Onderzoek hittestress Arnhem van Rens Wijnia

The Urban Heat Island Effect in Arnhem A Case Study on the Specific Mix of Governance Instruments Needed to Address the Urban Heat Island (UHI) Effect in Arnhem

Rens Wijnia 1st of February, 2018

Master Environment & Society Studies, Radboud University

Table of Contents 1.

Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 2 The urban heat island effect ............................................................................................................... 2 The city of Arnhem .............................................................................................................................. 2 Public health consequences ................................................................................................................ 3 Research goal & research question ..................................................................................................... 3

2.

Theoretical framework .................................................................................................................... 4 State instruments ................................................................................................................................ 4 Market instruments............................................................................................................................. 5 Civil society instruments ..................................................................................................................... 5 Practical applications that mitigate the UHI effect ............................................................................. 5 Key concepts........................................................................................................................................ 7

3.

Case study: Arnhem......................................................................................................................... 8 Geographical characteristics of Arnhem ............................................................................................. 8 Heat maps of Arnhem ......................................................................................................................... 8 Research findings .............................................................................................................................. 10 Platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig .................................................................................................. 10 State instruments of Arnhem ............................................................................................................ 11 Statutory regulations ..................................................................................................................... 11 Direct subsidies ............................................................................................................................. 11 Market instruments of Arnhem ........................................................................................................ 12 Civil society instruments of Arnhem ................................................................................................. 13 Additional benefits ............................................................................................................................ 13

4.

Discussion and recommendations ................................................................................................ 14 Recommendations ............................................................................................................................ 14 Limitations ......................................................................................................................................... 15

5.

Conclusion ..................................................................................................................................... 16

6.

References ..................................................................................................................................... 17

7.

Appendices .................................................................................................................................... 20 Appendix A - Phone interview Daphne van der Wal ......................................................................... 20 Appendix B - Email correspondence Hans van Ammers ................................................................... 23 Appendix C - Interview Hans van Ammers ........................................................................................ 24

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1. Introduction Over the course of years, climate change has introduced a set of significant changes in the natural world (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 1). One of those changes is the occurrence of extreme weather conditions, leading to more destructive hurricanes and periods of extreme heat and draught.

Due to trends of industrialization and urbanization, more than fifty percent of the world’s population now lives in urban areas (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 1). As a result, episodes of extreme weather conditions such as heat waves are likely to hit population-dense cities, affecting its inhabitants. Additionally, cities are unsustainable due to their polluting effects and their high demand for resources such as water and energy (McDonald et al., 2014; Banerjee, 2015), but at the same time offer potential solutions towards improved urban resilience and urban sustainability (Berger, 2014; Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 1).

Cities can respond to climate change in two ways: either by governing for climate mitigation or climate adaptation (PBL, 2014). Climate mitigation is aimed at limiting (mitigating) climate change, whereas climate adaptation seeks to adapt to the consequences resulting from climate change (PBL, 2014). This paper addresses governance of climate adaptation, which is a debatable topic as climate adaption is argued to require a form of adaptive governance with new assessment methods (Boezeman, 2015, p. 13-15). Specifically, this paper will examine the urban heat island (UHI) effect as a climate adaptation issue in the city of Arnhem in the Netherlands.

The urban heat island effect The urban heat island (UHI) effect (Roskamp et al., 2010) refers to the phenomenon of a city having a higher temperature compared to its surrounding land areas (Argüeso, Evans, Pitman & Di Luca, 2015). This higher temperature is caused by extensive periods of extreme warm weather, socalled heat waves, which ‘heat up’ the city and is fueled by the inability of a city’s urban area to ‘cool off’ afterwards. The urban environment allows for preservation of heat inside the urban construction, called thermal radiation (Theeuwes, 2015). At the same time, urban environments often lack green areas and prevent proper wind flow that can help to lower city temperatures (Argüeso, Evans, Pitman & Di Luca, 2015). In the Netherlands, urban heat islands are a common phenomenon and are present in cities such as Arnhem, but it is also known to affect smaller cities as well as small villages (Theeuwes, 2015).

The city of Arnhem The city of Arnhem is part of an European project called Future Cities (Roskamp et al., 2012).

The aim of this project is to focus on climate change adaptation by exchanging knowledge and expertise between different cities. Specifically, Arnhem focuses on practical applications of implementing green, water and city morphology to combat the UHI effect (Roskamp et al., 2012).

Local measurements of city temperatures were conducted, resulting in Arnhem being one of the first cities to have developed a heat map, which identifies certain hotspots within the city (Heusinkveld, van Hove & Jacobs, 2012). This map will be explained in detail in Chapter 3.

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Public health consequences The UHI effect has implications for public health (Harlan, Brazel, Prashad, Stefanov & Larsen, 2006; Theeuwes, 2015). Humans can experience heat stress, which refers to the negative health consequences of being subjected to prolonged periods of a heated environment. Specifically vulnerable groups such as elderly, young children and people with certain respiratory or cardiovascular diseases within a population are prone to heat stress, since the UHI effect exacerbates air pollution (Structuurvisie, 2012). Among these groups, increased air temperatures can cause insomnia, can lead to a reduction in labor productivity and can result into the occurrence of a heat stroke, which proves to be fatal if not treated within hours (Theeuwes, 2015). As a result, the UHI effect contributes to higher risks of morbidity and mortality rates (Kovats & Kosatky, 2010).

It is important to address the governance for climate adaptation for the UHI effect to increase urban resilience and sustainability next to securing the well-being of its residents.

Research goal & research question The goal of this paper is to propose a set of governance instruments needed to address the UHI effect in Arnhem. It does so by first identifying existing state, market and civil society instruments for governing the UHI effect present in the literature. Then, current instruments that are being applied to address the UHI effect in Arnhem will be described. The research question of this research is as follows: ‘’What specific set of governance instruments from state, market and civil society is needed to address the UHI effect in Arnhem?’’

The findings of the case study are based on a content analysis as well as data provided by conducting two interviews. One interview was held by phone with a representative of the collaborative platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig. The other interview with a board advisor of the municipality of Arnhem took place at the town home of Arnhem. Both interviews can be found in the appendices. Finally, based on the data from existing literature and the case study, a recommended mix of state, market and civil society instruments will be proposed that is needed to (further) address the UHI effect in Arnhem.

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2. Theoretical framework From an institutional perspective, the state, market and civil society can be seen as the three main institutional spheres (Steurer, 2013). With regard to governance of the UHI effect, each of these spheres have their own approach. This chapter will first describe different state, market and civil society instruments that can be used to govern the UHI effect. Then, an overview of different specific, practical applications to combat the UHI effect will be provided.

State instruments Looking at the role of the state, regulatory instruments can be used in order to mitigate the UHI effect, since governments play an important role in urban design (Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012). Governments can decide on building structure, but also take into account special conditions such as fire proofing (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 30.). Additionally, the UHI effect underlines the problem of climate change, which is one of the long-term issues government is held responsible to address (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 33). Hence, governments are provided with a set of government tools or better referred to in this paper as state instruments to address issues such as the UHI effect.

Secondly, different state instruments can be identified, such as statutory regulations, direct subsidies and economic instruments. Statutory regulations refer to a set of standards that can be prescriptive, performance-based or goal-oriented (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 33). With regard the governance of the UHI effect, statutory regulations can be applied in urban planning regulations and standards. Here, prescriptive standards can influence the urban built form which enhances urban wind flow, reducing UHIs. Also, prescriptive standards with regard to built height and built density could influence the occurrence of UHIs (Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012).

Performance-based standards could also address UHIs by focusing on the energy performance of buildings, thus their heat generation. For example, the installation of ventilation systems and heating of building falls into this category and could help reduce internal and external building temperatures (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 34).

Goal-oriented standards are focused on preventing ‘’harmful events by directly linking the behaviour of individuals, goods or services to the regulatory goal’’ (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 34). This means individuals can decide for themselves on the way(s) to comply with these standards. An example of UHI mitigation could be the proposition of the municipality of Arnhem to citizens to aid in cooling down their buildings, in which residents can decide for themselves on how to comply with these rules.

Another state instrument is direct subsidies, which are financial incentives that are aimed to promote certain social and economic outcomes (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 34). State subsidies could be used to promote the application of innovative technologies aimed to reduce the UHI effect in households (Synnefa & Santamouris, 2012). Moreover, subsidizing the application of innovative technologies positively affect market instruments, since the market can now play into the increased demand for cool roofing that follows from the subsidy (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 36).

A last state instrument, economic instruments, consist of taxes and tradable permits. With regard to tackling the UHI effect, these economic instruments appear to be less applicable and 4

effective instruments; rather, they are more suitable to address problems of environmental sustainability than being used as an instrument to address the specific issue of the UHI effect (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 36).

Market instruments In general, businesses and industries are only slowly responding to the concept of climate adaptation (Linnenluecke, Griffiths & Winn, 2013). Most studies are focusing on the consequences for businesses of climate adaptation, such as changes in competition, the emergence of new products and markets or changing firm conditions due to changing political and economic conditions (Linnenluecke, Griffiths & Winn, 2013). Little is known about adjustments that businesses need to take to respond to changes in the dynamics of the natural environment as a results of climate change, or the occurrence of the UHI effect in particular (Linnenluecke, Griffiths & Winn, 2013).

Moreover, it is argued that businesses’ response to climate adaptation strategies, such as the UHI effect, correspond to processes of organizational learning (Berkhout, Hertin & Gann, 2006).

Organizations seldom adapt ‘autonomously’, since this adaptive behavior is dependent on external resources, such as more general market conditions (Berkhout, Hertin & Gann, 2006).

Current mitigating UHI applications from the market sphere focus on achieving competitive advantage by innovating and developing new technologies (Linnenluecke & Griffiths, 2010).

Businesses could play a role in addressing the UHI effect by providing building tools and technologies to government that can make urban planning and urban performance proposed by the state more resilient (Synnefa & Santamouris, 2012). Secondly, market instruments could also be targeted on private household owners; businesses could provide new technologies that are aimed to reduce heat generation of houses (Synnefa & Santamouris, 2012).

To conclude, in governing the UHI effect, it is fair to say that market instruments only play a limited role (Linnenluecke, Griffiths & Winn, 2013). This role is limited to businesses that can facilitate technologies to both governments and households aimed to reduce the UHI effect. It should be noted that the willingness to adopt new technologies that facilitate governance of the UHI effect from a market perspective varies significantly between businesses and organizations, since such practices can be risky (Berkhout, 2012).

Civil society instruments Next to state and market instruments, civil society instruments could be important in addressing the UHI effect. Civil society is characterized by societal actors such as NGOs, citizen partnerships or civil society organizations (Steurer, 2013). With regard to governance for the UHI effect, civil society can become visible in emerging and mobilizing communities and neighborhood organizations. Here, communities are the mobilization of residents that want to work together to locally address the UHI effect (Steurer, 2013; Edwards, 2004). Hence mobilized residents and communities can voluntarily work together to reduce the UHI effect, thereby becoming a part of civil society, since the UHI effect and the underlying problem of climate change resonates to the institutional level and can be seen as an important societal and political problem.

Practical applications that mitigate the UHI effect In the previous paragraphs, state, market and civil society instruments have been identified along with their general mechanisms to steer and guide. In this paragraph, different examples of practical applications to tackle the UHI effect derived from the literature will be described. Below in 5

Table 1, these different applications are ‘categorized’ along their governing state, market or civil society instruments for the UHI effect. In the following paragraph, each strategy will be described in detail.

Table 1. Practical applications and their governance instruments to address the UHI effect

Practical applications

Governance instruments

Implementation of vegetation

Statutory regulation: prescriptive standards & performance-based standards Statutory regulation: prescriptive standards & performance-based standards Statutory regulation: prescriptive standards

Re-designed urban outer materials Changed urban design, geometry and orientation Installment of new technologies: Solar reflection technology on rooftops or roads, cool roofing technology

Voluntary community gardens

State instrument: direct subsidies Statutory regulation: prescriptive standards & performance-based standards Market instrument: innovation and development Civil society instrument: mobilization

As aforementioned, urban planning is an important statutory regulation of the state to govern the UHI effect. Looking at specific applications, various urban planning regulatory methods can be identified, such as the implementation of vegetation (Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012; Zhou & Shepherd, 2010). Parks, greenbelts, trees, and grass are known to mitigate the UHI effect (Onishi, Cao, Lto, Shi & Imura, 2010; Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012). For example, green parking lots in urban areas can have a mitigating effect (Onishi, Cao, Lto, Shi & Imura, 2010). Also, the placement of individual trees or the development of city parks in large urban areas can mitigate the UHI effect as well as reducing perceived heat stress in residents (Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012; Lafortezza, Carrus, Sanesi & Davies, 2009). The decrease in city temperature as a result of the implementation of city parks is called the park cool island (PCI) (Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012). As for the individual placement of trees, a canopy of trees is most thermal efficient compared to a larger cluster of trees which creates only one large shadow (Stone & Rodgers, 2001). Also, the greening of roofs of governmental buildings as a prescriptive statutory regulation in cities contribute to decreasing city temperatures (Stone & Rodgers, 2001). Moreover, greening of roofs also leads to a reduced energy consumption inside the building, making it a suitable performance-based statutory regulation in governing the UHI effect (Susca, Gaffin & Dell’Osso, 2011).

Another UHI application is focused on redesigning certain urban aspects, such as the outer materials of pavements (Gago, Roldan, Pacheco-Torres & Ordóñez, 2013). Using ‘cold’ materials, which are light and are white-colored reflect sunlight better than darker ‘hot’ pavement materials which are likely to absorb more sunlight and heat up. Another method is implementing a ‘cooling liquid’ inside the outer layer of the pavement (Guan, Ma & Qin, 2011). Additionally, making pavements outer materials permeable is beneficial for absorbing rain and helps in heat reduction as well (Gago, Roldan, Pacheco-Torres & Ordóñez, 2013; Li, Harvey, Holland & Kayhanian, 2013).

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A third application is aimed at the design, geometry and orientation of buildings in a urbandense area (Table 1). Taking into account these factors during urban planning can decrease the amount of solar radiation, hence lower city temperatures (Gago, Roldan, Pacheco-Torres & Ordóñez, 2013). Other practical examples include the amount of windows used in buildings that reflect sunlight, building height that creates shadows and the distance between buildings, which influences urban wind flow, also contributing to mitigating the UHI effect (Gago, Roldan, Pacheco-Torres & Ordóñez, 2013). This strategy type is best referred to as the prescriptive standards of statutory regulation.

As a fourth strategy, the usage of solar reflective materials can have a mitigating UHI effect (Santamouris, 2014; Bretz, Akbari & Rosenfeld, 1998). Here, solar reflection can be viewed as part of urban design as well, and can also be placed into the prescriptive standards category. Additionally, solar reflective materials reduce heat generation of roads and rooftops (Synnefa & Santamouris, 2012), hence are an example of state governance by applying performance-based standards.

Moreover, the invention and application of these technologies has largely been made possible by the market (Table 1, Santamouris, 2014). Here, businesses play a key role in pushing the development of innovative technologies and are accountable for the provision of them. However, the practical application of these market innovations can be viewed as a state instrument (Table 1), since state by means of direct subsidies can influence the provision by market (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 36).

A practical application that refers to civil society governance is also the implementation of vegetation, but now involves organizations and residents; residents themselves can introduce vegetation to their own houses for example, which aid in lowering city temperatures (Zinzi & Agnoli, 2012; Kleerekoper, van Esch & Salcedo, 2012). Civil societies’ governance instrument of mobilization of civil society organizations, residents and communities can translate to the development of voluntary community gardens within neighborhoods of cities, that enhanced social connectedness alongside the mitigating UHI effect (Botkin & Beveridge, 1997).

Key concepts For the analysis of the case study of Arnhem, the following key concepts will be used: statutory regulations, prescriptive standards, performance-based standards, goal-oriented subsidies, direct subsidies, innovation and development and mobilization.

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3. Case study: Arnhem Now that different state, market and civil society instruments to govern the UHI effect have been identified alongside examples of practical applications to mitigate the UHI effect, this chapter will introduce the case study of the UHI effect in the city of Arnhem. First, a brief description of some geographical characteristics of Arnhem will be presented. Then, the different instruments to govern the UHI effect will be applied to the case study of Arnhem. The findings of the case study are based on existing documents and collected data from the two interviews.

Geographical characteristics of Arnhem Arnhem is the capital of the province of Gelderland, located at the eastern part of the Netherlands and one of the larger cities in the country. Currently, Arnhem covers an area of around 101,54 km² with a population of approximately 157.000 residents, resulting in a population density of around 1546/km² (Gemeente Arnhem, 2017; CBS, 2017). Compared to last year, Arnhem has gained approximately 1500 new residents equaling a growth rate of .96% (Gemeente Arnhem, 2017). With 96,4%, the area of Arnhem is largely land, leaving 3,6% of the area of Arnhem for water. The Northern and Southern part of Arnhem is separated by the River Rhine.

Arnhem has a maritime climate, which is characterized by periods of heavy rainfall (KNMI, 2017). Arnhem is specifically prone to the UHI effect during hot days. In the summer of 2017, Arnhem has faced a city temperature of 35 degrees in June at the highest. In 2016, the highest city temperature was 37 degrees in July, but even in September Arnhem faced two days temperatures around 35 degrees (Het weer actueel, 2017).

Heat maps of Arnhem As mentioned in the introduction of this paper, Arnhem is part of the project Future Cities (Roskamp et al., 2012). As a result, Arnhem can be seen as an active player in governing climate adaptations issues such as the UHI effect.

Moreover, Arnhem is one of the first cities to have developed a heat map (Heusinkveld, van Hove & Jacobs, 2012; Structuurvisie, 2012). One visual presentation of the heat map is presented in Figure 1 below. The map presents various hotspots, which are the red areas mainly in the Northern part of Arnhem on the map that are especially prone to high temperatures. Additionally, the map shows areas that are easily cooled off, due to valley winds from the higher, Northern areas (darker green areas) that surround Arnhem (Heusinkveld, van Hove & Jacobs, 2012). Valley winds from these higher areas can flow to lower areas and decrease city temperature (‘ thermal induced circulations’, Figure 1). Additionally, the open space among the river Rhine that flows through Arnhem generates convection winds which have a cooling-effect as well. Together, these two types of wind give Arnhem a starting point to govern the UHI effect. Another presentation of the cities’ hotspots is visible in Figure 2.

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Figure 1. Heat map of Arnhem (Heusinkveld, van Hove & Jacobs, 2012).

Figure 2. Heat map of Arnhem depicting hotspots (Arnhem Direct, 2016).

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Research findings Subsequently to the identification-phase of the UHI effect (Figures 1 & 2), a heat attention map has been developed as well (Figure 3). Here, the UHI applications of the city are presented. The map shows area-related measures that need to be taken to reduce the UHI effect during heat waves, specifically at the hotspots. The heat attention map can be viewed as an overview of governance instruments of Arnhem to address the UHI effect (Structuurvisie, 2012; Steurer, 2013).

Figure 3. Heat attention map of Arnhem (Structuurvisie, 2012).

Platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig Since September 2016, a collaborative platform called Arnhem Klimaatbestendig has emerged with the goal to inform residents, businesses, organizations and institutions on climate adaptation. The platform emerged out of a need for a structured source of information regarding climate adaptation. The platform consists of municipal actors, water boards, an architect bureau that has an educative role and architectural firms among others. Together, they aim to make residents, organizations and institutions aware of their own responsible role in making Arnhem more resistant to the UHI effect and more climate-proof in general. The platform facilitates a bottom-up approach as it enables citizens and stimulates local initiatives to contribute to the development of making Arnhem climate resilient. Moreover, the success of the platform can be partly ascribed to the collaboration of different stakeholders from the state, market and civil society spheres. As an example of this form of collaborative governance (Van der Heijden, 2014, p. 62), the platform 10

organizes the so-called Klimaatcafé, which is a series of meetings with the goal to inspire different stakeholders such as residents, representatives from the municipality of Arnhem as well as housing associations and students, putting climate adaptation on the agenda.

In the upcoming paragraphs that describe state, market and civil society instruments for governing the UHI effect in Arnhem, the role of this collaborative platform will become visible.

State instruments of Arnhem Statutory regulations The municipality of Arnhem has taken various precautions to address the UHI effect. First, the municipality collaborates with platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig to mitigate the UHI effect. For example, the municipality has helped in creating green roofs on a care farm in Arnhem, which helps cooling off the building (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2017). Also, the municipality has provided the townhome of Arnhem with roof vegetation (Arnhem Direct, 2017), which apart from its cooling effect can be viewed as a symbolic example to other stakeholders to take responsibility. The method of greening roofs could be viewed as performance-based standards of statutory regulation, since it improves the energy performance in terms of heat reduction of the building. Additionally, the placement of vegetation on buildings can also be linked to prescriptive statutory regulation, since the outer layer of the building is re-designed. Even though this vegetation is added to the urban planning process afterwards, it could be included in future urban planning and urban design. Another regulatory instrument of the municipality regarding urban design, which can be viewed as both a prescriptive-based and performance-based standard, is the extension of the Coehoornpark in Arnhem, where unused concrete space that is prone to the urban heat island effect is transformed into a green ‘open office’ where residents but also entrepreneurs can connect (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2012). This project was initiated by the municipality of Arnhem and executed by architect bureau Le far West.

Direct subsidies Moreover, the municipality invested in these projects to realize green roofs, which can be viewed as state’s financial instrument of direct subsidization (van der Heijden, 2014).

Additionally, the municipality used direct subsidies to take a leading investment role in the development of an urban agriculture area in the southern part of Arnhem. The aim of this project, set up in 2014, is to produce organic fruits and vegetables, but simultaneously mitigates the UHI effect (Arnhem Klimaat Bestendig, 2017). Here, the municipality enabled and connected other state and civil society actors in this project such as Natuurcentrum Arnhem and care farm De Zorgtuin, resulting in a process of collaborative governance.

Another example of the state instrument of direct subsidies, the municipality of Arnhem offers financial support to the educational institution Hogeschool Arnhem Nijmegen (HAN) to provide green roofs that help decrease city temperature (Jacobs, 2011). The educational institution together with knowledge platform Roof Update are leading this project.

So, the practical applications of the municipality to mitigate the UHI effect mentioned above are mainly established by means of direct subsidization. The municipality has received a subsidy from the European Union for the project Climate Active Neighborhood intended for climate adaptation in general and meant to support neighborhood initiatives that contribute to sustainability in the broadest sense (Gemeente Arnhem, 2016). In 2015 and 2016, Arnhem has invested around half a million Euros to make the city more heat resistant by implementing vegetation (Vitale Groene Stad, 11

2015; Boezeman, 2015, p. 128). However, the financial capabilities of the municipality to invest in the implementation of applications that mitigate the UHI effect remains limited due to a relatively small budget (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). Moreover, investments in green roofs are more expensive than conventional roofs made of bitumen, which makes it not among the set of cost-effective decisions the municipality strives to make (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017).

Furthermore, the municipality of Arnhem takes into account the UHI effect in its future urban design and urban planning policies, as is shown on the heat attention map as well (Figure 3).

However, the considerations of the UHI effect for urban planning and design are merely recommendations, which translates to a separate ‘UHI effect mitigation plan’ within the building plan developed by the specific contractor. Theoretically, the UHI recommendations of the municipality of Arnhem are a proper prescriptive statutory regulation, but due to the non-binding character of these recommendations they are often not taken into account by building contractors, since building requirements prevail over building recommendations (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017).

The same goes for the preservation and stimulation of the valley winds from the higher areas North of Arnhem: initial building plans in this green area were eventually cancelled based on the common-shared unethical feeling of building in this area and not because of municipal recommendations stating that such a construction would negatively influence the city climate by blocking the valley winds (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). However, valley winds only have a limited effect in decreasing city temperatures as they are largely blocked by the rail viaduct Zypse poort, preventing them to flow through the city center of Arnhem. As for the convection winds from the river Rhine, the presence of high sheet piles near the Rhine hinder the flow of convection winds, hence their cooling effect as well (D. van der Wal, personal communication, December 4, 2017).

Market instruments of Arnhem In chapter 2, an analysis of potential market instruments to govern the UHI effect has lead to a concluding limited role of markets in this issue. Moreover, it was argued that innovation and development of new technologies can be an important market instrument for mitigation of the UHI effect .

Looking at Arnhem, no innovate technologies from the market are being used on a large, significant scale (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). Currently, there are landscape bureaus that use the heat attention map and the underlying story of ‘climate change’ as an incentive to plant trees in Arnhem. Furthermore, the role of businesses is visible in collaboration with the municipality and civil society organizations, established as well as accompanied by platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig.

The lack of proper, large scale applications of market innovations such as cool roofing technology and advanced green roofs reflects the lack of urgency on this topic at all institutional levels (D. van der Wal, personal communication, December 4, 2017; H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). A lack of large scale application of such technologies means high manufacturing costs at this point in time, making it unattractive for municipalities to adopt (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). In addition, little scientific research has been conducted on the durability of green roofs compared to the durability of roofs consisting of commonly-used roof materials such as bitumen, though existing research points to energy usage 12

benefits and better management of extreme temperatures in the case of green roof technology (D. van der Wal, personal communication, December 4, 2017; Liu & Minor, 2005).

Still, involving the market by making use of market innovations and the development of innovative green roofing technologies are viewed as important opportunities for Arnhem to help becoming more climate adaptive. Businesses communicating the benefits of such innovations to the public and private sector is of crucial importance in this process (D. van der Wal, personal communication, December 4, 2017). However, climate adaptation is lacking a revenue model, which makes large scale application of technological innovations pushed by the market unlikely (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). In contrast, the energy transition does entail a revenue model as is seen in businesses’ adaptive capacities and responses to this transition.

Civil society instruments of Arnhem Next to ways in which the municipality of Arnhem and several businesses work together to achieve climate resilience in terms of UHI mitigation, civil society organizations (CSOs) also play an significant role. Practical examples of projects in which CSOs in Arnhem have been involved are the realization of green parking spaces in the Bremstraat in Arnhem (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2017).

The idea of this project originates from an individual resident, but has been put to action via the setup of the voluntary CSO GroenWest Arnhem, which goal is to develop and implement sustainable projects in the Western part of Arnhem (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2017). The green parking spaces project shows the mobilization of citizens into a CSO becoming directly involved in governing the UHI effect (Steurer, 2013; Edwards, 2004).

Another project that has been realized by a CSO together with platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, is the implementation of vertical green strips in the neighborhood Spoorhoek located next to the railway. These green strips reduce city temperatures and are especially of importance in this neighborhood due to a lack of vegetation (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2017). This project was subsidized by a specific fund of architecture and the construction of the project was realized by a business partner called Nexit architecten. This project underlines the collaborative skills and expertise that is being used to connect CSOs to businesses and the municipality of Arnhem by means of the platform.

At last, a community garden Maarhuizenpad is an important example of communities working together in addressing the UHI effect (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2017). CSOs have originated this idea and put it to work, which reflects the mobilizing capacities of CSOs and displays the role of civil society in the governance for the UHI effect.

Additional benefits The projects that are implemented to address the UHI effect in Arnhem also have additional climate adaptive capabilities. Not only do most of the projects that implement vegetation mitigate the UHI effect, they also aid in making Arnhem more climate adaptive in terms of the city’s rainresistance, as well as preventing flooding (Arnhem Direct, 2016). Secondly, the vegetation projects all contribute to more nature and increased biodiversity (Arnhem Klimaatbestendig, 2017).

Also, the mobilization of CSOs also leads to increased social connectedness within the city; residents may feel more involved as well as empowered when working on these climate adaptation projects. Also, community gardens such as the Maarhuizenpad in Arnhem and the construction of new parks facilitate social cohesion within a city as well (Botkin & Beveridge, 1997).

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4. Discussion and recommendations This paper has identified different state, market and civil society instruments that can be used for governance of the UHI effect. The city of Arnhem was chosen as a case study to investigate to what extent these different instruments for UHI governance are currently being used and in what specific way by looking at existing practical applications.

The research question of this paper was: What specific set of governance instruments from state, market and civil society is needed to address the UHI effect in Arnhem?

Governance instruments With regard to the state instruments, the findings from the case study suggest that the municipality of Arnhem focuses mainly on direct subsidies as well as prescriptive standards and performance-based standards of statutory regulations, whilst goal-oriented standards appear to be less applicable. The municipality provides advice on urban planning and design aspects in relation to UHI mitigation and manages to implement these aspects in the projects established by platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig. However, the main drawback is that these statutory regulations are in no sense binding. Rather, they are merely recommendations for building contractors. Therefore, outside the work field of the platform, their governing effect remains limited. In addition, the limited financial capabilities of the municipality for UHI mitigation translates to a restricted role of the instrument direct subsidies.

As for the market instrument innovation and development, it can be argued that technological advancements to upscale the applications of for example green roofs are yet to come; such innovations take time as they are subjected to extensive research and moreover require a sense of urgency for the negative consequences of the UHI effect, specifically in relation to other climate adaptation issues such as urban rain water drainage. Thus, the role of the market in governing the UHI effect in Arnhem is marginally visible with collaborative businesses in the projects of Arnhem Klimaatbestendig.

Lastly, the civil society instrument mobilization is present since residents of Arnhem have managed to set up CSOs, becoming organized residents that look for ways to make their city more climate resilient, also by focusing on mitigating the UHI effect in their neighborhoods.

Recommendations It is important to reflect on what is needed from state, market and civil society to further achieve UHI mitigation in the upcoming years, making Arnhem a more climate resilient city.

First, a more regulative role of the municipality would be recommended. This could be achieved by looking at ways to better incorporate prescriptive and performance-based regulatory standards into building plans, preferably by transforming the recommendations into mandatory requirements (Chow, Brennan & Brazel, 2012). Such requirements could lead to the adoption of the concept of mainstreaming by the government, which makes climate adaptive measures an important integrated part of the policy making process (Boezeman, 2015, p. 17; Uittenbroek, 2014).

However, strict building regulations could negatively affect the free market by preventing new businesses and organizations to settle, or existing businesses to flourish due to higher building costs.

Secondly, the municipality could apply prescriptive-based regulatory standards to the public level, for example by making vegetation or green roofs on households mandatory. However, such 14

regulations plans bring up inequality implications, but also ignore the institutional void within the domain of urban planning and policy with regard to the urgency of UHI mitigation the Netherlands is currently dealing with (Boezeman, 2015, p. 123).

Alternatively, the municipality could provide subsidies for green roofing households, thereby providing an incentive to change behavior. Such measures could contribute to up-scaling UHI mitigating applications, though its affordability by higher income households could increase inequality.

As aforementioned, market innovation and development is largely dependent on a sense of urgency. Currently, the municipality has managed to raise awareness on the topic of climate adaptations issues such as the UHI effect, but it still is relatively a small issue compared to other climate adaptation issues that are likely to threaten Arnhem and its residents. This makes businesses unwilling to investments in it (Wong & Lau, 2013), since from a business perspective it is risky to go into uncharted waters, but addressing the UHI effect also lacks a clear revenue model (H. van Ammers, personal communication, December 6, 2017). At this point in time, there is little the market can do to mitigate the UHI effect in Arnhem.

As a third recommendation, platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig could look at ways to bring their message for climate adaptation and UHI mitigation to more residents in Arnhem. Arnhem could use the concept of value creation to achieve this; valley winds and convection winds in a certain area have no intrinsic value, but when combined with the green quality of this area, people better understand and could be willing to change.

Disseminating the call for UHI mitigation in Arnhem to its residents is important to further raise awareness for climate adaptation. The platform already provides practical information on how individuals can take their responsibility, for example by implementing more vegetation around their houses, displaying a strong bottom-up approach and increasing the organizational capacity of communities (Beer, Bartley & Roberts, 2012). Still, it is necessary to transfer this information and advice to the general public, which could increase mobilization and may facilitate the emergence of grassroots organizations, leading to more UHI mitigating applications originated from civil society (Wong & Lau, 2013; Beer, Bartley & Roberts, 2012).

Also, enhanced collaboration and the incorporation of new stakeholders working in different fields is recommended, though the need for institutional change to realize actual climate adaptation policy changes should not be ignored (Boezeman, 2015 p. 14). Institutional change is needed as climate adaptation issues such as the UHI effect can be viewed as a wicked problem due its uncertain unfolding character over time, making it difficult to anticipate, which evokes new demands for governance (Boezeman, 2015, p. 14).

Limitations The scope of this paper was the identification and application of specific state, market and civil society instruments, but a broader institutional approach that had better taken into account governance (issues) for climate adaptation would have been desirable to gain a better understanding of what is needed for the transition to urban resilience (Boezeman, 2015, p. 13).

Furthermore, the case study of this paper only yielded two interviews. More in-depth information on practical applications may have contributed to a better overview of governance strategies for UHI mitigation. Also, the current immaturity of the UHI effect and the accompanying 15

early stages of UHI mitigation in Arnhem limits the amount of practical applications and displays the relatively marginal role of platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig in mitigating the UHI effect.

5. Conclusion Arnhem has taken a leading role in the identification and analysis of the UHI effect, which has resulted in an increased awareness on the UHI effect among its residents. The emergence of platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig facilitates a bottom-up approach to governance of UHI mitigation, but actual contributions to climate adaptation governance remain relatively small. New ways to inform and empower the general public are necessary, before public awareness on climate adaptive topics will again decrease. Next to the platform, the municipality of Arnhem is the most important actor in further transforming Arnhem into a climate resilient city. Arnhem still has a long road ahead when it comes to mitigating the UHI effect, but collaborative governance is important and should be encouraged. Moreover, due to the ‘immaturity’ of the UHI effect and its alleged wickedness, general attention to the UHI effect is subjected to limited institutionalism. Arnhem should embrace new modes of adaptive governance that could fill up this institutional void and further facilitate policy changes. Together, these measures aid in achieving enhanced governance of the UHI effect, leading to decreased public health risks, improved well-being of residents and a more sustainable, climate resilient city of Arnhem.

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7. Appendices Appendix A - Phone interview Daphne van der Wal Phone interview Platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig Date: 4-12-2017 10.00 uur 1. Wat is platform klimaatbestendig? Welke partijen zijn erbij betrokken?

Begin 2016 ontstond er vanuit Arnhem de behoefte om het hitte-eiland effect tegen te gaan. Platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig is deels ontstaan vanuit samenwerking tussen landschapsarchitecten, welke aangeven dat het verhaal over klimaateffecten meer verteld moest worden. Bij veel mensen is er sprake van een kennisgebrek over klimaatveranderingen en de gevolgen daarvan. Ten tweede is er bij de mensen die wel over voldoende kennis beschikken sprake van een gebrek aan verantwoordelijkheidsgevoel. Indien er wel een verantwoordelijkheidsgevoel is, is er teveel informatie beschikbaar over klimaatadaptatie waardoor overzicht ontbreekt. Afgelopen jaar zijn er twee grote bijeenkomsten geweest, waarbij een analyse van verschillende actoren heeft plaatsgevonden die baat hebben bij een samenwerking naar hitte-eiland effect reductie.

Er was sprake van veel interesse, maar toentertijd nog geen platform voor communicatie. Hierdoor werd Platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig opgericht, sinds september 2016. Het kernteam bestaat uit de gemeente, waterschappen met een educatieve rol, bureau CASA architecten welke zorgen voor expertise en kennisstimulatie en de verschillende landschapsarchitecten met een overkoepelende functie binnen het platform.

Het doel van het platform is het informeren en activeren van Arnhemmers, waaronder naast inwoners ook de bedrijven en Gemeente vallen.

2. Zijn er meerdere aanpassingen in stedelijke planning voor Arnhem die rekening houden met het hitte-eiland effect? Zo ja, kunt u daar enkele voorbeelden van geven? Zijn hier al aanpassingen in beleid voor gedaan, of zijn hier bepaalde regels of verboden voor?

Aanpassingen op het niveau van stedelijke planning worden meegenomen in het beleid, er wordt hier actief op geanticipeerd. Door gemeente & platform ‘binnenstad Arnhem’, bestaande uit bewoners & bedrijven, is er een zogeheten ‘menukaart’ gemaakt. Het doel hiervan is de vergroening van de stad door bijvoorbeeld de plaatsing van groenbakken. Bedrijven spelen een rol in de provisie van deze groenbakken en de financiering is deels afkomstig van gemeente maar ook bewoners en bedrijven.

Ook is er de ‘Climate active neighborhood’ subsidie vanuit de EU, welke bestemd is voor klimaatadaptatie, waaronder maatregelen tegen het hitte-eiland effect.

3. Wat doet gemeente Arnhem om verkoelende dalwinden te stimuleren; is hier een concrete aanpak van of zijn hier concrete projecten voor? Zijn er nieuwe regels en wetten die hierin kunnen sturen?

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De aanpak om dalwinden te stimuleren is voornamelijk theoretisch; dalwinden zijn afkomstig van de hoger gelegen gebieden uit Arnhem, maar de Zypsepoord blokkeert de doorstromen van de dalwinden verder het stadscentrum in. Daarnaast zullen de groene gebieden zoals het Sonsbeekpark welke als belangrijke passage van de dalwinden fungeren onbebouwd blijven, wat de minimale verkoeling van de stad middels deze winden ten goede komt.

4. Wordt er ook gebruik gemaakt van de rivier/convectiewinden vanaf de Rijn als middel tegen het hitte-eiland effect?

De aanwezigheid van hoge damwanden in Arnhem beperkt het verkoelende effect van convectiewinden vanaf de Rijn.

5. Kunt u mij iets meer vertellen over de blootlegging van de sint jansbeek als een toepassing voor het tegengaan van het hitte-eiland effect?

Het is onwaarschijnlijk dat de blootlegging van de Sint Jansbeek gaat helpen om het hitte-eiland effect tegen te gaan. Water kent een psychologisch verkoelend effect, maar in feite zal het water wat door de beek stroomt opwarmen tijdens periodes van warmte in de stad, waardoor het warme water het stedelijk verkoelende effect in de nacht juist tegen kan werken. Als het water eenmaal warm is koelt het ook langzaam af.

6. Hoe pakken bedrijventerreinen het thema klimaatadaptatie aan, bij voorkeur het hitteeiland effect in Arnhem; is er sprake van innovatie en implementatie van nieuwe technologieën?

Op dit moment spelen bedrijven een beperkte rol; er is geen sprake van implementatie van nieuwe technologieën uit het bedrijfsleven. Wel denk ik dat hier kansen liggen voor Arnhem; de implementatie van groene daken op grotere schaal zou Arnhem verder helpen om klimaatbestendig te worden. Echter is dit lastig, want onder de Arnhemmers speelt het hitte-eiland effect een hele kleine rol, het is nog ver van de mensen hun bed af. Stedelijke verwarming wordt door sommigen zelfs ervaren als aangenaam.

Indien bedrijven met juiste cijfers naar particulieren toe zouden communiceren over de voordelen van nieuwe technologieën, zoals de implementatie van groene daken, zou dit op grotere schaal opgepakt kunnen worden.

Op dit moment is er nog onvoldoende bewijs om 100% vast te stellen dat groene daken betere bescherming bieden dan huidige daken. Er is weinig bewijslast omdat dit onderwerp nog geen urgentie kent, waardoor onderzoek ernaar ook niet gefinancierd wordt.

Innovatie is heel particulier, het platform kan dan ook niet echt innovatie sturen.

7. Is platform Arnhem klimaatbestendig ‘succesvol’ tot nu toe?

In principe wel, het platform wordt goed opgepakt door bewoners, bedrijven en organisaties. Vanaf het voorjaar wordt er een soort campagne gelanceerd om meer bewoners te betrekken. Wel is het een langzaam maar gestaag proces, wat uiteindelijk dient te leiden tot een grote berg gekoppelde initiatieven.

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Daarnaast organiseren we het Klimaatcafé, met als doel om te inspireren en agenderen over klimaatadaptatie. Afgelopen jaar zijn er twee grote bijeenkomsten geweest, waarbij we toelichten waarom klimaatadaptatie van belang is en proberen om de aanwezigen te inspireren. Gemeente, woningbouwcorporaties en bewoners zijn hierbij aanwezig en worden tijdens deze bijeenkomsten gemotiveerd om aan de slag te gaan met klimaatadaptatie.

8. Wat zou uw visie voor de toekomst zijn? Meer samenwerking tussen verschillende partijen, zoals bedrijven, platform Klimaatbestendig, etc. en bewonersinitiatieven?

Meer input vanuit bedrijfsleven m.b.t. innovatieve technologieën. Verder is een langzaam proces en is het platform nog maar een dik jaar oud; idealiter is de functie van platform klimaatbestendig straks niet meer nodig; er is dan een grote ‘berg’ hitte-eiland effect initiatieven door bewoners, bedrijven, organisaties & gemeente die allen aan elkaar gekoppeld zijn, waardoor platform Arnhem klimaatbestendig niet langer hoeft te fungeren als verbindende schakel.

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Appendix B - Email correspondence Hans van Ammers Date: 27-11-2017 9.

Wat zijn bepaalde instrumenten en specifieke strategieën voor Arnhem om het hitteeiland effect in Arnhem te reduceren?

Wij hebben op basis van de Hittekaart van Arnhem een Hitte-attentiekaart opgesteld (zie bijlage) en daarbij voor elk gebied aanbevelingen worden gedaan over de urgentie tot verbeteren van het stadsklimaat dan wel het beschermen van het huidige klimaat. Zie hiervoor ook onze interactieve hitte-attentiekaart op het internet (hoop dat de link werkt). https://arnhem.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=c13117caf7804f449ff06a350e3 aa15b 10. Is er al veel geïmplementeerd of staat er juist veel voor de komende jaren op de planning?

Stap voor stap wordt Arnhem hittebestendig maar het gaat natuurlijk langzaam. Ik zie dat veel bewonerinitiatieven het thema oppakken, ook de GGD, Binnenstadsmanagement en inmiddels ook onze bedrijventerreinen. Zelf doen we als gemeente waar mogelijk in lopende projecten ook altijd een schepje-klimaatadaptatie.

11. Heeft Arnhem bepaalde kansen door haar ligging om het hitte-eiland effect aan te pakken? (Ik las in de structuurvisie het een en ander over convectie- en dalwinden in Arnhem) Ja wij hebben een vrij goed stadsklimaat door de ligging aan 2 grote rivieren en op de rand van de Veluwe. Daardoor kennen wij verkoelende dalwinden. Zie de hittekaart. Is ook meetbaar gebleken bij temperatuuronderzoek van de WUR. Zie ook bijlage.

12. Ontbreken er misschien bepaalde strategieën; moet de gemeente (nog) meer doen of zouden inwoners zelf meer aan de slag moeten om Arnhem hitte-eiland bestendig te maken?

Het is en blijft iets van de lange adem. Voor ons, de waterschappen en natuurlijk alle inwoners van Arnhem. Daarin speelt het Platform Arnhem Klimaatbestendig een hele belangrijke rol.

13. Zijn er volgens u wellicht ook marktinstrumenten, dus bv. bedrijven die een belangrijke rol zouden kunnen spelen?

In mijn ogen kent klimaatadaptatie niet of nauwelijks een verdienmodel zoals bij energietransitie. Dus ik kan hier niet zo direct een antwoord op geven. Als die er zijn zou ik ze graag weten en toejuichen.

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Appendix C - Interview Hans van Ammers Location: Stadskantoor Arnhem Date: 6-12-2017 13.30 uur 1. Zijn er meerdere aanpassingen in stedelijke planning voor Arnhem die rekening houden met het hitte-eiland effect? Zo ja, kunt u daar enkele voorbeelden van geven? Zijn hier al aanpassingen in beleid voor gedaan, of zijn hier bepaalde regels of verboden voor?

In alle ruimtelijke planning, hetzij bestemmingsplannen, masterplannen of concrete voorstellen, geeft de gemeente Arnhem een aantal ‘’randvoorwaarden’’ met betrekking tot in welke eenheid het gebied ligt, bijvoorbeeld in rood, geel of blauw gebied, zie hittekaart. Vervolgens wordt er gekeken naar wat dat betekent voor het gebied, dus bv. rood gebied, dan moet er dit en dat gebeuren.

Als het om concrete verbouwingsplannen gaat geven we signalen af om het klimaat te verbeteren, of in ieder geval niet te verslechteren. Dus de signalen die we afgeven wat betreft hitte-eiland effect reductie kan je zien als een apart plan naast bijvoorbeeld plannen omtrent erfgoed, bodem, water, etc.

Maar: we hebben ervoor gekozen om het niet als eis op te nemen. Voor de rode gebieden is dit wel aangescherpt, maar er wordt meer gekozen om het onderwerp hitte-eiland effect in verhouding te zien tot andere klimaatadaptatie onderwerpen. Dus is er gekozen voor bewustwording, om op die manier langzaam maar zeker partijen te betrekken die zeggen ‘hé, wat een goed idee’.

Ik constateer wel dat de adviezen die wij geven om het hitte-eiland effect mee te nemen in bouwplannen naast zich neer gelegd worden als in huidige plannen van desbetreffende bedrijven of organisaties hier geen rekening mee is gehouden. Dus in theorie zijn deze adviezen en wensen die wij hebben opgesteld mooi, maar er wordt te weinig mee ‘gespeeld’. Er is nog geen automatisme om het hitte-eiland effect mee te nemen in beleid.

Verklaring hiervoor: op zo’n bouwplan is al een opstapeling van eisen die bovenaan staan in zo’n bouwplan, daarna komen de bouwwensen op de tweede plaats. Ook is er het idee dat dergelijke aanpassingen in het bouwplan kostenverhogend zou werken: groene daken zijn nog geen standaard procedure. Het is meer een lange adem maar je moet je als gemeente afvragen of je je doel bereikt als je het op deze manier blijft doen met uitsluitend raadgeving.

2. Wat doet gemeente Arnhem om verkoelende dalwinden te stimuleren; is hier een concrete aanpak van of zijn hier concrete projecten voor; zijn er nieuwe regels en wetten die hierin kunnen sturen?

Driekwart jaar geleden kwam er het plan om voor hoge inkomens huizen te bouwen in het groen, waaronder ook locaties zijn besproken en overwogen die in zogeheten beekdalen liggen. Als gemeente geef je aan ‘dat moet je niet doen’. De bouw van deze huizen is uiteindelijk niet door gegaan, maar niet vanwege de mogelijke beperking van dalwinden, maar meer een algemeen negatief gevoel om te bouwen in de ‘groene longen’ van Arnhem.

Die dalwinden die moet je beschermen. Als je het weet te koppelen aan een andere kwaliteit van het gebied, bijvoorbeeld de groene kwaliteit , dán heb je er wat aan. Maar op zichzelf heeft het geen 24

kwaliteit, en gebeurt er niets. Als voorbeeld: parken werden klimaatparken, bomen werden klimaatbomen  er werd een kwaliteit toegevoegd aan iets dat er al was, en deze kwaliteit werd gesnapt door de mensen. Vervolgens is dat een eigen leven gaan leiden ,zodat nu bewoners, professionals dat gevoel hebben dat elk stukje groen goed is voor het klimaat.

Het stadsklimaatverhaal/ het hitte-eiland effect beleid an sich is dus niet sterk genoeg.

3. Wordt er ook gebruik gemaakt van de rivier/convectiewinden vanaf de Rijn om het het hitte-eiland effect te reduceren?

Hoe simpeler het verhaal is, hoe beter het te begrijpen is voor de mensen. Een simpele hittekaart , daarna een meer gedetailleerdere, maar die is wel minder uitgesproken. Simpelheid leidt tot uitgesprokenheid, bijvoorbeeld: ‘’ik woon in een rood gebied’’. In die detailkaart zie je verschillende kleuren rood omdat de bebouwing fluctueert, en dit is vervolgens moeilijk te communiceren naar de mensen toe dat het klimaat opwarmt.

Hoe simpeler het verhaal hoe beter, en met die convectiewinden hangt het sterk af wie je aan tafel hebt zitten. Misschien iemand die het in zijn bouwproject kan versleutelen, terwijl een andere aannemer juist denkt: ‘wat een onzin’.

Wat dat betreft is het thema convectiewinden een thema dat het moet hebben van de plannen die er ‘toevallig’ zijn van een bepaalde aannemer.

4. Kunt u mij iets meer vertellen over de blootlegging van de sint Jansbeek als een strategie om het hitte-eiland effect tegen te gaan; komt dit initiatief voornamelijk vanuit Arnhem?

Draagt dit bij tegen het hitte-eiland effect?

Soms wordt het thema klimaatverandering gebruikt om iets te benadrukken, terwijl als je feitelijk kijkt het nauwelijks effect heeft. Is het schadelijk? Dat denk ik niet. Heeft het effect? Waarschijnlijk niet. De beek is wel zodanig ontworpen dat als het hard regent in de binnenstad, de beek dit water opvangt.

Hiermee is de Sint jansbeek een soort waterafvang, maar geen concrete strategie voor hittebestendigheid.

Hoe het gecommuniceerd wordt is dan belangrijk, maar kijk uit, want als je het te pas en te onpas gebruikt ben je verkeerd bezig.

5. Hoe pakken bedrijventerreinen het thema klimaatadaptatie op en in het bijzonder het hitte-eiland effect in Arnhem: is er bijvoorbeeld sprake van innovatie en implementatie van nieuwe technologieën?

Er zijn weinig bedrijven op dit moment die innovaties pushen, maar er zijn wel landschapsbureaus die met plannen komen waarin groen ook het aspect ‘goed voor het stadsklimaat’ krijgt. Bureaus komen langs bij de gemeente , en laten zien dat zij met plan X in het rode gebied op de hittekaart bomen willen planten. Ze gebruiken hier het verhaal van klimaatverandering voor het planten van bomen. Ik 25

merk niet of nauwelijks dat er partijen komen die innovatie aanbieden. Bedrijven gebruiken het thema wel om iets te verkopen of te benadrukken, om hun eigen plan krachtiger te maken.

Laatst zag ik op Twitter een bedrijf in Amsterdam dat een groene wand had geplaatst met een luchtzuiveringseffect wat vijf keer groter zou moeten zijn dan een standaard boom. Het verhaal was dan: er is geen ruimte voor bomen, dus plaats een groene wand want dat zuivert de lucht. Ik heb dat bedrijf gemaild en dat triggert mij wel; het wordt op een of andere manier ontwikkelt, zo’n systeem, en gemeenten kopen dat. Ik denk, 5x zo’n groot effect, dat zal in de praktijk wel meevallen, maar het verkoopt wel! Als ik kijk naar onderwerpen als luchtkwaliteit, hitte, biodiversiteit verlies, als je op die manier systemen kan kopen die andere ruimtevraag hebben, of mindere ruimtevraag, bomen zijn het mooiste maar nemen teveel ruimte in beslag, dan kan ik dat wel toejuichen. Wat ik ook wel toejuich en voel is dat sommige mensen nog wel getriggerd worden tot de wetenschappelijke betekenis van het hebben van groen. Dus het gaat om harde cijfers, metingen , statistieken wat mensen aanzet; ‘er vind onderzoek plaats, er komt iets uit, ik snap het, dus groen is goed’. Als je deze redenatie zou vertellen als gemeente dan heeft dit minder effect dan wanneer experts en bijvoorbeeld de Wageningen Universiteit dit presenteren. Er zit dan een ‘onafhankelijk’ sausje overheen vanuit het oogpunt van de bewoners; bewoners zijn namelijk soms wat wantrouwend tegenover de gemeente ‘ik moet weer wat doen, want de gemeente kan het niet alleen’. Dus de stempel ‘niet-gemeente’ op een bericht over klimaatbestendigheid voor bewoners komt beter binnen bij bewoners. De afzender bepaalt dus de reikwijdte van het idee en in hoeverre iets wordt geaccepteerd.

Bedrijven en ook kennis- en onderzoekinstituten die met nieuwe systemen en technologieën komen hebben soms meer acceptatie dan de gemeente, dus juichen wij dit toe.

6. Wat zou uw visie voor de toekomst zijn? Meer samenwerking tussen verschillende partijen, zoals bedrijven, platform Klimaatbestendig, etc. en bewonersinitiatieven? Wat is nodig (voor de toekomst) om het hitte-eiland effect aan te pakken?

Platform Arnhem klimaatbestendig gaat goed, maar is nog piepklein. Het zal zich toch vaak beperken tot de groep mensen die al bewust is en wil veranderen en bijdragen, en niet de massa van Arnhem.

Je bereikt met het platform zeker een deel van de bevolking, maar niet de representatieve massa.

Dus: zelf investeren en ook de rol van de woningbouwcorporaties meenemen. Daar zit beweging in maar op dit moment nog niet zoveel.

Wat betreft wijzelf, de gemeente: we doen wel wat, we proberen Arnhem klimaatbestendig te maken, maar het kan nog beter. Er is nog een wereld te winnen, ook omdat we het feitelijk moeten doen met de budgetten die we hebben. Groen is toch nog duurder dan steden. Naar inwoners/bedrijven toe zijn we op de goeie weg. Wij, de gemeente Arnhem, moeten aan de slag, die zijn goed qua energielabel straks, maar klimaatbestendig kan het nog beter. We moeten misschien toch dingen gaan verplichten, zoals verplichte installatie van groene daken, of een groencompensatie invoeren, zoals in Duitsland al het geval is. Ik worstel daar als gemeente wel mee, het is ook niet een urgent probleem op dit moment.

Ik vind wel dat de bewustwording in het Arnhemse toeneemt. Arnhemse bedrijventerreinen worden vergroend en plakken het thema klimaatverandering op groen, dan denk ik : ga je gang maar, want het feit dat ze het omarmt hebben vind ik al bijzonder. Maar opgeteld is het verre van 26

klimaatbestendig.

We zitten in de faciliterende bewustwordingsrol. Als ik naar de toekomst kijk moet je deze rol niet zo blijven vervullen, je moet als overheid toch strenger optreden. Maar als je iets verplicht stelt, wat zijn dan de consequenties? En wat stel je dan verplicht? Dat mensen hun tuin vergroenen?

Wat betreft de markt, blijft de rol van bedrijven lastig, want er is geen verdienmodel aan het hitteeiland effect en klimaatverandering vergeleken met bijvoorbeeld de energietransitie. Nu is er ook geen urgentie voor het hitte-eiland effect, ik kan me niet voorstellen dat bijvoorbeeld de transitie naar klimaatadaptatie vergelijkbaar loopt met hoe dat nu gaat met de energietransitie. En dan daarbij is wateroverlast nog een groter probleem dan hitte. Daarnaast verleent Arnhem ook geen groene dakensubisidie, andere wel.

Corporaties doen het goed, en zijn in principe goed op weg. Maar: echt mooie groene gevels, de geavanceerde verticale tuinen die verkoelend werken, zijn nu nog hartstikke duur omdat er nog niet zoveel gemaakt worden. Dus nog hoge productiekosten. Technologie wordt nog te weinig gebruikt, en leidt dus tot een te hoge kostprijs.

Kijkend naar de burgermaatschappij: wat ik mooi vind, ik heb het dan over groen, is dat groen verschillende meerwaarden heeft, de ene wil gewoon een groen tuintje, de ander een kale achtertuin.

De reden dat mensen vergroenen is toch verschillend, en wij als gemeente hangen daar het labeltje ‘goed voor stadsklimaat’ aan. Maar er zijn meerdere redenen om te vergroenen, wat maakt dat mijn hoop dat vergroening doorzet wel vergroot, maar voor de gemiddelde Arnhemmer waarschijnlijk toch niet, ‘ik ga het niet doen , ik heb er geen zin in en geld voor’. Arnhem klimaatbestendig is een eindig project, we kijken hoe ver we kunnen komen, maar het bewustwording effect is ook niet eeuwig; je moet steeds iets nieuws bedenken. Qua bewustwording ben ik wel dik tevreden.

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