Dewey, and was, upon boarding the Olympia, "given the honors due a generalofficer."

Pratt said Deweyrepliedthat the U.S.would at lea st recog nize the independenc e of t he Phili p p i n e s und er th e pro tect ion of t he U. S. Nav y . The C o n s u l added that there was no necessity for entering into a formal agreement becausethe word of the Commodore and th e U.S. Co ns ul- G ener al wer e, in f ac t equi v a l e n t to the mo st sole m n pledge, t hat t heir v er bal pr o m i s e and a ssura nceswould be honor ed t o t he let t e r . a n d w ere no t to b e class edwit h t he Spanis h. 4

ALLIES DIFFER Dewey and Aguinaldo record different accounts of the events and circumstanceswhich follow. Aguinaldo is very clear in his contention that Dewey promised that the U.S. would recognizePhilippine independence. Aguinaldo kept notes of the first meetingshe had with Dewey:

Aguinaldo left Singaporeon April 25 with the hopes of getting passagefrom Hong Kong to Manila with Dewey. He arrived too late, however,and could not travel with the American force. After some slight confusion, he did succeedin gaining Dewey's assent to travel aboard the U.S. ship, McCullock, on its secondtrip to Manila.

A f t e r e x c h a n g i n g t h e u s u a l a m e n i t i t e s , I a ske d Ad m i r a l D e w e y i f i t w a s t r u e t h a t h e h a d s e n t ca b l e g r a m sto t h e C o n s u l - G e n e r a l i n S i n g a p o r e , M r . P r att, w h i ch th e latter told me he had received regarding myself. The A d m i r a l r e p l i e d i n t h e a f f i r m a t i v e , a d d i n g th a t th e U .S.


had co me to the P hilippines t o f r ee t he Filipinos f r o m the yo ke of Sp ain . He s aid f ur t her m or e t hat Am e r i c a was exceedingly well off as regardsterritory, revenues, and resources,and needed no colonies. He assuredme finally tha t the re w as no need f or m e t o ent er t ain a n y doubts wha tever ab out t he r ec ognit ion of t he inde p e n dence of th e Philip pinesby t he Unit ed St at es . T h en th e Admira l as k ed m e if I c ould inf luenc e t h e F ilipin os to rise a ga ins tt he Spanis h.. . In re ply. . . I explained t hat unt il I c ould r ec e i v e arms . . . I wou ld n ot be able t o go int o ac t ion. T h e A dmira l the reu po n of f er ed t o dis pat c h. . . all t he g u n s seize d on bo ard the Spanis h war s hips as well as si x t y tw o Mau se rs.. .a nd am m unit ion. 6

There is no record which deniesthat Dewey ever made such statementsto Aguinaldo. Dewey's own comments pertaining to this subject, however, give a different picture. He indicates that he rendered minimum aid to Aguinaldo:

Filipino lndependence leader Apolinario Mabini' active at time of Andres Bonifacio and Emilio Aguinaldo. government,

although he makes no independence was to be forthcoming:

F ro m my ob se rv at ion of Aguinaldo and his a d v i sors, I decided that it would be unwise to cooperate with him or his a dh ere nt s in an of f ic ial m anner . As ide f r o m permittin g him to e s t ablis hhim s elf as hor e,t he only a i d rend ere dh im wa s a g if t of s om e M aus er r if les and an o l d . smo oth -bo re gu n t hat had been abandoned by t h e S panish .He mo un ted t he gun on a f loat . but ldec li n e d to grant his request that our launchestow it acrossthe bay. In sh ort, my p olic y was t o av oid any t anglin g a l liance with the ins ur gent s . while lappr ec iat ed t h a t , pending th e arrival of our t r oops , t hey m ight be o f service in cle arin g th e long nec k of land t hat s t r et c h e s out from Ca vite Penins ulat o t he env ir ons of M an i l a . T

n te n ti o n

th a t

H o n g K o n g , J u n e 2 7 , 18 9 8 S E C R E T A R Y O F N A V Y , Wa s h i n g t o n Receipt of telegram of June 14 is acknowledged. A g u i n a l d o , i n s u r g e n t l e a d e r , w i t h t h i r t e e n o f h i s sta ff . a r r i v e d M a y 1 9 , b y p e r m i s s i o n, o n N a n s h a n Esta b l i sh e d s e l f C a v i t e . o u t s i d e a r s e n a l ,u n d e r t h e p r o t e c ti o n o f o u r g u n s , a n d o r g a n i z e d h i s a r m y . I h a v e h a d se ve r a lco n f e r e n c e s w i t h h i m , g e n e r a l l y o f a p e r s o n a l n a tu r e . C o n s i s t e n t l y I h a v e r e f r a i n e d f r o m a s s i s t i n gh i m i n a n y w a y w i t h t h e f o r c e u n d e r m y c o m m a n d , a n d o n se ve r a l o c c a s i o n sI h a v e d e n i e d r e q u e s t st h a t I s h o u l d d o so , te l l i n g h i m t h e s q u a d r o n c o u l d n o t a c t u n t i l t h e a r r i va l o f U n i t e d S t a t e s t r o o p s . A t t h e s a m et i m e I h a ve g i ve n h i m t o u n d e r s t a n d t h a t I c o n s i d e r i n s u r g e n t sa s f r i e n d s, b e i n g o p p o s e d t o a c o m m o n e n e m y . H e h a s g o n e to a tte n d a m e e t i n g o f i n s u r g e n t l e a d e r sf o r t h e p u r p o s e o f fo r m i n g a c i v i l g o v e r n m e n t . A g u i n a l d o h a s a c t e d i n d e p e n d e n tl y of the squadron, but has kept me advisedon his prog r e s s ,w h i c h h a s b e e n w o n d e r f u l . I h a v e a l l ow e d to p a ss b V w a t e r , r e c r u i t s , a r m s , a n d a m m u n i t i o n fr o m th e a r s e n a la s h e n e e d e d .H a v e a d v i s e df r e q u e n t l y to co n d u ct t h e w a r h u m a n e l y , w h i c h h e h a s d o n e i n v a r i a b l y. l Vl yr e l a t i o n s w i t h h i m a r e c o r d i a l , b u t I a m n o t i n h i s co n fi d e n c e . T h e U n i t e d S t a t e sh a s n o t b e e n b o u n d i n a n y w a y t o a s s i s ti n s u r g e n t sb y a n y a c t o r p r o m i s e s ,a nd h e i s n o t, t o m y k n o w l e d g e , c o m m i t t e d t o a s s i s t u s . I b e l i e ve h e e x p e c t s t o c a p t u r e M a n i l a w i t h o u t m y a s si sta n ceb, u t d o u b t a b i l i t y , t h e y n o t y e t h a v i n g m a n y gu n s. In m y o p i n i o n t h e s e p e o p l e a r e f a r s u p e r i o r i n t h e i r i n te l l i g e n ce a n d m o r e c a p a b l eo f s e l f- g o v e r n m e n tt h a n t he n a ti ve so f Cuba,and I am familiar with both races. DeweYl l

Official documentssupport Dewey'sstatements. They indicate that it was the American govemment's policy not to make agreementswith Aguinaldo and the revolutionaries.A telegram sent to Dewey from Secretary of the Navy, John D. Long, on May 26, 1898, advisesDewey to use discretion in all matters, and further tells him "not to have political alliances with the insurgentsor any faction in the islandsthat would iQcur liability to maintain their causein the future" 6 Another telegram from Long, dated June 14th, instructed Dewey to make a report of any "conference^s, relations, or cooperations,military or otherwise,"v which he had with Aguinaldo. Dewey cornplied with these instructions, claiming that he had acted "according to the spirit of the Department's instruction...from the beginning,and had "entered into no alliancewith the insurgentsor any faction".l0 One telegram which Dewey sent to Secretary Long on lune 2lth sums up his relationship with Aguinaldo and the insurgents,making it very clear that he considered the Filipinos capable of self-

The evidencefound in theserecordsoffers little doubt that the United Statesnever did. and neverin-


dollars. Aguinaido was outraged, and began immediately to recruit forces and spread hostility toward the Americans throughout the archipelago. While American opinion in generalturned againstAguinaldo then, some tried to understand his feelings. Dewey, himself, wrote:

tended to, commit itself to immediate Philippine independenceas a result of the Spanish-AmericanWar. From the time that Dewey arrivedin Manila Bay with the American squadron, until the arrival of U.S. ground troops in July, there is no evidencethat the American policy toward the insurgents was any different than has been outlined here. Dewey's instructions from Washington were very clear. There were to be no agreementsmade with Filipinos which would be binding to the United States. This policy was not changedor modified in any way while American Forces were engaged with the Spanish in the Philippines.

proclamation Mr. McKinley's of 'benevolent assimulation'fell on earswhich had longsincelearned to proclamations the beneficent andgrandiloquent distrust of whichtheSpanish weremasters. And so began another conflict which lasted four years and involved 70,000 troops. Aguinaldo was capturedon March 23, 1901. Emilio Aguinaldo was a great leader of his people. His leadership through the years has certainly inspired many of his countrymen. History rightfully considershim as one of the noblest of underdogs.If his first effort at establishing independence for his country was not successfulcompletely, there is still cause for Filipinos and Americans alike to celebrate June 12th for it marks the beginning of Filipino self-determination.

AMERICANSCLAIM PHILIPPINES On July 25th, General Wesley Merritt arrived with an American expeditionary force and began operations to seize the city of Manila. Aguinaldo and his army also fought on toward the city and thus gave the Americans considerablesupport. General Merritt later wrote of their participation: I think,was The insurgents foughtwell.Theirsuccess, importance in isolating our Marine forceat of material Cavite from Spanish attack and in preparing a foothold for ou r troo ps wh en t hey s hould ar r iv e. By t he en d o f May they had entirely cleared Cavite Province of the ene my, a nd h ad so near ly s ur r ounded M anila as t o c a u s e a pan ic amo ng the inhabit ant s . l2

N OTE S There i s consi derabl e di fference of opi ni on as to the reas ons w hi ch fi nal l y l ed to the si gni ng of the treaty. Former P res i dent of the U N General A ssembl y, C arl os R omul o s ay s "A gui nal do' s forces swept over one Spanish stronghold after another until the l ast S pani sh representati vebeggedfor mercy". C arl osP . R omul o, Mother America: A Living History of Democracy, (New York: - D oubl eday, 1943), p. 20. A l bert R avenhol t, an A meri c an schol ar, cl ai ms that "the rebel s w ere dri v en bac k i nto the hi l l s. . . they l ost confi dence. Faced w i th dw i ndl i ng s upport, A gui nal do and hi s associ ei tes accepted the S pani s h offer..." Albert Ravenholt, The Philippines, A Young Republic on the Move, (P ri nceton:V an N ostrand, 1962), p.49.

The actual attack on Manila began with the arrival of General Arthur MacArthur's brigade on August 13th. The Spanish had been warned fortyeight hours before the start of the seize,and the plan, on both sides, was to take the city with as little bloodshedand destructionaspossible.Aguinaldo and his army also pushed toward the city, but they were not at all involved with the planning of the battle with the Americans,and were not permitted to enter the city when-+Hvas surrendered by the Spanish to the Americans alone. The terms of the Articles of Capitulation precluded any control of the city by the Filipinos.Article Sevenstates:

E mi l i o A gui nal do and V i cente P aci s,A S econd Look at A meri c a, (N ew Y ork : S pel l erand S ons, 1953), p. 31 . George D ew ey, A utobi ography, (N ew Y ork: S c ri bner' s S ons , 19131,p.243.

its churches, and religious This citv, its inhabitants, establishments, and its private worship,its educational


A gui nal do and P aci s,op. ci t., p. 34.


l bi d.. p. 37.

property of all descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the American ArmY'13


l bi d.. p.37-38.


D ew ey, op. ci t.,p.247


l bi d., A ppendi x E

The American flag was hoisted over Manila and was not hauled down until forty-two years later.* Spain, in return for relinguishingher sovereigntyover the islands, was paid the sum of twenty million


tbi d.


tbi d.


Japaneseoccupiedthe Philippinesduring the Second WorldWar from 1942to 1945.



tbi d.


W. C . Forbes, The P hi l i ppi ne l sl ands, (C am b: H arv ard U ni v . P ress,1945), p. 43; ci ti nq D ew ey's A utobi ography .


D ew ey, op. ci t., A ppendi x F


rbi d.



PhotographerDavid Lotz has a deep interest in the natural history of Guam. This interest has led him to most of the waterfalls in Guam. He now shareswith us his photo collection of the island's best-known waterfalls and some of the more remote waterfalls, too.

Malojloj Falls

"*&,: ""a


Tarzan Falls


;. !'.i;; .,'{,,ii 'j

*: * ,,{ {J

Fintosa Falls


Cotal Falls


\ ffi'o''" I' fS UPPER SIGUA F * ' r" --- s rc u A F A L L s

?ljii cANNoNFAYiil COT AL F AL L






Lower Talofofo Falls

Gzsrn's INs(ercIrIIs

Sella Falls

Merizo WaterHoles

Sigua Falls

Merizo Falls


Imong Falls

Masso Falls

Inarajan Falls

Upper Talofofo Falls

Agaga Falls

Cetti Falk


Oontribrrtors Dirk Ballendorf is Presidentof the Community Collegeof Micronesia and a frequent contributor to publicationsof the Pacific. Mary Browning managesPACIFICANA and has long beenan observer and writer on the Pacificscene.Her next work is a book soon to be published. YolandaDegadillo,M.M.B. Mexico, completed her early studiesin Guadalajara, and later continuedthem in the U.S.She hasworked in Truk and Saipan,and for an extendedperiodwasa researchassociatein MARC delving into Spanish Era documents. Agueda l. Johnston servedthe people of Guam as an educatorand civic leader. ThomasKing is an archeologiston the staff of the High Commissionerof the U.S. Trust Territory of the Pacific, throughoutall of Microwith interestsin preservation nesia. Joseph Lademan retired from naval serviceas a captain and currently lives in California. He was the skipper of the last Gold Star to serveGuam. Larry Lawcock receivedhis doctoratefrom the Universityof California at Berkeley. He has taught in the Philippinesand Guam. Dave Lotz is the assistantdirector of parks and recreation in Guam. Thomas McGrath, S.J. is the editor of the Guam Recorder. FeficiaPlaza,M.M.B. specialistat MARC. is the seniorresearch Paul Souder is Director of Planningfor Guam. He has been dedicated to the serviceof Guam in both the public and privatesectorssincehis arrival.

momEiITS t ROnyrt{L- pAS.t

trl f'

Pre-warparadepassingby drugstorein Agana.


OneoflGzqxt's Be{rrrfiIrrl INs(ertcIIs


=* *',

Fintosa Falls, Guam Photograph by ThomasB. McGrath, S.J.

Volume 8, 1978