Authenticity in place branding

AUTHENTICITY IN PLACE BRANDING A Case Study of South Africa

By

GREGORY WAYNE DOOLEY

A thesis submitted to Oxford Brookes University in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the award of Doctor of Philosophy

The Business School, Department of Marketing Oxford Brookes University February 2013

"AUTHENTICITY IN PLACE BRANDING" Oxford Brookes University The Business School, Department of Marketing Wheatley Campus Oxford, OX33 1HX, United Kingdom

Author: Gregory Wayne Dooley

Abstract The aim of this research is to explore place branding (the brand management of cities, countries and regions) with a specific emphasis on authenticity. Two prominent perspectives in place branding are those of brand identity (the view of organisations tasked with managing places as brands) and brand image (the view of consumer audiences who visit, invest, immigrate-to and purchase-from places). Interest in authenticity in place branding arises from the conflicts within the image and identity perspectives and the relationships between them. From the perspective of identity, places might be seen as having an authentic core, or brand essence. Exploiting this essence has being criticised as an affront to local cultures and traditions. The communication of places to foreign audiences in an effort to influence perceptions (image) attracts similar distaste, as being nothing more than a superficial surface of the place identity, which demonstrates little interest in the people who live there. While the issue of authenticity in place branding is aptly considered, it is inadequately framed. It is not necessarily a lack of authenticity in place branding, but rather a conflict between perspectives on what places mean, or what they stand for.

The identities and images of places are socially constructed and their authenticity is negotiated rather than inherent. With this in mind, this research proposes to explore authenticity in place branding through a qualitative critical case study of South Africa as a place brand, consumed by a British audience (Britain, being a principal contributor to South Africa’s tourism, trade and investment). The informants selected are those who have engaged with South Africa in areas of business, travel, the purchase of origin-related goods, investment and immigration. Where the majority of studies have considered image and identity perspectives in place branding separately, this study considers them together in a single country case. Findings from in-depth interviews with consumer and management informants support a proposed model of authenticity in place branding. The model serves as a theoretical basis for exploring place branding perspectives in relation to authenticity. Additionally, it emphasises an imperative for management to consider the contexts in which consumers interpret place-related communication and its appeals for authenticity.

Acknowledgements This thesis is the result of my own work, and credits the material from the published or unpublished work of others.

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Dedications I dedicate this thesis to those closest to me: to my father, Jeff and his wife Nancy, to my late mother, Michelle, my sisters, Kat, Anne and Megan and my brother Richard, and all of my extended family. Thank you for your continuous guidance, love and support, which has been vital to the final product of this thesis.

I would like to thank my research team, David Bowie (MBA), Dr. Jackie Clarke (PhD) and Prof.

Jillian Farquhar (PhD) for their continuous devotion, inspiration and support. Special thanks is due to the exceptional staff at Oxford Brookes University, Business School, with whom I have spent many hours engaged in discussion on the ideas within this thesis: in particular I would like to thank Alexandros Paraskevas, David Bowen, Levent Altinay, Matt Todd, Mark Saunders (University of Surrey), Peter McGunnigle and Roberto Daniele.

Finally, I would like to thank the many people whose ideas I have drawn on, both academics whom I have cited and the informants who were kind enough to impart their experience and expertise.

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Table of Contents Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iii Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iv Dedications ..................................................................................................................................... v Table of Contents ........................................................................................................................... vi List of Figures ................................................................................................................................ xi List of Tables ................................................................................................................................ xii List of Appendices ........................................................................................................................ xii Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................................... 1 1.1

Problem Statement and Rationale ................................................................................... 1

1.2

Thesis Structure .............................................................................................................. 3

Chapter 2: Place Branding......................................................................................................... 10 2.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 10

2.2

Concepts of Branding ................................................................................................... 11

2.2.1 Evolutionary Stages in Branding .............................................................................. 11 2.2.2 Brand Experience, Meaning and Community ........................................................... 14 2.2.3 Brand Image and Reputation .................................................................................... 16 2.2.4 Brand Identity Interfaces........................................................................................... 17 2.3

Concepts of Place Branding .......................................................................................... 20

2.3.1 The Relational Network Brand Model ...................................................................... 21 2.3.2 Strategic Place-Brand Management Model .............................................................. 22 2.3.3 Three-Gap Place Branding Model ............................................................................ 25 2.4

Place Brand Image: A Consumer Perspective .............................................................. 27

2.4.1 Cognitive Place Image (Thoughts about Places) ...................................................... 28 2.4.2 Affective Place Image (Feelings for Places) ............................................................. 29 2.4.3 Normative Place Image (Public Opinion of Places) ................................................. 31 2.5

Place Brand Identity: A Management Perspective ....................................................... 34

2.5.1 Sectors of Place Brand Engagement ......................................................................... 34 2.5.2 Identity Elements: Culture, Structures and Symbols ................................................ 36

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2.5.3 Geographical Scales: The Russian Doll Syndrome .................................................. 38 2.6

Chapter Summary ......................................................................................................... 39

Chapter 3: Authenticity .............................................................................................................. 40 3.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 40

3.2

A Linguistic History of Authenticity ............................................................................ 41

3.3

Existential Approaches to Authenticity ........................................................................ 42

3.3.1 Nietzsche’s Apollonian & Dionysiac Forces ............................................................ 43 3.3.2 Heidegger’s Authentic Possibilities .......................................................................... 44 3.3.3 Sartre’s Notebooks on Authenticity .......................................................................... 46 3.4

Modernist Approaches to Authenticity ......................................................................... 47

3.4.1 Benjamin’s Aura of Authenticity .............................................................................. 48 3.4.2 MacCannell’s Staged Authenticity ........................................................................... 49 3.4.3 Cohen’s Emergent Authenticity................................................................................ 50 3.5

Frameworks of Authenticity: Consolidating the Discourse .......................................... 52

3.5.1 Selwyn’s Two-Part Framework ................................................................................ 52 3.5.2 Wang’s Three-Part Framework................................................................................. 53 3.5.2.1

Objective Authenticity: The Dualistic Perspective ............................................... 55

3.5.2.2

Existential Authenticity: The Humanistic Perspective ......................................... 56

3.5.2.3

Constructive Authenticity: The Social Perspective .............................................. 58

3.6

A Synthesis of Authenticity and Place Branding .......................................................... 60

3.6.1 Authenticity and Branding ........................................................................................ 60 3.6.2 Authenticity and Place Branding .............................................................................. 63 3.7

Conceptual Framework ................................................................................................. 66

3.8

Chapter Summary ......................................................................................................... 68

Chapter 4: Research Design ....................................................................................................... 69 4.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 69

4.2

Research Philosophy: The Perspective of Interpretivism ............................................. 70

4.3

Research Approach ....................................................................................................... 71

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4.4

Research Strategy.......................................................................................................... 72

4.5

Preliminary Research: Focus Groups............................................................................ 75

4.6

Case Study Strategy ...................................................................................................... 77

4.7

Non-Probability Sampling ............................................................................................ 82

4.7.1 Consumer Sample ..................................................................................................... 82 4.7.2 Management Sample ................................................................................................. 84 4.8

In-depth Interview Protocol .......................................................................................... 86

4.8.1 Consumer Interviews ................................................................................................ 88 4.8.2 Management Interviews ............................................................................................ 89 4.8.3 Supplementary Data Sets .......................................................................................... 90 4.9

Qualitative Data Analysis ............................................................................................. 92

4.9.1 Open Coding: Exploring the Data for Concepts ....................................................... 92 4.9.2 Axial Coding: The Assigning of Concepts to Categories ......................................... 94 4.9.3 Selective coding ........................................................................................................ 95 4.10

Triangulating the Data .................................................................................................. 97

4.11

Research Ethics ............................................................................................................. 98

4.12

Chapter Summary ......................................................................................................... 98

Chapter 5: Consumer Findings ............................................................................................... 100 5.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 100

5.2

Modes of Engagement (Place Branding Sectors) ....................................................... 102

5.2.1 Goods of Origin ...................................................................................................... 102 5.2.2 Business and Investment ......................................................................................... 103 5.2.3 Immigration............................................................................................................. 105 5.2.4 Tourism ................................................................................................................... 107 5.3

Modes of Exposure (Impression-building mediums) ................................................. 108

5.3.1 Direct Experience.................................................................................................... 109 5.3.2 Interpersonal Ties.................................................................................................... 111 5.3.3 Print Media.............................................................................................................. 112

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5.3.4 Sport ........................................................................................................................ 113 5.4

Cognitive Response (Thoughts about Places)............................................................. 115

5.4.1 First Impressions ..................................................................................................... 115 5.4.2 Social Aspects: Thoughts on the Historic and Contemporary ................................ 117 5.4.3 Physical Aspects: Interpretations of the Surroundings ........................................... 118 5.5

Affective Response (Feelings about Places) ............................................................... 120

5.5.1 Romantic Attachment ............................................................................................. 120 5.5.2 Sense of Fear ........................................................................................................... 122 5.5.3 Sense of Hope ......................................................................................................... 124 5.6

Chapter Summary ....................................................................................................... 126

Chapter 6: Management Findings ........................................................................................... 128 6.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 128

6.2

Place Brand Strategy ................................................................................................... 130

6.2.1 Conceptualising the Brand Identity ........................................................................ 130 6.2.2 Realising an Identity ............................................................................................... 134 6.2.3 Multiple Identities ................................................................................................... 135 6.3

Place Brand Audiences (Consumers of the Place Brand) ........................................... 137

6.3.1 Tourism Audiences ................................................................................................. 137 6.3.2 Business and Investment Audiences ....................................................................... 139 6.3.3 Goods of Origin Audiences .................................................................................... 141 6.4

Construed External Image........................................................................................... 143

6.4.1 Normative Brand Image .......................................................................................... 143 6.4.2 Emotional Brand Facets .......................................................................................... 147 6.4.3 Functional Brand Facets ......................................................................................... 149 6.5

Modes of Expression................................................................................................... 151

6.5.1 Digital Media .......................................................................................................... 151 6.5.2 One-on-One Relationships ...................................................................................... 154 6.5.3 Events and Showcasing........................................................................................... 156 6.5.4 Print and Television Advertising ............................................................................ 158

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6.6

Chapter Summary ....................................................................................................... 160

Chapter 7: Discussion ............................................................................................................... 161 7.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 161

Figure 7.1: Overview of the Conceptual Framework and Findings.................................... 164 7.2

A Model of Authenticity in Place Branding ............................................................... 165

7.3

Place Brand Image: Collective Opinion, Cool Thought and Hot Thought ................. 170

7.3.1 Normative Image: Collective Opinion .................................................................... 170 7.3.2 Cognitive Image: Cool thought ............................................................................... 173 7.3.3 Affective Image: Hot thought ................................................................................. 176 7.4

Place Brand Engagements: Acts of Place Consumption............................................. 180

7.4.1 An Illustration of Durable Goods: Art .................................................................... 182 7.4.2 An Illustration of Perishable Goods: Wine ............................................................. 184 7.4.3 An Illustration of Tourism Experiences: Wildlife Safaris ...................................... 187 7.5

Place Brand Identity: Strategies for Managing Places as Brands ............................... 190

7.5.1 The Brand Essence Strategy ................................................................................... 192 7.5.2 The Brand Narrative Strategy ................................................................................. 196 7.5.2.1

Existing Narratives.............................................................................................. 197

7.5.2.2

Aspirational Narratives ....................................................................................... 199

7.5.2.3

Expression of Narratives ..................................................................................... 202

7.5.2.4

Interpretation of Narratives ................................................................................. 206

7.6

Chapter Summary ....................................................................................................... 208

Chapter 8: Conclusions, Contributions and Recommendations .......................................... 210 8.1

Introduction ................................................................................................................. 210

8.2

Summary of the Study ................................................................................................ 210

8.3

Contributions to Knowledge ....................................................................................... 217

8.3.1 Bridging Theory ...................................................................................................... 217 8.3.2 Extending Theory.................................................................................................... 219 8.3.3 Surfacing Theory .................................................................................................... 221

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8.4

Managerial Implications ............................................................................................. 222

8.5

Limitations of the Study.............................................................................................. 223

8.6

Directions for Future Research ................................................................................... 224

8.7

Chapter Summary ....................................................................................................... 226

REFERENCES .......................................................................................................................... 227 APPENDICES ........................................................................................................................... 264

List of Figures Figure 2.1 Eight Stages of Evolution in Branding ........................................................................ 13 Figure 2.2 Interrelated Consumer Perspectives on Branding ....................................................... 16 Figure 2.3 Brand Identity Interfaces ............................................................................................. 20 Figure 2.4 Relational Network Brand Model ............................................................................... 22 Figure 2.5 Strategic Place-Brand Management Model ................................................................. 24 Figure 2.6 Three-Gap Place Branding Model ............................................................................... 27 Figure 3.1 Emergent Authenticity................................................................................................. 51 Figure 3.2 Theorectical Framework .............................................................................................. 67 Figure 4.1 Extending, Bridging and Surfacing ............................................................................. 72 Figure 4.2 Choice in Place Branding Research Design (1998-2012) ........................................... 74 Figure 4.3 Empirical versus Non-Empirical Research in Place Branding (1998-2012) ............... 74 Figure 4.4 Total Distribution of Place Branding Articles by Research Design ............................ 74 Figure 4.5 Case Study Selection and its Embedded Units ............................................................ 80 Figure 4.6 South Africa’s Eight Leading Overseas Tourism Markets.......................................... 80 Figure 4.7 South Africa’s Distribution of Overseas Tourists ....................................................... 81 Figure 5.1 Outline of the Consumer Findings ............................................................................ 101 Figure 6.1 Outline of the Management Findings ........................................................................ 129 Figure 7.1 Overview of the Conceptual Framework and Findings ............................................. 165 Figure 7.2 Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) Model ......................................................... 169 Figure 8.1 Extending, Bridging and Surfacing: An Application ................................................ 217

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List of Tables Table 4.1. Consumer Sample ........................................................................................................ 84 Table 4.2. Management Sample.................................................................................................... 86 Table 4.3. Supplementary Data Sets ............................................................................................. 91 Table 4.4. Selective Coding .......................................................................................................... 96

List of Appendices Appendix 1. Wales the Brand: Challenging the Social Construct Appendix 2. Focus Group Topic Guide Appendix 3. Information Sheet Appendix 4. Interview Consent Form Appendix 5. Consumer Recruitment Advertisements Appendix 6. Consumer Topic Guide Appendix 7. Management Topic Guide Appendix 8. Emphasising Objective Authenticity: Wines of South Africa advertisement Appendix 9. Cross Section of South Africa’s Brand Architecture c2000 (Phase 1) Appendix 10. Cross Section of South Africa’s Brand Architecture c2010 (Phase 2) Appendix 11. Encouraging Existential Authenticity: South African Tourism advertisement Appendix 12. Mind-map Section used to Facilitate Axial Coding Appendix 13. Objective-Constructive Authenticity - Vin de Constance advertisment Appendix 14. Social Construction of a Continent - Economist Front Covers

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Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1

Problem Statement and Rationale

Since the late 1990s, place branding has emerged from within the discourse of place marketing to become a distinct field of study (Anholt, 1998; Gertner, 2011b; Kavaratzis, 2012; Pritchard & Morgan, 1998; Roulac, 1999). It has distinguished itself from the main discussion through its focus on branding, as one part of the broad spectrum of interests in place marketing (Ashworth & Goodall, 1988; Ashworth & Goodall, 1990; Gold & Ward, 1994; Kotler et al., 1993; Kotler & Levy, 1969; Ward, 1998). In establishing its focus on branding, place branding has borrowed concepts from the more established fields of goods (Papadopoulos, 2002), services (Warnaby, 2009) and corporate brand management (Trueman et al., 2004), and incorporated them into the study of geographical scales (countries, cities and regions). Places are unique as a branding application in that they comprise a set of cultural, economic, social and political complexities that distinguish them from their commercial counterparts (Govers & Go, 2009; Skinner, 2011).

The domain of place branding, however, has challenges concerning how to compensate for the idiosyncrasies of its own field, while maintaining the principles of branding as its primary orientation.

As place branding continues to establish its own field of study, authenticity has become an increasing concern. Ooi & Stober (2010:68) argue that authenticity is an inherent issue in place branding in the sense that branding authorities typically present a distortion of the actual characteristics and occurrences within places, rather than providing an accurate reflection of them. Gran (2010:23) argues similarly in view of “identity representing the authentic essence, and image representing the superficial surface�. While branding concerns the augmentation of goods and services in their appeal to consumer audiences (de Chernatony & McDonald, 1992), there are essentially no constraints on the extent to which augmentation might occur for places without misrepresenting them for commercial gain (Kavaratzis, 2005). However, authenticity tends to be a series of concerns in place branding, rather than a single issue. The same arguments of presenting an accurate reflection of reality are criticised for creating stasis in place branding –

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the maintenance of a consistent, stable place, albeit one that overlooks the mutability and vicissitudes of places in a world of continuous change (Pasquinelli, 2012).

This research considers consumer image and management identity perspectives in place branding and the relationships between them. The research addresses the differences between these two perspectives using the theory of authenticity as a means of illumination. From a management perspective, for instance, there are concerns for staging authenticity to external audiences while ignoring internal stakeholders (Govers & Go, 2009; Ooi & Pedersen, 2010:329). According to Park et al. (2009:83) community stakeholders are a prerequisite to projecting local authenticity to the market. Nevertheless, the inclusion of community stakeholders in place branding initiatives is often superficial, rather than an accurate representation of the broader interests of the place.

There are additionally multiple points of view on what constitutes the authenticity of places (Hudson & Ritchie, 2009:220). For instance, Yeoman et al. (2005:140-1) argues that Scotland’s brand identity is built on elements such as the history of tartan, whisky, mythical figures, golf, breath-taking landscapes and festivals, which make Scotland an “authentic experience that cannot be manufactured”. These elements of Scotland’s identity, which partly comprise the consumer experience, do not however represent the same types of authenticity. Some elements incorporate historical facts and natural assets (objective authenticity), others incorporate stereotypes, myths and legends (constructive authenticity), and others further still incorporate the subjective experience of visitors (existential authenticity). This clear fluidity between various elements of the place brand identity and the manner in which it is perceived presents a gap in the literature that requires further exploration.

1.2

Research Aim and Objectives

The aim of this research is to explore place branding (the brand management of cities, countries and regions) with a specific emphasis on authenticity. Responding to concerns for authenticity in the place branding literature, this thesis uses a qualitative country case study, which explores consumer perspectives, management perspectives and the relationships between them. A principal contribution to knowledge is a model for the interpretation of authenticity in place branding. From the aim of the research, the four research objectives are:

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1. To engage in a review and synthesis of the literature on authenticity and place branding, in order to create a conceptual framework to underpin this research.

2. To apply a critical case-study research strategy to a single country, in order to explore the concept of authenticity within the context of place branding.

3. To explore consumer and management perspectives in place branding in relation to concepts of authenticity 4. To propose a model that integrates the discourse of authenticity, and its related concepts, into the theory and practice of place branding.

The first objective comprises two chapters. Chapter 2 focuses on “authenticity” and Chapter 3 on “place branding”. The second objective of developing a critical case study research strategy is outlined in Chapter 4. The third objective (the evaluation of consumers’ views) is detailed in Chapter 5, while marketers’ views are explored in Chapter 6. The fourth and final objective of developing a model for authenticity in place branding is discussed in Chapter 7. The thesis draws conclusions and offers recommendations in Chapter 8.

1.3

Thesis Structure

This thesis comprises eight chapters. Following the Introduction, Chapter 2 discusses place branding literature, contrasting the perspectives of consumers (place brand image) and management (place brand identity). Chapter 3 focuses on authenticity in view of extending its application to place branding. Chapter 4, drawing on the conceptual framework of Chapter 3, proposes the research design of a critical case study research strategy of South Africa in a place branding context. The principal datasets from the case study are presented in Chapter 5 (consumer findings) and Chapter 6 (management findings). Taking the literature review and findings chapters into account, Chapter 7 develops a discussion around a proposed Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) model. Chapter 8 concludes this thesis by highlighting the contributions to knowledge, the recommendations to managers, the limitations of the study, and the areas for further research.

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Chapter 2 - Place Branding The chapter begins with a discussion on branding as the foundation of place branding. Building on de Chernatony’s (1997) depiction of the chasm between consumer and management perspectives in branding, the discussion considers differences between these two perspectives, and then explores the endeavours to bridge them (Abratt & Kleyn, 2012; Keller, 2003). de Chernatony’s (1993) eight evolutionary stages of branding depicts a transition from brands as differentiators towards brands as symbols. Essentially, the transition is one from the brand as a concept residing under the control of management, towards brands as a socio-psychological concept vested in the minds of consumer audiences (de Chernatony, 1993; Levy, 1959). Brands in the symbolic stage transcend their functional roles and become meaningful (Elliott & Wattanasuwan, 1998; McCracken, 1986), enabling consumers to express their emotions, personalities and roles (de Chernatony, 1993:178). Exploring the consumer perspective further, the discussion considers concepts such as brand experience (Ismail et al., 2011), brand meaning (Leigh et al., 2006) and brand community (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001). Essentially, brands are experienced as a spectrum of stimuli which evoke “sensations, feelings, cognitions and behavioural responses” (Brakus et al., 2009:52). In processing the stimuli experienced and combining them with social influences and signified meanings, consumers develop a personal attachment to goods and services, or brand meaning (McCracken, 1986; Thompson, 1997; Zhou et al., 2012). The meaning that consumers attach to brands may additionally be shared amongst a brand community (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001). While managers have little control in determining brand meanings (Cova & Pace, 2006), they may intervene to a certain extent by encouraging strong narratives between in-group and out-group members of the brand community (Fournier & Lee, 2009).

Organisational identity is described by Albert & Whetten (1985: 90) as an enduring property, with a central essence and distinctive characteristics. However, there are reasons to suggest that the identities of organisations are less stable than the authors claim. While acknowledging brand image as a set of associations residing in consumer memory (Keller, 1993a:3), managers may also reflect on how their brands are understood by consumers. This so-called construed external image of organisations assists brands in projecting themselves forward as future aspirations and visions, and backwards as a reflection on corporate heritage (Balmer, 2001a; 2001b; Balmer,

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2011; 2012; Dutton et al., 1994). Brand identity is therefore permeable to interpretation from the outside, and rather than being static and enduring, is adaptive to circumstances (Gioia et al., 2000). The permeation between image and identity perspectives in brand management has yielded increasing interest in bridging the chasm between them (Abratt & Kleyn, 2012; Balmer, 2001a; Hatch & Schultz, 1997).

Moving from branding to place branding, Chapter 2 builds further understanding of the chasm between consumer management perspectives (Kavaratzis & Hatch, 2012; Mak, 2011). Place brand image is described as having three constituent parts: cognitive image (thought-processes), affective image (emotions) and normative image (the general estimation of places held in public opinion) (Anholt, 2010b). The discussion on place brand identity considers structural elements such as the culture, location, geography and the history of the place, and semi-static elements such as the inner mentality of the people who live there (Govers & Go, 2009). Each component advances a view of the authentic essence of the place brand identity, or genius loci, a Latin term meaning the soul, or spirit of the place (Jackson, 1996; Norberg-Schulz, 1982:18; Relph, 1976; Skinner, 2011). However, since brand identities are fluid and permeable rather than essential and enduring (Mueller & Schade, 2012:89), it may be necessary to reconsider what authenticity means in a place branding context.

Chapter 3: Authenticity Chapter 3 explores authenticity, encapsulating the linguistic and philosophical origins of the discourse, moving towards its application in place branding. The first part of the chapter addresses existentialist and modernist approaches to authenticity. Whereas existentialist approaches lean towards the perspective of the individual’s experience and concerns for self, the modernist approaches concern events and objects. Following the advice of Guignon (2004a) and Golomb (1995), the discussion concentrates on three existential philosophers: Nietzsche, Heidegger and Sartre. One of Nietzsche’s contributions to the understanding of existential authenticity is the dynamic construction of self as two opposing forces: the stable, selfpreserving Apollonian force (a social illusion) and the creative/destructive Dionysiac force (a liminal reality that calls for a revision of the illusion). By contrast, Heidegger’s view of authenticity sees a set of possibilities of the individual, which Sartre extends to human freedom

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and will. By comparison, modernist approaches to authenticity consider the works of three authors who have been particularly influential in the contemporary understanding of authenticity in business and tourism (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010; Rickly-Boyd, 2012). Benjamin’s (1968c) aura of authenticity, for one, discusses the transition of authenticity from the factual characteristics of objects to the subjective appreciation of those objects by individuals. Another is MacCannell’s (1973) staged authenticity which, applying Goffman’s (1959) theatre metaphor, describes the back and front stages in the performance of tourist events. In a critique of MacCannell’s analogy, Cohen (1979) argues that authenticity is not a static state, but is rather an emerging, socially constructed notion which is negotiated between different groups of people as it gradually gains acceptance. In consolidating the existentialist and modernist approaches to authenticity, two frameworks that have been particularly influential are those of Selwyn (1996) and Wang (1999). While both authors draw a distinction between the objective and humanistic aspects of authenticity, Wang’s existential authenticity (of the individual) and constructive authenticity (as a social construct) provides a further distinction in authenticity perspectives that Selwyn’s framework neglects. Wang’s three-piece framework has been particularly influential in business and tourism and it guides the discussion of authenticity in place branding throughout this thesis.

Chapter 4 - Research Design The research design includes a single exploratory case study of South Africa as a country brand, with specific focus on two points of view: South African managers and UK consumers. Prior to the case study, preliminary focus groups assisted in exploring how people relate to the concepts of authenticity and place branding in ordinary situations. The two primary sets of data were twenty in-depth interviews with consumers from the United Kingdom and nineteen in-depth interviews with South African managers. The interviews, lasting approximately one hour each, were analysed by exploring themes emerging within each interview, comparing these themes with others in the data set, and finally, comparing the two data sets (consumer and management interviews) to explore differences and similarities of opinion between them. The case study also involves secondary data to supplement the views emerging from the interviews. The secondary data includes annual and financial reports, advertising material, internal newsletters and documents, video clips, independent reports, surveys and national statistics.

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Chapter 5 - Consumer Findings The consumer findings present data from twenty in-depth interviews with informants who have engaged with South Africa in areas of immigration, investment, tourism and trade. Most of the consumer engagements overlap, which allows for the development of intermeshing themes and narrative descriptions. Four principal themes emerge from the consumer data set: cognitive response (how consumers think about places), affective response (how consumers feel about places), modes of exposure, (how consumers learn about places), and modes of engagement, (consumers’ commercial interaction with places). Each of these themes embodies a set of subthemes. Cognitive response, for instance, considers British consumers’ personal interests and first impressions of South Africa. It also includes opinions on the natural and physical surroundings and thoughts on the political and socio-economic circumstances of the country. By contrast, the affective response shifts interest to the emotions felt towards South Africa, the sense of fear, romantic attachment and a sense of hope for the country’s future. Modes of exposure concern the manner in which consumers learn about South Africa, through informal reference groups (acquaintances, expatriates, friends, family and locals), through various forms of media exposure (sports channels, print and news media), and through marketing communication material provided by South African organisations.

Chapter 6 - Management Findings This chapter comprises fifteen in-depth interviews with management informants selected across various industry sectors (immigration, investment, tourism and trade) and at different geographical scales (countries, cities and regions). The management interviews are similar in length to the consumer interviews and comprise five themes that range from ideation to the implementation of place branding. The themes include managers’ conceptualisation of places as brands; the metaphors managers use to understand places in a branding context; the interpretation of their own place identity, and the conflicts involved in multiple identities that occur across and within industry sectors. One example of this is the conflict of interests between Cape Town’s business and tourism brand identities.

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The section on place brand audiences looks at the types of market segmentation occurring within the investment, tourism and trade sectors. Following this is a section on construed external image, which considers how managers interpret consumer sentiments. Subthemes include South Africa’s normative image in an African context and managers’ views on consumer sentiment concerning the emotional and functional facets of place. Finally, modes of expression is concerned with managers’ attempts to communicate to consumers. Among these modes of expression are the use of social media, one-on-one relationships with clients and the showcasing of places at events and trade shows. Other forms of expression include large scale events (such as the FIFA World Cup), public relations events (such as sponsored travel tours of National Geographic journalists), the use of intermediaries (tour operators, travel agents and business networks), and print and television advertising.

Chapter 7 - Discussion This chapter focuses on a proposal for an Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) model and in doing so completes the fourth and final objective of the research. The conceptual framework draws attention to a chasm between consumer and management perspectives in place branding and, furthermore, that the tacit negotiation between these perspectives may be enlightened in view of constructive authenticity. The proposed AIPB model (Figure 7.2) draws together the findings in the literature review chapters, with specific emphasis on narrative in building the place brand identity and communicating it to consumers. The chapter concentrates on the components of the AIPB model, which are involved in the negotiation of authenticity. The place brand image (affective, cognitive and normative perceptions of consumers) contrasts with place brand identity (the existing, aspirational and expressed narratives of the place). Consumers are involved in various modes of engagement with places (business and investment, the purchase of origin-related goods, tourism and immigration) while simultaneously learning about places through various modes of exposure and expression. The model provides a means of understanding the interpretations of consumers, the construal of consumer opinions by managers, and the negotiation of authenticity between them in terms of what the place means and what it stands for.

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Chapter 8 -Conclusion This final chapter summarises the research and considers the principal contributions to knowledge within Guba & Lincoln’s (1981) framework of extending, bridging and surfacing knowledge. One of the contributions is the use of constructive authenticity as a means for understanding the chasm between consumer and management perspectives. Another is the extension of the existing discussions on consumer image with particular emphasis on positive affect, which arguably ties to notions of brand loyalty and the propensity to spread positive word-of-mouth (Batra et al., 2012a). The chapter closes with managerial implications of authenticity in place branding and the limitations of the study, which provide directions for future research.

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Chapter 2: Place Branding

2.1

Introduction

O’Donovan (2004:30) defines place branding as “the practice of applying brand strategy and other marketing techniques and disciplines to the economic, social, political and cultural development of cities, regions and countries”. This particular definition provides two insights, which assist in structuring this review of the literature. The first is the emphasis on brand strategy as underpinning place branding. Following this insight, the chapter begins by considering de Chernatony’s (1993) eight evolutionary stages of branding, which depict a transition from brands used as a means of differentiation towards brands imbued with symbolic meaning. A discussion of consumer and management branding concepts follows, in view of enhancing the understanding of brands in the symbolic stage. The consumer concepts include three interrelated discussions on brand experience (Ismail et al., 2011), brand meaning (Leigh et al., 2006) and brand community (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001). The combination of brand experiences, meanings and community results in brand image (the consumer perspective). Brand image interfaces with the brand identity (the managers perspective) in organisations’ endeavours to understand their consumer audiences and project communications accordingly (Abratt & Kleyn, 2012; Balmer, 2012).

In the progression from “branding” to “place branding” a series of conceptual models are used to facilitate the discussion. The models borrow concepts both from brand strategy as well as other disciplines according to O’Donovan’s (2004:30) definition. Following these models, the review discusses consumer and management perspectives in place branding in more depth. The discussion on place brand image comprises three parts: cognitive image (thought-processes), affective image (emotions) and normative image (an estimation of places held by the general public, usually as a stereotype) (Anholt, 2010b). Place brand identities include both structural elements such as culture, location and geography, and semi-static elements, such as the inner mentality of the people who live there (Govers & Go, 2009). Furthermore, there are multiple place brand identities occurring at different geographical scales and industry sectors, which present complications in efforts to develop a coherent place brand identity.

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O’Donovan’s (2004:30) definition also suggests that other marketing techniques and disciplines assist the cultural, social and political development of places. It is within this second part of the definition that the discourse of authenticity becomes relevant. Authenticity develops in Chapter 3 as an application of place branding and is central to the conceptual framework of this research.

What is relevant about authenticity in this chapter is that it is a matter of not one, but multiple perspectives and the tacit negotiation between them on what constitutes place or what it means.

This chapter considers two perspectives, namely those of consumers and management, and ignores the perspectives of local residents, the business sector and political slants of place branding. A principal interest, however, is in the process of negotiation between two perspectives: how consumers (tourists, investors, immigrants) form their opinions of places and how managers project a representation of place identity. This chapter outlines consumer and management perspectives and the tensions between them. It considers authenticity challenges such as the representation of place identity in contrast to the communicated projection and the fluid structure of genius loci - the spirit or essence of a place – addressed further in Chapter 3.

2.2

Concepts of Branding

This section serves as a bridge to the following section on concepts of place branding. Brands experienced acquire particular brand meanings. The sharing of personal and social meanings underpins brand communities. Brand communities comprise groups of consumers whose experiences and meanings are composite parts of brand image. Managers endeavour to interpret the image of consumer audiences (what consumers believe and the associations and values that they attribute to brands). Managers also endeavour to build the brand reputation of places in a manner that is favourable to their audiences. The brand identity interface offers insights into understanding and bridging the chasm between consumer and management branding concepts.

2.2.1 Evolutionary Stages in Branding The eight evolutionary stages of brand management, proposed by de Chernatony (1993), provides an outline of modern brand development. Implicit in de Chernatony’s model (see Figure 2.1) is the gradual progression of the brand’s orientation from managers to consumers. In the first stage (differentiation) the primary objective is to develop a distinctive brand name or

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logo. There is little emphasis on the consumers’ emotional and functional needs. Without a strong connection between consumer needs and the names of the goods or services, consumers are more likely to switch to different brands which offer competitive prices. This stage does not account for brand equity, whereby the consumer is familiar with the brand and holds it in memory (Keller, 1993a).

In the next stage (sign of ownership) the consumer begins to question the source or origin of goods (de Chernatony, 1993). Brands are compared with other brands in the same category (Rosch & Mervis, 1975; Rosch, 1973) and, in turn, the consumer ascribes certain characteristics to the brand. In the sign of ownership stage, consumers view goods superficially as trademarks.

Goods begin to develop value in the functional stage where there is emphasis on augmenting their practical or utility benefits (Levitt, 1960; Levitt, 1980). Typical examples include advertisements for washing powder that washes whiter and batteries that last longer, which indicates the functional competitiveness between brands. Through experience and advertising, the consumer becomes increasingly aware of the brand’s functional benefits. However, competitors can easily emulate branding based on functional benefits. The service stage emphasises building personal relationships with the consumer (de Chernatony & Segal-Horn, 2003) and offering intangible exchanges and value-added benefits (Vargo & Lusch, 2004).

Service branding contexts include finance (Farquhar, 2011), hospitality (Bowie & Buttle, 2011) and tourism (Clarke, 2008). The service stage illustrates a shift away from the tangible benefits of goods towards experiential value (Schembri, 2009; Vargo & Lusch, 2004). Services are more difficult to emulate than functional features alone because they are inherent to a company’s culture and involve personal bonds with the consumer (Berry, 2000; de Chernatony et al., 2003; Schein, 1990).

As brands become established they enter the legal stage in which trademarks are employed to avoid copyright infringements. Hewlett-Packard, for example, circumvents counterfeiting by encrypting their ink cartridges to match their branded printers, therefore encouraging the purchase and use of original goods rather than counterfeits (Feitzinger & Lee, 1997; Gabrielli et al., 2012). In the short-hand stage the brand is remembered by consumers and the benefits become clustered and categorised under a brand name (Aaker, 1996a; Kapferer, 2008; Mervis &

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Rosch, 1981). The next stage is risk reduction. Among its interests to consumers is the reduction of performance risk (whether the brand will meet functional specifications), financial risk (whether the brand offers good value for money), and social risk (whether there is risk of rejection by a peer group) (de Chernatony, 2010). It is the final symbolic stage however, which is the most significant in the evolution of brand theory (de Chernatony, 1993; Levy, 1959). It is the stage where “consumers enrobe themselves with brands”, partly for what they do, but more importantly for how the brand assists in expressing something about the consumer in terms of their emotions, personalities and roles (de Chernatony, 1993:178). Brands in the symbolic stage become meaningful symbols which resonate with consumer identity (Elliott & Wattanasuwan, 1998; McCracken, 1986).

Figure 2.1 Eight Stages of Evolution in Branding

1. Differentiation Stage

Brand concept resides with managers

2. Sign of Ownership Stage

3. Functional Stage

4. Service Stage

5. Legal Stage

6. Shorthand Stage

7. Risk Reduction Stage

Brand concept resides with consumers

8. Symbolic Stage

Source: Author’s interpretation of de Chernatony (1993 175-179)

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2.2.2 Brand Experience, Meaning and Community The manner in which brands become symbols with emotional and functional roles is exemplified through three interrelated concepts: brand experience (Ismail et al., 2011), brand meaning (Leigh et al., 2006) and brand community (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001). Brand experience is defined as “the sensations, feelings, cognitions and behavioural responses that are evoked by brand-related stimuli” (Brakus et al., 2009:52). The stimuli encompass the full panoply of senses (Lindstrom, 2005) which are acquired, not only through communications, design and packaging, but also through the environments in which consumption occurs (Brakus et al., 2009; Murphy et al., 2011). Experience environments move beyond the prosaic consumption of shelf goods to an array of consumption settings outside of home and work environments (called third places) (Brakus et al., 2009; Mikunda, 2006; Oldenburg & Brissett, 1982). By engaging with third places, such as branded coffee shops, hotels, restaurants and live events (Akaoui, 2007; Kozinets, 2002), consumers are exposed to multisensory experiences which, in turn, imbues their brands with meaning.

Moving from brand experience to brand meaning is an extension of the consumer’s direct perception of brands, to the wider societal influences of which those brands are part (McCracken, 1986; Thompson, 1997). The meanings that brands have for consumers may derive from personal attachments to possessions, as well as socially signified meanings such as nostalgia (Zhou et al., 2012) and prestige (Gabrielli et al., 2012). The significance of brand meaning is illuminated in situations where it has been altered or removed. For example, in the late 1990s, British Airways, through research of their consumer market, found that sixty per cent of their market were non-British travellers (Balmer et al., 2009). In a radical strategy, the company removed the British flag from the fleet’s tailfins and painted instead a combination of fifty national symbols (Balmer et al., 2009). The design intended to acknowledge British Airways’ global consumer markets. Instead, it alienated the brand, and left it bereft of the meaning it once had. By removing the British flag and focusing on those of fifty other countries, it had not only associated itself with the perceived low service and safety standards of other national carriers, but also affronted the confidence and pride of its domestic market. To its detriment, it widened the gap for competitors, allowing, for example, Richard Branson to claim Virgin Airways as Britain’s flag carrier (Balmer et al., 2009).

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The case of British Airways illustrates that the company is not the sole provider of meaning. The consumer draws meaning from a polysemy of relevant cultural milieus and develops a holistic impression or image of the brand (Holt, 2004). Furthermore, individual meanings are shared by communities who have a similar affinity towards a brand (Tsai et al., 2012). The principal components of brand communities include consciousness of kind (a shared feelings of community by its members), rituals and traditions (a common interest in the culture, history and values of the brand) and sense of moral responsibility (a feeling of duty or obligation towards the brand and the community as a whole) (Muùiz & O'Guinn, 2001). Where Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) see consumers as having a collective affinity towards a particular brand, McAlexander et al. (2002) see the brand as peripheral, placing emphasis instead on the relationships between consumers.

Within brand communities, consumers need not necessarily be amiable toward each other or affable towards the brand. Rivalry and opposition assists in defining consumer markets and distinguishes in-group from out-group members (Fournier & Lee, 2009). The Hummer car brand, for instance, communicates values of selfish vanity and superiority, but by doing so creates a dialogue that animates the brand and divides in-group and out-group members (Luedicke, 2006).

Similarly, Apple enthusiasts have a long history of rivalry with PC users, and Audi drivers provide opposition for BMW loyalists. In fact, rather than protecting the brand from negative sentiment, Fournier & Lee (2009) suggest the opposite: companies should deliberately initiate disputes within communities in an effort to develop tighter bonds and firmer boundaries which define them. While brands may benefit from the shared affiliation of its members (Zhou et al., 2011) and their loyalty towards the brand (Brodie et al., 2011), the role of management becomes one of enabler, encouraging the building of brand meaning (Cova & Pace, 2006). Figure 2.2 summarises the consumer branding perspective. In the figure, brand experience imbues consumer goods and services with a sense of meaning, which develops further as a collective affinity towards the brand and its community members.

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Figure 2.2 Interrelated Consumer Perspectives on Branding

Brand Experience

Brand Meaning

Brand Community

Feelings, cognitions and behavioural responses evoked by the brand.

The personal and social connotations that consumers attribute to brands.

The shared affinity between the consumers of a particular brand.

Source: Author

2.2.3 Brand Image and Reputation Turning from a consumer to an organisational perspective, brand image and reputation become the construction of meaning which consumers associate with the organisations’ brands. In a seminal paper, Martineau (1958:49) argues that the concern for the “psychological overtones and impact on buyer attitudes of the company’s individual brands” could equally be transferred to the company itself. At the time, however, this was not a widely accepted view. The predominant view in the late 1950s and early 1960s was management-centric, which considered the company as the sole provider of information and therefore in control of the image it projected to its public (Ferber & Hall, 1962; Martineau, 1958; Spector, 1961; Tucker, 1961). The image of the company was treated as something designed (Neadle, 1964) and substantiated by corporate executives (Lesly, 1959). It was an ideal image that could be communicated and manipulated at will by the company (Bolger, 1959). The management-centric view, however, became problematic, particularly where the ideal image failed to meet the impression of the public and had no relation to the reality of the company as consumers perceived it (Finn, 1961; Kennedy, 1977). In line with Martineau’s (1958) original suggestion, Bernstein (1984:55) argued that corporate image ‘is not what the company believes, but what the customer believes’. Brand image, in this sense, is encapsulated in a mosaic of experiences, feelings, knowledge and impressions of the company (Grunig, 1993; Shee & Abratt, 1989).

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In contrast to the corporate image as an eclectic set of psychological impressions (Alvesson, 1990; Boulding, 1956; Grunig, 1993), corporate reputation becomes a condensed snapshot that reconciles the multiple images of the organisation into an enduring normative impression held by it publics (Fombrun & Shanley, 1990a; Gotsi & Wilson, 2001; Miller, 1988). Moreover, corporate reputation considers how the general estimation can be altered, built and maintained by the organisation (Bromley, 2001; Davies et al., 2001; de Chernatony, 1999; de Chernatony & Harris, 2000; Fombrun & Shanley, 1990a; Fombrun & Van Riel, 1997; Fombrun et al., 2000; Gray & Balmer, 1998; Morris, 1999). Favourable reputations signify quality and prestige to potential audiences (Miller, 1988; Shrum & Wuthnow, 1988). They also provide competitive advantage to an organisation by attracting high-quality employment (Dowling, 2006), enduring interest from creditors and investors (Dowling, 2004), and being able to sustain superior profits and premium prices on goods and services (Roberts & Dowling, 2002). The benefits accrued though a favourable reputation affords customers less risk while maintaining their loyalty (Fombrun & Shanley, 1990a; HÜrner, 2002). The company manages its reputation through the provision of transparent information on the organisation’s actions. Overemphasising the reputation, however, may result in what Balmer (2010) terms brand exuberance - expressions of a company’s reputation which are highly aspirational, but are unlikely to be attainable in terms of its credentials.

2.2.4 Brand Identity Interfaces Whereas image and reputation refer to external perceptions of the organisation held by consumers and its publics, identity refers to internal perspectives of employees and management.

In fact, there are two separate sets of management literature on identity: corporate identity as one set and organisational identity as another. Both sets adopt internal perspectives. Organisational identity, however, focuses more on the identification of members within the organisation.

Corporate identity focuses on the projection of an identity towards consumers and publics.

Nevertheless, there is an overlapping interest between these literatures. In fact, the concept of identity, as Albert et al. (2000) conceive it, travels across different levels of analysis, suffusing micro-perspectives of individuals (Brickson, 2000a; Brickson, 2000b) and groups (Hogg & Terry, 2000), as well as macro-perspectives of the organisation (Brown & Starkey, 2000; Pratt & Foreman, 2000). The manner in which the perspectives relate to one another is argued through

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imports of stakeholder (Clarkson, 1995; Donaldson & Preston, 1995; Mitchell et al., 1997) and social constructivist theory (Berger & Luckmann, 1966).

A common interest in both the corporate and organisational literature is the identity-image interface (Shee & Abratt, 1989) which provides a “projection from two directions” (Alvesson, 1990:376) or “two kinds of relationships viewed as intertwined strands” (Grunig, 1993).

Criticism of some of the early definitions of corporate and organisational identity serves to illuminate the identity-image interface. Albert & Whetten’s (1985: 90) seminal definition of organisational identity views it as being underpinned by that which is central to the essence of the organisation, that which is distinctive in differentiating the organisation from others, and that which is enduring in its sameness over time. Alvesson (1990), however, challenges the notion of identity as being central to the organisation, suggesting instead that image is also part of an employee’s own identification with their organisation. Dutton et al. (1994) refer to this as the construed external image, which is what organisational members believe outsiders think of their organisation. For example, an organisation which is criticised by news media reflects negatively on its members, who may in turn respond with a sense of discomfort in their interaction with the public (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991).

The dissolution of the boundary between their internal identity and external image is advanced further by Gioia et al. (2000), who argue that there is a difference between the notions of an enduring identity and one with continuity. To consider an identity as enduring implies that there are objective, inherent qualities which remain the same over time. In contrast, continuity suggests that there are principal beliefs and values which are preserved through their reiteration by organisational members and publics (Gioia et al., 2000). In a sense, identity and image contend with each other in a continuous and dynamic interchange. Perceived image of an organisation acts as a destabilising force, questioning the identity of the organisation and encouraging its members to revisit and reconstruct it (Gioia et al., 2000:67). The reconstruction of identity occurs through cumulative feedback from organisational members and external groups, including customers, government, special interest groups, news media and unions (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991; Gioia et al., 2000). Organisational identity is negotiated until there is a collective agreement on its constituents and meaning (Hardy et al., 2005a; Scott & Lane,

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2000a). A relatively stable understanding of the organisational identity persists until one or more groups of stakeholders question its legitimacy (Fombrun & Shanley, 1990b; Rowley & Moldoveanu, 2003), whereby the process is continued (Scott & Lane, 2000a; Scott & Lane, 2000b), asking self-reflective questions such as “who are we currently as an organisation?”, or “how would we like to be in the future?” (Albert & Whetten, 1985; Gioia et al., 2000; Hatch & Schultz, 1997).

Incorporating the concerns of the identity-image interface is Balmer & Soenen’s (1999) actual, conceived, ideal and desired identity (ACID ) model. Actual identity, or Ist-Identität (Berndt, 1994:92), represents the organisation in terms of its current activities, internal values, leadership style, market scope, organisational behaviour and structure, and range of goods and services. In contrast, the communicated identity is a dualistic impression, conveyed through controllable communications, such as advertising, as well as non-controllable communications, such as wordof-mouth. The ideal identity is the optimum positioning of the organisation in a particular market context and usually emerges after research and analysis. Finally, the desired identity, or SollIdentität (Berndt, 1994:92), is the long-term vision of the chief executive or organisational founder.

The original ACID Test model has more recently been extended to AC4ID to include the conceived identity of the organisation held by stakeholder groups (Balmer, 2001a; Balmer, 2001b); the covenanted identity projected through its credentials and promises (Balmer et al., 2009); and the cultural identity, being the employees identification with the organisation in terms of their collective beliefs and feelings (Balmer, 2012). The purpose of the AC4ID model is primarily one of illustrating where the multiple identities of an organisation conflict. For example, a conflict may occur between the current behaviour and values of an organisation (its actual identity) and news media reports (its communicated identity). Similarly, there may be a conflict where the vision and aspirations of the corporate executive (desired identity) fails to meet the expectations of its principal stakeholder groups (conceived identity). Notably, the AC4ID model draws on previous discussions in the literature on corporate identity, reputation and image. For instance, Balmer’s (2012) cultural identity has similar principles to the French school of corporate identity, namely addressing the perspectives of employees and their

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identification with the organisation (Moingeon & Ramanantsoa, 1997). Figure 2.3 illustrates how the internal identity and external image perspectives become fluid, embracing a socially constructed view of corporate identity management.

Figure 2.3 Brand Identity Interfaces

Corporate Image The eclectic brand associations of the organisation held in the consumer’s memory.

Corporate Reputation A condensed “snapshot” of the organisation held in the publics’ memory.

“External” perspectives of the Organisation

Interface between “internal” and “external” perspectives of the organisation

Organisational Identity How employees and management identify with the organisation.

Corporate Identity How an organisation projects itself to its consumers and publics

“Internal” perspectives of the Organisation

Source: Author

2.3

Concepts of Place Branding

Place branding is an extension of the branding literature with a particular emphasis on “place”.

Where a majority of conceptual models in place branding focus narrowly on single concepts and perspectives (Cai, 2002; Gaggiotti et al., 2008; Kavaratzis, 2004; Ruzzier & Petek, 2012), there are few models that use multiple concepts and perspectives to develop a more holistic understanding of the topic. This chapter considers three conceptual models. Discussed in order of

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increasing complexity, they are the relational network brands model, strategic place-brand management model and three-gap place branding model. Following the models, the chapter focuses on consumer image and management identity, which become central to the conceptual framework in Chapter 3.

2.3.1

The Relational Network Brand Model

One of the early conceptualisations of place branding is Hankinson’s (2004) relational network brand model (figure 2.4). The model has a tourist market focus. At the centre of the model is the “core brand” (the blueprint for communicating the brand identity) which comprises the place’s personality, market positioning and reality (the place as it “is”, as opposed to how it is communicated). Surrounding the core brand is a set of relationships with various forms of media, service providers, infrastructure providers and consumers. Hankinson’s argument is that progressive involvement in the place branding process creates a ripple effect whereby brand relationships are gradually extended to an increasing range of stakeholders (Hankinson, 2004).

The model has several strengths, including its appropriateness to service-branding amenities of places, the inclusion of a range of stakeholders, an appreciation of the functional characteristics of place brands, and an emphasis on the experiential aspects of the place brand consumption.

One limitation, however, is a lack of specification on how the brand relationships occur and with whom they occur. Another is the disinclination to include perceptual aspects of place branding, which Hankinson (2004:118) views as have a narrow focus. While image-forming agents (media relationships) are included in the model, it ignores the perceptual aspects of the consumer-brand relationship (those relating to cognitive and affective aspects of place brand image). Moreover, Hankinson (2004) describes place brand conceptualisations as either adopting a perceptualoriented or a communication-oriented perspective, without considering the image and identity components collectively. The corporate branding literature, as suggested, acknowledges an identity-image interface (Abratt & Kleyn, 2012; Alvesson, 1990:376; Balmer, 2012; Grunig, 1993; Shee & Abratt, 1989). Literature on place branding suggests a similar interaction between place identity and image (Hakala & Lemmetyinen, 2011; Riza et al., 2012).

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Figure 2.4: Relational Network Brand Model

Customer Relationships:   

Non-conflicting Internal Customers Managed Relationships from the top

Brand Infrastructure Relationships:

Primary Service Relationships: Core Brand

    

Access to Services External Transport (air, sea, land and rail) Internal Transport Hygiene facilities (car parks, open spaces) Brandscape

Personality Positioning Reality

   

Services at the core of the brand experience Retailers Events and leisure activities Hotels and hotel associations

Media Relationships:  

Organic communications Induced/marketing communications (advertising, publicity, public relations)

Source: Hankinson (2004:115)

2.3.2

Strategic Place-Brand Management Model

In contrast to Hankinson’s (2004) model, which focuses predominantly on tourism, Hanna & Rowley’s (2011) model (figure 2.5) emphasises an extension of target markets to the attraction of foreign investors and immigrants. The principal components of this model are brand evaluation, stakeholder engagement (management), infrastructure (regeneration), brand identity, brand architecture, brand articulation, marketing communications, brand experience and word-of mouth. Each component includes a variety of activities and processes, which are inclusive of

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marketing professionals (managers), and a range of other stakeholders such as citizens and visitors. The arrows in the model indicate relationships where there are influences between one or more components - for example, the interaction between experience and word-of-mouth.

Brand evaluation is the process of gathering feedback on consumer experiences. The inclusion of stakeholder engagement in the model follows suggestions by Hankinson (2004) and others (Andersson & Ekman, 2009; Parkerson & Saunders, 2005; Pasquinelli, 2012) on the significance of networks, partnerships and relationships in place branding. Infrastructure refers to both tangible (architecture and landscape) and intangible aspects (arts, culture, education and various services). Brand identity refers to the place brand essence. According to Hanna & Rowley (2011) the place brand identity is an expression of the distinctive characteristics which stakeholders ascribe to a place – a composition of tangible and intangible attributes. Brand architecture refers to the strategic relationship between the visual identities of brands from the various organisations involved in place branding initiatives (Bowie & Dooley, 2005; Kerr & Balakrishnan, 2012). It serves the purpose of providing associations between brands, which appeal to consumer markets and assist in managing the conflict of interests in place brand communication. Brand articulation seems to serve a transitory role between the choice of brand architecture and the use of elements in the expression of the brand identity.

Brand experience is the place-related stimulus which derives from engagement with the place brand, and which in turn, facilitates perceptions of the place. Hanna & Rowley’s (2011) reference to communication focuses on the expression of the brand identity. Their notion of communication and word-of-mouth derive, in part, from Kavaratzis’ (2004) proposal of primary, secondary and tertiary communications in place branding. Primary communication relates to the communicative aspects of the place, without marketing being the principal objective. An example is the visual expression of the place through urban design and architecture. Secondary communication is the formal, intentional communication of marketers, namely advertising, public relations, graphic design and logos. Finally, tertiary communication refers to word-of-mouth (by consumers and other stakeholders) and the reinforcement of wordof-mouth through various forms of media. Word-of-mouth is arguably more persuasive than deliberate marketing communications because it is not viewed by consumers as having a predetermined motive (Hanna & Rowley, 2011).

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In spite of Hanna & Rowley’s (2012) model being integrating place branding literature and being informative to place brand strategy, the model lacks emphasis on the consumer. Moreover, Hanna & Rowley (2012) suggest, speculatively, that brand experience and image can be managed (Hanna & Rowley, 2012:458). Contrary to their suggestion, there is a recurrent sentiment in the literature that place brand experience and image is not under the control of management and resides entirely with the consumer (Kavaratzis, 2012; Mueller & Schade, 2012).

Figure 2.5: Strategic Place-Brand Management Model

Brand Communications

Brand Identity

Stakeholder Engagement (management)

Brand Articulation

Infrastructure (regeneration)

Brand Experience

Word-of-Mouth

Brand Infrastructure Relationships and Leadership

Brand Architecture

Brand Evaluation

Source: Hanna & Rowley (2011:463)

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2.3.3 Three-Gap Place Branding Model The three-gap place branding model (Govers & Go, 2009) is an amendment to Govers’ (2005) PhD thesis, which includes a model on tourism destination image formation. There are minor differences between the two models, particularly in terms of the product offering and the titles of the three gaps. The stated intent of the three-gap model is to deconstruct place branding and image formation by considering host-guest (supply-demand) perspectives (Govers & Go, 2009).

The model comprises eight principal components: place identity, projected place image, perceived place image, product offering, vicarious place experiences, place brand experiences, visitor identity, temporal environmental or situational influences and word-of-mouth. The first gap, place brand strategy, describes the tension between place brand identity, the product offering, and the projection of the place to various target audiences. In a similar line to Hankinson (2004), Govers & Go (2009) argue that the place identity represents what is true or real about the place. A gap is created where the product offering, and the manner in which it is communicated, fails to reflect the reality of the place identity. Exemplary of this gap is the tendency of developing countries to market the place as an exotic paradise, irrespective of obvious deprivation and poverty of the host population (Govers & Go, 2009:72). The place brand performance gap, in contrast, is concerned with the delivery of the place experience. Service delivery is problematic due to the intangible and experiential nature of consumption. The inconsistent delivery of service providers (for instance, hotels, travel companies and transport facilities) may result in disappointed consumers, in turn, affecting the perceived quality of the place. Finally, the place brand satisfaction gap depicts the extent to which the actual experience of the place meets consumer expectations (perceived place image). The gap occurs where high expectations, perhaps through positive word-of-mouth, do not match the actual experience of the place.

A criticism of the three-gap model is the discussion of perceived image. The authors state that the model uses Gartner’s (1993) three components of perceived image: affective (feelings), cognitive (opinions) and conative (actions). Yet the discussion surrounding conative image is unclear. In one passage, Govers & Go (2009:137) argue that conative image involves active participation and passive gazing. In another, they suggest that conative elements are outside the

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range of the model’s discussion (Govers & Go, 2009:192). Conative image, according to Yuksel et al. (2010:276), is the behavioural tendency of an individual towards a place. In consumer and tourism research, conative image relates to the likelihood to visit places (Pike, 2004b; Stepchenkova & Mills, 2010), or to purchase goods from places (Nandan, 2005). This differs, however, from its depictions in psychology. Early discussions on conation depict it as a liminal processes and exertive powers such as desire (Hamilton, 1861:186), striving, volition and will (Ladd, 1894). These descriptions align with the Latin word conari, meaning the capacity to strive towards something. Nevertheless, in current psychology the term conation is archaic (Riggs & Gholar, 2009; Snow et al., 2002) and has been substituted for concepts such as intention and behaviour (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Rather than using conative image to depict consumer behaviour towards places, this literature review refers to sectors of place brand engagement (section 2.5.1) – a perspective between the consumer’s psychological image of the place and the behavioural intentions towards it. Moreover, it stresses the importance of, what Anholt (2010b) calls, normative image (collective thought), which is equivalent to the discussions on brand reputation (section 2.4.).

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Figure 2.6: Three-Gap Place Branding Model

Place Identity (Anchor) Authenticity & History Natural & Physical Environment Knowledge, Culture/Religion Projected Place Image Marketing Communications Media & ICT (enabler) Narratives and Visuals, Created Meaning

Vicarious Place Experiences Intermediaries/produced imagination (Art, literature, popular culture)

HOST

Place Brand Strategy Gap Product offering Tourism Trade Talent Treasury Place Brand Performance Gap Place Brand Experience Possible clash of identity/offering an image Place Brand Satisfaction Gap

Covert Induced Agents Overt Induced Agents Autonomous Agents Temporal Environmental or Situational Influences Political Situation Economic Conditions Technological Advancement Social Changes

Cognitive

Affective

Conative

Solicited or Unsolicited Organic Agents

Perceived Place Image

Visitor Identity: Cultural Background Social Characteristics Personal Characteristics Psychological Characteristics

Word-of-mouth Word-of-mouse

GUEST

Source: Govers & Go (2009:41)

2.4

Place Brand Image: A Consumer Perspective

Place image is a determinant of how audiences engage with places across areas of business, investment, consumer exports, tourism and immigration (Kotler et al., 1993). The influence that place image has on the decisions of consumer audiences suggests that places function like brands, and that like goods, services and corporations, they too have brand images (Fan, 2006).

Image is distinct from knowledge. Where knowledge has an indication of objectivity (as in facts, specifics or truths), image is what individuals believe to be true based on approximations and

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subjective beliefs (Boulding, 1956). Therefore, place image is not an equivalent representation of the place itself, but closer to a “sum of beliefs, ideas, and impressions that people have of a place” (Kotler et al., 1993:141). The notion that place image is a “sum” is perhaps an oversimplification. Consumers are more likely to have compartmentalised and fractional views of places (Relph, 1976; Tuan, 1977). For example, consumers from China may have an unfavourable general perception of Japan, while still purchasing high quality Japanese consumer goods (Fan, 2006). Place image in this sense is not a static sum of attributes, but rather it functions like a brand through a series of cognitive (thought) and affective (emotional) processes (Rakić & Chambers, 2012). In addition it acts as a social construct or normative image, which is a general estimation of places held in public opinion (Anholt, 2010b). The following section discusses these three fundamental forms of place image: cognitive, affective and normative image.

2.4.1 Cognitive Place Image (Thoughts about Places) Cognitive place image is concerned with the thought-processes involved in perceiving places.

There appears to be a shift occurring from predominantly visual, occularcentric conceptualisations of place image, characterised by the physical appearance of places, towards place image as a cognitive, emotional and social construct, performed and negotiated between hosts and guests (Rakić & Chambers, 2012). Two prominent veins of research tend towards the brand construct by providing a consumer audience context for place image. One is tourism destination image (TDI) - the impressions that visitors have of places (Baloglu, 1997; Baloglu & McCleary, 1999; Beerli & Martín, 2004; Chon, 1991; Crompton, 1979; Dann, 1996; Echtner & Ritchie, 1991; Hunt, 1975; Phelps, 1986; Pike, 2002). The other is product-country-image (PCI) which is the impression consumers have of the goods and services originating from places (Han, 1989; Papadopoulos & Heslop, 1993; Parameswaran & Pisharodi, 2002). Recent research, however, has combined these separate fields with place as a common object of study (Elliot et al., 2011; Gnoth, 2002; Martínez & Alvarez, 2010; Richard & Larry, 2012). In this thesis, place image refers to the collective insights from both PCI and TDI research.

Surprisingly few studies on place image have considered cognitive processing of information (Baloglu & McCleary, 1999; Beerli & Martin, 2004; Gunn, 1972; Mayo, 1975; White, 2004).

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Gunn’s (1972) distinction between organic and induced image is one of the more cited theories on acquisition of place-related information. Where induced image includes a range of deliberate marketing communications, organic image, according to Gunn (1972), is the totality of what an individual already knows and perceives about places. Organic image is the impression of the place assimilated throughout an individual’s lifetime through sources such as personal interaction with friends and family (Chevalier & Mayzlin, 2006), interaction with travel agents and tour operators (Hanlan & Kelly, 2005) films, television and popular culture (Busby & Klug, 2001; Carter & McCormack, 2006; Hudson & Ritchie, 2006; Kim & Richardson, 2003). Other modes of induced image include websites (Beritelli et al., 2007), travel books (Hudson & Ritchie, 2006), travel shows (Hanefors & Mossberg, 2002), historical and political events, and large-scale sporting events (Chalip et al., 2003; Lee et al., 2005). The acquisition of place-related information, organic or induced, provides a cumulative impression which determines whether places are worth engaging with in terms of exports, tourism, investment and immigration.

2.4.2 Affective Place Image (Feelings for Places) In this discussion on branding it is suggested that consumers purchase goods and services, not only for what they do, but “for what they mean” (Levy, 1959:118). Emotions are circulated and transferred between goods and society (McCracken, 1986); attached to possessions (Belk, 1988); and used by consumers who “enrobe themselves with brands” as a means of expressing their moods and temperaments (de Chernatony, 1993:178). Emotion is found further in some of the principal concepts of consumer research: for example, hedonic consumption, which underpins multisensory consumption experiences (Arnould & Price, 1993; Havlena & Holbrook, 1986; Hirschman & Holbrook, 1982:92) and cultural meaning, which provides significance to consumer objects in various contexts and settings (Belk, 1988; McCracken, 1986). In addition, meaning emerges through brand experiences as a set of social relationships (Brakus et al., 2009); it underpins the emotional bonds of brand community (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001:413) and has particular resonance with concepts such as “brand love” (Batra et al., 2012a).

While there are suggestions that place brands evoke emotional attachment which build and strengthen consumer loyalty (Stokburger-Sauer, 2011), few papers discuss emotion as a concept

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further than mentioning its role alongside cognition (Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Urry, 2007).

Meta-analyses of the country-of-origin (Verlegh & Steenkamp, 1999) and destination image literature (Pike, 2010; Stepchenkova & Mills, 2010) suggest an interest in emotion as “affective words” (Huang & Gross, 2010:75) such as friendly, pleasant, relaxing, safe and trustworthy (Elliot et al., 2011). Few studies, however, focus entirely on emotion (Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Bigné & Andreu, 2004) or explore the socio-psychological constructs that underpin it (Smith & Darlington, 2010; Walls, 2011; White, 2004). It is surprising, particularly with arguments that emotions may be “better predictors of destination visitation and customer purchase intentions” than their cognitive counterparts (White, 2004:310). Places are indeed deeply connected to experience and form an emotional bond with individuals (Relph, 1976). Battlefields, graveyards and memorial sites evoke emotions of bereavement and longing (Davidson et al., 2005; Maddrell, 2009; Smith et al., 2009), while the awe of architectural skylines, city landscapes and natural vistas creates a sensorium of imagery evoking feelings of contentment (Donald & Gammack, 2007; Mikunda, 2006).

The interest in place related emotion is referred to variously in human geography as emotional terrain (Pfefferle, 2005:71), emotional landscapes (Smith, 2005b:207), and in tourism as the romantic gaze (Urry, 1995:139). The region of Tuscany, for instance, has a composite of both strong intellectual and emotional constituents; its celebrated past, distinctive architecture, cultural significance and natural beauty, which are augmented by luminaries such as Brunelleschi, Dante Alighieri, Giotto, Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo (Bellini et al., 2010).

The confluence of place-related imagery has strong emotional pull on the consumer in a similar manner to that of corporate, goods and service brands (Mikunda, 2006; Zhou et al., 2012).

National identity is another example of emotion on a social level (Palmer, 2005; Urry, 2007).

Patriotic feelings towards a home country encourages emotional contiguity, or the sharing of emotions (Connor, 1993). Places may also project emotions as explicit attributes of their identity, for example, the overt sense of happiness in the emotional receptivity of Hawaii’s aloha (Goss, 1993). In sum, place branding may benefit by encouraging emotional responses and deepening the emotional bond consumers have with places (Govers & Go, 2009).

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2.4.3 Normative Place Image (Public Opinion of Places) Normative place image is the simplified and publicly held images that serve as mental heuristics for assessing the characteristics, meanings and values of places as well as the individuals, corporations and cultures within them (Anholt, 2010b; Mayo, 1981; Um & Crompton, 1990).

They are relatively enduring and stable common denominators that derive from the cognitive necessity of individuals to draw simple, approximate assessments of events and entities from the complexity of the world. As Lippmann (1922:81), in coining the term stereotype in the psychological sense, puts it “for the most part we do not first see and then define; we define first and then see. In the great blooming, buzzing confusion of the outer world we pick out what our culture has already defined for us”. Lippmann’s (1922) stereotype is one form of normative image. Similar terms include Relph’s (1976:58) consensus image, which depicts individual opinions condensing at a “superficial level of integration of interest” and Echtner & Ritchie’s (1991:42) holistic image of a “publicly held common mental picture of a destination”.

Reputations are another type of normative image where single interpretations of cultures, individuals, corporations and places aggregate into collective judgements and “crystallise into reputational orderings” (Fombrun & Shanley, 1990a:234). Treated as reputations, normative images of places have powerful and pervasive effects which may broadly determine the international publics’ favourable or unfavourable disposition towards places (Anholt, 2005b; 2010c; 2011; Burghard & Govers, 2011; Loo & Davies, 2006; Van Ham, 2001).

Normative image, furthermore, is resistant to correction from countervailing evidence (Freire, 2006; Kotler & Gertner, 2002:42; O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2000:57) and forms the basis from which new information about places is transmitted and furnished (Anholt, 2009; Widler, 2007). Stereotypes of cultures (Fan, 2006; Tellström et al., 2006) and nationalities (Gould & Skinner, 2007) have a normative influence on the goods deriving from particular origins (Anholt, 2010b; Papadopoulos & Heslop, 1988; Papadopoulos, 2002); the propensity to invest in places with regards to international business relationships (Gilmore, 2002; Kotler & Gertner, 2002:42); and the desire to visit places that offer quintessential tourist attractions (Gertner, 2007). The pervasiveness of stereotypes in a sense overarch the cognitive and affective opinions of places (Loo & Davies, 2006). Whether the attributions are positive or negative,

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place-related stereotypes are considered to lag behind the status quo (Anholt, 2007:27), in a process that Fan (2006:10) calls historical inertia.

Positive normative images act like brands in the sense of de Chernatony’s (1993) short-hand stage, by triggering potentially useful prima facie associations (D'Hauteserre, 2001). For example, the established reputation of high-quality German engineering endures in the collective consciousness of the international pubic to the benefit of German car manufactures as a whole (Anholt, 2007). A similar historical inertia occurs for places with negative stereotypes, where entire industries may find it difficult to export their goods due to an origin that is generally perceived to be inferior to more reputable places (Anholt, 2003). The information content of place-related stereotypes are often described as being crude (Negra, 2001), inaccurate (Gould & Skinner, 2007; Hudson & Hawkins, 2006) and misleading (Berkowitz et al., 2007). However, places have little control over international news media and the entertainment industry which propagate and reinforce negative stereotypes (Gould & Skinner, 2007).

The need to effectuate change that corrects, intercepts or negates negative place stereotypes is a principal concern in the literature (Freire, 2005; Nuttavuthisit, 2007; Vitic & Ringer, 2007). The psychology literature indicates three models of stereotype change: bookkeeping, conversion and subtyping. The bookkeeping model assumes that the public essentially tracks the incremental change in the stereotypes and modifies it accordingly. The public, in this sense, would gradually update their normative image of places. The conversion model, in contrast, suggests that there is no evident change in the stereotype until disconfirming information reaches a threshold, where the public suddenly begins to reassess it. An example is the change in China’s international image from a cultural focus towards an economic superpower. Nevertheless, places with troubled brand images (political unrest, natural disasters and violent crime), may find place brand management considerably difficult to effect (Vitic & Ringer, 2007). They may find themselves positioned next to neighbouring states whose perceptions they justly, or unjustly, share (Martinovic, 2002). The primary difficulty for places endeavouring to change their negative image is that international audiences are fondly attached to their stereotypes, which function as convenient heuristic devices (Anholt, 2007:27; de Lima, 2007; Hilton & Hippel, 1996; O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2000).

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In a sense, the regular engagements with places assist in contextualising and deconstructing place stereotypes. Examples include the travel of tourists from east to west and vice versa (Loo & Davies, 2006), or cross-cultural engagement between international students (de Lima, 2007) , both of which enhance the acquisition and learning of place-related information. There are other instances, however, where reputation management may alleviate stereotypes (Ashworth, 2009; Avraham & Ketter, 2008; Florek, 2005). One brand management strategy involves drawing humour to the stereotype, with the intent of encouraging audiences to challenge it and acquire information that contradicts it (Avraham, 2009:209). Brand Wales (Appendix 1) is an application of humour in place brand strategy (Morgan et al., 2002b). There are, however, other authors who feel that the endeavour to confront and negate stereotypes is ineffective (Anholt, 2007; Kotler & Gertner, 2002). For example, a place with high levels of crime will remain unsafe, regardless of how advertising and public relations try to persuade international audiences to think otherwise (Kotler & Gertner, 2002:47).

From a place brand strategy perspective, the potential to harness stereotypes is fundamental to achieving goodwill and a favourable reputation (Vanolo, 2008). Costa Rica, for example, after gaining independence from Spain in 1821, relied on coffee as its sole export to European markets (Florek & Conejo, 2007). However, in recent years the country has become less reliant on coffee exports, and has become specialised in areas such as electronics, medical equipment and microprocessors. The construction of an Intel plant, for instance, is currently responsible for approximately five percent of Costa Rica’s GDP (Florek & Conejo, 2007). From a brand management perspective the consideration is whether the country should reinforce the brand equity embedded in the coffee stereotype, or find a means to circumvent it. Referencing the coffee stereotype may be used as a soft positioning vehicle in exports and tourism. However, it may also perpetuate the impression of an underdeveloped country relying on agricultural products, to the detriment of its investment sector and its attraction of high-tech industry (Florek & Conejo, 2007).

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2.5

Place Brand Identity: A Management Perspective

According to Govers & Go (2009), place brand identity is concerned with the implicit and explicit presentation of places to their audiences. Branding in this sense is a process of reimagining and projecting the identity of places (Hall, 2002). The implicit aspects of place brand identity include enduring structural elements such as the culture, location, geography and the history of the place. In contrast, semi-static elements include the inner mentality of the people who live there (Govers & Go, 2009) and the characteristics attributed to places by the international public (Olins, 1999). The characteristics of places act as a unique set of fingerprints, distinguishing one place from another (Jaworski & Fosher, 2003).

The identity of places is paired alongside identification with places, which has particular relevance for its internal audiences in terms of their nationality and sense of belonging (Stokburger-Sauer, 2011). Identification “with” places differs from the image “of” places in that it has a higher degree of affinity with the identity; a process of becoming psychologically entwined with a common beliefs, values and meanings of the place (Albert et al., 2000; Pike, 2011). While it is possible, for instance, for a wide range of audiences to have perceptions of a place (a mental “image”), not all audiences share a common identification with the place which, by definition, involves a “process of becoming associated” with it (OED, 2012), of having “oneness with or belongingness” to the aggregate (Ashforth & Mael, 1989:21). Residents have identification with countries, cities and regions in which they are born, live and work, in much the same manner as employees identify with the organisations for which they work (Cooper & Thatcher, 2010; Dutton et al., 1994). Individuals increasingly reside in countries other than their own and therefore identification in a broader stakeholder context appears progressively more relevant (Stokburger-Sauer, 2011:1283).

2.5.1 Sectors of Place Brand Engagement As place branding discourse has emerged, there has been a gradual shift in emphasis from goods and service branding, towards corporate branding (Kavaratzis, 2005). This transition has drawn attention to an identity-centred approach to place branding (Kavaratzis & Hatch, 2012; Mak, 2011), which has parallels with some of the discussions on the divide between consumer and

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management perspectives in branding (de Chernatony, 1997). From the perspective of corporate branding, places are managed as holistic entities, which comprise various geographical scales and sectors (Flagestad & Hope, 2001; Iversen, 2008; Therkelsen & Halkier, 2008). Four sectors of place branding that are predominant in the literature are exports, tourism, investment and immigration (Anholt, 2003; Kotler et al., 1993; Ooi & Pedersen, 2010; Pasquinelli, 2012; Rothschild et al., 2012; Scaramanga, 2012; Skinner, 2011). Terminology varies between authors.

Govers’ (2009) typology, for instance, retains tourism while referring to trade (rather than goods), treasury (rather than investment) and talent (rather than immigration). The discussions in these four sectors, however, have not developed in equal share, with tourism receiving decidedly more attention than the other three (Kavaratzis, 2005).

Tourism destination branding emerges from discussions on destination marketing (Ashworth & Goodall, 1988). With the shift in emphasis from destination marketing to destination branding, the principles used for goods and service branding serve as metaphors to guide the emerging domain. This is evidenced, for example, in the application of goods and service concepts to tourism destinations such as brand personality (Crockett & Wood, 1999; Hankinson, 2001; Hosany et al., 2006) brand positioning (Cai, 2002; Crockett & Wood, 2002; Hankinson, 2001; Hankinson, 2004; Morgan et al., 2002a; Venkatachalam & Venkateswaran, 2010) and brand equity (Aaker, 1996b; Boo et al., 2009; Cai, 2002; Keller, 1993a; Konecnik & Go, 2008; Nuttavuthisit, 2007). It is also evidenced in the application of visual identity components to tourism destination branding such as logos, promotional design and packaging (Crockett & Wood, 2002; Hem & Iversen, 2004; O'Connor et al., 2008; Olins, 1990).

There is an implicit relationship between place branding and goods branding in studies on product-country-image (PCI), which is concerned with how the reputation of a country reflects on the perceived value of goods originating from that country. Some brands find themselves closely affiliated with the reputation of places by virtue of their categories: for example, brands of French perfume, Swiss chocolate, Italian sports cars and Japanese electronics (O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2000). Brands within these categories act as vectors of national image (Anholt, 2002a:233) by appropriating the culture of the nation as well as contributing to it (Anholt, 2003). The transfer of brand equity (emotional and symbolic value) from places to

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goods originating from those places is known as the country-of-origin effect (Amine & Chao, 2005; Bilkey & Nes, 1982; Johansson et al., 1985; Klein et al., 1998; Maheswaran & Yi Chen, 2006; Nagashima, 1970; Papadopoulos & Heslop, 1988; Peterson & Jolibert, 1995; Schooler, 1965). In fact, the term country-of-origin is somewhat limiting because consumer brands draw on the equity of a range of place scales including regions (Moët & Chandon from Champagne), cities (L’Oreal from Paris) and supranational entities (Scandinavian Airlines). Due to the range of geographical scales involved, the country-of-origin effect is more inclusively referred to as place-of-origin effect (Dinnie, 2004; Govers & Go, 2009; Iversen, 2008; Parkerson & Saunders, 2005).

Compared to tourism and goods exports, strategies for attracting business and investment have received less attention in the place branding literature (Jacobsen, 2009; Metaxas, 2010; Papadopoulos, 2002; Pigman, 2012). Improving external perceptions of the place brand identity is seen as a means of facilitating economic growth and development. However, to successfully promote investment requires partnerships between the public and private sector (Pigman, 2012).

An example is the United Kingdom’s Trade and Investment agency (UKTI), who hosted a series of networking events and seminars to coincide with the 2012 London Olympics Games. Using flagship companies and British dignitaries, UKTI provided a meeting of public and private sector interests and elevated the importance of the United Kingdom as a place to invest (UKTI, 2012).

2.5.2 Identity Elements: Culture, Structures and Symbols The consistency of place identities have only a degree of permanence which is developed though an ensemble of structural and symbolic elements that distinguishes one place from another (Relph, 1976). The degree of permanence of places accounts for their physical and geographical landscapes, socio-political boundaries, internal cultural beliefs, and external impressions (Lynch, 1960). However, culture and society also emerges as places adopt new meanings, sentiments, stories and values (Hague, 2005; Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983). Moreover, place identity changes and emerges alongside alterations to the physical environment (Zukin, 2010) – for example, the renovating of old buildings, erecting of skyscrapers and laying of new foundations for office parks, shopping centres and residential areas. Considering place identity also reflects a dynamic

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between the image held by external audiences and the identification of local residents (Wheeler et al., 2011). Culture, for instance, forms an integral part of city branding (Evans, 2003). It is influenced through policies advocating the development of upmarket shopping districts, the contracting of signature architects, and the development of art galleries and cultural institutions, each of which contributes to the circulation of experiences, ideas and memories that build the brand image of the city. In realisation of cultural capital, art galleries and museums become more brand-oriented and function as facets of the broader embodiment of the city brand. Place culture, however, is not limited to art galleries, museums and theatres. In fact, beyond the static preservation of the past, protected by an obligation to heritage, culture can also be seen as the contemporary animated sprit of places and the people that live and work there (Anholt, 2002a).

The latter use of culture as a creative resource is closely tied with discussions on brand meaning (McCracken, 1986). Incorporating culture in branding captures the spirit of the people, and provides a creative human dimension to the development of place brand identity (Anholt, 2002a; Gilmore, 2002).

Place brands may acquire a particular Êlan (flair and vivacity) from their culture, which differentiates and adds positive equity to their branding strategies. Reflection of the place brand identity through popular culture might be captured through a variety of activities and platforms including architecture and design (Lau & Leung, 2005), arts festivals (Quinn, 2005), entertainment (Evans, 2003; Garcia, 2005; Peel & Lloyd, 2007; Richards & Wilson, 2004; Yeoh, 2005) and sporting events (Smith, 2005a). In effectuating place brand identity, managers may find it necessary to develop an inventory of the intangible symbols, stories, cultural and historical assets available for place brand communication and policy formation (Anholt, 2003; Scaramanga, 2012). Places might capitalise on nostalgia by capturing, embracing and exploiting their past (Goulding, 2002; Holbrook, 1993; Holbrook & Schindler, 2003; Lowenthal, 1985); for example tours of historic Scottish castles (Rothschild et al., 2012). Cultural resources may even exist outside of places. The city of Bremen, for instance, initially used the symbol of a key as visual identity, but this symbol was challenged in research with local residents (Mueller & Schade, 2012). The research indicated that a principal association with the city was the Brothers Grimm children’s story, Town Musicians of Bremen, which became the symbol of authenticity for the city (Mueller & Schade, 2012:89) and one which was captured in a bronze statue in the

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town centre. The use of cultural symbols and myth in place branding is seen similarly in the Australian region of North-East Victoria, which is not only distinguished by its rich cultural heritage and picturesque landscape, but also legendary outlaws such as Ned Kelly (Wheeler et al., 2011). In fact, North-east Victoria is colloquially known as Kelly Country, imbuing the place with cultural significance.

2.5.3 Geographical Scales: The Russian Doll Syndrome Place branding operates at different geographical scales, with different purposes and markets.

This Russian doll syndrome , as Hankinson (2001) calls it, presents a conflict between the cohesive intent of place branding and the overlapping boundaries and jurisdictions that confront it (Gilmore, 2002). While industry sectors at national, regional and city scales may serve different consumer markets, they may also have overlapping legislative boundaries (Andersson & Paajanen, 2012). The Ă˜resund region, for example, a bridge between Danish and Swedish borders involves the joint cooperation between authorities of Copenhagen and Malmoe (Hornskov, 2007). Another type of region is the socio-politically defined supranational region, which is assigned for economic, political and social purposes. Examples include, the European Union and Scandinavia (Therkelsen & Gram, 2010). Other regions may be stereotypically assigned as a cluster, for example, the Baltic region and the Eastern Bloc (Hall, 1999; Hall, 2004).

Further instances of the Russian doll syndrome are viewed within place branding sectors.

Tourism destination marketing agencies, for instance, exist on multiple scales (Flagestad & Hope, 2001; Ooi, 2008). While they may share similar interests in attracting tourists, their markets and strategies may differ considerably (Curtis, 2001). Tourism agencies at a national level frequently have strategic precedence over regional and local levels. In some cases, compromises are made by the subnational authorities who are compelled to align themselves with the broader national strategy (Skinner, 2010; Therkelsen & Halkier, 2008). A city authority may, for example, be encouraged to select appropriate brand values that are in accordance with the national strategy, but less appropriate to its own (Ooi, 2004). Conflicts may also occur between consumer perceptions of geographical entities and the scales at which they are managed

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as brands (Papadopoulos, 2002). Executives, for instance, may ignore the geographical scales of investment promotion agencies and instead consider countries as supranational clusters - Africa Asia, South America and so forth (Papadopoulos, 2004; 2011).

2.6

Chapter Summary

This chapter focused on the management of countries, regions and cities as brands. It began by considering de Chernatony’s (1993) evolutionary stages of branding, before discussing a series of consumer and management branding concepts and the interface between them. Moving to the discussion of place branding, a series of conceptual models were used to highlight various place branding concepts. The chapter continued with a focus on the perspective of consumers (place brand image) and management (place brand identity). The tensions between these perspectives (image and identity) develop in the following chapter, which places a specific emphasis on authenticity in place branding.

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Chapter 3: Authenticity

3.1

Introduction

This chapter, comprising two parts, sets specific emphasis on authenticity within place branding.

The first part presents a background to authenticity - its linguistic and philosophical traditions, the principal authors within those traditions and a focus on two frameworks which consolidate the authenticity discourse - those of Selwyn (1996) and Wang (1999). The second part is a synthesis of place branding and authenticity and the development of a conceptual framework.

The chapter begins by drawing upon early examples of authenticity in correspondence and literature. It then progresses to existential approaches to authenticity with an emphasis on three authors who have advanced the existential perspective: Nietzsche, in the proposition of a dynamic individualistic authenticity; Heidegger, in the proposal of authenticity as a set of human possibilities which a have temporal dynamic, and Sartre in his use of authenticity to emphasise humanistic values of freedom (Geuss & Speirs, 1999; Heidegger, 1962; Sartre, 1992).

In contrast to the existentialist approaches, which focus on subjective and communal aspects of authenticity, the modernist approaches view authenticity from the perspectives of objects and events. Among the modernist approaches are Benjamin’s (1968a) notion of aura (an objectsubject interface), which stands in opposition to the postmodern critique of disembodied objects without traces to origin and without the ability to determine authenticity from inauthenticity.

Another modernist approach is MacCannell’s (1973) staged authenticity which draws a dichotomy between inauthentic front stage and authentic backstage experiences in tourist-host encounters. MacCannell’s (1973) emphasis is on a predetermined duality of authenticity.

Contrary to MacCannell (1973), Cohen (1979) argues that authenticity is not a given but is rather emergent and is gradually accepted over time. With an overview of the various philosophical traditions of authenticity, the discussion moves to frameworks which consolidate the discourse.

Selwyn’s (1996) two-part framework of cool and hot authenticity brings to bear the subjective and objective aspects of the discourse. In contrast, Wang’s three-part framework builds on objective authenticity, while distinguishing constructive (social) from existential (individual) authenticity. In sum, the chapter argues that as a managerial construct, the interest is not in a

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conceptual resolution of the philosophical traditions of authenticity, but rather in an understanding of where they meet and how they may be constructively applied (Kolar & Zabkar, 2010). The constructive position is particularly useful in understanding the negotiation of authenticity between place brand consumers and managers, as well as the intersection between objective and existential perspectives.

3.2

A Linguistic History of Authenticity

The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) defines authenticity in distinct entries, each of which refers to a particular period. The earliest of these is the quality of being authoritative and duly authorised – a use purportedly deriving from Mid-17th Century English (OED, 2012). This connotation of authenticity refers to an era of significant intellectual progress, particularly the emergence of scientific institutions (Wilson & Reill, 2004). Passages from the letters and works of intellectual luminaries of the time shed light on this meaning of authenticity. A letter from Newton to Hooke, dated December 1680, includes a recommendation of the work of an Italian chemist, encouraging him “to submit his discourse to so great and Authentick a Judgment as that of the [Royal] Society” (Birch, 1757:61). This use of authentick does not refer to an object judged by an authority (not the work of the chemist), but is rather an assertion of the authority itself – an acclamation of the authenticity of the Royal Society in which the authority resides. A similar example, written in the same period, is a passage from Hobbes’s Leviathan concerning a discrepancy in the interpretation of the law. Hobbes argues that the “interpretation is Authentique, not because it is his private sentence, but because he giveth it by authority of the sovereign” (1651:143). In this sense, an institution (the sovereign) confers its instilled authenticity to authenticate a particular interpretation of the law – with the instilled authenticity of the institution being the sine qua non for the right to authenticate.

Hobbes’s reference to Authentique is an import of 13th Century “Old French” and denotes the act of being authoritative or acting under authority. Other examples of this term include témoignage authentique (a true testimony) and a concern for whether records are regarde comme authentique (regarded as authentic) by their esteemed editors (Jourdan & Decrusy, 1789:c). However, there is an alternative meaning to authenticity which derives from the mid-14th Century Greek, authentēs

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and authenteo (Partridge, 2009:183). The meaning of authenteo in one sense seems principled – it is the “act of one’s own authority” (Oswald & Keagy, 1844:72) as well as the ability “to authorise” (Pinnock, 1844:127). However, in another sense, it describes the ability to “usurp authority over” something or someone (Gall, 1863:5). Trilling (1971) finds a more macabre root which seems to have been concealed from English translations. Authentēs means an individual who, with his own hand, kills himself or kills another (Journal des Scavans, 1714:137) – which refers in this sense, not only to a wielding of power, but the abuse of it at will. Still, the autonomy inherent in authentēs has significance. The word splits into derivatives, autós (self) and hentēs (being or doer). Autós (self) points to the notion of authorship - whether a document was written by the hand of the author (Richardson, 1887). It also depicts a different entry of authenticity in the Oxford English Dictionary as “being what it professes in origin or authorship” (OED, 2012). The latter derivative, hentēs, meaning being or doer, is designated as a lost noun, which has no independent use in Modern Greek (Mathews, 1958). Nevertheless, autos and hentēs provide some basis for understanding the existential use of authenticity by philosophers of the 20th Century.

3.3

Existential Approaches to Authenticity

Shortly after the end of the Second World War, Jean-Paul Sartre delivered a public lecture entitled Is Existentialism a Humanism? The lecture became the manifesto of the existentialist movement and marked the pinnacle of existentialism as a philosophy (Flynn, 2006). Following Sartre’s lecture, existentialism began to be associated with humanistic values and individualism (Flynn, 2006). Where freedom became the utmost value of existentialism, authenticity became its primary virtue (Flynn, 2006:xi). In spite of Sartre’s explicit use of the word existentialism in lectures and publications, it was not widely used until the 1940s, and even then it was embraced by the public rather than the philosophers themselves (Guignon, 2004a). As Guignon (2004a:2) puts it, the philosophers who became associated with existentialism “turn out to be conscripts rather than volunteers”. Philosophers associated with the movement include Simone de Beauvoir (1908-86) Albert Camus (1913-60), Karl Jaspers (1883-1969), Maurice Merleau-Ponty (190861), Gabriel Marcel (1889-1973) and Martin Buber (1878-1965). Rather than being maximally

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inclusive, this section considers three central figures of existentialism: Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Sartre (Guignon, 2004a:2).

3.3.1 Nietzsche’s Apollonian & Dionysiac Forces Friedrich Nietzsche was fascinated with the notion of Wahrheit (truth) and Wahrhaftigkeit (truthfulness), both synonyms of authenticity that were later expressed more explicitly in Heidegger’s use of Eigentlichkeit, a literal translation of authenticity (Golomb, 1995). Although Nietzsche rarely used the word authenticity, his writings suggest an underlying “narrative notion of authenticity” where the individual is in a constant process of self-authorship (Guignon, 2004b:67). Similarly, Golomb (1995:48) describes Nietzsche as having an “artistic model of authenticity” which considers the self as a project or work of art. In Nietzsche’s words “Der Mensch ist nicht mehr Kiinstler, er ist Kunstwerk geworden” – (Man is no longer the artist, he has become a work of art) (Bishop, 1995:173; Geuss & Speirs, 1999:18). Nietzsche’s narrative notion of authenticity is found in his work, The Birth of Tragedy out Of the Spirit of Music (1871), which concerns the modernisation of society and searches for the necessary routes to remedying its ailments (Geuss & Speirs, 1999). Of significance to authenticity is the comparison between two dynamic and interceding forces: the Apollonian and Dionysiac force, named after the Greek deities (Bubbio, 2008). Apollo, the Olympian god of light and truth, and the embodiment of distinctiveness and individuality, is characterised by moderation and self-control – the qualities of the Apollonian force (Geuss & Speirs, 1999; Jurist, 2000). In contrast, Dionysus, the god of wine, ecstasy, excess and madness, has indiscretion for the norms of culture and is characterised by a creative and destructive energy- the qualities embodied in the Dionysiac force (Porter, 2000). The two forces coexist, with one destabilizing the other. The Dionysiac force stretches beyond the boundaries of the social norms and affords glimpses into chaos and insignificance of existence, before dissolving back into a relatively stable Apollonian-Dionysiac balance (Spinks, 2003).

What the forces essentially describe are the struggles and tensions between the individual and society; tensions which are found at the core of existential authenticity. Die fröhliche Wissenschaft - The Gay Science (1882) provides criticisms of individuality, which are

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particularly relevant to existential authenticity (Caro & Pippin, 2007; Horstmann & Norman, 2004; Lampert, 2001). In one of the aphorisms of The Gay Science (GS), Nietzsche argues that few people have “faith in themselves” (GS, 187). He finds instead that individuals tend to side with the ideals of society, rather than the more difficult approach of discovering ideals that are of their own “free will” (GS, 189). This search for authenticity of the individual reaches its pinnacle in Thus Spoke Zarathustra (1883-5). It builds on the theme of self-overcoming that was developed in the Gay Science, and embodies this theme in the protagonist, Zarathustra (Caro & Pippin, 2007). The struggle against the meaninglessness of life leads to a process of selfovercoming, or self-transcending (Selbst-Überwindung) until the individual reaches his or her own highest potential as the Übermensch, roughly translated as the “Overman” or “Superman/Superwoman” (TSZ 20). The quasi-theistic notion of the Übermensch is similar to Kierkegaard’s religious stages of existence in his Concluding Unscientific Postscript, leading to a final leap of faith and connection with God (Furtak, 2010; Hannay, 2009). However, in Nietzsche’s sense the final leap is self-transcendence and independence, which he considers to be the “prerogative of the strong” (BGE: 29). In contrast to Kierkegaard’s clement, ethical path to the existential self, Nietzsche’s path confronts considerable angst and struggle. Authenticity from Nietzsche’s perspective derives from emotions such as anger and frustration, rather than conformity and faith.

3.3.2 Heidegger’s Authentic Possibilities Martin Heidegger, born the year before the death of Nietzsche, began to develop the ideal of authenticity more explicitly. Heidegger’s use of authenticity (Eigentlichkeit) appears in a variety of his essays and philosophical works. However, in his principal work, Sein und Zeit (1927), Heidegger develops authenticity and inauthenticity (Uneigentlichkeit) in the strict sense of his chosen terminology (“im strengen Wortsinne terminologisch gewählt”). At the centre of Heidegger’s ontology is the individual (being), to whom he attributes the word Dasein, denoting man’s distinctiveness from other entities. The question of time is inextricably linked to being, and not merely the relationship between being and other entities that experience the same clocktime (BT 40:19). Heidegger’s notion of the past (historicality) differs from the common understanding of it. Dasein is its past in all three common senses of time: past, present and

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future. It is its past in the sense that things have already happened as incidents or markers behind it. Additionally, Dasein is its past in the sense that at any present moment it is characterised by an accumulation of events that have already happened. The future dimension of Dasein’s past “already goes ahead” of it (BT, 41), rather than following it (BT, 41:20). It does so because, at every moment, the individual confronts a range of possibilities, and the choice at each moment becomes Dasein’s “ownmost” possibility. In essence, Dasein is each possibility that it chooses (BT, 68:43).

The choice of possibilities is a crucial facet of Heidegger’s notion of authenticity and inauthenticity. When Dasein chooses from any of its given possibilities, one of three things happens: it either “wins” itself by making a choice that is entirely its own; “loses” itself to prescribed choices of the public (they), by levelling-down to what is publicly acceptable, or choosing a prevailing opinion while avoiding anything unusual and difficult (Mulhall, 2005); or it seemingly wins itself (scheinbar gewinnen) by thinking that the choice is its own when, in fact, the choice is that of the public. Since the locus of authenticity in Heidegger’s framework is the individual (Dasein), any act of Dasein’s own will, in its own capacity, without reverting to public opinion, is a mode of authenticity. In contrast, any choice that reverts to public opinion is a mode of inauthenticity. However, Heidegger seems to imply that neither “authenticity” nor “inauthenticity” has any moral bearing on the essential character of Dasein; they are simply comparable modes in which Dasein engages the world in every-day life: As modes of being, authenticity and inauthenticity [Eigentlichkeit und Uneigentlichkeit] (these expressions being chosen terminologically in the strict sense) are both grounded in the fact that any Dasein whatsoever is characterised by mineness. But the inauthenticity of Dasein does not signify any ‘less’ Being or any ‘lower’ degree of Being. Rather it is the case that even in its fullest concretion Dasein can be characterised by inauthenticity - when busy, when excited, when interested, when ready for enjoyment [Genußfähigkeit].

Heidegger (1962:68) Being and Time compared with a copy of the 1927 original German.

Heidegger uses the hyphenated term being-in-the-world to describe this interconnectedness between Dasein and its surroundings. An essential part of the environment is other people: the

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public Das Man, which translates directly to English as “the They”. What “the They” refers to, perhaps more appropriately, is the word one, as in what one ought to be, or ought to do. The inauthenticity of das Man derives from the limiting of Dasein’s possibilities to what is socially acceptable. From the perspective of the individual, “we find shocking what they find shocking”, we socialise and engage in idle-talk as they do, and we make judgements about news and literature as they see and judge it (BT, 164). Where Dasein is the individual, Das Man is not everybody else in society, but rather the common knowledge, social rules and laws that comprise society. When adopting choices of Das Man, Dasein is in the mode of inauthenticity [Uneigentlichkeit] (BT, 166) where it has “fallen away [abgefallen] from itself” rather than finding its own individuality (BT, 220).

3.3.3 Sartre’s Notebooks on Authenticity The day after the invasion of Poland by Germany, at the start of World War II, Jean-Paul Sartre was conscripted to the French army where he served as a meteorologist. Between November 1939 and March 1940, Sartre wrote a series of notebooks, detailing not only the events at the time, but also his thoughts on authenticity. Of Sartre’s fourteen notebooks only six survived the war, and were published in 1940 as Les earnets de la Drole de Guerre (Notebooks on the Phoney War) and in English in 1984 as the War Diaries. The Phoney War, or “the Twilight War” as Churchill called it, was the Anglo-French declaration of war on Germany, where, for the ensuing eight months, there was little engagement from either side (Dear & Foot, 2001). To Sartre the war was “an important turning point” in his life, which encouraged him to embark on a personal search for authenticity (Sartre, 1984:x). Sartre’s reference to authenticity in the War Diaries is partly, he remarks, due to the “influence exerted upon” him by Heidegger (Sartre, 1984:182).

Sartre’s comments on authenticity, however, are not technical responses to Heidegger, but rather personal reflections on authenticity vis-à-vis the observations of his acquaintances and friends.

For instance, he describes a fellow recruit, Pieter, as exemplary of “inauthentic rationalism, or, to be precise, of the impersonal Heideggerian ‘one’ ” (N3, 11). There is no objective basis for Sartre’s judgements, only that Pieter is loquacious, and that rather than genuinely committing himself to a point-of-view, he consciously endeavours to negate the arguments of others.

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In contrast to the inauthenticity of the individuals, Sartre suggests that authenticity is achieved where people have “managed to destroy themselves”, severing the need to maintain authenticity by achieving it in its finitude (N3, 29). Among Sartre’s exemplars of the authentic individual are Paul Gauguin, the French Post-impressionist artist who went into exile in French Polynesia to escape “everything that is artificial, conventional, customary” (Gauguin, 1985:17); and Vincent van Gogh, who, months before committing suicide, admitted himself to the Saint-Rémy Asylum where he painted Starry Night (Thomson, 2008). Reflecting on van Gogh, Sartre writes, “I am more and more convinced that, in order to achieve authenticity, something has to snap” (N3, 29).

This reflective stance on authenticity declines in Being and Nothingness where Sartre writes that “authenticité et dont la description n’a pas place ici” (Howells, 2009: EN, 111, note 1). However, Sartre did not reject the concept entirely (Golomb, 1995). In fact, discussions on authenticity resume in Sartre’s later work, not as a dualism in the sense that Heidegger uses it, but as a subjective will towards freedom. The theme of freedom which is outlined in Being and Nothingness is foregrounded in Cahiers pour une morale and his 1945 lecture, L’Existentialisme est un humanisme (Howells, 2009). Freedom was seen by Sartre as “a new ‘authentic’ way of being” (Cahiers, 474) where “authenticity has to do with what I will” (Cashiers, 479). The will of individuals has a future trajectory, which determines personal authenticity. Existentialism begins, Sartre suggests, in a Godless world where “everything is permissible” (EH, 28). The moral responsibility therefore shifts from prescribed ethics to the responsibility of each individual. As Sartre puts it, “man is condemned to be free” - condemned because the individual enters the world without prescribed values and orders, and free because they are responsible for everything they do (EH, 29).

3.4

Modernist Approaches to Authenticity

The late-modernist understanding of authenticity, as a post-industrial concept, is characterised by ambivalence within society (Wang, 2000), reflexivity of personal identity (Ferrara, 1998) and uncertainty concerning what is real, genuine or true (MacCannell, 1976). It relates to changes occurring in art, culture and society where mass consumption, media and mechanisation have challenged the normative understanding of authenticity and called authors to reinterpret its meaning. This section considers three authors on the modernist approaches to authenticity. The first is Benjamin’s concept of aura which describes a transfiguration of authenticity from object

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to subject. This is followed by MacCannell’s (1973) “staged authenticity” which borrows Goffman’s (1959) theatre metaphor of front and back regions of social interaction. MacCannell’s (1973) uses this dichotomy in response to Boorstin’s (1961) critical depiction of mass tourism as a pseudo-event. The third approach is Cohen’s (1979) reply to MacCannell (1973), which describes the manner in which authenticity emerges.

3.4.1 Benjamin’s Aura of Authenticity Benjamin provides a formative stance to the modernist approaches of authenticity by illuminating a transition from object to subject. He does so without losing perspective of the original, which is a tendency of postmodernist approaches (Baudrillard, 1983; Eco, 1986). In fact, to Benjamin (1968a:220) the “presence of the original is the prerequisite to the concept of authenticity”. The original, however, is not directly accessible to individuals and is instead imparted through a subjective aura, a term which Benjamin uses to describe the transfiguration from object to subject. The aura is essentially a cluster of affective and cognitive associations which traverse the distance between object and subject (Benjamin, 1968a:186). Of central interest to Benjamin’s inquiry is how objects of various categories might be “liberated from the drudgery of usefulness” and become animated and vitalised by the uniqueness that they present to the individual (Benjamin, 1968a:42). In Benjamin’s essay on book collecting, for instance, there is a shift away from authenticity being dictated by authority, to the collectors’ own setting of those criteria. A book is not just a printed text, but also carries explicit traces to its previous owners thorough marginalia, stains, threadbare pages and worn cover sleeves (Smith, 2003). The book contains dates, bindings, place names and a variety of cultural information implicit in the style of font and layout, all of which inspire particular interpretations by the collector (Benjamin, 1968b). These details are seen by the collector “not as dry, isolated facts, but as a harmonious whole” (Benjamin, 1968b:64). It is through the subjective combination of details that the collector is able to decide whether or not an item is authentic.

One of Benjamin’s (1968c) primary concerns is the decline of the aura due to mechanical reproduction in instances where artworks are copied or photographed. The aura is not only created through the subjective presence of an object to the individual, but also through the social history of the object accumulated over the years. Thus to Benjamin (1968c:221), “the

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authenticity of a thing is the essence of all that is transmissible from its beginning, ranging from its substantive duration […] to the history which it has experienced”. Through reproduction, however, the historical testimony is nullified, in turn, eliminating the aura of the object and detaching it from its extended tradition. An ancient Greek statue of Venus, for example, is likely to have conveyed unique meanings to individuals appreciating its aura at different times (to the Greeks as a venerated object; to the clerics of the Middle Ages as a heretical object; and to modern tourists as an historical object). To Benjamin (1968c:224), however, the aura is never entirely separated from the rituals which preceded it and thus “the value of the ‘authentic’ work of art has its basis in ritual, the location of its original use value”. In summary, the ritual pertaining to an object (its social history), however remote it may be, defines the authenticity of that object. Authenticity is experienced through a subjective aura of the object’s social ritual, and nullified through artistic reproduction.

3.4.2 MacCannell’s Staged Authenticity MacCannell (1976) criticises Benjamin’s notion of the aura, particularly the view that the authenticity of objects is maintained over time through ritual. He also takes a stand against the view that mechanical reproduction nullifies an object’s authenticity. Instead MacCannell (1976:47) asserts that the “work becomes ‘authentic’ only after the first copy of it is produced” – the copy, in this sense, signifying the significance of the original. Moreover, he asserts that “the reproductions are the aura, and the ritual, far from being the point of origin, derives from the relationship between original object and its socially constructed importance” (MacCannell, 1976:47). This constructive view of the object captures MacCannell’s (1976:3) modernist understanding of authenticity as a quality found elsewhere, “in other historical periods and the cultures, in purer, simpler lifestyles”. Unlike Boorstin’s (1961) elitist view which criticises tourists for engaging in pseudo-events in their search for authenticity, MacCannell (1976) levels the criticism, suggesting that tourists and social scientists share similar interests in their curiosity of other cultures, people and places. To MacCannell (1976) there is a structural distinction between the modern and the non-modern world which is reinforced by social constructs such as aid programs, international treaties and concepts such as the poverty line. Authenticity for the modern world is a yearning for the past - a pursuit of naturalness and nostalgia. To the individual living in modern society, the non-modern world is a scarcity, which requires the preservation of

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its last vestiges. It is also a platform for the experiential search for authenticity of the Other (Wang, 1999).

MacCannell’s (1973) discussion on staged authenticity exemplifies the search for authenticity in tourism experiences by using Goffman’s (1959) theatre metaphor of front and back stage divisions. Front stage is a meeting place of hosts and guests (or consumers and service personnel), while back stage is where staff “retire between performances to relax and prepare” (MacCannell, 1973:92). Back stages include kitchens, washrooms and back-of-house offices, while front stages typically involve receptions, lobbies and restaurants. In performing the act of social reality there is some sense of myth and mystification regarding what resides back stage (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Goffman, 1959). Authenticity inhabits the back stage and is enshrined in mystification (MacCannell, 1973; 1976). The problem, however, is that while tourist consciousness is motivated to seek authentic experiences, there is a difficulty in discerning whether the experiences are “authentic in fact” (MacCannell, 1973: 597). The false consciousness arises from tourists assuming that they are entering the back region, when they are actually entering the front that has been set up in advance to look like the back.

3.4.3 Cohen’s Emergent Authenticity Cohen (1988) questions MacCannell’s (1973) tacit acceptance of authenticity being a normative quality presumably hidden in vestiges of the non-modern world. Individuals experience and interpret authenticity differently; and “the greater their concern of authenticity, the stricter their criteria will be to conceive it” (Cohen, 1988:376). Mass tourists, for example, may not care whether their experiences adhere to the strict criteria of authenticity defined by critics. What is authentic to one group of individuals may be contrived to another. Thus authenticity is a socially constructed concept and one which is negotiable (Cohen, 1988:374). If authenticity is not a primitive given then it is possible that an experience or object initially considered to be inauthentic “may over the course of time, become generally recognised as authentic, even by experts” (Cohen, 1988). This process Cohen (1988) terms emergent authenticity, which he claims to be one aspect of Hobsbawn & Ranger’s (1983) wider notion of The Invention of

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Tradition, where practices, rules, rituals and symbols become established through repetitive behaviour and social acceptance.

A similar process of emergent authenticity occurs in the commercial realm. Salamone’s (1997) study, for instance, interprets the authenticity of two restaurants of Mexican origin: the original San Angel Inn based in Mexico City and its daughter inn at Disney World, Florida (see Figure 3.1). Both inns cater for affluent clientele and serve an international high cuisine rather than traditional Mexican food. Similarly, both offer interpretations of Mexican culture that avoid conventional images of Mexico. The differences between the two inns are of interest to their unique identities and respective authenticity. The original in Mexico City is associated with a colonial European heritage, which is enshrined in a romanticised past and portrays a union between European and Mexican cultures. The San Angel Inn in Disney World, Florida, presents a divergence from the original in Mexico City. The restaurant exudes a dated rather than contemporary impression of Mexico, which corresponds with the quintessential national themes at Disney’s World Showcase. Salamone (1997:318) argues that both inns are authentic in their respective situations. Each inn represents a process of identity construction in different periods.

Culture in this sense reflects symbolically on each inn as an object, serving as the creative repertoire which characterises and defines the identity of each Inn (Salamone, 1997:318).

Figure 3.1 Emergent Authenticity Colonial European Heritage

Sign

Aztec and Mexican Heritage

Mexican Heritage

Sign

Sign

Object

Object

San Angel Inn (Mexico City)

San Angel Inn (Disney Land, Florida)

Author’s interpretation of Salamone (1997)

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3.5

Frameworks of Authenticity: Consolidating the Discourse

So far this chapter has established an understanding of authenticity from different authorial perspectives, however, it has yet to consolidate these by drawing together themes and processes from the discussions (Cohen & Cohen, 2012; Kolar & Zabkar, 2010; Leigh et al., 2006). Two frameworks that have incited particular interest in the literature are those of Selwyn (1996) and Wang (1999). Selwyn’s framework is comprised of two parts. The first part, cool authenticity, reflects on the original definition of authenticity with respect to scientific verisimilitude. The second, hot authenticity, considers the human aspects of authentication both from the perspectives of the individual and society. While Selywn’s (1996) framework treats individual and social aspects under a single bracket of hot authenticity, Wang’s (1999) framework advances the individual and social aspects as separate components. This additional distinction assists in foregrounding the relevance of existential (individual) and constructive (social) authenticity.

Without abjuring the discussion surrounding Selwyn’s (1996) framework, this thesis elevates the importance of Wang’s (1999) three-part framework. It does so for two reasons: firstly, because it provides a more nuanced understanding of authenticity as three rather than two parts, and secondly, because it provides a context for understanding the negotiations of authenticity between consumers and managers (Jones & Smith, 2005; Kolar & Zabkar, 2010).

3.5.1 Selwyn’s Two-Part Framework Selwyn’s (1996) cool and hot authenticity is one of the early endeavours to consolidate authenticity discussions under a single framework. Cool authenticity is an interest in scientific verisimilitude (Selwyn, 1996); the view that an object can be confirmed, tested and verified for its authenticity. It is the position held in trades and professions where clear, definite and lucid accounts of veracity are essential. Examples of cool authenticity include the trade of artworks and antiques (Kennick, 1985), the accounts of historians (Alan, 2004), the assessment of artefacts by museum curators and philatelists (Sánchez & Valentinuzzi, 2006), and the use of certificates to prove qualifications in occupations where meticulous detail is the sine qua non – for example, aircraft engineering, dentistry and surgery (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). Institutions have an important role in authenticating and certifying the status, standards and quality of their members. For instance, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

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(UNESCO) and the International Air Transport Association (IATA) have a pivotal role in authenticating their respective members in terms of the international significance of World Heritage Sites and safety standards for air traffic (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). In each case, there is an explicit authentication from top-to-bottom (from authenticating organisation to authenticated organisation) rather than the other way around.

Hot authenticity, by contrast, lacks a single authenticating agent. Moreover, the process of authentication becomes established through belief rather than verifiable evidence (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). It is concerned with questions of self and society, and maintains a particular interest in an imagined, mythical and invented authenticity (Selwyn, 1996: 20-21). The two-part reference to self and society suggests that there are structures underpinning how things are authenticated, not as an inferred top-down authenticity, but rather as a bottom-to-top authenticity (with the top being the result of an authenticating process). Selwyn’s depiction of hot authenticity, although tourism-oriented, reflects beyond the immediate discipline to aspects of national identity. According to Selwyn, hot authenticity tends towards an authentically social interpretation of how places come to be identified; a view which echoes Hobsbawm & Ranger’s (1983) notion of invented traditions. Examples of invented traditions are numerous. They include national celebrations which are routinized over time, providing increasing ideological significance to the wider public (Boissevain, 1992; Martin, 1993); homes which are purchased in the Cotswolds because they correspond with authentic encounters of places that are quintessentially English (Selwyn, 1996); and coffee and tea retailers who expend considerable effort to underscore the date in which the company was founded, the name of the founder and the origin of their products (Peterson, 2005).

3.5.2 Wang’s Three-Part Framework In contrast to Selwyn’s (1996) two-part framework, Wang (1999) depicts three philosophical positions of authenticity: objective (of objects and events), existential (of individuals) and constructive (of society). While not the first to allude to these positions, Wang is the first to consolidate them under a single framework and, in doing so, draws together the theoretical backgrounds which encompass many of the principal works on authenticity (e.g. Bruner, 1989;

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1994; Cohen, 1979; Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983; MacCannell, 1973; Trilling, 1971). It is arguably because of the theoretical breadth of Wang’s (1999) framework that it has migrated from tourism and infused discussions within the discipline of marketing: including aspects of consumer research (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010), brand management (Alexander, 2009; Leigh et al., 2006), online communications (Labrecque et al., 2012) and place branding (Govers & Go, 2009). The espousal of Wang’s (1999) framework in marketing, and its relevance to place branding, should not be accepted without criticism. In fact, there is a large degree of similarity between the frameworks of Selwyn (1996) and Wang (1999). For instance, cool and objective authenticity are almost identical in theory, with both emphasising a distinct, authoritative division between authentic and inauthentic. Where the theories differ is in their application.

Selwyn’s (1996) cool authenticity tends to exemplify the veracity of objects (for example, museum pieces and tourist postcards) and Wang’s (1999) objective authenticity depicts the authorial critique of events such as Boorstin’s real versus pseudo-events and MacCannell’s back versus front stage authenticity.

Wang’s (1999) sentiment of authenticity, like MacCannell’s (1976), derives from the view of an alienated modern society, longing for experiences imbued with authenticity (Olsen, 2002:160).

The intention of Wang’s three-part framework, however, is not to advocate equally each of the three positions it proposes, but rather to promote existential authenticity as an alternative to the other two positions (Wang, 1999). Objective authenticity is eschewed due to the multifarious experiential views of events, which Wang (1999:353) argues are “not a matter of black or white, but rather involve a much wider spectrum, rich in ambiguous colours”. Constructive authenticity noted by Bruner (1989) as an endeavour to explore how the process of construction occurs, is abjured by Wang (1999:358) who claims that “constructivists are reluctant to dig a tomb for ‘authenticity’ and they try to rescue the term by revising its meanings”. In spite of his remark, Wang’s refutation of constructive authenticity remains unsubstantiated. In particular, he fails to consider that constructivists, on the tenets of that philosophical view, refrain from interpreting what authenticity is, in order to understand how and why it develops meaning (the processes involved) and who (which groups and powers) are responsible for attributing that meaning (Bruner, 1989; Bruner, 1994; Cohen, 1979; Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983; Peterson, 2005). It appears contradictory, in a sense, that while rejecting the constructivist position for its revision of

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meanings, Wang (1999) simultaneously claims to focus on “rethinking the meaning of authenticity in terms of existentialist philosopher’s usage of the idea” (Wang, 1999:350).

Still, there is something profound about the three-part framework, not in the anchorage of each perspective, but in the potential interchange between them. While multiple conceptualisations of authenticity engender separate discourses, and have been criticised as ontologically problematic (Reisinger & Steiner, 2006; Steiner & Reisinger, 2006), there has been more than “some effort” to bridge these perspectives (Cohen & Cohen, 2012:1296). One attempt has been to “hold authenticity’s various constitute meanings together” by considering the intimate relationship between the object and the subject in reference to Benjamin’s notion of aura (Rickly-Boyd, 2012:270). Similarly, Chhabra (2005) blends objectivity with constructivism in discussing the authenticity of Scottish goods sold to tourists; Kolar & Zabkar (2010) merge existential with objective authenticity in developing a consumer-based model, and Leigh et al. (2006) combines all three perspectives in understanding the multiplicity of meanings within brand subcultures.

There is certainly fluidity in Wang’s (1999) framework, such that it demands closer inquiry of its substructures.

3.5.2.1 Objective Authenticity: The Dualistic Perspective Objective authenticity is described variously as the “authenticity of originals” (Wang, 1999:352), the tourist’s “quest for the authenticity of originals” (Wang, 1999:353) and “the property of the toured objects and events” (Reisinger & Steiner, 2006:65). It is noted as being a single, explicit, formal or even official act; a declaration that an object or event is original rather than fake or spurious (Cohen & Cohen, 2012:1298). It advocates a position of a pure, frozen, untainted object maintained its original state (Chhabra, 2012). It is the function of experts (collectors, curators and historians) to judge historic pieces or museum artefacts (Zhu, 2012), and determine whether the objects are what they appear to be, and therefore worth the price asked for them or admiration given to them (Trilling, 1971:91). The term “objects” is used in the broadest sense.

For instance, objects of tourism include cultures, tourist souvenirs and sites which are engaged with by tourists in a museum-like search for authenticity (Wang, 1996). The search for authenticity is seen in heritage tourism, where tourists visit destinations with historical

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connotations that hint at earlier times or represent cultures enshrined, preserved and viewed almost impartially (Bruner, 1989; Bruner, 1994; Kennick, 1985).

Critiques of tourism become objectified in the distinction between authentic and inauthentic events. Boorstin’s (1961) condemnation of mass tourism as a “pseudo-event” and MacCannell’s (1976) criticism of staged authenticity evoked through the commoditised culture, both express an objectified view of events (Zhu, 2012). It is a binary perspective where authenticity and inauthenticity are viewed as polar opposites. To say something is authentic implies that it has an opposite: a genuine versus spurious culture (Kolar & Zabkar, 2010; Leigh et al., 2006; Sapir, 1924); a pseudo-event versus a true experience (Boorstin, 1961; Kolar & Zabkar, 2010), or a front stage versus backstage visit to a tourist site (MacCannell, 1973). Irrespective of the gradations along this continuum of the authentic and inauthentic (Pearce & Moscardo, 1985; Redfoot, 1984), there is always a view towards either side.

Instead of discarding objective authenticity as a naïve quest of the tourist (Reisinger & Steiner, 2006; Wang, 1999), it is useful to consider what relevance it has and how it functions. Bruner (1994:400) points out the need to understand “who has the authority to authenticate”, rather than whether or not an object or site is authentic. In the objective sense, the power to authenticate is usually assigned to an expert or institutional position. Examples include certificates issued from authenticating institutions to authenticated professionals; the assured veracity of archaeological artefacts by curators, and the accreditation of the tourist sites by historians and institutions (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). In each case, authenticity is conferred by an authenticating body to an authenticated person, place or institution. It is usually signalled through an award, mark or signage. Examples include World Heritage Site accreditation administered by UNESCO, European Capital of Culture designation by the European Union, Blue Flag beaches selected by the Federation of Environmental Education and Blue Plaque sites administered by English Heritage.

3.5.2.2 Existential Authenticity: The Humanistic Perspective In contrast to objective authenticity, which concerns the veracity of events and objects, existential authenticity concerns individuals. A tendency in discussions of existential authenticity is to advocate an essentialist meaning, which reinforces an object-oriented perspective – the

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perspective of authenticity as the “essence of human individuality” (Wang, 2000) or “being true to one’s essential nature” (Steiner & Reisinger, 2006:299). Guignon (1985) and Turner & Manning (1988) criticise this essentialist view of the inner self, echoing a passage from Being and Time that Dasein’s characteristics are not properties, but rather “possible ways for it to be, no more than that” (Heidegger, 1962:67). Heidegger is not the only author to emphasise the dynamic characteristics of existential authenticity. Nietzsche’s reflection on individuals as artists continuously shaping their lives through spontaneous choices, and Sartre’s emphasis on individual freedom, both highlight a dynamic, rather than static, sense of self.

To Wang (1999), existential authenticity is elicited through the tourist experience, characterised by nostalgia and romanticism. Nostalgia idealises ways of life “in which people are supposed as freer, more innocent, more spontaneous, purer, and truer to themselves than usual” (Wang, 1999:360). By contrast, romanticism accentuates the “naturalness, sentiments, and feelings in response to the increasing self-constraints by reason and rationality in modernity” (Wang, 1999:360). The types of tourist activities which counterpoise the struggle against modernity and the constraints of daily life include camping, picnicking, mountaineering, river rafting, walkabouts and wilderness solitude (Arnould & Price, 1993; Tumbat & Belk, 2011; Wang, 1999). Some of these experiences may appear ineffable, liminal or felt (Arnould & Price, 1993) where consumers become engaged in an “immediate encounter with being” (Redfoot, 1984:295).

These activities do not produce existential authenticity, but rather facilitate it, allowing individuals to search-for and experience liminal moments of their authentic selves.

Wang (1996) suggests that the authentic self derives from a balance between reason and emotion, or flow, as Csikszentmihalyi (1991) calls it. The inauthentic-self derives from an imbalance particularly when rational factors pervade. Besides its individualistic aspects, existential authenticity also has associations with friendship, intimacy, and sociability. Examples include honeymoons, teambuilding vacations, group yacht charters, visiting friends and relatives, and family holidays (Wang, 1996). By pursuing interpersonal authenticity, for instance, spending time with children and family, there is a building of relationships and togetherness, and a rekindling of humanistic values and emotional bonds, which might otherwise be constrained in quotidian settings. Besides experiences (Pons, 2003; Wang, 1996; 1999) existential authenticity

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may also derive from anxiety (Johnson, 2007), creativity, care, individuality, meaning-making and personal identity (Hughes, 1995; Steiner & Reisinger, 2006). In a consumption context, existential authenticity is achieved through the purchase of goods and services that allow for efficacy, learning and personal growth (Arnould & Price, 1993). Examples include a range of pastimes from ballet to martial arts, music lessons and technical courses. Existential authenticity in this sense provides the individual with “personal coherence and purposiveness” (Trilling, 1971:93-118).

3.5.2.3 Constructive Authenticity: The Social Perspective Constructive authenticity is concerned with the social negotiation of meaning and the different perspectives involved in the authentication process. This differs from what authenticity is definitively in reference to objects, or what it means dynamically to individuals. To ask how authenticity is socially constructed is to ask how it is produced and made believable.

Authenticity from this perspective is seen as a “constellation of cultural ideas” (Handler, 1986:2). It is a view that “culture is emergent, always alive and in process” (Bruner, 1994:407).

It is heteroglossic rather than binary, contextual rather universal, and socially negotiated rather than essential (Bruner, 1994; Cohen, 1979; Cohen & Cohen, 2012; Jones et al., 2005). According to Wang’s (1999: 351) definition of constructive authenticity:

Things appear authentic not because they are inherently authentic, but because they have been constructed as such in terms of points-of-view, beliefs, perspectives and powers. This notion is thus relative, negotiable, contextually determined, and even ideological. It can be the projection of one’s dreams, stereotyped images, and expectation onto toured objects.

The authentication process for constructive authenticity involves multiple actors, with authority dispersed amongst each of them. For instance, in Petersen’s (1997; 2005) study of country music he found that the authentication of the genre involves the acceptance and contribution of a range of different perspectives, including the opinions of consumers, devotees, folklorists and music experts. Places too may acquire an authentic cachet and emerge as signs or markers of authenticity. For example, the La Rive Gauche (Left Bank) in Paris signifies connoisseurship and connections with artists, writers and philosophers from an earlier era (Harkin, 1995). Similarly,

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Chicago is said to be the home of blues music, but the appreciation of the blues is relative to its audiences. Some audiences appreciate the authenticity of large franchise blues bars; others consider themselves more knowledgeable of blues music and seek out the smaller, dingier North Side blues cafes. Another audience avoids the inauthenticity of the previous two types and searches for clubs located in the South Side of Chicago’s edgier ghettos (Peterson, 2005).

From a managerial standpoint the principal interest is not conceptual resolution of the various philosophical traditions of authenticity, but rather an understanding of “how various notions and meanings can be constructively applied” (Kolar & Zabkar, 2010:652). Constructive authenticity is well suited to the managerial standpoint because of the interest in creating a sense of authenticity that is desirable to consumers. Constructive authenticity, however, is not a unidirectional projection of authenticity by managers, but rather a negotiation or co-construction between consumers and managers. In fact, existential and objective authenticity are absorbed through the constructive lens (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). Constructive authenticity sees, for instance, the perspectives of authenticity as having rational and emotional valences (Kolar & Zabkar, 2010). Tendencies towards a more rational (objective) perspective or a more emotional (existential) perspective are “contingent on the consumer’s goals” (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010:838). This differs from seeing existential or objective authenticity as isolated stances.

Through the lens of constructive authenticity, what is “authentic” to one group of consumers may be inauthentic to another group, without annulling the value of authenticity for each respective group (Halewood & Hannam, 2001). This relative notion of authenticity allows for the development of multiple brand communities where consumers collate around a brand’s ideology and managers endeavour to use a variety of creative cues and interventions to communicate the brand’s authenticity to its members (Leigh et al., 2006).

Management literature provides several examples of the constructive authenticity process that absorbs into its lens the objective and existential perspectives. Studies of alcoholic beverages closely affiliated with their origin such as beer (Gundlach & Neville, 2012), wine (Beverland, 2006; 2005b) and whiskey (Spracklen, 2011) are exemplary of the constructive authenticity process. Single malt whiskeys, for instance, have implicit references to their Scottish origin, while simultaneously circulating myths of tradition and heritage. In the tasting of Scottish

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whiskeys and visiting of Scotland’s single malt distilleries, consumers engage in an experiential (existential) authenticity (Spracklen, 2011). It is the combination of references to origin, consumer experiences, and myths of tradition and heritage, which coalesce to build the authenticity of Scottish whiskey brands. Beverland’s (2006; 2005b) research on luxury wine brands illustrates a similar combination of objective and subjective sources of authenticity which managers use to influence consumer impressions, including: commitment to quality, downplaying commercial motives, heritage and pedigree, method of production, relationship to place, and stylistic consistency. Relationship to place is a shared constituent of authenticity in Costa & Bamossy’s (2001) consumer research, which includes product knowledge, intended use, product type and consumer profile. In fact, in spite of the category of goods or cues involved, the principal concern is whether the good is “deemed authentic” by the consumer market (Kelly, 2003:220). In summary, constructive authenticity is a continuous process of authentication where credibility, meaning and value of brands is both projected and consumed (Alexander, 2009). The role of management is therefore to assess the degree of congruence between consumer values and corporate expressions (Roberts, 2005).

3.6

A Synthesis of Authenticity and Place Branding

This section completes the first objective of this research by providing a synthesis of the literature on authenticity and place branding. It does so with the intent of creating a conceptual framework. Following the structure of the previous chapter, it begins by discussing the link between authenticity in branding and thereafter the link with place branding.

3.6.1 Authenticity and Branding Brand management literature shows an interest in authenticity in respect to all three of Wang’s (1999) perspectives: objective, constructive and existential (Belk & Costa, 1998; Bilkent & Csaba, 2000; Costa & Bamossy, 2001; Csaba & Ger, 2000; Fournier & Lee, 2009; Mason, 2011; Schouten & McAlexander, 1995). The view of authenticity of originals (Wang, 1999:352) is expressed in the distinction between genuine and counterfeit goods (Gabrielli et al., 2012; Wiedmann et al., 2012); and more importantly, in the staking of claims by consumers on different sides of the market: those who choose counterfeits over original goods and vice versa

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(Wiedmann et al., 2012:11). In an experiential (existential) and social constructive sense, authenticity is seen in the relationship between the identities of individual consumers and their branded possessions. In this sense consumers develop an authentic attachment to their possessions (Woodside et al., 2012:599), which draws on Benjamin’s aura of authenticity as an interface between the consumer object (possessions) and existential feelings towards possessions (Benjamin, 1968c; Rickly-Boyd, 2012).

Authenticity has relevance to discussions in consumer research on extraordinary experiences such as commercial river rafting and mountaineering, (Tumbat & Belk, 2011). In the search for authenticity, according to Arnould & Price (1993:26), “consumers of extraordinary experience surrender their expectations” to an immediate state of being and in doing so elicit an emotional engagement and sense of connection with their environment, which leans toward existential authenticity (Elliott, 1997). While research focusing explicitly on authenticity frameworks in a consumer context are few (Beverland et al., 2010; Leigh et al., 2006), intermittent discussions on authenticity and consumption pervade the consumer discourse. Some discussions concern individual consumer experiences (Arnould & Price, 1993), while others focus on consumer identity at a group level (Rose & Wood, 2005). At group level, authenticity is found in discussions on the subcultures of consumption (Beverland et al., 2012; Kozinets, 2002; Schouten & McAlexander, 1995) and is advanced in studies on brand community (Arnould & Price, 2000; Fournier & Lee, 2009; McAlexander et al., 2002; Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001; Schau & Muniz Jr, 2002). Brand communities involve participation which authenticates brand meanings (Fournier & Lee, 2009:111), while simultaneously allowing consumers to engage in self-authenticating acts which legitimise their own identities with that of the community (Schau & Muniz Jr, 2002:344). Furthermore, at a societal level, authenticity is revealed in the demand for authentic market offerings (Grayson & Martinec, 2004; Thompson & K.T., 1999) and the interest in brands imbued with a sense of meaning, myth and nostalgia (Belk & Costa, 1998; Holt, 1998; Holt, 2002; Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004; Thompson & Arsel, 2004).

Management perspectives on branding reveal a similar application to Wang’s (1999) authenticity framework (Beverland, 2009; Gilmore & Pine, 2007; Holzer, 2011). For instance, Balmer (2011:1388) expresses authenticity “from the organisation’s side in terms of the

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perseverance of salient corporate heritage features”. Balmer’s description is tantamount to objective authenticity, because of the museum-linked usage of preservation. There is a body of literature focusing entirely on the concept of authentic leadership as a reaction to the consumer’s increasing demand for corporate transparency (Blausten, 2009; Duignan & Bhindi, 1997; Gardiner, 2011; George et al., 2007; Hannah et al., 2011; Khan, 2010; Peterson et al., 2012; Rego et al., 2012; White, 2006). Management, in a sense, has recognised the importance of authenticity displayed by consumer markets (Gundlach & Neville, 2011:484) and in turn has responded by imbuing their brands with indications of authenticity so as to appeal to those markets. Organisations imprint their brand identities with a sense of authenticity by exemplifying credible, value-laden, and authentic traits which resonate with their diverse audiences (Vallaster et al., 2012). The authentic traits are eclectic and differ between contexts and consumer audiences. In the case of specialist breweries and wine estates, for example, they may include the emphasis on authentic production methods (Rhee & Valdez, 2009:153) and greater customisation, handling and quality of their products (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010). For other goods and services, traits may include the date on which a company was founded (objective authenticity); the principles, values and distinct self-concepts of its founders (existential authenticity) and the appeal of archetypical, mythical and social aspirations (constructive authenticity) (Fauchart & Gruber, 2011; Woodside et al., 2012).

More importantly perhaps than the contextually determined traits of authenticity, is the process of negotiating authenticity which occurs between consumers and managers (Peterson, 2005).

Negotiation resides in the middle of the so-called chasm between consumer and management perspectives. According to Roberts (2005:699), “authenticity refers to the degree of congruence between internal values and external expressions” of the organisation. While the negotiation may emphasise aspects of existential and objective consumption, the process itself is wholly constructive. Consumers may indeed reflect on objectively authentic divisions between in and out groups of brand communities (Fournier & Lee, 2009), or in the search for genuine versus counterfeit brands (Wiedmann et al., 2012). Nevertheless, these are socially constructed divisions which marketers endeavour to satisfy. By negotiating their own views with those of consumers, through consumer research and choice of brand communications and policies, managers are endeavouring to harmonise the tensions between how the brand is projected and

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how it is perceived. This means of negotiating authenticity is hinted at in various parts of the literature; for example, the telling of legitimate stories (Voronov & Vince, 2012:63), or the weaving of aspects of heritage and nostalgia into the fabric of brands, embedding them with affective and cognitive appeal (Alexander, 2009). In summary, the perspectives of consumers and managers meet in a negotiation between the perceived image and the expressed identity of brands.

3.6.2 Authenticity and Place Branding An initial understanding of authenticity in place branding derives from the focus on place brand essence, which is a concept closely related to genius loci, a Latin term meaning the soul, or spirit of the place (Jackson, 1996; Norberg-Schulz, 1982:18; Relph, 1976; Skinner, 2011). The concept of brand essence forms part of the discourse on brand identity (Van Rekom et al., 2006), and is frequently referred to in the early stages of brand development and ideation (de Chernatony, 2006). Some descriptions of brand essence view it as tantamount to the distillation of the brand from its principal characteristics: an endeavour to “summarise the richness of an identity” (Kapferer, 2008:198); or the meaning of the brand “distilled into a few words” (de Chernatony et al., 2003:10). Other descriptions emphasise centrality rather than reduction, viewing the brand essence as the core characteristics (de Chernatony, 2006:249), central nature (Upshaw, 1995:25) and the “glue that holds the core identity elements together” (Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2000a:45). In more animate metaphors, the brand essence has been described as the heart of the brand (Alexander, 2009:556), soul of the brand (Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2000a:45) and as the spiritual centre which defines the brand and permeates all other aspects of the identity (Randazzo, 1993:17). It is a process of discovery “designed to unearth the ‘beating heart’ of the company – what the organisation stands for at its core, what it really is” (van Riel & Fombrun, 2007:62).

Similar to the essence of brands, genius loci describes the essence of places, which include their unique characters and personalities (Ekinci & Hosany, 2006b; Hosany et al., 2006; Jackson, 1996; Rickly-Boyd & Metro-Roland, 2010). While branding and genius loci are comparable in one sense, there are issues that result from the conflict between them. Place branding, according to Pedersen (2004:77), regards place as an object to be manipulated, and anything “particular and

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authentic is a potential asset”. Place branding draws on an historical background of what it considers to be authentic and real and uses it to distinguish one place from another (Pedersen, 2004). Nevertheless, the intentions of branding and the authenticity of genius loci may be in opposition. According to Pasquinelli (2012:102-3): Authenticity and genius loci are at the core of the discussion. However, in the pursuit of distinctiveness, the selection of authentic brand components may “freeze” the place into becoming a closed set of symbols and characteristics, i.e. a static brand.

Pasquinelli’s (2012) suggestion is one that reflects on the objective, museum-linked usage of authenticity (Trilling, 1971; Wang, 1999); similar to the view of preserving the corporate identity and its heritage (Balmer, 2011). It is not that objective authenticity is limiting per se. Objective authenticity has a central role in determining the origin of goods, for example, the consumption of wine and its emphasis on terrior (Beverland, 2005a; Hojman & Hunter-Jones, 2012).

Objective authenticity is also a feature of luxury and prestige categories which profit from their emphasis on heritage and preservation (Beverland, 2005a; 2006). Moreover, the emphasis on objective authenticity is important to the preservation of heritage sites and their attraction of visitors (Ryan & Silvanto, 2010; Zhu, 2012). The observation that Pasquinelli (2012) offers, however, is not the rejection of objective authenticity, but the limitations of framing authenticity as attributes which are inherent and objective. While efforts may be made to encase authenticity within the place, it is inevitably a social concept, which travels liberally across different perspectives, emancipated from objects, events and individuals and expressed through subjective experiences and beliefs. Constructivism underpins the emancipation of authenticity. As Cohen (2012:1295) puts it:

The three discourses are not on the same level: while objective (object) authenticity and existential (subjective) authenticity denote different types of (personally experienced) authenticity, constructed authenticity does not; rather, it relates implicitly to the process of social construction of the other two types.

Adopting the perspective of constructive authenticity is therefore equivalent to infusing the place branding discussion with all three perspectives, rather than choosing one at the expense of

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another. Constructive authenticity acts as a mediator between the other two perspectives. It assists in understanding how brands might be able to state claims about their culture and heritage without treating those claims as isolated facts. Govers & Go (2009:55) furthermore suggest that authenticity is a moving target which can be constructed and reconstructed, rather than being viewed as a static and isolated event or object. The process of social construction involves communication, which has a role in expressing the authenticity of the place identity through its cultures, history, people and idiosyncrasies (Baum et al., 2008). The identity serves as constructive resource for engaging in truthful narratives about the place, which Hornskov (2011:106) terms the “performativity of authenticity”, or the talking and telling of authenticity.

This explains, in a sense, how authenticity functions. Authenticity relates closely to the notion of authorship and a narrative self-authorship (Guignon, 2004b:67). However, in place branding there is an interest in the cooperative co-authorship of the place brand identity, which involves negotiating the interests of multiple audiences and stakeholders (Hornskov, 2011).

Communication of the place identity, however, also heightens concerns for the authenticity of the message due to the possible lack of relevance that commercial, design-oriented communication has for local residents (Ooi & Pedersen, 2010:8). The design-oriented focus has also been criticised for serving to homogenise the place and denying it of authenticity (Hall, 2008:233). The ability to augment and contrive the place identity through marketing communication has led to it being reproached as a “perverse instrument that will not only corrupt a place’s authenticity” but also overlook and undermine the rich cultural heritage of the place (Freire, 2005:350). Marketing communication is further criticised as an act of developing artificial brands “imposed from the outside” rather than focusing on internal aspects of the place brand identity from the inside (Kavaratzis, 2012:12). Another difficulty for managers is one of expressing the richness of the place brand identity, while accounting for the multiple experiences and images of its external audiences (Govers & Go, 2009:2). In failing to do so, place brand identities are arguably more likely to be perceived as superficial, internally as well as externally (Dinnie, 2008:112).

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3.7

Conceptual Framework

The aim of the research, emphasised in section 1.2, is to explore place branding (the brand management of cities, countries and regions) with a specific emphasis on authenticity. This section completes the first objective in developing a conceptual framework (Figure 3.2), which uses authenticity to enrich the understanding and management of place branding.

Acknowledging the importance of and fluidity between objective, constructive and existential authenticity in place branding (Govers & Go, 2009), as well as following the advice of Cohen (2012:1295) that constructive authenticity may offer insights into the social construction of the other two types, this thesis posits an exploration of authenticity in place branding with constructive authenticity at the centre. It does so in an endeavour to understand the negotiation of authenticity between consumers and managers. At the same time, it acknowledges the liminal experiential aspects of place brand experience, and certain facets of place branding that occasion specificity of origin, objectivity and the preservation of cultures (for instance, the branding of export goods based on origin). Objective and existential authenticity operate via constructive authenticity. Furthermore, constructive authenticity is explored “in” place branding, rather than separate from it, with the principal interest being the chasm between consumer and management perspectives. As discussed, places function like brands from two broad perspectives. One is place brand image, where the consumers’ interpretation and understanding of places develops as three constituent parts: affective (emotions), cognitive (thoughts) and normative (consensus). The other perspective is place brand identity, as managements’ expression of places on various geographical scales. In view of these two perspectives, the next objective of this research is to apply a critical case study within a single country context.

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Figure 3.2 Conceptual Framework AUTHENTICITY Objective Authenticity (Of objects)

Constructive Authenticity (Of social construction)

Existential Authenticity (Of self)

A static approach to authenticity characterised by specificity of origin, objectivity and the preservation of culture and heritage.

It infers a clear distinction between authentic and inauthentic events and objects.

A dynamic approach to authenticity characterised by the process of negotiating the meaning of an entity between two or more groups of people. It involves stereotypes, nostalgia and the incorporation of existential and objective attributes.

A liminal approach to authenticity characterised by individuality, innovation and creativity. It is determined through experience, emotions and self-reflection.

Via

Via

In

PLACE BRANDING Place Brand Identity (Management perspective)

Place Brand Image (Consumer perspective) Places function as brands through three types of perceived image:   

Cognitive (thoughts) Affective (feelings) Normative (public opinion)

There exists a chasm between consumer and management perspectives in place branding. Within this chasm is an interpretive negotiation of what a place means from either side. Constructive authenticity therefore frames how two perspectives (consumers and managers) might negotiate the meaning of places as brand entities.

Places function as brands by projecting their identities towards consumers with concern to:   

Sectors of Engagement Identity Elements Geographical scales

Author’s Interpretation

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3.8

Chapter Summary

This chapter explored authenticity with the intention of advancing its use as a management construct in place branding. In order to develop authenticity as a construct, it was first necessary to discuss its conceptual heritage. By considering existential and modernist approaches to authenticity it is observed that the discussions of principal authors reappear in both Wang’s (1999) and Selwyn’s (1996) frameworks. The emphasis of this thesis is on the constructive slant of Wang’s framework. The reasons for adopting this slant is that it incorporates both objective and existential authenticity, as well as enhancing an understanding of the negotiation of authenticity between consumers and managers. The chapter concludes with a synthesis of authenticity in place branding which brings together this and the previous chapter. In view of the synthesis, a conceptual framework is presented which reinforces the principal concepts discussed and illustrates the gap for exploring authenticity in place branding: an interest in the negotiation of consumer and management perspectives in place branding in view of constructive authenticity.

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Chapter 4: Research Design

4.1

Introduction

The previous two chapters reviewed the literature on place branding with an emphasis on authenticity. This chapter focuses on the second research objective: to apply a critical case-study research strategy to a country, in order to explore the discourse of authenticity within the context of place branding. The study chooses interpretivism as its research philosophy because of the complexity of the topic, the need for qualitative research to address consumer and management perspectives, and the interest in a tacit (unspoken) negotiation of authenticity between the two perspectives. Following a discussion of the research approach, and its application to Guba & Lincoln’s (1981) three modes of contributing to knowledge (extending, bridging and surfacing), consideration is given to the research strategy. A review of extant publications on place branding suggests that more than half the papers are non-empirical, with approximately one sixth of empirical studies applying case study strategy. Before applying a case study strategy, this chapter explains the use of focus groups as a means to gauge interest and understanding of the research topic.

The design of a single critical-case study of South Africa as a country brand is viewed from two perspectives: organisations responsible for marketing and managing South Africa as a brand and South Africa’s principal consumer market, the United Kingdom (UK). South Africa is chosen as a critical case because of its recent history, in particular, the fall of apartheid and the subsequent reformation process which is tantamount to “rebranding” in a corporate sense (van der Westhuizen, 2003). As part of the rebranding efforts, former president Thabo Mbeki initiated the International Marketing Council (IMC), which in turn developed Brand South Africa. Therefore, on the management side of the case study there are various affiliate organisations, in addition to the IMC, who are responsible for South Africa’s marketing: among them, the South African Tourism Board and various regional and city place branding stakeholders. On the consumer side, the case focuses on the United Kingdom as a consumer market across various form of engagement: exports, tourism, investment and immigration. A separate section of this chapter details the nonprobability sampling methods (critical case, self-selection and snowball sampling)

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for the selection of consumer and management informants as separate datasets. A further section explains the in-depth interview protocol for consumers and managers. The discussion on the primary datasets follows with supplementary data to support it, before progressing towards a discussion on the analysis of the qualitative data. The chapter concludes with a discussion of data triangulation and research ethics considerations.

4.2

Research Philosophy: The Perspective of Interpretivism

Interpretivism is chosen as the research philosophy for several reasons: the complexity of authenticity and place branding as concepts (Beverland et al., 2008); the need for qualitative methods to elicit rich narrative descriptions related to these concepts; and an interest in the negotiation between two perspectives (consumers and managers) where interpretation, meaning and understanding are principal elements (Rose & Wood, 2005). Interpretivism is the study of meaning and human intention, with particular emphasis on the perspectives of individual actors (Gerring & McDermott, 2007). It is founded on the concept of Verstehen, a German word meaning, “understand”. The characteristics for establishing trustworthiness in interpretivism include thick description (the use of detailed narratives to describe events (Geertz, 1973) ), and reflexivity (the phenomenon whereby the process of research is affected by the act of researching (Mills et al., 2010:11) ). Interpretivism is also seen from an idiographic perspective (the study of individuals within particular contexts (Gerring, 2007) ). Furthermore, interpretivism is relativistic assuming not only that perspectives differ between individuals, but also that knowledge is relative to those perspectives. Interpretivism might be seen more as a “family of methodological and philosophical persuasions” rather than a single research philosophy unanimously agreed upon by all its proponents (Schwandt, 1994:118). Among the various slants of interpretivism (Carson et al., 2001) are interpretive interactionism (Denzin, 1989), interpretive ethnography (Denzin, 1997) and the constructivist-interpretive perspective (Ybema et al., 2010).

Interpretivism has methodological implications which affect the choice of research strategy (Schwandt, 1994), the sampling and collection of data (Gerring, 2007) and the procedures for qualitative data analysis (Price, 2010). Due to interpretation at all stages of the research, the collection and analysis of data is conducted in parallel (Yore & Rossman, 2010). When data is collected, the researcher is already forming opinions of that data. The interpretations are further

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refined and synthesised during subsequent stages of data coding (Costello, 2001). Research conducted within the interpretivist paradigm endeavours to understand the multiple perspectives of the informants and the manner in which these perspectives are synthesised and socially constructed (Jacques, 2010). The process of analysis involves seeking meaning within the data (Jacques, 2010). The interpretivist looks for the Lebenswelt or “lifeworld” of the informants accounts while avoiding covering laws (Miles & Huberman, 1994:8). However, there are various limitations inherent in interpretivism, for instance, presenting the researcher with ephemeral, fluid phenomena that have “no existence independent of the social actor’s ways of construing and describing them” (Miles & Huberman, 1994:2). Another criticism is the lack of clarity on how the standards of interpretations are assessed and how one interpretation is considered to be comparatively more appropriate than another (Easton, 2010:118).

4.3

Research Approach

Research has the purpose of both describing and analysing patterns within the data (Miles & Huberman, 1994:17). In fulfilling these purposes, the research approach is characterised by two dynamics: the inference of data instances from a set of analytic categories (deductive), or the inference of analytic categories from instances within the data (inductive). This research is inductive, using data from the findings as rich narrative to enhance the existing theory on authenticity in place branding (Andersson & Ekman, 2009; Hudson & Ritchie, 2009).

To appreciate the inductive approach, it is useful to reflect on Lincoln and Guba’s (1981:98) three strategies of qualitative inquiry; namely extending, bridging, and surfacing (see Figure 4.1).

The extending strategy begins with a known subject area and expands into a relatively unknown one. The topic of place branding, with brand management at its core, often extends into domains peripheral to branding, such as studies on emotion (Baloglu & Brinberg, 1997; Bigné & Andreu, 2004) and other social and psychological constructs (Smith & Darlington, 2010; Walls, 2011; White, 2004). The bridging strategy, in contrast, begins with two or more known areas of research of which the connections between them is relatively unknown. Formation of the bridge begins intuitively, as a plausible relationship between the two areas (Guba & Lincoln, 1981:98).

In this research, the third objective, to evaluate the views of consumers and managers in a place branding context, is indicative of two known, but disconnected perspectives in place branding.

The relationship between consumer and management perspectives forms through reflections on

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authenticity. A final strategy, surfacing, develops as the researcher becomes familiar with a research domain and is able to suggest new information or ideas (Guba & Lincoln, 1981:98).

Surfacing may occur, for example, where industry professionals discover successful brand management techniques, which advance the theory and practice of place branding. It may additionally result from academic research which surfaces potentially relevant insights on place branding, but without the established theory to bridge those insights to the current place branding discourse. With an appreciation of the inductive elements in this research, the next section discusses the implications of research strategy.

Figure 4.1 Extending, Bridging and Surfacing

Surfacing

Known Bridging

Extending

Research Domain

Known

Source: Lincoln & Guba (1981) pp. 98

4.4

Research Strategy

This research uses the case study strategy. The manner in which the case study research strategy is selected is better appreciated by contrasting it with other types of research strategies (Yin, 1984:3). To complement recent literature surveys (Gertner, 2011a; Lucarelli & Berg, 2011), this research considers 373 articles on place branding concentrating particularly on their research design in Figures 4.2, 4.3 and 4.4. Figure 4.2 shows a year-on-year increase in the number of place branding studies between 1998 and 2012. The sudden increase in papers in 2002 marks the first special edition on nation branding in the Journal of Brand Management. The inaugural edition of the Journal of Place Branding in 2004 adds to the upward trend in the number of

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papers. From the papers surveyed, more than half are non-empirical, comprising theoretical case studies, conceptual papers and best-practice studies. In 2010, the number of empirical papers (those including archival research, case study design, ethnography, mono method, multiple methods, mixed methods and survey research) significantly exceeded non-empirical studies (see Figure 4.3). Surprisingly, however, the trend seems to have reversed, with a growing number of non-empirical studies in 2012.

While survey-based research is predominant in the empirical studies on place branding (Figure 4.4), it is unlikely that the field has reached a point where variables are sufficiently understood to be explored in a closed experimental setting (Gertner, 2011b:100). A possible explanation for the slow development in place branding concepts is the large number of descriptive case studies and the lack of theoretical underpinnings and methodological procedures needed to advance the field (Gertner, 2011b:100). As Anholt (2002b:60) puts it, there is greater need for papers that act like telescopes, displaying the issues in place branding in a wider context, rather than ones which “act like microscopes, peering at minute details near the heart of an issue�. Adhering to Anholt’s advice, the choice of case study design in this research satisfies the need to engage place branding in its wider context. The type of case study required in this research is not descriptive, but rather exploratory and based on empirical findings (Yin, 1984:3). As preliminary research to the case study, a series of focus groups are used to identify potential issues in applying authenticity in a place branding context.

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Figure 4.2: Choice in Place Branding Research Design (1998-2012) 60 50

40 30 20 10

0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Descriptive Case Study

Case Study Design

Conceptual Papers

Survey Research

Archival Research

Literature Survey

Best Practice

Mixed Methods

Multiple Methods

Mono Method

Ethnography Source: author

Figure 4.3: Empirical versus Non-Empirical Research in Place Branding (1998-2012) Non-Empericall Research

Emperical Research 32 26 23

23 21

20

19

13 8 4 0 1998

4

2 1999

3 2001

16

3

6

2

1 2000

15

19

17

9

7

3

2

22

17

20

16

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

Source: author

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Figure 4.4 Total Distribution of Place Branding Articles by Research Design (1998-2012)

Multiple Methods, 14

Descriptive Case Study, 52

Mono method, 33

Ethnography, 2

Case Study Design, 23

Mixed Methods , 25 Best Practice, 27

Literature Survey, 6 Archival Research, 5 Survey Research, 61

Conceptual Papers , 125

N = 373

Source: author

4.5

Preliminary Research: Focus Groups

While criticised as a primary method of collecting data (Merton & Kendall, 1946; Stewart et al., 2006), focus groups are nevertheless useful in the preliminary stages of a research study as an exploratory tool which supplements the primary data collection (Morgan, 1997). Focus groups are particularly suited to case study research which requires multiple sources of data (Michell, 1999; Yin, 1984). They allow for the exploration of mutual experiences within a group, as well as gauging interest and understanding of the research topic (Michell, 1999). Focus groups are typically designed to elicit ideas on topics that are less definite, fixed and explicit (Myers & Macnaghten, 1999). Authenticity and place branding are terms that are not often used in everyday language and therefore the focus groups served to open debate surrounding these terms (Clarke, 2000). A pilot focus group with postgraduate students tested the applicability of material and the focus group protocol. Two exploratory focus groups followed. Each group was comprised seven or eight English-speaking informants of various nationalities. The groups were

75

deliberately kept to a minimum in order to maintain open discussion and to allow for a broader response of each informant (Bryman & Bell, 2003; Morgan, 1997).

The informants were recruited using poster advertisements displayed at various points within and around Oxford. A topic guide (Appendix 2) supported the focus group sessions. The topic guide included five exercises, which varied from word associations with antonyms and synonyms of authenticity, to the use of pictures of places, which elicited discussion on their stereotypical or unique appeal. Issues related to the moderation of the pilot focus group assisted in reducing those issues in subsequent groups. For example, changing frequently between discussion topics distracted the informants and reduced their tendency to elaborate on ideas that were core to the discussion. The issue was resolved by restructuring the topic guide to allocate more time to some topics and less to others.

One suggestion from the two sets of focus groups was that consumers find it relatively difficult to determine explicit relationships between authenticity and their place-related experiences.

Describing places as authentic/inauthentic, or places as antonyms and synonyms of authenticity (such as artificial, fake, real, or imaginary), proved difficult for informants to articulate. Beyond the literal meaning of authenticity, however, the informants were able to contextualise their interpretations – for example, a reference to “inauthentic” touristy parts of places as opposed to their more “authentic” open spaces. Consumers, it seemed, were more readily able to relate their opinions of places to an individualistic or social interpretation of authenticity rather than an objective or fact-based one. In spite of maintaining a separation between the focus groups and the case study, and deliberately avoiding discussion on South Africa in the focus groups, ideas emerged in the focus groups, which would later re-emerge in the case study. Some of the ideas mentioned in the focus groups include the extended learning about places through associations from various sources. Place-related stereotypes, as suggested in the literature and confirmed in the focus groups, are prevalent and used in the assessment of country-of-origin goods. Another suggestion was that consumers develop an emotional attachment to places and that the emotional attachment inspires brand loyalty in terms of repeat visits. This suggestion turned out to be a cornerstone of the case study on South Africa. In summary, the focus groups informed the case study, but were separate from its datasets.

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4.6

Case Study Strategy

Choosing South Africa as a critical single-case study requires a brief review of the literature arguing for and against the single case. In an early paper, Waller (1934:127-8) describes the single case study as an art form which “condenses and organises sympathetic insight” while drawing together findings and furnishing an “artistic re-creation of events”. In less than half a decade, case study design has moved from a dominant quantitative-orientation (Lucas, 1974; Yin & Heald, 1975:372) to a wider view of the data collection techniques available to the researcher (Campbell, 1975). It accounts for both thin, narrow, quantitative methods, as well as rich, holistic qualitative methods (McClintock et al., 1979:612). The single case study, Stake (1978) argues, is a poor basis for statistical generalisation to a wider population of cases. It may, however, allow for the transfer of tacit knowledge between cases (Gibb & Wilkins, 1991). Benefits of the single case include, its holistic view to case-related circumstances, complexities and particularities (Stake, 1995); the preservation of a more coherent flow of case-related events (Gibb & Wilkins, 1991) and the ability to lend itself to unforeseen theoretical leaps and serendipitous findings (Miles, 1979:590). The case study does not imply a particular type of data, or data collection method. Instead it forms a complete research strategy whereby a contemporary phenomenon is studied in its real-life context (Yin, 1981:59).

The chosen case study of South Africa is rendered critical by its recent history where, in 1994, a process of reformation akin to “rebranding” occurred on a national scale (Olins, 2002). This event marked a transition from the Republic of South Africa as an apartheid-ridden pariah state to one of the new South Africa led by its first black leader, Nelson Mandela (van der Westhuizen, 2003). There was an entire changing of values systems within the place. In the years shortly following the fall of the apartheid, national identity and identification became an interest on a countrywide scale. People who for decades had been afflicted with the inequalities of an autocratic, despotic regime were free to reinvent themselves on the canvas of a new South Africa – the rainbow nation. It was a time of enthusiasm and expectation involving a nationwide process of altering not only the national symbols and political insignia, but an entire uprooting of previously demarcated geographical regions and racial divides. South Africa became involved in a negotiated revolution with the rest of the world (Sparks, 1994) where there was a deracination

77

of oppressive legislative frameworks, the drafting of an entirely new democratic constitution and changes in both South Africa’s national identity and its identification internationally.

In spite of relishing a moment in history which captured the hearts and minds of the international public, economically the country was still suffering from the fiscal deficit of the previous government. The new South Africa confronted social circumstances and economic disparities of a significantly larger population than it had previously represented. South Africa had entered the global economy, crippled by the oppressive legacy of the former government, and with socioeconomic challenges that required an urgent response. What became South Africa’s nation brand (Brand South Africa) developed from a series of structural reform initiatives and nation building programmes. The nation brand was initiated in 2002 by president Thabo Mbeki under the auspices of the International Marketing Council (IMC), a government-funded agency mandated with creating a “positive, unified image of South Africa; one that builds pride, promotes investment and tourism, and helps new enterprises and job creation” (IMC, 2012).

In choosing the research participants for this case study, Brand South Africa represents the national efforts to manage the country in a branding capacity – not for exports, investment or tourism alone, but for the country as a whole. Unlike a corporate brand, which closely manages its affiliated sub-brands, Brand South Africa has had to encourage its partner organisations to participate in the initiative, a task that it has achieved with some success. Brand South Africa is at the heart of this case study. However, it is not the only organisation of interest. The place branding initiatives of South Africa’s cities and regions are tantamount to embedded units within the case. In theoretical terms, the interest of this research is not a holistic case study of South Africa as a brand, typical of descriptive case studies, but rather one with sub-cases (Mills et al., 2010:134) or embedded units (Yin, 1984) which contribute specificity to the case (see Figure 4.5). As a critical case, however, the choice of those embedded units is selective and based on how relevant they are to the case. The Western Cape is used as an embedded unit since it is the only province to align itself with the nation brand. In addition, Cape Town, as the capital city of the Western Cape, offers the case study a variety of place branding initiatives in tourism, business and exports, which add specificity to the case and a comparison of place branding at

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various tiers. What occurs essentially is a Russian doll effect, with multiple tiers of place branding occurring within the nation and each representing aspects of the country as a whole.

The interest in authenticity in this case study is not concerned with the degree to which South Africa’s place brand management is authentic, nor whether South Africa’s brand identity fully expresses the cultures, history, people and idiosyncrasies of the place (Hornskov, 2011). The interest is rather in the performativity of authenticity, or the process of communicating and giving meaning to places. It is concerned with what the place means to consumers and managers as separate groups of stakeholders, as well as the tacit negotiation of meaning between those two groups. The process of negotiation occurs, for instance, through consumer research (managers attempting to understand consumer sentiments and behaviour). Negotiation occurs similarly in the conflicts and parities between consumers and managers in terms of what the place means – how the place is perceived versus how it is communicated. A consumer market is therefore imperative to this case study. The choice of the United Kingdom as the consumer market has economic and historic relevance. The United Kingdom has remained one of South Africa’s top five trading partners since 1994, along with the United States, China, Japan and Spain (DTISA, 2009). In 2011, it represented the highest overall foreign arrivals – approximately four-hundred and fifty thousand of just over two million international visitors (see Figure 4.6). The 2011 UK business and travel tourist numbers are nearly double those from the United States, the second largest segment (see Figure 4.7).

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Figure 4.5: Case Study Selection and its Embedded Units

Supranational: Africa (Context)

Country: South Africa (Case)

Region: Western Cape Province (Embedded Unit 1)

City: Cape Town (Embedded Unit 2)

Cape Town

Source: Author - maps from Google Images have been modified, textured and traced

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Figure 4.6: South Africa’s Eight Leading Overseas Tourism Markets

Number of Arrivals

and 2011

500,000 450,000 400,000 350,000 300,000 250,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 50,000 0

2010 2011

Source: (StatsSA, 2012)

Figure 4.7: South Africa’s Distribution of Overseas Tourists in 2011 and 2011

Overseas Business

Overseas Leisure

(Total: 77 835)

(Total: 1 941 284)

and 2011

20%

20%

and 2011 32%

33%

10%

13% 3% 4%

9%

7% 9%

3% 5%

11% 6%

4%

5%

6%

UK

USA

Germany

The Netherlands

France

Australia

India

China

Other

Source: (StatsSA, 2012)

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4.7

Non-Probability Sampling

The previous section discussed the selection of the case study of South Africa and the embedded units (geographical tiers) within that case. The following section details the selection of consumer and management informants. The informants are selected using non-probability sampling - that is, a sample of informants based on their relevance to the case study of South Africa as a brand, rather than as a probability sample statistically relevant to the general population of South Africa and the United Kingdom (Patton, 2002). The purpose of nonprobability sampling is to gather information-rich data which provides practical knowledge and theoretical insights (Eisenhardt, 2007; Henry, 1990). Three types of non-probability sampling are used. The first is critical case sampling which was used for the management informants who were identifiable by location and were accessible through direct contact. The second, selfselection sampling, was used for the consumer informants where it was not possible to determine their exact location (Daymon & Holloway, 2002). The final type is snowball sampling, used for both consumers and managers in the endeavour to find further informants from those already acquired (Patton, 2002). The following section explains the use of nonprobability sampling for consumers and managers respectively. Each section provides a summary of the informants selected.

4.7.1 Consumer Sample Two criteria were set to select a consumer sample (Table 4.1): firstly, that the informants are of British nationality and secondly, that the informants should be able to discusses their commercial interaction with South Africa. Considering the news media and its influence on public perceptions, choosing informants of British nationality ensured a degree of uniformity in their experiences and knowledge. The British informants sought were “experts� who had experienced and interacted with South Africa in areas such as business and investment, tourism, the purchase of goods and immigration (Alba & Hutchinson, 1987). Having considered the selection criteria for consumers, various recruitment techniques were used to access relevant informants. The recruitment techniques had mixed success. One technique was to approach attendees at events where South African marketing organisations were exhibiting. The research topic, as well as the reason for potential informants’ selection, was explained prior to them being handed a self-

82

addressed envelope with an information sheet and consent form (Appendices 3 and 4).

Unfortunately, this recruitment technique yielded no response. The informant selection was subsequently revised so that rather than trying to identify suitable candidates, the candidates identified themselves (Daymon & Holloway, 2002).

Self-selection sampling is facilitated with the use of requirement advertisements specifying the need for informants who have particular knowledge or expertise on a topic (Daymon & Holloway, 2002:160). The first phase in encouraging a self-selection sample was to develop recruitment advertisements in the form of A4 posters and A6 leaflets (see Appendix 5). The advertisements asked plainly “How Do You See South Africa?” with contact details provided below the advertisement. Small bundles of leaflets were distributed at various wine retailers in Oxford and London. Posters were affixed to coffee shop notice boards and those of town halls and shopping centres. Bundles of A6 leaflets were also left in London-based locations such as the African Centre, the South African Tourism Board and specialist shops selling South African food products. Using the self-selection sample secured twelve of the twenty consumer informants (see Table 4.1).

Following interviews with informants who had replied to the advertisements, the informants were asked if they were able to refer colleagues, friends or family members who met the selection criteria. This referral process began a successful snowball sample, which secured the remaining eight interviews (C5-12). The informants were usually asked for referrals at the end of the interviews, after a degree of trust had been established (Flick et al., 2004). The snowball sample stemmed from two non-related informants, C2 and C3. The consumer sample in total produced a variety of consumption engagements with levels of experience, ranging from thirty years of interaction across all types of place brand consumption (tourism, business and investment, purchase of goods and immigration) – to one informant who had recently booked his first holiday to South Africa and was anticipating the visit.

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Table 4.1 Consumer Sample C

G

Occupation

Leisure Interests

Category of Interaction

First Interaction

Level of Interaction

Duration of Interview (Hrs.)

C1

M

Regulation manager

1,3

1981

3 visits

1.1

C2

F

Importer

1

1990

4 visits

1.2

C3

F

Priest and teacher

1,3

1997

2 visits

1.3

C4

M

Retired banker

1

2007

M

Corporate director

1,2,3,4

1978

1 intended visit 20 visits

0.9

C5 C6

F

Home-maker

1,3

1978

20 visits

1.2

C7

F

Journalist

1,3,4

2000

1 year

0.8

C8

F

Business owner

Gardening, silversmith Photography, genealogy Church music and reading Sport (Cricket, Golf & Tennis) Various sports and battle history Professional sculpture artist History, vintage handbags and book clubs Handicrafts

1,3,4

1990

8 years

1.7

C9 C10 C11

M M F

Corporate director Business owner Home maker

1,2,3,4 1,2,3,4 1,3

1974 1975 1980

30 years 12 years 10 visits

1.2 1.4 1.2

C12 C13

F F

Professor Lecturer

1,2,3,4 1

1972 2002

6 years 1 visit

0.9 0.8

C14

M

Post-grad student

1,3

2007

1 visit

0.7

C15 C16

F F

Retired lawyer Paramedic

1,2,3 1,3

1996 1994

3 visits 5 years

2.1 1.8

C17 C18 C19 C20

F M M M

Journalist Work placement Charted accountant Asset manager

Not mentioned Not mentioned Horse breeder for competitions Not mentioned Writing, violin and languages Choral singer for various choirs Bird watching World history and cultures Not mentioned Not mentioned Rugby Cricket and hockey

1,3,4 4 1,3 1,3

1976 2007 2004 2002

15 years 8 months 2 visits 10 visits

1.0 0.8 1.0 1.0

1.3

Key: 1 = Tourism, 2 = Business and investment 3 = Purchase of goods, 4 = Immigration

4.7.2 Management Sample Management informants (Table 4.2) were selected using a combination of critical case and snowball sampling. Critical case sampling was used due to knowledge of the organisations significant to the case and where they could be contacted. Following previous studies, the management informants in this research were selected for their roles in brand-related activities (de Chernatony & Dall’Olmo Riley, 1998; Hankinson, 2001; Ooi, 2004). The informants were selected from an executive and managerial level and included board members, CEO’s, corporate directors and marketing managers. In combination, the management informants offered a set of expertise ranging from brand communications to political journalism, international media relations, public relations and policy. For instance, one informant, a managing director of a creative consultancy, was involved in several large-scale place branding projects. These projects included the First African in Space; a campaign in the bid for the 2010 FIFA World Cup; the

84

visioning and brand creation of the Bafana Bafana national football team and the drafting of South Africa’s national white paper on sport. The roles of the informants were therefore not exclusively branding-oriented, but rather branding-related. The interest was in the broad influence of management activities on the place brand and not necessarily the management of the place as a brand as such.

Accessing the managers presented challenges similar to the consumer sample. Initially, a formal letter was sent to two London-based organisations – South African Tourism and Wines of South Africa - explaining the nature of the research and including, in the envelope, an information sheet and consent form. The failure of either organisation to reply may have been one of cultural differences. Whereas in Britain, cold calling is considered intrusive to the organisation’s privacy, in South Africa a phone call in request for an interview is generally acceptable (Abratt & Mofokeng, 2001:372-373). Fourteen of the nineteen informants were contacted by phone in request for an interview. For the remainder, snowball sampling was used to obtain referrals. The referrals were useful both in engaging the necessary informants and in indicating a point of saturation, where informants recommend people who had already been interviewed.

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Table 4.2 Management Sample M

G

Position

Organisation Type

Category of Influence

Interview Location

Years at Organisation

Duration of Interview (Hrs.)

M1

F

CEO

3

Stellenbosch

11

1.0

M2

M

1,3,4,5

London

7

1.0

M3

F

5

London

1

0.5

M4

M

National tourism board

5

Johannesburg

4

0.5

M5

M

Cape Town

2

1.0

F

3

Cape Town

1

1.0

M7

F

Marketing Manager

1,3,4,5

Johannesburg

4

1.0

M8

M

Account Director

5

Johannesburg

4

1.0

M9

M

5

Johannesburg

3

0.5

M10

M

National Tourism Board

5

Johannesburg

3

0.6

M11

M

Cape Town

18

1.0

F

Creative Strategy and Project Management National Tourism Board

1,4,5

M12

5

Johannesburg

7

1.0

M13 M14

M M

UK and America’s Portfolio Manager Global E-marketing Manager Managing Director (Founder) Strategic Research Manager CEO Partner

Regional trade and investment bureau Regional trade and investment bureau Nation brand marketing body Brand Consultancy (National project) National Tourism Board

1,5

M6

UK Country Brand Manager UK Marketing Manager Global Marketing Manager Investment Promotion Senior Manager Trade Manager

National wine marketing body Nation brand marketing body National tourism board

1 1

Cape Town Cape Town

5 10

1.0 1.0

M15

M

CEO Government Advisor

1 4

Cape Town

10 3

1.0

M16

F

CEO Board Member

1,5

Cape Town

13 12

1.0

M17 M18

M M

UK Trade Manager Senior Analyst

1,5 1,4

London Johannesburg

5 3

0.7 0.6

M19

F

Economist

City Branding Initiative Brand Consultancy (City projects) Inner-City Partnership Provincial and Local Government Regional/City Tourism Board Inner-City Partnership National Tourism Board Political Economy Unit (Supra-Regional Bank) High Commission

1,4

Pretoria

1

1.3

Key: 1 = Business/Investment, 3 = Exports, 4 = Governance/Policy, 5 = Tourism

4.8

In-depth Interview Protocol

In-depth interviewing, or depth interviewing, is a form of un-structured qualitative interviewing (Cooper et al., 2007:103; Rubin & Rubin, 1995) which is used to capture and explore the experiences, insights and personal perspectives of a relatively small group of informants (Gerring, 2007:45; Patton, 2002:40). It is often used as the principal data collection method for case studies (Gerring, 2007) which are further supplemented by secondary data sources, such as archival records, observations and internal documents (Eisenhardt, 1989:537). In-depth interviews are compatible with both consumer and management research (Belk, 2006;

86

McCracken, 1988). In consumer research, in-depth interviews are used to understand the meaning, direct experience and use of brands in everyday consumption contexts (Arnould & Price, 1993; Arnould & Fischer, 1994; Belk & Costa, 1998). In management research in-depth interviews are useful in exploring strategic phenomena (Eisenhardt, 2007) from the perspectives of key informants such as executives and marketing managers (Eisenhardt, 1989:541).

The in-depth interviewing technique is closely aligned with the interpretivist philosophy (Minichiello et al., 1992) and is underpinned by the notion of thick description (Geertz, 1973) the eliciting of rich narratives from informants (Minichiello et al., 1992). One of the advantages of in-depth interviews over surveys and semi-structured interviews is that they capture how informants arrive at their opinions (Gerring, 2007:45). While the underlying mental processes and mechanisms that give rise to informants’ responses are not directly observable, the in-depth interview allows the researcher to explore the detailed reasoning of the informants responses (Gerring, 2007:45). It does so by asking open-ended questions (Minichiello et al., 1992:90) and following up leads mentioned by the informants (Gerring, 2007:48). During the interview the researcher listens for the actual use of words as well as non-verbal cues of the informant which indicate the interest or significance of a particular topic (Rubin & Rubin, 1995:7).

The research instrument used for in-depth interviews is the topic guide or aide memoire (Minichiello et al., 1992:102). The topic guide differs from the interview schedule used for structured and semi-structured interviews, which involves carefully worded close-ended questions asked in a predetermined order (Kvale, 1996:129; Minichiello et al., 1992:90; Ritchie & Lewis, 2003:109). In contrast to the interview schedule, the topic guide is appropriate for indepth interviews because it emphasises the use of themes to navigate the interview, rather than specific closed-ended questions to ensure that each informant responds uniformly (Abratt & Mofokeng, 2001; Arthur & Nazroo, 2003:109; Seidman, 2006:92). The topic guide comprises issues, subjects, problems, ideas and theories, which the researcher wishes to explore (Kvale, 1996; Minichiello et al., 1992:102; Patton, 2002:343). It is also a checklist for the researcher to ensure that the necessary topics are covered during the interview (Daymon & Holloway, 2002:143) and an analytical framework in which questions are developed and issues are explored in greater depth (Patton, 2002:343). The topic guide for the consumer and management

87

interviews is presented in Appendices 6 and 7. The compiling of the consumer and management topic guides and the protocol for these interviews is explained in detail in the sections which follow.

4.8.1 Consumer Interviews The consumer topic guide (Appendix 6) was developed by combining concepts and ideas from the literature with insights from the preliminary focus groups (Patton, 2002). Ideas emerging from the focus groups included the effect of hobbies and interests on the experience of places; the influence of the media on initial impressions of places; the influence of friends and family on place perceptions and responses to place marketing material. The consumer topic guide included six themes: general questions about the informants; opinions of South Africa (Pritchard & Morgan, 1998; Urry, 1990); travel experiences and experiences with consumer products (Anholt, 2003; Govers & Go, 2009; Kavaratzis, 2005); authenticity variables from anthropology (Gable & Handler, 1996), business (Beverland, 2005b) and tourism (Wang, 1999), and finally views on place brand communications drawn from the focus groups and the place branding literature (Chalip, 2005; Kotler & Gertner, 2002). The logos used in the topic guide, which are interpretive motifs of the South African flag, are from the three organisations explored in the management sample, namely: (1) Wines of South Africa (2) South African Tourism and (3) and The International Marketing Council. The advertisement from Wines of South Africa (Appendix 8) was used deliberately because of its connotations of authentic indigenous flora and wine as a South African consumer product.

The consumer interview guide facilitated the interview protocol. The interviews began with a series of general questions, which resulted in short responses. However, as the discussion progressed, more elaborate consumer narratives emerged with less intervention on the part of the researcher. This usually occurred after the first five to fifteen minutes of the interview. With the emphasis shifting from the interviewer to the informant, it became easier to probe ideas after listening to what the informant had said. For example, one informant mentioned that the news media were important in propagating the image of apartheid, which was a deterrent to visiting South Africa. In the knowledge that an informant had already visited South Africa, a further question probed whether his views towards the news media portrayal of South Africa had

88

changed as a result of visiting the country, eliciting further discussion on how they had done so.

Another technique used in eliciting information from the informants was to encourage them to reflect on particular experiences or events. For example, by asking one informant to reflect on her first visit to South Africa, a range of themes emerged, among them apartheid, a sense of hope for the future, a sense of fear towards crime, and the dichotomy of openness and freedom, on the one hand, and the feeling of enclosure on the other.

4.8.2 Management Interviews The management topic guide was compiled in a similar manner to the consumer interviews by incorporating concepts from the literature. The topic guide was comprised of four themes: designing the brand identity (Albert & Whetten, 1985; Balmer, 1998), communicating the brand identity (Balmer & Gray, 1999; Cornelissen, 2000; Trueman et al., 2004), managing the brand identity, (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005) and authenticity and brand identity (Beverland, 2005a; Thompson & Arsel, 2004). The difference, however, is that there were no pilot interviews with managers because the informants were few in number and critical to the case study. However, having conducted in-depth interviews with a similar set of informants in a previous study on South Africa (Bowie & Dooley, 2005), there was some familiarity with the approach to interviewing. The interview began by explaining the purpose of the research and asking the informants for a brief description of their organisation and their role within it. Unlike the consumer interviews, the initial questions elicited in-depth responses from the outset. One informant began by explaining their organisation’s current initiatives and brand repositioning, another took a historical approach to their organisation and its role in marketing a country, while a third began explaining their division of domestic and international brand initiatives, and the marketing communications involved within those initiatives. While the questioning techniques for managers were essentially the same as the consumer interviews (that of probing and following up responses), the management passages were often more elaborate with longer intervals between each question.

89

4.8.3 Supplementary Data Sets In addition to the consumer and management interviews as primary datasets, the case study used multiple sources of data to develop and enhance the understanding of specific incidents (Eisenhardt, 1989:543; Yin, 1984:85). This study included three additional datasets: audiovisual, documentation and direct observation (see Table 4.3). Direct observation of incidents (as opposed to participant observation) included attendance of conferences and events hosted by the organisations interviewed, which was useful in understanding the organisations in context (Yin, 1984) - how they communicate to their consumer markets and the promotional activities they use. Other events served as markers of the organisations’ communication and structure over time. An example is the attendance of a symposium in 2005, which provided access to the launch of South Africa Tourism’s new brand identity – the first wave of alignment with Brand South Africa (Appendix 9). In 2010, the researcher attended a conference where South African Tourism announced its second wave of alignment with the nation brand (Appendix 10). These two sets of observation facilitated an understanding of changes in South Africa’s brand architecture over time. In addition to the attendance of events, conducting interviews at organisations’ premises provided insight into their departments, functions and roles. Site visits were also useful in establishing contacts with the organisations, gaining access to their events and conferences and the sourcing of relevant audio-visuals and documentation.

Documentation, which included annual reports, brand strategies, communication strategies, consumer market reviews and websites, served a tacit function of furnishing details of the organisations’ background, history and roles. In other cases, it served to facilitate the discussion, for example, the UK and US Brand Review, which provided insight on authenticity in relation to South African Tourism’s use of print advertisements (Appendix 11). Audio visual data supplemented the other datasets with images, slide presentations and video clips. An example is a live recording of the Brand Africa Forum (2010-2011), which provided contextual understanding of the continent effect on South Africa. The forum, which is hosted by South Africa’s International Marketing Council, includes academics, consultants and practitioners in place branding who shed light on the media’s normative image of Africa and the challenges for South Africa in confronting that normative image.

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Audio visual

Direct Observation

Documents

Table 4.3 Supplementary Data Sets

Data set

Year(s)

Organisation

Intended Use

Annual Report

2006-2011

South African Tourism

UK and US Brand Review

2008

Marketing South Africa in the United Kingdom, Report published by SAT, London

2004

South African Tourism (Ogilvy consulting) South African Tourism

Annual Report

2003-2011

Cape Town Partnership

Annual Report

2004-2011

Cape Town Routes Unlimited

Annual Report

2007-2011

Annual Report

2007-2011

Department Of Trade And Industry International Marketing Council

Website

2005-2012

International Marketing Council

Vision 2030 Document Annual Report

2009 2004-2011

Accelerate Cape Town WEGRO

E-Marketing Strategy

2009

South African Tourism

Brand the Beloved Country (report)

2006

Interactive Africa (consultancy)

Brand Africa Forum (report)

2010-2011

Brand Africa Forum (International Marketing Council)

Used to facilitate the discussion of management findings and discussions on logos and brand architecture Print advertisements discussing the authenticity appeal Insight on how South African Tourism understand and communicate-to the UK market City branding and discussion of the brand essence strategy and brand architecture Regional branding and discussion of the brand essence strategy and brand architecture Illustrates a lack of visual alignment with the nation brand Used in the discussion on the nation brand identity in the management findings and the brand essence strategy Background on governance, trustees, organisational structure, stakeholders and purpose of the IMC Used in discussion on aspirational stories Used in discussion on the brand essence strategy Facilitates the discussion on the use of digital and social media as a means of communication Offers an alternative set of perspectives on South Africa’s nation branding Discussion on the role the media and difficulties in changing the image of Africa

Launch of SAT brand at the annual SA INDABA symposium, Durban

2005

South African Tourism

Provided an initial contact with SA Tourism and a gatekeeper to obtain entry to SA Tourism’s brand launch event

Wines of South Africa consumer tasting event, London & Oxford Colours of the New Day open-air festival, London South African Tourism conference, Johannesburg CEO’s Presentation on nation branding

2008-2010

Wines of South Africa

2009

South African Tourism & Wines of South Africa South African Tourism International Marketing Council

CEO’s Presentation “Alive with Possibility”, “Learnings from Brand SA” Recording of Brand Africa Conference, Sandton, South Africa

2009

Television Advertisements – National Geographic SA Tourism Brand Launch DVD

2009

International Marketing Council Brand Africa Forum (International Marketing Council) South African Tourism

Provide a background to the discussion on events and showcasing The collaborative branding efforts of the national wine and tourism board Preview of the proposed changes to South Africa’s nation brand architecture - the branded house alignment with the IMC. Insights to the IMC’s understanding of nation branding Closer understanding of the nation brand essence Enhances the discussion on existing place stories and the difficulties in changing them

2005

South African Tourism

RED Promotional campaign

2009

International Marketing Council

2010

2009

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Provides examples of South Africa as an experience-based brand Discusses the positioning campaign for SA as an experience-based brand Discussion on the link between the nation brand and fresh produce branding

4.9

Qualitative Data Analysis

The two sets of interview transcripts (consumers and managers) form the basis of the primary data. The purpose of analysing these transcripts was to determine categories and relationships within the data which inform the research topic (McCracken, 1988). One distinction between qualitative and quantitative analysis is that the latter isolates and defines categories as precisely as possible before undertaking the data collection, whereas with the former, the categories emerge and are isolated during the analysis (McCracken, 1988:16). Qualitative categories are therefore subject to change, to be reinterpreted, or redefined by the researcher (Strauss, 1987). It is through the incremental interpretation of the data that new categories emerged to enrich this research on authenticity in place branding. This research applies Strauss & Corbin’s (1998) approach to qualitative data analysis which involves three stages: open, axial and selective coding.

4.9.1 Open Coding: Exploring the Data for Concepts The coding process began with the transcription of the interviews from digital recordings into approximately four-hundred pages of verbatim transcripts. The transcriptions were printed out as hardcopies, with initial reflections and marginalia (comments, sketches, ideas) annotated alongside the text and on a separate notes page. Initial reflections included highlighted words, comments and diagrams on the relationships between ideas within the text. Initial reflections were transferred to Microsoft Word where further notes and mark-ups were added. The Word documents were imported into the NVivo database as free nodes, which is equivalent to Strauss & Corbin’s (1998) open coding. Open coding allows the researcher to develop an initial set of concepts, or codes, within and across the interview documents (Strauss & Corbin, 1998:29).

Coding at this stage is open in the sense that the initial set of freely developed codes can, at any time, be deleted, modified, or incorporated under other codes which represent the same or similar ideas. According to Strauss & Corbin (1998:29), the open codes should be chosen in vivo, or using the actual words of the informants studied. The reason for using in vivo labelling of codes, rather than paraphrasing, is that it encourages the researcher to focus on the data from the informants’ perspective. It also avoids aggregating or abstracting the data too early in the analysis. The in vivo words and phrases are not a descriptive summary of the interview data, but

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rather words representing concepts which emerge from the data. The Nvivo software facilitates the open coding process because it allows for multiple paragraphs to be assigned to the same code within and across a set of interview transcripts (Bazeley, 2007; Richards, 1999). As the researcher moves line-by-line through each interview, there is a referral to a list of free codes.

The researcher, at this point, either assigns relevant paragraphs to the existing set of codes or creates new in vivo codes.

In this research, the open coding produced 366 free nodes for consumers and 277 for managers.

The consumer and management free nodes were separated with a “C” and “M” prefix respectively. The nodes were short phrases or words which captured concepts within the informants’ dialogues. They were selected as unmodified in vivo phrases from the transcripts, with a few minor grammatical changes, for example, “exciting” to “excitement”; and “tick that box” to “tick the box” in reference to popular tourist attractions. Some of the in vivo nodes were renamed in successive interviews, for example, “colonial link”, in an early interview, to “colonial past” in a later one, with the word “past” adding historical emphasis to the emerging set of codes. In other instances, codes were assigned to longer in vivo phrases and later shortened, for example, “private game reserves” shortened to “game reserves” to be more inclusive of similar instances. Due to several codes appearing in single paragraphs of text, bold and coloured text was used to ensure that the codes could be easily located. M2’s transcript, for example, involved a question related to the purpose of their organisation, where M2 replied: Like most things, it kind of came out as an organic process. Let’s go back to “what was South Africa’s relationship with the international community up until 1994?” It was basically that the rest of the world mainly wanted to get rid of apartheid. So, they were on the side of the people of South Africa, and therefore support was taken for granted. Also taken for granted was that once the internal forces, with help of the external forces, were rid of apartheid there would then be loads of foreign investment pouring into the country.

Among the codes developed from this paragraph were “organic process” (to describe the emergent process of place branding), “international community” (to describe place audiences at large) and “apartheid” (a historic separation between different races in South Africa) which appeared extensively across management interviews and in every consumer interview without

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expectation. Rather than neglecting the subtleties between codes and assigning them prematurely to the same phenomena, the open coding process involved a dense overlapping of ideas where the nuances and idiosyncrasies of codes could be fully illustrated. This technique was particularly useful in elaborating abstract codes with a high degree of similarly, for example, the code “lines of thought” (depicting the division of opinions on a matter) and “two camps” (depicting a strong dichotomy in opinion). Consideration was also given to the relative density or scope of the codes. For instance, in the management informant’s paragraphs quoted above, the codes “internal forces” and “external forces” appeared in a subsequent interview as “forces at play” (a more condensed code). Rather than subsume the earlier two codes under “forces at play”, they remained separate as a further illustration of that category. This interpretive process involved finding different layers of abstraction until the discussion of the concept was saturated; or rather, where further delineation would have been superfluous for the purposes of discussion.

Foreign investment, for instance, is an exceptionally broad code, but it later became the theme for discussions on investor perceptions, and under that theme, the codes investor confidence, black empowerment, level of risk, workforce, fair governance and making a profit. In the aggregation and sorting of codes, the process of axial coding began.

4.9.2 Axial Coding: The Assigning of Concepts to Categories Having determined a set of independent codes within the text, the analysis focused on how these codes might relate to each other to form categories and subcategories (Strauss & Corbin, 1998:68). Initially, it was thought useful to use the NVivo tree node function for axial coding, which involves subordinating one NVivo node under another to form hierarchically structured categories (Bazeley, 2007). In spite of the hierarchies afforded by this process, it sacrifices flexibility for structure and so reduces the ability to understand relationships within and across tree codes. While NVivo provides a modelling function for free codes, the modelling, like that of the tree function, retains a relatively structured relationship between the codes. In some instances, the codes found in this research not only suggested possible relationships, but also constituted and represented those relationships. For this reason a more flexible approach was considered.

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Miles & Huberman (1994) suggest cognitive mapping as a means of displaying the coded data.

Using mind mapping software, this research employed the cognitive mapping technique as a visual display of the free codes. Each branch formed the axis around which Strauss & Corbin’s (1998) axial coding occurs. More than visualising and structuring the data (Mills et al., 2010:162), cognitive mapping allows for eliciting ideas and relationships between the data (Gibson & Brown, 2009:177). This conceptual and visual function of mind mapping advances its use at this stage of axial coding. The labels for each of the management and consumer codes were transposed to a cognitive map where they were rearranged along branches. Each code retained the division of “C” and “M” to distinguish consumer from management codes. In some cases, the same code appeared for both consumers and managers along a single branch, indicating an overlapping theme. In other cases, codes were assigned to the links between branches. A principal benefit of using mind mapping software for the cognitive mapping technique is the ability to move code labels between braches, extend and contract branches, and the use of text and audio notes to highlight relationships between the codes and literature sources. Essentially, the mind map provided a densely integrated overview of both data sets and the relationships between them. Due to the large scale of this map, it is difficult to reproduce it in full. Instead, a section of the map is provided in Appendix 12.

4.9.3 Selective coding Selective coding involves considering the relationships between branches and codes of the cognitive map and their relationships to the core category- authenticity in place branding- at the centre of the cognitive map. The process of selective coding begins early in the analysis since the researcher is conscious of the themes as they emerge from the data (Strauss & Corbin, 1998:69).

As the data becomes progressively more abstract in moving from open to axial to selective coding, there is a transition from in vivo codes to theoretical codes (Strauss & Corbin, 1998:33).

It is a shift in emphasis from microscopic instances in the data towards a more macroscopic view of the codes and their relation to theory. Theoretical codes develop from prior readings in the field, or extended readings in relation to the emerging in vivo codes. The theoretical codes developed through selective coding, detailed in Table 4.4, reinforces branches of in vivo codes developed through open coding and structured through axial coding. With an associative and flexible view to the data, some of the branches represented more than one theoretical code. For

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example, the in vivo code, a sensory connection, refers to both affective response, as theoretical code for consumers, and emotional brand facets, as a theoretical code for managers.

The selective coding rather than being predetermined, involved the breaking down and rebuilding of branches. For example, authenticity was initially used as a main branch of the map, with sub-branches such as airbrushing, provenance and unique. Towards the completion of the map, however, the sub-branches of authenticity seemed more applicable when embedded within the discussion, rather than separate from it. Airbrushing and caricatures served as a bridge between place brand strategy and social issues which confront places – under the broader in vivo category “what you see on the ground”. Similarly, the in vivo code provenance was assigned to the category of wine as a consumer product, where there is a well-established discussion on authenticity (Beverland, 2006; Beverland & Farrelly, 2010) and place brand engagements (Brown & Getz, 2005; Bruwer, 2003; Bruwer & Johnson, 2010). While selective coding is entirely subjective and idiosyncratic, it was part of an important process in interpreting the data and developing a sense for the relationship between authenticity and place branding.

Table 4.4 Selective Coding Associated in vivo code(s) A sensory connection Snapshot through an interesting distorted lens Sources of information

Strategy

Engaged with South Africa tourist place, business place, consumer perspective Continental effect, reputation, stereotypes Brand communications

Description Describes the emotional affiliations and sensory experiences of places – for example, a sense of fear, hope and romance Describes consumer opinions or cognitive images of places, including their first impressions and opinions on social and physical aspects of place Various modes of exposure to information about places including direct experience, interpersonal ties, print media and sport Place brand strategy involves management discussions on brand identity, including conceptualisations, realisation (or visioning) of the management of multiple identities Engaged with South Africa refers to both management’s selection of place brand audiences and to the engagements of those audiences.

Managers construe the impressions that consumers have of their places in terms of emotional and functional facets as well as normative images (stereotypes) Managers communicate the place as a brand through various modes of expression, including digital media, one-on-one relationships, events, showcasing and print and television advertising

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Selective codes Affective response Cognitive response

Modes of exposure

Place brand strategy

Place brand audiences Modes of engagement Construed external image

Modes of expression

4.10 Triangulating the Data Triangulation is the process of drawing bearing on facts, events or opinions by using different sources of data which point to the same phenomenon (Jick, 1979:602). Using multiple sources of data assists in finding convergences and divergences in the data that are essential to describing the case (Mills et al., 2010:243; Yin, 1984). In qualitative research, the triangulation process adopts a holistic view to the study and uses thick description (Geertz, 1973). The purpose of triangulation is to “capture a more complete, holistic, and contextual portrayal of the unit(s) under study” (Jick, 1979:603) rather than to validate every claim (Stake, 1995; Woodside, 2010:342). Using the data sets described (two sets of interviews, direct observation, audiovisuals and documents) it is possible to find points of convergence in the case study (confirming the same idea, or enhancing it), or divergence (disconfirming an idea, or suggesting an alternative understanding of it). Triangulation is used predominantly in the discussion chapter, where various sources of data are cited and contrasted.

The findings on South Africa’s nation brand essence, Alive with Possibility, are an illustration of how triangulation occurs. South African Tourism adopts the slogan South Africa it’s impossible as a direct translation of the nation brand essence. The adaptation of the brand essence was first observed at the launch event for South African Tourism’s new brand positioning. An official video of the brand launch and various documents, such as annual reports and websites, provide further context and details of the event. However, not all place branding stakeholders agreed on the brand essence alignment and adaptation. One management informant argued that it reduces the ability for “each of the cities and regions to have their own identity”. This contrast between acceptance and rejection of the brand essence also occurred from a consumer perspective. One consumer, for example, suggested that South Africa “gives you a physical and geographical feeling of possibility and opportunity”. Another argued that the nation brand requires pointing out “what the possibilities are. You have to paint the story a little bit more; you have to have a narrative”. By triangulating the findings it emerged that convergent and divergent opinions on the brand essence occur not only from the emic perspective of place brand stakeholders, but also from the etic perspective of its place brand audiences. The contradictory perspectives suggest a tacit negotiation of place brand meaning and provide support for an alternative, more dynamic model of place branding proposed in Chapter 7.

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4.11 Research Ethics All informants in this research were interviewed with prior consent and without being compromised by coercion to participate. An information sheet and consent form allowed informants to decide whether they would like to participate. During the interviews, recordings were paused on request that certain parts of the interview were “off the record”. The consumer informants either replied to recruitment advertisements or were referred by other informants who had already been interviewed. For the management informants, knowledge of local etiquette was useful to gaining access. In the United Kingdom, it is considered inappropriate to contact organisations by phone without prior consent. In South Africa, however, with a more informal and direct business communication, it is customary to contact organisations by phone, even without prior consent. To gain trust from the informants, the relevance of the topic was expressed in relation to their organisation and position in it. Gatekeepers would usually direct the researcher to relevant informants, set aside a date for an interview on the phone, or request more information, in which case a follow-up email was sent.

4.12 Chapter Summary This chapter focused on the second research objective of applying a critical case study research strategy to a single country. Following the research philosophy of interpretivism, the chapter describes a qualitative design and methodological considerations for a case study of South Africa as a brand. Advanced by its recent history, the “rebranding” of the new South Africa, the case centres on the Brand South Africa initiative and affiliated place branding organisations on various geographical tiers. A series of focus groups serve a preliminary understanding of authenticity in a research context, although remaining distinct from the case study that follows.

The case study applies various slants of non-probability sampling for the two primary sets of data – the twenty UK consumers with experience of South Africa and nineteen management informants (executives and managers) who have contributed to building, understanding and managing of South Africa’s brand identity. Direct observation of case-related events, documents and audio-visual data supplement the primary datasets.

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The qualitative data analysis of the primary datasets and the interviews with consumers and managers follow Strauss & Corbin’s (1998) three stages of qualitative data coding: open, axial and selective. Beginning with open coding, words and phrases used by the informants which captures their events and incidents are marked on the printed transcripts. Initial reflections and marginalia are additionally added alongside the transcripts before importing them to the NVivo database as free nodes, where further free coding develops from the established codes (Bazeley, 2007). The loosely arranged free codes require aggregating which advances the process of axial coding. To avoid rigid hierarchical arrangements of the codes, the data is visualised using mind mapping software (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Selective coding concludes the analysis by assigning theoretical codes to the abstracted data. The selective codes (Table 4.4) which form the structure of the two findings chapters are based on the primary datasets with consumers and managers.

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Chapter 5: Consumer Findings

5.1

Introduction

The previous chapter described the coding of twenty consumer and nineteen management interviews, which constitute the two primary datasets. This chapter focuses on the consumer dataset presented in Table 4.1. Consumers are represented by the letter C followed by a number.

Figure 5.1 presents the structure of this chapter, which follows four selective coding themes described in Chapter 4 (see Table 4.4). At the centre of Figure 5.1 is place brand image (the consumer perspective), which is part of the conceptual framework described in Chapter 3. The four coding themes are subsections of this chapter. Modes of engagement (place branding sectors) and modes of exposure (impression-building mediums) relate to behavioural aspects of place consumption. Modes of engagement follows the place branding literature which discusses various commercial interactions with places, among them goods of origin purchases, business and investment, immigration and tourism. Modes of exposure draws from place branding, and particularly destination image literature, which concerns the processes and means by which information sources influence consumer opinions of places. Modes of exposure include, direct experience, interpersonal ties, print media and sport.

Through behavioural modes of exposure and engagement, consumers develop psychological inferences about places: thoughts (cognitive response) and feelings (affective response). The discussion on cognitive response begins by considering the influence of first impressions on the opinions of places. The cognitive impressions of consumers are comprised of both social aspects of places (views on contemporary and historic events) as well as physical aspects (interpretations of the built and natural surroundings). The findings conclude with affective response, drawing upon descriptions of a romantic attachment consumers have towards places, aspects of fear (anxiety and fright) which discourage consumers, and a sense of hope that inspires an enduring interest in the place in spite of negative circumstances.

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Figure 5.1: Outline of the Consumer Findings

Modes of Engagement    

Modes of Exposure    

Goods of Origin Business and Investment Immigration Tourism

Direct Experience Interpersonal Ties Print Media Sport

Place Brand Image

Affective Response

Cognitive Response   

  

First Impressions Social Aspects Physical Aspects

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Romantic Attachment Sense of Fear Sense of Hope

5.2

Modes of Engagement (Place Branding Sectors)

A mode of engagement is an area of place-related consumption. Typical modes of engagement include visits to places by tourists, the purchase of goods from their origin, and an interest in places for business, investment and immigration purposes (Anholt, 2003). While discussed separately in the sub-sections below, the engagements are connected. For example, an individual traveling to a place as a tourist may develop investment interests in the same place. Similarly, an individual with experience of a place through immigration is likely to purchase its consumer goods aboard or return to the place on holiday. The more extensively consumers engage with places, the greater their propensity to acquire new knowledge and to develop a deeper interest and loyalty towards them. Through continuous engagement with places consumers move from novices to experts (Alba & Hutchinson, 1987). This research is particularly interested in experience-rich, high-involvement consumers who tend to have overlapping modes of engagement, as Table 4.1 in the previous chapter illustrates.

5.2.1 Goods of Origin There are at least two sets of literature which contribute to the understanding of goods consumption in a place branding context. One is the transfer of meaning between society and consumers, and consumers and their possessions (de Chernatony, 1993; McCracken, 1986). The other is the country-of-origin effect (COO) which involves the transfer of meaning from places to goods, by association of where the goods originate – or at least where they are presumed to originate (Maheswaran & Yi Chen, 2006; 2011; Papadopoulos, 2002). In this case study, consumers show a nuanced interest and knowledge of goods originating from South Africa, which is remarkable for a country with a limited number of consumer brand exports. South African branded exports mentioned include foodstuffs such as Nic Naks (C16) (a brand of cheese-flavoured snacks), Savanna (C16), (a dry cider) and Walnut Ridge (C12) (a brand of cooking sauces). The majority of foodstuffs mentioned are unbranded, but nevertheless resonate with the country, such as Cape Apples (C1 & 2) (which refers to both the region and city of origin), fresh fruit (C1 & 2), tinned fruit (C1 & 2), preserves (C1), stews (C3) and rooibos tea (literally meaning red bush tea, which describes the dark red herbal infusion) (C3 & 17). Biltong,

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a spicy dried meat, appears to be synonymous with South Africa (C1, 3,4,6,7,10,12,16 & 17), but it is an acquired taste rather than an item which informants purchase regularly (C7 & 10).

One item which has a long-standing reputation and positive association with South Africa is wine (C1,2,3,4,5,6,8,10,11,12, 14,15,16,17 & 19). There is some distinction between boldly branded wines such as Kumala and First Cape, which retail in the mainstream supermarkets (C2 & 12), and unusual boutique wines, which are more difficult to source. Part of C8’s justification for choosing South African wines over those of other nationalities is that she believes that they are good value for money. Price is a key indicator on the quality and purchase of South African wine. Consumers are familiar with the costs of wine in South Africa in contrast to the marked up price in the UK. C17, for example, claims not to buy South African wine because she finds it expensive but, on special occasions, she would prefer a Roodeberg or a KWV brand in the price range of around nine pounds a bottle. By contrast, C6 enjoys premium South African wines and tends to avoid the lower end of the market. She spends six to seven pounds on a bottle and above ten pounds on special occasions for wines from the Rustenberg estate. There is also some difference in the methods of purchasing wine. C12, a college chaplain, has an entertainment allowance and is responsible for the selection of wines; whereas C14, who is part of the same college, consumes South African wine as a consequence of C12’s purchase.

5.2.2 Business and Investment This section explores business and investment aspects of place brand engagement (C2,7,8,9,10 & 15). It illustrates eclectic interests of the informants in both the profit and non-profit sectors of South Africa’s economy. In the non-profit sector, two of the informants have their own charity businesses (C2 & 8) and one is a trustee of a small trust fund based in Oxford, which raises several thousand pounds a year towards grassroots development projects and crèches in South Africa (C12). In the profit sector, two informants (C5 & 9) have worked for prominent South African multinationals. C9 has a particular interest in South Africa’s resource businesses such as diamond mining, while in contrast, C5’s interests are in the wine, spirits and pharmaceutical industries. C5’s experience with South Africa developed initially by working with South African companies and later as a visiting chairperson for a British multinational. Like several other informants (C7, 8 & 15), C5 owns residential property in South Africa, which seems to have

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been influenced by visiting South Africa and wanting to spend longer periods of time in the country (C5 & 7).

Some of the positive characteristics of South Africa’s business environment mentioned by C5 include its expanding infrastructure; its emerging black middle class; opportunities for both large and small-scale investments and its appeal to entrepreneurs. Nevertheless, the country has several negative characteristics regarding its assessment of risk in terms of business and investment engagement (C10). Risks include personal safety and security (C7,8 & 16), stability of the economy (C7,9,10 & 11), legislation on land ownership and labour laws (C9 & 10), and political circumstances within the country and its neighbouring states (C7,8,9,10 & 11). The risks combined create a degree of uncertainty in South Africa’s business opportunities and affect the confidence of international investors (C9). However, the informants tend to evaluate the stories portrayed in news media and form their own modified assessments of the risks involved in business engagement in South Africa (C7 & 10). For example, while C7 accepts that South Africa is not politically or economically stable, she tends to dismiss the “horror stories that people propagate about it only being a matter of time before everything seized”. C9 feels similarly that “from an investment point of view […] it’s mostly a good story. But, there have been hiccups along the way, and there are still hurdles to be overcome such as land ownership”.

The acquisition of local knowledge seems to be important in developing assessments. C15, for example, claims that she “didn’t just buy on spec, like some people do with timeshare”. Instead, her approach involved active research, speaking to people who had purchased timeshare in the area and comparing prices of available properties.

To some extent, the style of business in South Africa influences how consumers engage with places. C10, who immigrated to South Africa in the 1970s remarks that “[i]n business in Britain everything had to be written down and approved by accountants and solicitors. Whereas in South Africa, your word was your bond and that was fine. Everything was done on a handshake”. On his return to Britain, he felt like he was outsider because his views had changed and were “completely South African” from the perspective of business communication and conduct. As C7 puts it “everybody is, to some extent, a product of their environment” and the individual will tend to adjust to their given circumstances of the place. Still, for the international business

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community there are certain “rules of the game” (C9), or international practices that are conducive to good business, in spite of the style of business for each place. Breaking or changing the rules of the game affects the degree to which people are willing to engage with places.

C9: It is people’s perceptions of the rule of law and fair treatment. It is a question of whether South Africa is going to be a capitalist, investor-friendly country, or whether they are going to take measures that are discouraging to foreign investment. Confidence is something that can evaporate. It takes a long time to build it up, but at the stroke of a pen, or some stupid speech, or a bit of leaked legislation, or what have you, it can go for a burton very easily.

In summary, there are existing engagements in business and investment in South Africa, which involve a contextualised view of prevailing negative circumstances in the country’s economic, political and social environment. South Africa’s concern, it seems, is that in order to attract business and investment it needs to create a more stable socio-economic environment (C10), one where “people feel free to invest” (C9).

5.2.3 Immigration Immigration in a place branding context constitutes the draw towards places to live, work and study, which in turn benefits places in terms of the exchange of foreign capital and skills (Anholt, 2002a; Dinnie, 2004; Ham, 2008; Pasquinelli, 2012). Research has considered marketing communication campaigns to attract new immigrants; approaches for encouraging expatriates to return home (Morgan et al., 2002b; Papadopoulos, 2004; Schlegel et al., 2011) and the benefits and consequences of attracting a skilled workforce (Anholt, 2007; Johansson, 2005; Martin, 2007; Wetzel, 2006). Govers & Go (2009) suggest that skilled immigration (or talent) is attracted through the supply of various benefits, including high quality housing options, cultural activities, health care, income tax benefits and international schooling systems. Research, however, has tended to focus on immigration from the perspective of management, leaving the consumer perspective largely unexplored (Clancy, 2009; Torkington, 2012).

Immigration is a common engagement within the consumer cohort (C5,7,8,9,10,12,17 & 18).

Typically, informants who have immigrated to South Africa in the past have visited and lived in

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other places around the world (C7,8,10 & 12). They also tend to have family connections in South Africa and places outside of the United Kingdom (C7,8,9,12,17 & 18). One informant describes migration decisions as a series of “push and pull factors” (C8), which correlates with one of the principal theories of migration – the voluntarism push-pull model, where the driving force behind migration is individual agency (Torkington, 2011:23). C10, for instance, who spent twelve years in South Africa, claims that his decision to immigrate had to do with the downturn of the British economy during the 1970s and the poor prospects of finding employment locally.

The pull to South Africa included his willingness to travel, and the contacts that he had established in Johannesburg. However, his decision was in some sense shortlisted. He claims that he would not have been able to obtain a work permit in the United States or Canada, and that Australia and New Zealand seemed too far away. The pull towards South Africa was therefore partly a process of elimination.

C12 and C16, both in the medical field, describe the experience of immigrating to South Africa.

C12, who previously worked in South Africa, suggests that the move to the country was careeroriented with the need to help people. In contrast, C16 is considering immigrating to South Africa and working as a paramedic. Her views differ from previous research which finds that individuals within the nursing profession immigrate to seek better wages and working conditions (Kosslyn, 1994). In C16’s case, her interests in moving to South Africa seem to be both personal and work-oriented. She is attracted to the country by the perceived friendliness of the local people, and the opportunity to spend time with her close friends. She also claims to be enticed by the outdoor lifestyle of South Africa and that it offers a challenging working environment, which meets her skill set. In considering the various push factors from London it is interesting to explore why C16 has not yet emigrated. One reason, perhaps, is that she has not yet reached a point where a single spontaneous issue entices her to leave Britain and live elsewhere. She calls this spontaneity “flicking the switch”.

C16: I know myself to the point that some days I do things spontaneously, because I’m so angry with work. You know, I’ll wake up one morning and think ‘ooh, he really annoyed me’ and then think ‘right, I’m doing it’ and so that might be what flicks the switch. It might be that my friends from Cape Town are coming over in a couple of months. We always talk about investing in

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property together. I mean, if I found the perfect property and I was given a job that would flick the switch. I guess it’s about being bold enough to take the step.

One of the barriers to C16 immigrating is personal safety. Her concern is living in Cape Town, where she might find herself working outdoors throughout the night in an environment which is potentially unsafe. Another factor, which concerns C16, is the fragile political circumstances in South Africa, as well as how they may change in the future. There are also personal circumstances that prevent her from immediate immigration, including the mortgage on her house and a need to finish her studies. Nevertheless, not all decisions to immigrate occur in a personal capacity. In C17’s case, her choice to immigrate was influenced by her fiancé who had a found a job in South Africa. Similarly, C18’s work placement in South Africa was an opportunity found through family connections. In summary, the immigration to places is elicited by a series of push factors (from one place) and pull factors (towards another). At the same time, there are barriers, such as family and personal circumstances, which influence immigration decision-making.

5.2.4 Tourism Tourism destination branding is one of the formative discussions in place branding (Crockett & Wood, 1999; Gnoth, 1998). One distinction drawn by the informants is the degree of knowledge people have of places and how that knowledge identifies them with a particular tourist type. C17, who immigrated to South Africa and spent several years in the country, feels that short visits provide only a superficial understanding of South Africa. She is particularly critical of her son’s recent visit to South Africa and his claim to a deep knowledge and understanding of the country.

Like C17, C11 contrasts the lack of knowledge of the typical tourist with a self-reflective identification of “real Africa lovers, like us”. Other tourists are aware of their experience lacking in certain parts of the destination, but still claim to be different from the average tourist. C15, for example, suggests that she is “not a typical tourist” but at the same time, she feels that she is “not brave enough to really get into the thick of it”. Akin to Redfoot’s (1984) description of the anthropological tourist, there are informants who more overtly convey a sense of wanting to be different from the average tourist, who try to understand the cultural differences of local people, including “getting off the beaten track a bit and seeing what the country is really like outside the

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tourist belt” (C14). At the extreme, informants are critical of the average tourist. C5, for instance, suggests that places have unwritten rules which are learnt quickly by following local advice. His view of the uninformed “stupid” tourist echoes critiques such as those of Boorstin (1961) and Baudrillard (1988).

Informants engage in a range of tourist experiences, from visits to Nelson Mandela’s prison cell on Robben Island (C3) to stopovers at crocodile and ostrich farms (C6) and sightseeing along the coastal routes (C11). In contrast to experiences deliberately created for tourists, some informants actively engage in creating their own experiences. C5, who worked in the beverage industry in South Africa, claims to have insights which are different from the ordinary tourist, such as meeting local people in shebeens (township pubs). One tourist experience which the informants readily identify with is wildlife safaris (C1,2,3,5,6,8,1,13,15,16,17 & 19). Wildlife safaris seem to project an element of romanticism which conjures up images of colonial times. A sense of colonialism is revitalised through colonial-style safari lodges (C19) and propagated by books and movies, such as George Adamson’s 1966 film Born Free (C16). Safaris are viewed as a mustsee experience and one that involves “ticking the box” (C2). Exploring the wildlife side of South Africa is viewed as a family experience, one that is appealing to adults and children alike (C5 & 8). Nevertheless safaris have a reputation for being expensive (C16) and catering only for the top end of the tourism market (C5 & 6).

5.3

Modes of Exposure (Impression-building mediums)

Modes of exposure is used in this research to describe the means by which consumers develop their impressions of places. The modes of exposure are important to the conveyance of meaning (McCracken, 1987; McLuhan, 1964), and may be derived from both the organic, unsolicited acquisition of information, and the induced projection of information by managers (Gunn, 1988).

Furthermore, consideration is given to how consumers gaze upon places, bringing with them institutional beliefs, sentiments and opinions (Urry, 1990). There appear to be two broad types of exposure to places: those which are individually experienced (intimate modes) and those which are vicariously experienced (public modes). Intimate modes involve information imparted through close interpersonal relationships and familiar experiences. Public modes might include opinions formed through advertising, entertainment, news, magazines and television. The modes

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of exposure are overlapping rather than compartmentalised and serve to revise opinions of places. As C20 puts it: We are all forming our own views and picking up bits of information. You can’t be experts on everything. In fact, you can’t be an expert on much really. In the end [...] you have a sort of impression, which could just be based on something out of date; it could be very general; or could be very specific in just one area.

The sections, which follow, address various intimate and public modes of exposure. These include direct experience and interpersonal ties (intimate modes) and print media and sport (public modes). Notably there is an overlap between the modes. Sport, for example, involves both an intimate exposure to South Africa (by playing sports with South African companions) and public exposure (by watching sport through various forms of media).

5.3.1 Direct Experience The direct experience with places is a predominately intimate and meaningful connection (Pearce, 2012; Shani & Uriely, 2012; Tuan, 1977; Tumbat & Belk, 2011; Tung & Ritchi, 2011).

Nevertheless, individuals travel with socially acquired impressions of what places mean (Mkono, 2012; Urry, 1990). Additionally, they use geo-based technology to guide their experiences (mobile phones and GPS devices), supplementing the sensory experience with public factoids and creating an augmented experience (Tussyadiah & Zach, 2012). This combined intimate and public mode of exposure has a profound influence on consumer opinions. C12, in describing her experience of the Soweto uprising of 1976, isolates two perspectives on it: an “official point of view” (a publicly espoused opposition to the uprisings) and her own “medical point of view” (in terms of her intimate involvement while working in the Soweto township during the uprising).

Both intimate and public modes of exposure are significant in forming impressions of places.

The intimate mode however, as C2 suggests, has a more profound countervailing impression on opinion:

C2: There is no substitute for first-hand experience, so your impressions are formed by what you see when you go through the country. Inevitability there is the media, but the media tends to be

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negative things. They seem to like reporting negative aspects, so that might negatively colour your opinion of whether you would go to South Africa or not.

C17 and C7 share C2’s view of “first-hand experience”. C17, for example, finds it frustrating where individuals who have not yet experienced South Africa claim to “know everything about [it]”. The level of place-related experience, C7 suggests, occurs at two extremes:

C7: You have the absolute enthusiast who has just come back from a fabulous holiday and wants everybody to go and replicate their experience. Then you have the other extreme, which is maybe people who have never been there, but who sensationalise the horror stories.

The literature notes hedonic experiences as one type (Hirschman & Holbrook, 1982). However, there are others in the consumer findings which may be useful for classification. C14, for instance, refers to a “disembodied experience” while driving past South African townships and viewing them through a car window. C14 explains that it became “a much more tangible experience” through an actual visit to the township. Another is the “safari experience” (C5,6, 8,11 & 13), which is exemplary of a shared interest in the place. Even so, there are nuances in the experience sought. For example, C11 feels that the Kruger National Park is not the “real” bush experience, yet neither is the bottom end of the market, which she finds unappealing since it is crowded with tourists. She prefers instead to visit places outside the Kruger park which still maintain the luxury appeal but are more exclusive than the typical tourist-oriented safari experience. She describes St. Lucia Wetlands, for instance, as “my kind of place” (C11).

Supplementing the actual sensory experiences of places is the consumers’ “life experience” (C13) or “worldly experience” (C4), which is an assimilation of experiences consumers use to assess the relative risks in traveling to, or within, places. C4, for example, does not feel that he should be concerned about breaking down in the middle of the road on his travels, because he has had one flat tire in thirty years. Worldly experience of this kind assists consumers in assessing and developing expectations of the places they visit. In some cases, it passed on to others, such as C8 who wants her children to experience certain places within South Africa that she visited while living there. In addition to tourism and immigration, there are experiences conferred in a business or investment sense. For instance, “if it is known through other people’s

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experiences that investing in South Africa is good”, there is a greater likelihood that South Africa would benefit because the source of information is impartial and credible (C9).

5.3.2 Interpersonal Ties Interpersonal ties is a term borrowed from sociology (Granovetter, 1973; Granovetter, 1983; Sampson, 1988) which refers to the bonds between acquaintances, friends, family and wider society. Acquaintances act as loose ties, facilitating the spread of stories through more closely bonded friendship networks (C2,10,15,16 & 20). In the findings, some consumers have longstanding friendships informing them of South Africa from childhood (C1 & 7). Others have friendships which emerge in the workplace (C16), or ones which persist at a distance between South Africa and the UK as a longing to visit old friends (C15 & 16). Interpersonal ties evolve organically, for example, through social groups where there is a sharing of a particular hobby or interest. They act as constant sources of information about the place (C16), building not only factual knowledge but also closer social bonds and an “inside track” (C10) about current affairs.

In C15’s case, her friendship with a South African couple developed through mutual interests in bird watching.

C15: We met them in the Kruger National Park. We just got talking to them about birds one morning. We bumped into them again at a picnic site and swapped e-mail addresses. […]

Two years later we got this email saying, ‘You probably won’t even remember us…’ I do not know quite what it was, but the e-mails started going backwards and forwards.

Family also provides an intimate connection with places (Pearce, 2012; Shani & Uriely, 2012).

Having family members aboard provides guests with a feeling of residency (C19) and the ability to travel as a “privileged tourist” (C20). It also allows them to travel with a sense of freedom and security in knowing that the familiarity of home is nearby. For C19, having family in South Africa allows him to experience a unique, personal side to the country. The interpersonal ties with friends and family, in sum, serve to furnish knowledge about places that encourages further interest in them. In the next section, there is a shift from the direct experience of interpersonal ties to more public modes of exposure, including print and sports media.

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5.3.3 Print Media Print media refers to the influence of various solicited and unsolicited sources of information on consumer opinion, including business publications (C15), electronic media (C15), place-related literature (C3,4,5,6,7,8,11,12) and newspapers (C5, 7, 9, 15 & 20) (Bickford-Smith, 2009). The literature on Africa in general has a profound influence on South Africa and has done so historically. Explorers and colonists painted vivid imagery of Africa (Campbell, 1834; Gray, 1852; Semple, 1805; Williams, 1902). Stanley’s (1878) Through the Dark Continent was particularly influential in portraying an unpredictable and uninviting image of Africa. The Dark Continent metaphor has developed an enduring and ideological significance evident, for example, in Conrad’s Heart of Darkness (1899) and, more recently Theroux‘s Dark Star Safari (2003). C11, who has read Dark Star Safari, notes that the metaphor acts as a deterrent to some travellers: C11: There will be people who will say “gosh, I won’t go to Africa. There are things that bite, and sting”. Their perception is one of the Dark Continent. It is something that is perhaps a little bit too exotic for them.

Beyond the Dark Continent metaphor, however, literature serves as an opportunity for learning, sampling and understanding various facets of South Africa (C3,4,5,6,9 & 20). It can build new impressions or amend old ones (C20). It can be descriptive and factual (C3) as well as amusing and abstract (C9). It can focus on significant characters (C3 & 4), or assist consumers in developing opinions on the past, present and future of a place (C9 & 11). Some books enable the informants to question the inner workings of a place (C9 & 11). C9, for instance, speaks deferentially of Clem Sunter, an English author and former scenario planner for the Anglo American Corporation. Reading Clem Sunter’s books and attending his public lectures on “what constitutes a successful country” is a matter of interest to C9, in terms of enhancing his understanding of South Africa. For C11, Alan Paton’s Cry the Beloved Country was formative in her opinions of the struggles in South Africa, and the basis for suggesting “deep-rooted problems that are still there”.

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Fiction also seems to have a role in developing place related knowledge. C16, for example, enjoys exploring the history of Africa, but not necessarily through factual portrayals. A novel which C16 finds particularly interesting discusses a woman who immigrates to Kenya and her experiences in finding new friends and settling into a foreign culture. The book, in this sense, mirrors C16’s self-identification of travelling alone to foreign places and finding new friends.

C20, in contrast, discusses his interest in South Africa’s political history, but again through fiction rather than accurate portrayals:

C20: I was born in the 1960’s and, coming through school, I was very conscious of things happening. It was quite a newsworthy country, the political situation etc. I used to enjoy books by a guy called Tom Sharpe who obviously wrote about South African subjects. I suppose that formed some sort of view from that angle.

Tom Sharpe, the English satirical novelist, has published several books based on apartheid.

While noting that satire “is not the proper basis for any sort of view”, C20 nevertheless considers satire to be an unavoidable influence on his initial knowledge of South Africa. There are other influences besides print media. The next section considers sports media, which also has an elaborate historical connection to South Africa.

5.3.4 Sport Sport is an integral part of South African history and remains intimately tied to British colonialism (Nauright, 1997). In the 1820s, pastimes such as cricket, hunting and horseracing were imported by British colonists into South Africa (Black & Nauright, 1998). Rugby was introduced in 1861, and between 1969 and 1970 there were protests which opposed the Springbok rugby tour to Britain - the controversial “Stop the Seventy Tour” campaign (Hyam & Henshaw, 2003:327). The findings from this research illustrate various recollections of South Africa’s sporting past. C9 recalls the boycotts, which he recounts as part of his first awareness of South Africa. Being in university at the time, he notes that there was “quite a lot of division in opinion. A lot of students slightly to the left would say ‘this is awful, you must support the antis’ and then a lot of people said, ‘Sport should not be interfered with by politics’ ”. South

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Africa returned to the international sporting scene in the 1990s, and in 1995 most significantly perhaps, hosted the Rugby World Cup:

C19: Three events were visions in my mind before I left. [One was] the release of Mandela, which I think, everybody watched on television. When he walked from prison [we were] thinking, ‘this country could go one of two ways’ and not knowing what would happen. The second thing I think was the 1995 Rugby World Cup because for a middle-class white Englishman who likes Rugby, that was one of the initial moments when we got to know a bit more about the country.

The third aspect which C19 recalls is the British Lions Rugby Tour in 1997, which was particularly significant to him because it involved the broadcasting of South African cities, towns and landscapes, which he had previously known little about. In addition to the televised public aspects of sport, there are also informants who discuss intimate engagements through playing sports with South African expatriates; or in C5’s case, a combination of both.

C5: I am very keen on sports - all sports, really. I am particularly keen on ocean racing, rugby, golf and cricket, which has leaned me towards South Africa quite a bit. Then more [interest developed through] playing rugby over here with a number of South African guys. I played alongside a guy called Tommy Bedford who is quite a well-known guy in South African rugby.

My interest [in South Africa] developed through meeting the rugby guys who said “you have got to go out there, it is a fantastic place”.

Sport serves the functions of both bonding nations together (through social common denominators of competitiveness and national pride) and imparting information about places (through broadcasting and personal interaction with teams and sports players). While the bonding function of sport serves as a catalyst for friendships between British nationals and South African expatriates, the imparting function provides the means for building place-related impressions. The hosting of a large-scale event, such as the recent FIFA 2010 Football World Cup, draws attention to the place and exposes it to international audiences. From a host country perspective, the televising of international events stimulates positive awareness. At the extreme, however, sport may act as a stereotype of South Africa. As C5 notes, the public belief that

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“Australians are sports crazy and the South Africans are as well” is not necessarily a compliment, but rather a depiction of the limited understanding of these countries in other areas of interest and world affairs.

5.4

Cognitive Response (Thoughts about Places)

This section considers consumers’ thoughts about places in a socio-psychological context. It begins by considering the first impressions and preconceptions that consumers have before visiting places for the first time. It then looks at the social aspects of places – in South Africa’s case, consumer thoughts on its historical and contemporary circumstances and events. In addition, it considers the influence of physical aspects of the place – its built and natural environment.

5.4.1 First Impressions First impressions are an important precursors to thoughts about places. Consumers experience and imagine places through pre-established conceptions, and they travel with an expectation of what they might find (Urry, 1990). C20 describes his views of South Africa as a “snapshot through an interestingly distorted lens” – and a partial rather than accurate depiction of the place.

For C19, his first impressions of South Africa are media representations of a country “still on the road to recovery”. C19 suggests that this is not his own personal view of South Africa, but rather one shared by the British public.

C19: I think the vision that we have always had of South Africa is obviously apartheid. That is the first thing that automatically springs to mind; the sort of isolation. If you asked how apartheid came about, what actually happened, and how long it was there for, I wouldn’t be able to tell you, and most people wouldn’t be able to tell you.

C14 similarly suggests that he knew very little about apartheid prior to traveling to South Africa.

Nevertheless, apartheid is a term mentioned in all the consumer interviews, without exception.

The extensive coverage of South African politics by the British media, leading to the abolition of apartheid in 1994, perhaps explains why apartheid is readily recalled by the informants (Sanders, 2000). It is not that the informants have an inexperienced or misinformed view of

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apartheid, but rather that apartheid is at the forefront of opinion on South Africa. Clifford’s impressions of South Africa, for example, formed through reading Tom Sharp’s books, which parody apartheid. While C20 acknowledges that fiction is “not a proper basis for any sort of view”, the influence is nevertheless present and largely unavoidable (C20). Not all informants, however, have a gradual, incremental acquisition of place-related knowledge. From knowing very little about the country, C17 made a decision to immigrate to South Africa with her fiancé at the height of apartheid and several days after the Soweto riots. In contrast, C11’s views were largely determined through family connections; an uncle who lived in Cape Town and a mother who used to visit him.

While a majority of the consumer informants have experience of South Africa, C4 is anticipating a visit to South Africa, providing an outlier view of a first-time visitor. His purpose of travelling is to attend a friend’s sixtieth birthday party in a winery. His impressions of South Africa, however, derive from an assortment of influences.

C4: In Asia and the Middle East, I met the first sort of odd accountant/banker coming out of South Africa – I am trying to establish, it would have been towards the end of apartheid. You know very bright, very professional, very go-ahead guys…obviously Nelson Mandela that sort of experience. But I guess my first thoughts are sunshine and Afrikaans rugby players I guess.

Asked about what he is expecting to experience on his travels, C4 replied that his expectation is a comfortable middle-class experience with good food, wine, sport, sunshine, and “not too much hassle”. This “rose-tinted view”, as C4 calls it (a view prior to visiting South Africa), is not unlike Clifford’s “snapshot through an interestingly distorted lens” after visiting. There seems therefore to be a continuous circle of learning involving the acquisition of new knowledge and the reconfiguring and reshaping of longstanding ideas and sentiments. In the remaining sections the discussion turns to the types of knowledge that consumers develop, beginning with knowledge of history and politics.

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5.4.2 Social Aspects: Thoughts on the Historic and Contemporary Places are shaped by historical events (Olins, 2002) which form part of the collective memories of individuals visiting those places (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983; Lowenthal, 1985; Lowenthal, 1998; Urry, 1990). South Africa’s connections to Britain, deeply rooted in its colonial past and the cruel legacy of racial discrimination brought by the Dutch settlers and entrenched by the British colonists, still colours the perceptions of contemporary South Africa, nearly two decades since the fall of apartheid (Ross, 2008; Sparks, 1990; Stapleton, 2010). C2 summarises this point of view succinctly: C2: I think if you go back to history, you cannot avoid thinking of the great explorers going around the Cape […] and you do not feel terribly proud about your heritage when you go to some of these countries. You realise that the nicest house anywhere was always the British Governors house. And you know that what the British did wasn’t always to be admired. So I think there’s more of a conscience about those things.

In the findings, political history features as one of the strongest associations with South Africa, with apartheid mentioned in all twenty of the consumer interviews. Even while some of the informants have a vague knowledge of apartheid, it is a view which dominates a large portion of their thoughts and descriptions of South Africa. The veracity of the news media in presenting South African history differs to some extent from the informants’ interpretation of it. C5, for example, suggests that at the height of apartheid there were people who misunderstood the history and political issues. He draws a distinction between two different lines of thought on South Africa during apartheid: C5: There were people who said “no, a terrible place” with apartheid and all the rest of it. Then there were others who I think were more, and I am very much like that by nature, open-minded about things. I wanted to find out for myself rather than through second or third hand information of various slants.

Partly because of his experience, C5 takes a particular interest in South African politics, and has a strong emotional attachment to the country and its future. Beyond apartheid, contemporary South Africa still suffers from numerous economic and social problems, of which the informants

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show an acute awareness. These include a high prevalence of HIV/AIDS (C1,3,4,7,9,11,12,16 &18) (Shisana, 2009), poverty (C1,2,4,5,9, 10,11, 13,15,18 & 19) and violent crime (C1,3,4,6,9,10,12,16,18 &19) (Super, 2010). C19 imagines what it might be like living in proximity to underprivileged individuals and the feelings of anger and resentment that these conditions might evoke.

C19: On both occasions that I have been to South Africa, the division between rich and poor is still immense. It is actually quite disturbing in some ways. You know, sometimes you get the impression that the division could just topple quite easily.

The history of South Africa moves forward, casting a shadow on contemporary impressions of the country. Whether the informants deliberately avoid political history (C4 & 13) or take an interest in it (C10 & 5), it nevertheless colours their opinions of the country. The informants’ attitudes towards South African history, however, are ambivalent and fluctuate between feelings of guilt which are entrenched in the colonial past (C1,2,14 & 16), and hope in building a better future for the country (C2,5,6,11 & 12). The informants travel to South Africa with social aspects in mind, which they have acquired from a range of sources including news media (C1,3,4,6,7,9,10,11,12,14,15,18 & 20), friends and family (C1-20), and personal experience (C120). When considering South African history, the informants are aware not only of that past, but also the socio-economic challenges facing South Africa’s future.

5.4.3 Physical Aspects: Interpretations of the Surroundings Physical surroundings have a significant influence on the manner in which individuals understand places (Ashworth & Goodall, 1990; Urry, 1995). The interpretation of the physical landscape is embedded, to a certain extent, in the temporal and spatial vocabulary which individuals use to describe it (Jammer, 1954; Pinker, 2005). C20, for instance, shows an interest in the architecture and comments on the spatial distance between South African towns. He notices the Dutch influences on Cape Town’s architecture and remarks on various architectural differences in traveling from one South African town to another. C9, in contrast, observes how places change over time and how this affects spatial orientation. In comparing his own experience of the building and infrastructural growth of Johannesburg with that of a friend, he

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finds discrepancies between “what you see on the ground in terms of development […], what you read about, and what the reserve bank will tell you about the statistics”. C9 attempts to enhance his understanding by comparing the growth of Johannesburg with that of London:

C9: You come to London and wander around the place and in twenty years nothing changes.

Maybe there would be more roundabouts or something and there would be an odd new building somewhere, but that is not the same sort of thing. We have had growth rates of, I don’t know, not very different from the South African growth rates, 2-3% GDP. But when you look at what seems to happen on the ground, it’s like chalk and cheese. It’s a bit of a mystery to me.

C9 is not alone in finding difficulty distinguishing between the actual versus the expected growth rate of the city. C10, for instance, comments on the growth of office blocks in the Northern Suburbs of Johannesburg – a “dynamic growth characteristic” which is to some extent attributed to the developments undertaken for the 2010 FIFA World Cup. Others informants share similar views. C20 is aware of the infrastructural developments through anecdotal knowledge acquired from his brother-in-law who works in construction. C17, in contrast, notices “huge growth, all over Johannesburg” through her direct observation of cranes and building construction. In fact, C17’s views of Johannesburg have changed through various intervals of her exposure to the city:

C17: We used to leave Johannesburg and drive in pitch black until we got to the outskirts of Pretoria. Now you go along the main Johannesburg-Pretoria highway and it is brightly lit because both sides of the road are full of factories and warehouses.

It seems that in forming their impressions, consumers compare their own direct observations of places with secondary information (the knowledge of others and information or statistics which they have read). Moreover, familiar places are used as a basis of comparison with relatively unfamiliar places, somewhat like Lakoff & Johnson’s (1980) depiction of a “conceptual metaphor” as the transfer of knowledge from a known entity to a relatively unknown one. C14, for example, suggests that Cape Town “felt like wandering around any other western city” and compares it with Seattle. He also compares Grahamstown with a feeling of “wandering around Oxford” in the sense that both are university towns. C7 compares Cape Town with Brighton, but also suggests that there is “a special feeling about Cape Town” which distinguishes it from any

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other place. C6 describes her dislike for Durban and tends to “liken it to Blackpool”. C5 feels that Cape Town is not representative of Africa and that the microclimate of Cape Town is almost Southern Mediterranean, with a town centre that is “a bit like Bournemouth”. Therefore, the physical aspects of places are not only objective attributes, but also a set of socially constructed ones.

5.5

Affective Response (Feelings about Places)

Consumers acquire brand meaning as part of their personal identity (Albert et al., 2000) and this internalisation of meaning is underpinned by emotion (Elliott & Wattanasuwan, 1998; McCracken, 1986). While the relationships between brands and emotion are well-established (Batra et al., 2012b; de Chernatony, 1993; Grisaffe & Nguyen, 2011), there is less research on the emotional elements of place brands (O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2003). The findings illustrate that, in addition to the purely “cognitive” understanding of places, consumers also interact with places on an emotional level.

5.5.1 Romantic Attachment The consumer findings correlate with a stream of interest in human geography- the romantic attachment to places (Tuan, 1974). The romantic gaze, according to Urry (1990:78), is a solitary appreciation of magnificent scenery. However, the findings suggest that a further influence on the romantic gaze is a collective nostalgia for the colonial past (Bickford-Smith, 2009; Lowenthal, 1985). South Africa’s romantic gaze seems to be induced by a confluence of aesthetic (C5,6,7,8,9,11, 17 & 16) and historical influences (C5,8,9,11,17 & 19). Extended experience, particularly through tourism and immigration, seems to build strong relationships with places (C5,9,10 & 17). Consumers, for example, describe the feeling of being emotionally connected (C8), or having a love for the place due to its compatibility with their lifestyle (C15).

In fact, the romantic attachment seems to emerge through mixed emotions. For instance, in addition to elated feelings of love for the place, there is a degree of pathos in the informant’s descriptions (C6,11 & 13). C11 describes South Africa as a “beautiful rose with a little bug inside it” (C11). The rose in refers to the scenery and the bug to social deprivation. C13 describes her first experience of South African landscapes as heart-breaking, while C6 describes

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her experience of the KwaZulu-Natal Anglo-Boer War battlefields as one which brought tears to her eyes.

The plurality of emotions may, in turn, affect the consumer’s preference and brand loyalty.

Before visiting Africa for the first time, C16 was told by her stepfather “you will either love it or you will hate it […] and you’ll know whether you love it or you’ll hate it.” C16’s love for Africa was kindled in an experience of an African sunrise, which marked her enduring interest in the continent. C15 also describes a romantic attachment to Africa, which emerged during a wildlife Safari where she expressed her feelings to one of the tour guides: C15: I was telling him how I had fallen in love with the bush, and how it had actually changed me. He looked at me and said, “That’s fantastic, I’m really proud of you”. It was wonderful that this young man, who had obviously lived and worked in the bush and had this wonderful life, was so chuffed that some Western European could feel the way he felt about it. It was something really special.

In a depiction of brand loyalty, C11 describes Africa as “a little bit of an addiction” and that it “doesn’t take very much to make us think about going again”. In addition to tourism experiences, emotional attachment may develop through immigration and long-term experience with a place:

C8: I feel emotionally connected. I think it is brilliant and I love going there. I’m a big supporter, a big fan. But I also spent my twenties there which were quite formative years. I think it is a country of opportunity and I feel that it gave me opportunities while I was there.

By contrast, C5’s passage highlights his emotional affiliation to the British colonial past. He suggests that the influence of the ‘romantic vision of colonialism’ concerns Africa as a whole and he points to his own identification with this particular aspect.

C5: Africa has some earthy things about it. It is one of those divine joys. It is part of my makeup.

There is no question that if I had been born in the 20s or 30s, there is only one job I would have wanted to do, and that would have been to go out to be a colonial officer somewhere in Africa. I just love it.

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The romantic vision of Africa, C19 explains, is held collectively by certain parts of the British audience: C19: When people go on holidays, they go on safaris. They want to stay in colonial safari lodges.

It’s the whole kind of David Rattray, Rorke’s Drift , Kwa-Zulu Natal thing. People see all of that and they definitely have the sort of romanticism aspect of South Africa that they attach themselves to. I certainly think that has appealed to me as well. When I go there, I also want to see that aspect.

In summary, the informants’ romantic attachment to the country and continent include both a romantic gaze (Urry, 1990; 1995) (aesthetics and scenery), and a colonial nostalgia, involving the romanticising of the past (Bickford-Smith, 2009; Lowenthal, 1985). Moreover, passionate feelings for South Africa’s colonial past appear tied to feelings towards the landscape, which involves a mixture of emotions. Yet, there are other affective responses to places besides a romantic attachment. The section which follows considers aspects of place-related anxiety.

5.5.2 Sense of Fear The emotional concept of fear applies in this thesis as a collective word for anxiety and fright, as two interrelated emotions. Anxiety is a feeling of nervousness, unease and uncertainty in relation to an impending or possible event (Lazarus, 1991), while the fright is the immediate physiological reaction to a sudden encounter where the event presents imminent physical harm (James, 1884). In the findings, the informants express fear more in the sense of anxiety (such as risks of travel and apprehension towards crime), rather than actual encounters with those events.

The fences and walls surrounding premises in the urban areas of South Africa, for example, evoke and symbolise fear (C3, 11 & 13) in the sense of anxiety rather than fright. Low’s (2001) study on gated communities draws two important conclusions about fear: firstly, gated communities result from social concerns such as race, class and ethnic exclusivity; and secondly, there is a verbal discourse which compliments and reinforces the visual landscape of fear. In this research, informants describe themselves as being overwhelmed by the fear exhibited by local residents (C1, 2, 3 & 6).

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C2: I was struck by their fear, especially when driving around the suburbs of Johannesburg where people were saying to me “lock the car door”, “don’t stand still at traffic lights” and the fact that they were shooting red lights at opportunities. And I found that that was quite a dichotomy that in one sense they were totally open and in another sense they were totally threatened.

C1 describes a similar contiguity of fear: C1: When I was out there, I rented a car. I was told by my friend, who had left school and was living out there, “don’t be the first car at the traffic lights” [and] “don’t go off the main road” and, you know, being locked in and out of little shops as if they were high security shops, which I found quite strange.

In contrast, C3 finds the nonchalance of local residents surprising in terms of high security. She feels that “if you talk to the Johannesburg families, who have electric fences, and you hear their stories, you might think it’s a terrible place, full of fear”. Nevertheless, she remains uncertain of whether the electric fences relate to a real or nominal concern. C6 describes her sense of fear with a similar degree of uncertainty. Reflecting back to her first visit to South Africa fifteen years prior to the interview, she explains how she became unsettled on an isolated road leading through the Drakensburg mountain range. As she put it, “we seemed to be going deeper and deeper and with no real civilization at all”. C7’s account differs from C6 and the other informants in that it tends towards the definition of fright, rather than anxiety. On one of C7’s trips to South Africa, her car broke down close to a township. It was a sense of vulnerability and not being able to seek assistance which evoked an immediate sense of fear:

C7: Here [in England] I wouldn’t feel at all frightened and worried, whereas there I was. Now, I don’t know whether the way I felt was realistic or not. I don’t know whether these people were going to see that we were broken down and come running across the field. If something goes wrong here, I can get it sorted out. I don’t feel like that in South Africa.

The sense of fear seems to be both a personal and interpersonal emotion (Keltner & Haidt, 1999; Rebotier, 2011). C8, for example, describes how she “feared being hijacked” and worried about

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her husband being hijacked. The sense of fear also seems to be transmittable across place brand engagements. In addition to tourism and immigration, place-related fear may occur in business and investment contexts, such as the “fear of crime if you find some banker gets shot”, because the incident has a closer connection to the global business community than it would perhaps if it were a detached local incident. The high profile murder incident of David Rattray, for instance, is more likely to “knock the enthusiasm of investors and tourists” (C9) within a community of consumers who viewed David Rattray as a celebrity figure. As an antidote to fear, however, there remains an enduring sense of hope in South Africa, partly embodied, as the next section suggests, in well-known individuals who inspire hope, such as David Rattray’s wife, Nicky.

5.5.3 Sense of Hope According to Snyder (2002:249), hope is primarily a way of thinking “with feelings playing an important, albeit contributory role”. The emotional connection is further developed in Pettit’s (2004) distinction between superficial and substantial hope. Superficial hope is a pessimistic view of doubting a particular outcome. In contrast, substantial hope is the optimistic view of the prospect materialising (Nadler, 2006). Where more than one person considers the same prospect, it creates a collective hope (Drahos, 2004). In turn, a public hope is the deliberate use of expectation to achieve a societal goal (Drahos, 2004:18). An example is Nelson Mandela as a symbol of hope in the extraordinary transition from the apartheid regime to democracy (Shearing & Kempa, 2004). In the findings, hope acquires meanings, which correlate and contrast with the literature. For a majority of the informants, there is both a recognition of the negative aspects of South Africa and a hope of a better future (C2,3,4,5,8,9,11,12,13,15 & 16). South Africa, as C2 describes it, is like Pandora’s Box, comprised of both positive and negative aspects. Hope derives from anticipation rather than dwelling on the negative status quo (C3). C9 describes having a “slightly schizophrenic” view of South Africa, which fluctuates between pessimism and optimism for the country. The ambivalence is framed in what C9 calls the “Nicky Rattray approach”:

C9: Niccy Rattray was being interviewed a month after her husband’s murder. She set up a foundation, and said something like “leave this beautiful country? Give in? Not a chance!” […] So you have people with that sprit, white or black, who feel that there is something about the place

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that is worth hanging in there for. That said when we were in South Africa a lot of people felt the same about Zimbabwe (Rhodesia as it was then). So there’s nothing at all inevitable about good prevailing. I think it’s all to play for.

C9’s expression is an illustrative of a collective hope experienced vicariously by a British community who interpret and relate-to the experiences of the Rattrays. C13’s comments, however, shed light on a public hope where media has a role in augmenting hopeful sentiments: C13: I think [the media] have used South Africa as the great hope of the ideal independence. I think it is set up as a contrast to Zimbabwe where leadership is humane, compassionate, and spiritual and has a philosophical message of reconciliation. I think the media really wants South Africa to work. There was huge coverage of Mandela’s inauguration. So I think they want that as the story.

C11 illustrates that, in spite of the pessimistic view of her mother-in-law, her personal view of South Africa is still hopeful.

C11: [My mother-in-law] feels that people investing in property [in South Africa] are probably bonkers; because she thinks in ten years’ time, it will all be going to the dogs. I think that is terribly sad. I have a much more hopeful vision of what it will be like. But that is not based on any real concrete evidence. It’s just a hope rather than an expectation.

Some of the factors that discourage hope in South Africa are regional. Zimbabwe’s economic and political instability serves as an exemplar to the informants of what may potentially happen to South Africa.

C4: My own view is that it has gone ridiculously too far and that a beautiful country has been taken away. I hope that doesn’t happen in South Africa - it would be a major disaster if it did.

In summary, where the literature finds a private hope held by individuals, a collective hope held by a group of individuals and a public hope existing as national sentiment, these findings suggest presence of all three working dynamically together. Individual expressions are part of a collective hope, and are augmented, as C13 suggests, by propagation through the media as a

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public hope (that is a public narrative or shared sentiment of hope for a particular place). Hope seems to have an important role in maintaining an interest in South Africa and counteracting negative circumstances. Like sentiments of love and fear, hope is a social construct. In the shared sense, it is somewhat akin to brand loyalty – an enduring commitment by a core group of followers in spite of prevailing negative circumstances.

5.6

Chapter Summary

This chapter considers the views of twenty self-selected British informants who are involved in various forms of place consumption. The chapter focuses on four themes: modes of engagement (place branding sectors), modes of exposure (mediums through which impressions of places are built), cognitive response (thoughts about places) and affective response (feelings about places).

Modes of place brand engagement involve consumption of goods, business and investment, immigration and tourism. Consumption of goods relates to the literature in two ways: first, a view that goods have a particular meaning for consumers (de Chernatony, 1993; McCracken, 1986) and, second, that the meaning in some instances is related to the places from which those goods derive (Maheswaran & Yi Chen, 2006). Another mode of engagement is business and investment, which includes, amongst other topics, the scope of business in which consumers engage and the style of business communication. In contrast, immigration considers the engagement with places as a set of push and pull factors, which encourage consumers to migrate to or from places. Finally, the section on tourism discusses the experiential engagement and identification that consumers have with places.

Modes of exposure are the media which assist in building impressions of places. Four specific modes of exposure discussed are direct experience (first-hand interaction with places), interpersonal ties (bonds between acquaintances, friends and family), print media (various placerelated literature including travel accounts, news reports and professional publications), and sports media (including both active participation in sports and their passive viewing on television). Having considered the behavioural modes of engagement and exposure, the chapter seeks to understand the social and psychological processes which encourage interactions with places through cognitive and emotional response. Cognitive response concerns the manner in which consumers think about places. The subthemes include first impressions as a pre-requisite

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to place-related knowledge; social aspects in terms of thoughts of historic and contemporary issues; and psychical aspects in terms of the built and natural environment. Emotional response concerns the feelings that consumers have for places, for instance, a romantic attachment with its nostalgic influences, a sense of fear that arises from the uncertainty of personal safety, and the sense of hope in terms of sustaining an optimistic outlook for places irrespective of the status quo. Having considered place brand image (the consumer perspective), the next chapter considers place brand identity (the management perspective).

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Chapter 6: Management Findings

6.1

Introduction

This chapter focuses on the management dataset presented in Table 4.2. Managers are indicated by the letter M followed by a number. Figure 6.1 presents the structure of this chapter, which follows the four selective coding themes described in Chapter 4 (see table 4.4). At the centre of Figure 6.1 is place brand identity (the management perspective), which is part of the conceptual framework described in Chapter 3. The four coding themes are subsections of this chapter. The first, place brand strategy, considers the process of conceptualising, developing and managing places as brands. The conceptualisation draws on the literature related to metaphors used for interpreting various place management approaches. Among these are the individual (Ekinci & Hosany, 2006a), service (Warnaby, 2009), product (Ashworth & Kavaratzis, 2009), and corporate branding metaphors (Trueman et al., 2004), each suggesting relative degrees of appropriateness to places. From conceptualisation, the realising of an identity focuses on the visioning process involved in the initial stages of developing a place brand identity. Places, however, are comprised of multiple overlapping sectors and scales and so the subsequent section focuses on considerations for managing multiple place brand identities.

The second theme considers management’s selection approach towards tourism, business and investment and consumer goods audiences. The construed external image (managers’ interpretation of consumer image) considers three interrelated socio-psychological processes.

These are the normative brand image (the simplified, publicly held images of places and the individuals, corporations and cultures within them (Anholt, 2010b; Echtner & Ritchie, 1991; Mayo, 1981; Relph, 1976; Um & Crompton, 1990)) and the emotional and functional brand facets – two principal concepts in branding which directly correlate with cognitive functions (de Chernatony, 1993; Kapferer, 2008; Keller, 1993b). The final section considers various modes of expression for communicating places as brands. Among these are advancements in digital media, the one-on-one relationships between managers and selected audiences; the use of large-scale events and smaller scale showcasing of places; and finally considerations of print and television advertising.

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Figure 6.1: Outline of the Management Findings

Place Brand Strategy 

 

Place Brand Audiences

Conceptualising the Brand Identity Realising an Identity Multiple Identities

  

Tourism Audiences Investment Audiences Export Audiences

Place Brand Identity

Modes of Expression    

Construed External Image   

Digital Media One-on-One Relationships Events and Showcasing Print and Television Advertising

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Normative Brand Image Emotional Brand Facets Functional Brand Facets

6.2

Place Brand Strategy

The section begins with management’s conceptualisation of places as brands using metaphors of product, service and corporate branding. Places aspire to realise their own brand identity through a strategic visioning process. Place brand identities, however, are not isolated and are challenged with multiple geographical scales and overlapping objectives for different consumer audiences.

6.2.1 Conceptualising the Brand Identity The conceptualising of the brand identity refers to the metaphors, which managers use to understand and interpret their places as brands. The identity metaphors mentioned by the informants include those of individuals (M13), products (M3 & 4), services (M7) and corporations (M7 & 14). To discuss places metaphorically as brands involves an abstraction and transference of principles from the host domain (branding) to its target (place branding) (Cornelissen, 2002; Cornelissen, 2005; Lakoff & Johnsen, 1980). While branding metaphors are enabling (in the sense that they allow for the conveyance of ideas from other branding disciplines to place branding), they are equally restrictive, in the sense that they impose ideas on places that may not be transferable. In this research, managers illustrate a variety of branding metaphors, which correspond with the literature, one of which is personal branding: M13: There are many parallels between city and country branding and personal branding. […] If you decide, “I am going to be a business executive”, well, then you have to dress the right way, you have to learn to speak the right language, you have get in where the people that matter are listening etc. You have to decide what it is that you want to be and start making the changes that are required.

Other informants view place branding through the product branding metaphor (M3 & 4). In this sense, the communications and segmentation process for products and places is seen as analogous: M4: It is the same thing as product marketing. It’s segmenting the consumer market. [...] what is the category? Who are your competitors? What are your competitors doing? Why are people

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travelling? What are they looking for? [and] developing a message to persuade consumers to use your product or visit your brand. It’s exactly the same.

Yet, place branding differs from product branding is terms of ownership (M7, 8 & 17). From a product perspective, ownership resides with the company. From a country perspective, however, ownership resides with the people who live and work within the country, including its businesses, government, citizens and distribution channels (M7 & 8). With dispersed ownership of the place it becomes more difficult to achieve tightly defined branding objectives (M8). In fact, one of the challenges in managing places as brands is that it involves long-term commitment and the appreciation of political complexities:

M8: A nation is about its people, its sounds, its sights, its foods and all of those. So it cannot be a product. It is an emotional project and a very long term one. It has a lot of political sensitivities because you need the political players to assist in the positioning and the perceptions of that country.

The complexities of places and lack of ownership as a brand suggests limitations of the product branding metaphor. The limitations are partly resolved through the service brand metaphor, which is dependent on consumer experiences and social interaction (Warnaby, 2009).

M7: Where I say that a country brand is very similar to a service brand, it is that services are generally impacted by a person’s experience. It’s the experience of the country whether it’s an investor; tourist or the people who live there that really count.

Service branding complements the intangible characteristics of place branding, and the relationships with internal and external audiences (Warnaby, 2009). In fact, the concern of place brand ownership is explained partly by the difficultly in managing multiple stakeholders and a multitude of intangible experiences. As a management informant puts it: M12: Although the national tourism board is responsible for developing the brand around tourism and promoting the country, it does not own any product. That is a tension that we have to manage. So we try to work closely with different products on the ground. We work with hotel

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operators and tour operators etc. because that is where the consumers experience your brand promise.

There are limits to the service brand metaphor. Besides being able to engender a set of experiences and interactions, places are also composed of institutional structures and organisations. The institutional complexity of places involves a portfolio of geographical entities, which envelop each other in a network of political and commercial interests (the so-called Russian doll syndrome). For this reason, corporate branding may be more appropriate to account for complex structures of brands within a larger portfolio (Balmer & Thomson, 2009; Keller & Aaker, 1997; Laforet & Saunders, 2005; van Riel & Balmer, 1997). The most prominent example of the corporate branding metaphor is on the national level. The International Marketing Council (IMC) - a government-led organisation, mandated with addressing the mutual interests of tourism, trade and investment - has the principal objective of marketing South Africa, both domestically and internationally, through the Brand South Africa initiative; an initiative analogous to a corporate brand umbrella.

M7: Corporate branding in this instance would be Brand South Africa. The products would be the industry sectors that you have. So for example automotive, steel or food - that is what you are able to trade with. So those become your products. And your sub-brands are tourism, trade & investment, exports and immigration. But really your products become what you have to offer.

City brands might function similarly to corporate brands in terms of their portfolio of sub-brands.

M14: Johannesburg has hotbeds like Constitutional Hill and the fashion district. That is marketing and branding within the greater scheme of things. I think one thing with the city that we realised is that it consists of many sub-brands. People actually get attracted to various sub-brands [...].

This patchwork quilt makes up the whole.

While there are parallels with the corporate brand analogy in the manner that stakeholders, industry sectors and geographical constituencies unify under a single umbrella, there are nevertheless more critical views. The criticism is directed at the lack of control that a place has over the over management of experiences, stakeholders and industry sectors (M11). However,

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there are still further ways of approaching place branding. Rather than seeing place branding as a corporate brand, managed and owned in a hierarchal manner, the place brand might be viewed as psychological entity, whereby stakeholders contribute-to and are influenced by an overall mindset (M11) – for example, through the creation of goods and services that embody national symbolism.

M11: I think the IMC try to simulate a corporation, and it’s not a corporation, it’s a mind-set. […]

It’s a different kind of thing. You do not have a product to sell. You are selling your consciousness […] I can be a street artist and my graffiti will reflect that consciousness. I can be a fashion designer and my clothing will reflect that consciousness. I can be a furniture designer and my product reflects that consciousness.

Using a different metaphor, M11 explains that place branding is somewhat like open source software, rather than commercial software, because individuals use it and contribute to it, without there being anything “proprietary about it” (M11). The nation brand, according to M11, is not an endeavour to achieve conformity, but rather an evolving entity. The challenge for managers is allowing its audiences “to give full vent” to the brand identity without it becoming diluted, fragmented and ineffectual (M11). The “open source” approach suggests a more accessible understanding of places perceived by the public. In a sense, the open source approach abates the criticism of corporate, product and service branding applied to places: M14: We professionals talk about Johannesburg like it’s a brand; but you can’t talk to stakeholders like it’s a brand. It is a city; it is a place. So branding is, in a way, an overused word.

It’s right and it’s fine; but if you talk to your stakeholders about the city as a brand you will devalue a process. It is a place to live, to breathe and to raise your kids. That is what it is.

In summary, branding metaphors have the ability to both advance and restrict the understanding of place branding. The metaphors advance understanding by offering principles which have a potential application to the management of places. However, they also limit understanding when taken literally - for example, with all the principles of corporate branding transposed to a place branding.

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6.2.2 Realising an Identity Realising the place brand identity is an endeavour to crystallise the ideals and vision of the place over time. In moving from a national to a regional and city level, a debate develops in the findings on the inclusion of place branding sectors and the conflicts between their branding priorities. The initial considerations of South Africa’s place brand identity began with the International Investment Council (ICC), which was constituted by former president Thabo Mbeki in 2001 as a means of developing the nation’s economy and attracting foreign direct investment (SAGI, 2000). The president hosted biannual meetings of the ICC which included his presidency, cabinet ministers, members of the media, and distinguished corporate invitees from both home and aboard.

M2: They would have conversations along the lines of “how are we doing in terms of integration of the global economy? How are we doing in terms of drawing in foreign direct investment?” and it was in relationship to that conversation of “how are we doing in drawing foreign direct investment?” that marketing came up.

Emerging from the discussions of the ICC, the International Marketing Council (IMC) was established with the purpose of creating a “positive and compelling brand image of South Africa” (IMC, 2012). The initial phase was primarily one of ideation. It involved the integration of existing research on South Africa, focus group consultation with local and international stakeholders, and the testing of prospective positioning statements for the country (Johnston, 2008). As part of the steering committee for the ideation process, Unilever contributed their Brand Key from which emerged the brand essence, “South Africa, Alive with Possibility” (M7).

From the brand essence, the IMC sought to align the perceptions and messaging of South Africa’s industry sectors; its public and private sector entities as well as the media- the combination of which would contribute to the development of a comprehensive country brand.

Other geographical scales have followed a similar approach to the nation brand in the search for a common vision which guides future objectives and the development of the place brand (M13 & 14). The process is similar to the development of organisational identities, which involves an ongoing introspection of the identity by its members (Gioia et al., 2000). Interviews with

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management informants show a similar introspective approach to developing place brand identities. M14, for example, suggests that place brand identities develop from a fusion of selfnarratives.

M14: A vision is a story that people tell themselves. And whether that is Google, or Cape Town it’s the same. But, it takes a lot longer […] and there’s a lot less control. And so stakeholder engagement becomes essential. It’s important for any process but absolutely essential for this one.

Finding the identity of a place, however, is not an entirely introspective process. It may also involve some degree of benchmarking with other places. Cape Town compares to cities such as Barcelona, Florence and San Francisco (M5, 13 & 14) in terms of their similar endeavours to attract business and investment to complement their more distinct strengths in tourism. In addition to city and nation branding, there are place identities on a supranational level. One example is the extended invitation to South Africa, in the last quarter of 2010, to join the BRIC community (comprising Brazil, Russia, India and China). However, the invitation presents ambivalent views: M18: On economic rationale, we are not a BRIC and we never will be. So you have to view this invitation as a politically motivated, institutional gathering. So it is not an economic one. We are not going to go there and hammer out trade agreements, investment treaties and so on and so forth. […] our role, really, and this is what we have claimed, is to represent Africa.

In summary, finding consensus and appealing to different stakeholder groups are concerns experienced across geographical scales and industry sectors. In competitive national and international markets, the concerns for the brand identities of countries, regions and cities deepen. The following section considers a discussion in the literature referred to as the Russiandoll syndrome (Hankinson, 2001); that is, multiple identities within the same geographies, or ones closely affiliated, which develop an intra-competitive struggle for recognition.

6.2.3 Multiple Identities While single brand identities evolve through the collaborative efforts of stakeholders within multiple geographical scales and industry sectors, the alignment of multiple brand identities

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presents a different set of challenges. This section begins by looking at the nation brand’s efforts in aligning industry sectors at different geographical scales, as well as the relative acceptance or resistance to these efforts. Furthermore, it addresses the conflict of identities between industry sectors and the efforts to resolve these conflicts. Prior to South Africa’s democratic elections, the country encompassed numerous overlapping objectives from multiple place branding organisations (M7). Part of government’s concern, at the time, was to realign the organisations with a unified purpose.

M2: I think Mbeki took this message saying: “okay, we’ve inherited all these organisations, but they don’t look any different, we’ve got to do something to change it.” So that’s what he was getting domestically. South Africa had to reinvent and rebrand itself.

On a national level, multiple identities occur between industry sectors. Brand South Africa has the role of aligning the identities of tourism, trade and investment under a collaborative umbrella.

The purpose of alignment is to achieve synergy between the sectors so that there is consistent communication in the manner in which South Africa projects itself to international audiences.

The alignment process is a challenging one because each sector has its own brand identity. The tourism industry, for instance, underwent a realignment process with Brand South Africa in 2005. Seeing itself as an experience-based brand, the national tourism board drew from Alive with Possibility the proposition of “possible experiences”. Consequently its slogan changed from “Discover South Africa, rediscover yourself” to “South Africa: it’s possible” (Bowie & Dooley, 2005). However, the degree of control which the nation brand has over the different industry sectors and geographical levels is questionable.

M7: That is probably the most popular conversation happening around nation branding at the moment; whether you need a nation brand or whether you just let your country run and people decide for themselves.

In fact, the organisation responsible for Cape Town’s business brand identity faces a similar dilemma: whether “you try to licence the message and the logo, or just let people use it in the way that they want to use it” (M13). From the perspective of the investment brand identity on a city and regional level there is an acknowledgement of the efforts to achieve alignment through

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the Brand South Africa initiative. However, there is also resistance to the top-down, hierarchical approach of incorporating elements of the nation brand and the brand essence of Alive with Possibility (M5, 8, 13 & 15).

M13: I’ve been through that whole brand key that they worked on. They’ve done huge amounts of research, but there could be more. I think what we need to do is allow each of the cities and regions to have their own identity within that. So if we as a nation are Alive with Possibility then let’s build that Alive with Possibility into what Cape Town is, but then allow Cape Town to be itself within that.

In summary, while being ambitious in achieving a single brand identity for the entire country, there are several difficulties in doing so. The difficulties include the large number of stakeholders involved, the diverse interests of those stakeholders and various socio-political structures that inhibit collaboration (M2, 5, 8, 13 & 15). In addition to achieving a single brand identity there are also multiple identities, sometimes complementing each other and at other times competing with one another for significance and recognition (M13).

6.3

Place Brand Audiences (Consumers of the Place Brand)

This section focuses on the audiences of place branding organisations. Export audiences include consumers of upmarket wine (M1) and specialty food products (M6). In the tourism sector, audiences include business (M3) leisure (M10) and trade (M17). Attention is also given to the differences in place branding scales within the same industry sector; for example investment on a city level (M5) versus a country level (M2). The decisions made by organisations are often informed by market research. The sections which follow therefore consider the characteristics and manner in which tourism audiences are selected.

6.3.1 Tourism Audiences Segmentation of the tourism market is a well-established area of research (Dennis et al., 2010; Odunga & Maingi, 2011) and a practice commonly espoused by tourism boards (Pike, 2004a).

There are two broad areas which seem to encompass managers’ efforts to understand their

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audiences: “the psychology of the user” and “the behavior of the user” (M10). While behavior depicts the outward expressions of consumers in terms of their engagement with places, psychology depicts the consumers’ affective and cognitive opinions. For the national tourism board, the process of segmenting the market begins at a global level before focusing narrowly on specific country markets (M12). The national tourism boards’ market research division distributes information to relevant departments who are then able to make decisions on their chosen target markets (M3,4,8 & 10). South African Tourism (SAT) finds itself appealing to consumer markets who are relatively wealthy and where “the mind-set about travel is an important part of their lives and broadening their horizons” (M12). The research findings from specific markets also assist in developing a methodology for looking at other international markets. It indicates that consumers have usually visited other international destinations before travelling to South Africa (M12 & 17).

M17: South Africa is not a first-choice long haul destination. You’ll find that most people have been to America, Thailand or somewhere like that before they come to South Africa […]. So, we try to tap into markets that have South Africa somewhere on their radar and try and bring it to the top of their minds.

In addition to specific consumer traits, there are also world trends that have a more focused influence on consumer markets. While the consumer data collected at SAT is predominantly quantitative, they also use open-ended questions to explore world trends. One trend is home improvement where consumers “travel the world to buy artefacts for their home” (M12). Another is healthy lifestyles, which influences the foods and types of travel that consumers might seek (M12). Trends also affect the competitiveness of tourism destinations. With the recent economic downturn, the American domestic market contends with South Africa as a travel market (M10).

However, domestic travel is also a precursor for international travel according to SAT, who finds that “a lot of Americans have travelled extensively within the States before they start travelling abroad” (M10). Positioning and packaging the tourism experience is another area where consumer research is significant. Positioning at SAT occurs through the selection of particular images which appeal to each target market.

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M8: We have certain markets that have an interest in leisure and we use images of ‘the animal kingdom’, for example. [...] But there are other images that we use that portray South Africa as a business destination. So we use the airports and the international convention centres to show the country’s infrastructure.

SAT modifies its website material to appeal to the language of each country market. In addition, it considers nuances of national cultures in respect to the product offering:

M10: What works for a French audience may not work for a Japanese audience. In fact, we know that emphatically. It doesn’t work. [...] The Brits for instance are interested in diverse aspects of South Africa [...] The Dutch look at it from a cultural point of view because we used to be a Dutch colony.

On a city level, the focus of managers appears to be on niche tourism markets which correspond to cultural, natural and social elements of the place. Cape Town, for instance, in the decade since the collapse of apartheid, has drawn attention to specialised activities which assist in positioning the city (M16). Examples include its attractiveness as a destination for film production (both commercials and full-length feature films) and its appeal as a “gay and lesbian capital with events that match” (M16). Extending the focus to events also assists in confronting issues of seasonality, which typically occur in the winter months of June-July. In summary, the selection of target markets is based on behavioural, demographic and psychographic variables, as well as the knowledge of consumer trends and traits, which assists in positioning the tourism product across geographic scales.

6.3.2 Business and Investment Audiences Place marketing has a longstanding interest in the use of policies and promotional activities to attract foreign investment to cities (D'Arcy & Keogh, 1999; Gripaios et al., 1997; Sirmans & Worzala, 2003). In contrast, recent place branding literature has focused on foreign investment not only in terms of its markets, but also in the development of a reputable place brand image (Anholt, 2003; Jacobsen, 2009; Kotler et al., 1993; Metaxas, 2009; 2010; Pigman, 2012).

Applications of place branding and marketing principles are seen in the investment decision-

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making of site locations; the links between tourism and investment in relation to site visits; and the phenomenon of international and intraregional competitiveness of places (Cheshire, 1999; Jensen-Butler, 1999). The image aspects of branding are paralleled with investor confidence (Vickers, 2003), while the communications aspects are similar to the policies and incentives used by investment promotions agencies (IPAs) to entice potential investors (Wells & Wint, 1990).

Greenfield investment, or pioneering investment, is important to South Africa because it creates jobs in industries that are significant to economic growth. South Africa, however, seems to be characterised by a fickle investment environment with relatively liquid markets rather than the large-scale FDI projects which the country requires to encourage economic growth (M18). South Africa’s investor market arguably appeals to the “more pioneering, the more adventurous, the more ambitious firms” (M18). M18 compares South Africa’s investment market with the pioneering market that thrived in China during the 1980s.

M18: People who went to Shanghai in China in the 1980s saw it as either a basket case or the next best thing. The ones that saw it as the next big are sitting on their yachts in the Mediterranean, and the one’s that saw it as a basket case are still working nine-to-five jobs. So, it’s that edge; and I think Africa is sufficiently edgy to separate people from those to have the real ability see potential and those who just want to go for a safe option.

There is arguably a relationship between investment and tourism, where some investors find it necessary to conduct site visits in order to become acquainted with a location prior to an investment (M5). The relationship works the other way around as well. A person travelling to a place on holiday may be attracted by the potential investment opportunities of the place:

M7: Business decisions are not always made behind a desk. I may be head of an organisation and decide to come to the World Cup, not because I’m making a business deal, but because I come with my family in a relaxed state and realise that there is opportunity to invest here, and make my investment decision as such.

Investment promotion agencies (IPAs) have the role in facilitating the transformation of a place in terms of its foreign investment appeal. IPAs serve four primary functions: image-building, investor facilitation, investment generation and policy advocacy (Morisset & Andrews-Johnson,

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2004). Activities of image building include advertising, public relations, events and the generation of favourable news stories through negotiations with journalists. However, the ability of IPAs to change the image of place is viewed tentatively in the literature (Papadopoulos, 2002).

As one informant suggests: M2: I’ve come to learn that there is a big gap between investor perceptions and media headlines.

Investors are obviously influenced by media headlines, but sort of dismiss most of them. […] But if there is a government coming in which is going to abandon inflation targeting and go on a sort of spending spree, then they’re very interested, and are likely to take early avoiding action.

An IPA’s role in policy advocacy includes finding ways to remove barriers to foreign investment (Morisset, 2001; Morisset & Andrews-Johnson, 2004). Place managers, however, find it challenging to persuade governments to create stable economic, social and political environments that are attractive to investors. Commenting on an investment promotion campaign for telecommunications across the continent, one informant describes the following: M11: We were saying to governments, do us a favour; create predictable environments for investment. Sort out your policy issues, sort out your regulatory framework let people come in there and invest in your country. Then we were saying to multinationals, ‘go on, take on Africa as a Greenfield opportunity’. Look at the huge opportunities out here. So, we were doing the sales job for Africa to these multinationals that, up until now, were looking at Asia, and Europe and bits of South America, and Africa was just a Greenfield opportunity that had been taken up.

In summary, there are links between investment and other sectors. Trade is perhaps the most overt link with respect to export-orientated FDI. However, there is also a dynamic between tourism and investment (through site visits) and immigration and investment (through employment and skills transfers). The findings assist in contextualising the relationship between investment and place branding, with some insights into investment audiences.

6.3.3 Goods of Origin Audiences The trade relations between countries affect the selection of target audiences in the exports sector. M6 relates a story of a recent trade visit to Argentina and Chile for the promotion of

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speciality food goods from South Africa’s Western Cape region. While Chile appears interested in importing speciality goods from the Western Cape, the lack of free trade agreements between Chile and South Africa is unfavourable. Like tourism audiences, export audiences are influenced by global trends. M1, from the national wine promotion agency, suggests that one of these trends is a concern for health and wellness in relation to food and beverage products. One way of guaranteeing the quality of goods is through indication of origin.

M1: Authenticity and provenance are issues that I think are, at the moment, becoming increasingly more important to the British consumer in particular, but to other consumers as well.

They are tired of food scares. They are tired of their kids having allergies. [...] They want to know that their food comes from somewhere genuine, somewhere authentic.

Authenticity in the sense that M1 uses it refers to provenance. That is, knowing where consumer goods are produced and whether they adhere to high quality standards. M6 shows a similar interest in the upmarket consumer segments and the organic and natural appeal of consumer goods exports. In M6’s case, the export is speciality food goods.

M6: For things like specialty foods, you are speaking to upmarket clientele. It is people who have large disposable incomes and are interested in things like, “Is it organic?” “Is it natural?”

Another trend that is important for exports is an understanding of the changing demographics of markets. For example, M5 claims that the USA has a wine consuming market between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-five. Changing demographics are likely to influence a variety of branding objectives used to reach this audience. Similarly, M6 indicates a growing interest from the USA student market for speciality foods.

M6: Studies have shown that there are many students […] buying the spices and sauces from all over the world, going home, and making their own Thai dish, bobojtie, or whatever it is. So, this is just lately, it’s no longer becoming the choice of the elite, or the ones with high disposable income.

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Finally, there is the promotion of exports through country of origin labelling. In 2009, the South African plum industry launched its first joint campaign with an industry partner to promote South African grown plums to the UK market (IMC, 2010). The campaign was given to a UK specialist agency in agricultural marketing and was jointly funded by South African government.

M2: This is the first joint venture between an industry association (the plum growers association) and the government of South Africa. It is using the Brand South Africa logo to promote the sale of plums in Tesco and Sainsbury’s, ASDA and Morrison’s. It incorporates it with the destination.

So you get people to eat more plums and as a result of that they get warm and fuzzy about South Africa.

In summary, the promotion of goods to export audiences occurs as both a one-to-one (business) and one-to-many (consumer) approach. The ability to promote goods is affected by trade agreements between countries (M6), international trends (M1), consumer preferences (M6) and the emotional attachment of place in the sales of goods (M2). Management’s endeavour to understand their consumer audiences illustrates interest in a construed external image of places.

6.4

Construed External Image

While the previous chapter considers the affective and cognitive image of consumer informants, this section considers managers’ attempts to understand the image of their consumer audiences as a “construed external image” (Dutton & Dukerich, 1991). The three types of construed external image discussed in these findings are the normative image and the emotional and functional brand facets of places.

6.4.1 Normative Brand Image Normative images, as described in the literature review, are the simplified, publicly held images of places and the individuals, corporations and cultures within them (Anholt, 2010b; Echtner & Ritchie, 1991; Mayo, 1981; Relph, 1976; Um & Crompton, 1990). Normative images are comprised of aspects of stereotypes – mental heuristics based on simplified beliefs and ideas that “our culture has already defined for us” (Lippmann, 1922:81). One particular form of normative

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image in what Anholt (2003) refers to as the continent effect - stereotyping a group of individual countries as a collective whole. The continent effect is prevalent where countries share similar characteristics, or in close proximity to one another (O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2000).

Individual places influenced by the continent effect find it difficult to negate the views of outsiders (M2 & 11). An event occurring in one place, which represents a dominant association for the continent, can spill over and affect the other countries as well. For example, the political crisis in Zimbabwe may contribute negatively to the perceptions of South Africa, or Africa as a whole (M4). The oppressive regime of Robert Mugabe and South Africa’s quiet diplomacy towards it creates a negatively perceived association between these two countries.

M7: I think it is always unfortunate that South Africa has to suffer a continental view by the rest of the world. I think the onus is on the African states that are not doing well to push across. I think it is sometimes unfair for the world to expect all of us to move at the same pace. The reality is that we are all working off a very difficult base. […] We are probably more in the limelight than Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia. So they are judged less harshly than we are.

International media may act to propagate the continental effect by reinforcing common stereotypes that represent a group of countries rather than each individually (M2,3 & 12). The challenge for countries in Africa striving towards economic progress is that the normative image of the continent “trades at a discount to reality” (M11). African countries may seek to close the perceptual gap (M11), but it is difficult to deny a stereotyped image of Aids, Crime and Poverty, because it holds true for the majority of the continent (Shisana, 2009; M3). The difficultly is contextualising the stereotyped image (Anholt, 2005b). While branding may assist in reimagining the continent, it is not a panacea (M11). One of the principal issues with the continental effect is the brand differentiation of individual countries. While South Africa promotes game viewing as one of its top tourist attractions, other destinations besides South Africa offer similar experiences. Tourists may find it difficult to differentiate South Africa’s game viewing from that of other African countries:

M10: If you look at this image of the giraffe with a sunset, for instance, and you ask people in Europe “where was this photo taken?” you find that in terms of perception, people are either

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getting us confused with Kenya or Tanzania. [....] So we are really working hard at trying to get the associations right in terms of our imagery.

The continental effect may influence some audiences more than others. M9 suggests that the British audience tend to know comparatively more about individual aspects of South Africa than the American audience. Other managers express the need to educate audiences, so that they understand the differences between the country as a single entity and the continent as a whole (M1, 2 & 8).

M8: Cholera is in Zimbabwe, not South Africa, but the world does not necessarily know the difference between Zimbabwe and South Africa. So we have to manage perceptions. That is why there is this constant messaging about our country, where we are and what we do, the images of the country, the infrastructure, the economic development and the success. It is a non-stop process of education until we make a sale.

Finally, in some cases the continental effect seems to work in favour of countries. For example, a heightened social awareness in international markets may encourage the consumption of goods of African origin. M6 describes how retailers in the United States have capitalised on the trend of purchasing African goods.

M6: They actually made India the hip lifestyle in the US and now they are doing it for Africa, which is nice. […] During the festive season, we did a large Africa promotional drive in their stores – lots of publicity, lots of television; things that we would not be able to pay for.

Where the continent effect concerns individual countries treated as a collective in terms of their characteristics and events, there are also normative images functioning within countries, regions and cities. Often these stereotypes are self-reflective assessments. For instance, the literature emphasises a view that “in so far as it thinks of itself at all, Cape Town thinks of itself as a tourist city” (Bickford-Smith, 2009:1764). From a management perspective, the augmentation of Cape Town as a tourist city has arguably detracted from its appeal to business and investment (M12,13 & 15):

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M15: I think Cape Town is often caricatured. One is not often too hung up about these things. But I have lived and worked in Johannesburg, Pretoria and Durban and, because it is associated with going on holiday, Cape Town is sometimes seen as a large Hermanus – a place where you go for the weekend or on holiday.

Historically, Cape Town has focused on the appeal of its natural environment in positioning itself to tourist audiences, the so-called “fauna and flora approach” (M3). M15 feels that in the process of fauna and flora positioning, many of Cape Town’s social and political circumstances have been ignored.

M15: It was a way of airbrushing out the social issues of apartheid, poverty and all the things that went with that. So come here, notwithstanding the townships or what’s happening out there; “come and see the beaches and see Table Mountain”. Many people quite happily did that and it was obviously unacceptable and led to huge amounts of resentment. It is completely inauthentic.

To some extent, and for different reasons, it has carried on. It has been easy to carry on.

Specific audiences may develop stereotypes for places. For example, there is a suggestion that Cape Town has been stigmatised as an unfriendly place to live and work by black working professionals (M13) – an immigration target audience.

M12: Cape Town struggles in that it has a very positive image internationally and a very negative image nationally, especially amongst the black population. Cape Town is seen as a racist, segregated, separate, white dominated, unfriendly place that you do not want to go to. [...]

Companies that belong to our organisation, almost without fail, have had a serious issue with not being able to attract black professionals.

Stereotypes also relate to place politics. For example, South Africa’s lack of involvement with Zimbabwe may portray a view internationally of a government that is complacent about humanitarian issues and what is happening in its neighbouring states (M10). This in turn might affect other areas of the economy such as investment (M2) and tourism (M10). Stereotypes might also focus on the local people of a place. An example is an annual parade held in the city of Cape Town called the Coon Carnival, also known as Tweede Nuwe Jaar. The carnival is a colourful minstrel parade celebrated by Cape Coloured community and watched by residents and

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tourists alike. According to M15, The Coon Carnival has become a simplification of Cape Town’s cultures and features prominently in brochures and marketing material to promote the city.

M15: It is a complete caricature. It is not that the Coon Carnival itself is not a strong and authentic symbol. I do not have a problem with it per se. But Cape Town’s culture cannot be reduced to the coloured people painting faces and marching through the streets on New Year’s Day.

Some stereotypes might have a positive influence on places. Nelson Mandela, for instance, projects humanitarian values that are synonymous with post-apartheid South Africa.

M8: In our situation, we have not abused the Mandela brand. We have associated him as South Africa’s father of the nation. It has worked well for us because he is a well-respected leader and we can legitimately claim what he represents.

In summary, South Africa is partially influenced by international sentiments of the African continent as a whole and partially by the characteristics, events and people within the country.

The sentiments of Africa are generally negative which affects each country. In some cases, marketers have tried to educate audiences about the characteristics of the individual countries (M1, 2, & 8). In other cases, such as the sales of exported goods (M6), marketers may benefit from the continental effect by appealing to consumers who are more socially conscientious in their purchases.

6.4.2 Emotional Brand Facets Brands have both emotional and functional constituents which allow consumers to “enrobe themselves with brands, partly for what they do, but more for what they help express about their emotions, personalities and roles” (de Chernatony, 1993:178). Still, the separation between what places do (functional value) and how they assist consumers in expressing themselves (emotional value) is not always distinct:

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M12: For example, “fun” is a more emotional aspect, and you would look at “warm welcoming people” as a functional element to it. […] but that is where the difficulty comes in. I want to meet warm, welcoming people – that is more of a functional component. But, to say that the destination is “friendly”, that could be an emotional link too.

There is indeed a difficulty in separating the emotional and functional characteristics of places.

Nevertheless, some informants argue that emotions are developed through visiting and experiencing places (M2,4 & 9). The emotional experience of places encourages an enduring consumer interest, which perhaps leads to other forms of place brand engagement.

M2: It has been part of the progression, certainly in the last few years and certainly under the previous CEO, that the warm and fuzzy emotional side of the place was seen to be a very important part of the South African brand. When anybody goes to South Africa for the first time, it affects him or her emotionally. You know, let’s not put it too strongly as if to say they come back changed human beings, but they certainly come back engaged in South Africa. Either they want to return, or they cannot get it out of their mind.

There are ambivalent views held by managers on consumers’ emotional response to places. For example, one informant argues that the British have a “romantic relationship with South Africa” (M2) which relates more generally to a view of colonial Africa. However, another informant argues that the British market’s love for South Africa and Africa in general is from a “social responsibility angle, the desire to do-good” (M3) rather than a more genuine love held by its citizens. Still, emotions have an important role in place brand communications: M8: We are selling an emotion. We are selling our people, our food, our sights, our flowers, our mountains, our rivers. We are selling our history, Mr. Mandela. We are selling our success as a nation. So those are things that make people want to visit here. Because when they visit here, they will walk away with something of value. It might be intangible, but it is something of value.

Nevertheless, the use of emotion in place branding is not as simple as listing place related attributes. M17’s suggestion is to combine different experiential elements to enhance the emotional connection with the place.

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M17: Ultimately, you can eulogise. You can write a list of superlatives for every country. For South Africa, you might say wonderful beaches, wonderful food and wonderful scenery. The next month it will be Australia wonderful beaches etc. So I always try to add a personal touch to it. For example, when you say to people that you have wildlife and safari, you ask, “can you imagine sitting at a waterhole having a wonderful meal and an elephant wanders by?” It is that kind of marketing which I think is important. So you need to add that emotional pull and identify why it is slightly different from somewhere else.

The suggestion, it seems, is that the emotional appeal of places may be useful in brand differentiation if the appeal is appropriate. For instance, in the appeal to foreign investors, managers may find it difficult to convince the chairman of the company that South Africa is suitable investment destination based on its tourist attractions and amicable locals, because the sentiment is likely to be “so what!? How much profit am I going to make?” (M5). However, if that sector of interest is tourism and hospitality then the considerations of the natural attractions and emotional appeal may be important to the end user (M5). Considering the tourism sector, M17 elaborates on the contextualising of the emotional appeal, suggesting that affinity towards places needs to be existent for branding to have an effect: M17: You need to add that emotional pull and identify why it is slightly different from somewhere else. People generally attach themselves emotionally to brands anyway - even subconsciously, they do it. So it’s very difficult when you’re marketing a destination because you can’t physically bring it to them. They have to want to go to it.

To conclude, emotion has a significant role in place branding, albeit not consistently throughout all place branding sectors (M5 & 7) and with some caveats in its application (M17). However, in management’s endeavour to explore the emotional appeal of place brands, it may mean, “going back to the emotion and taking the politicians hat off”, as one informant puts it (M13).

6.4.3 Functional Brand Facets According to de Chernatony (1993:179), “functionality relates to the brand’s ability to satisfy consumers utilitarian performance needs in a given situation, through physical and service attributes”. The functional appeal occurs, for example, in the promotion of wine (Beverland,

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2005a; Hojman & Hunter-Jones, 2012). An informant from the national wine board argues that South African wine is differentiated based on terrior – the specific geography and soil conditions from which the flavour of the wine derive.

M1: We can prove this through the biodiversity of our plants. We believe that that is why you can get such complex and different flavours. You do not have a uniform flavour profile running through our wines.

In M1’s description, the complex flavours of the wine relates to performance attributes of the place of origin (de Chernatony, 1993). Origin additionally has a functional role in distinguishing the originality and provenance of exported goods. Commenting on the export of speciality goods of origin, M6 suggests that the goods are “differentiated by what is authentically South African.

So it’s not made with ingredients from anywhere else but the country from which it originates” (M6). Tourism also includes functional attributes. The purpose of travel may be functional, such as travelling for business purposes (M7) or for medical reasons (M2). Although even within leisure travel, there are functional attributes, such as the geographic location of the place relative to international time zones, or considerations of health and safety and exchange rates (M3).

However, differentiating a place solely in terms of its functionality has limitations. Competitors can easily copy the lists of attributes that places claim to be unique.

M16: It becomes harder and harder to create unique things, because everybody catches up. When we were promoting Cape Town as the gay and lesbian capital, nobody was. Now everybody is.

So everything catches up and you have to be one step ahead. So you have to understand the trends and how to position wellness tourism or health tourism. Is that the next big thing? If so, then how do you use it?

In the appeal to an immigration audience, for instance, functional characteristics may be a prerequisite for satisfying consumers’ performance needs (in terms of the amenities and public services the place offers). The emotional and iconic value of places may be a necessary, but insufficient condition for consumer audiences:

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M15: We have an advantage in that our city is recognisable and iconic - but then so what? What is the quality of education? What is the quality of the workforce? What is the quality of our four universities? Are they contributing to the economy? What is quality of our administration and our infrastructure? We are not very good at selling that at all - in addressing the problems within that as part of an economic strategy.

M14 provides a similar suggestion to M15 in terms of the concerns that potential immigrants may have in moving to South Africa.

M14: What do you want from cities? Well, one of the first things is health care – that has to be good. Education for my kids has to be good. That is where internationally we are way down.

In summary, the functional side of the places becomes particularly important when assessing its credentials – for example, in making investment or immigration decisions. Concerns about the health and safety, education, quality of the workforce, infrastructure, government, the economy and returns on investment all constitute a functional side of places. Nevertheless, the reputations of places is not compartmentalised by audiences into emotional and functional categories. As the next section illustrates, the emotional and functional appeal combine in various modes of expression.

6.5

Modes of Expression

The brand communication strategies used by professionals vary in terms of place branding sectors, geographical scales and target audiences. Modes of exposure include communication methods such as digital media, one-to-one relationships, large-scale events and “showcasing” (smaller-scale events, exhibitions and in-store promotions) and media in the forms of print and television.

6.5.1 Digital Media Digital media has facilitated the transformation of various modes of communication into an interactive network – not a single, homogenous network, but one defined by specific audiences

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(Castells, 2010:356). Networks of information, rather than moving in a single direction (marketer-to-consumer), function in multiple directions (marketer-to-consumer and consumer-toconsumer).The stories told in networks develop a quality of instantaneity in their delivery and reception (M13). Informants from this research have noticed a change in communications from traditional print and television advertising (M2,4,6,7,8 & 9), to the use of new digital media platforms. Some of these platforms include audio-visuals (streaming video (M15) and podcasts (M17) ), websites (corporate websites (M1,6,10,12 & 17) and micro-sites (M10 & 17) ), online documentation (digital itineraries (M10) and corporate publications (M2,3,9 & 10) ) and social media networks, such as Facebook and Twitter (M7,13,15 & 17). Digital media requires a longterm communications strategy, which includes the sourcing of digital suppliers and specialists, the segmentation of audiences, the use of content and an understanding of architecture supporting digital media, such as how to “drive traffic to a website” (M10). An informant from the national tourism board explains the interest in digital media succinctly:

M8: What has happened over the last year has been a shift from traditional marketing to digital communications with the use of more interactive ways of advertising our destination. It is more cost effective and we can check our returns on investment quicker.

Websites act as an important extension to the service offering (M9) and the corporate image of marketing organisations (M1). In the tourism sector, websites serve to package place related products (such as accommodation and transport) into a single offering for the visitor (M16).

They also serve as links to micro-sites, which are web pages that function as an auxiliary to the primary website (M17). Extending the reach of brand communication with micro-sites allows managers to collect data, and track the navigation of consumers in their search for information online (M10). As M10 suggests:

M10: You are essentially trying to build bridges from the main site to the campaign sites and from the campaign sites back to the main site. So very quickly, you can see, “oh, this person is visiting our site from an email sent by a friend inviting them to join a competition”.

In addition to the use of websites, informants describe how traditional print publications have developed an online equivalent (M2 & 10), in line with the digital media trend.

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M2: There has been a shift now in the IMC’s approach to international marketing; moving away from print spend and towards online. So we have pulled back on a lot of the country marketing ads. We are now going into a broader range of online publications, the online edition of the Economist, the online Fortune and Time magazine.

Perhaps the most recent development in digital communication is the use of social networking media. South African Tourism (SAT) is exemplary of an organisation committed to understanding consumer engagement and learning of place-related information online (SAT, 2009b).

M10: Our E-marketing strategy is a set of guiding principles […]. With technology emerging we need to pay attention to what consumers are doing and how they interact, engage and consume that kind of information. So we do a lot of research in terms of when do people make their travel choices? How long does it take them to research online? What is affordable? What is within reach? We try to get that information to them as quickly as possible.

One method for facilitating the development of stories is encouraging influential individuals to visit places and provide personal feedback to selected target audiences. M10 discusses the use of audio and video podcasts (digital editorials) as part of a tourism trade campaign: M17: We had podcasts done by a famous journalist based here, which people could download and listen to. We filmed the people on the trip and edited it. So it creates word-of-mouth where tour operators hear their own colleagues saying that they had a great time, and they believe them. And it’s easy to do. We also had photographs of them all enjoying themselves, and then a section for them to download and share their own experiences of South Africa – so a blog section.

In spite of the advancements and recognition of the importance of digital communications (M1,6,9,10,12 & 17), the adoption by managers appears gradual. Some informants comment on the difficulties in understanding and using digital media (M15 & 16).

M15: We have been trying to understand the latest advances in digital branding and understanding that you cannot control it anymore. [...] We need to move much more into SMS

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marketing rather than just relying on a website. We have to get into digital video, which we haven’t quite cracked yet. [...] So we are trying to learn as fast as everyone else.

In summary, while there are some barriers to the adoption of digital media (M15 & 16) there seems to be a noticeable transition towards it (M1,6,9,10, 12,15,16 & 17). Social networking sites (M7,13,15 & 17), for instance, offer management professionals alterative, indirect methods for reaching their audiences. While some of the digital media still involves direct communication from corporate websites, micro-sites (M1,6,10,12 & 17) and online publications (M2,3,9 & 10), others such as the hosting of audio podcasts (M15) and digital videos (M17) are indirect, allowing enthusiasts of the place to act as advocates to respective consumer and trade audiences.

6.5.2 One-on-One Relationships In contrast to a more detached means of communicating through digital media, another mode of expression in place branding involves cultivating relationships with significant individuals.

Direct communication with prospective consumers assists in establishing trust and commitment (Morgan & Hunt, 1994). The findings illustrate various uses for developing one-to-one relationships with consumers across various modes of engagement. One informant, speaking from an investment perspective, considers the relative importance of maintaining relationships with the media: M2: The areas which I’ve worked in since I’ve been here has very little to do with pure marketing and a lot to do with strategic intervention with the media and building relationships with senior media people over here. It’s about giving advice when they’re doing a survey on South Africa; connecting with people; discussing the framework; suggesting stories and building a relationship.

One-on-one relationships have an additional use in influencing significant individuals in specific areas; for example, journalists and wine writers in the promotion of wine (M1). Established oneto-one relationships are also useful in negotiations with investors who are more sceptical of mass media communications (M2). Building personal relationships with consumers is of greater cost to the organisation per individual, and so managers may need to consider the appropriateness of this mode of expression. For example, an informant communicating to business clientele in the

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sector of goods exports finds it more appropriate to use a “one-to-many approach when it is a very small company” (M6), but with large and medium-sized companies she prefers to use a more personal one-on-one approach. The approach, in essence, is determined by “the size of the company” (M6). The same is true for investment promotion, where one agency has a team dedicated to “retention and expansion” of its existing clientele (M5). Maintaining close relationships with clientele and speaking to investors one-on-one has the additional advantage of expanding business opportunities and establishing further contacts.

M7: If you treat people as individuals, you begin to realise that there is a lot more than meets the eye. A sector such as crane construction allows you to gather investors in transportation too. Take the Gautrain, for example, where we have French assistance. They might decide that this is a great opportunity to move the rail industry forward and they want to invest here. It is little links like that which hopefully build up to something.

One-on-one relationships are useful in achieving specific objectives (M2 & 7), for example, establishing relationships with media personnel (M2), forming and increasing a portfolio of business and investment contacts (M2 & 8) and communicating specific information to trade personnel (M17).

M17: A large portion of front-line sales consultants have not yet been to South Africa. They have exactly the same perceptions of South Africa as the ordinary consumer. They find it difficult to piece together a fourteen-day itinerary from scratch. So, the idea is to take them out to South Africa so that they experience what their clients are experiencing, and so that it’s easier for them to sell.

Without trade, another informant notes, it is difficult to reach the consumer (M3). Establishing one-on-one relationships ensures that intermediaries are “well-equipped to sell South Africa” (M17). As South Africa has become more widely featured amongst large tour operators, the national tourism organisation has become more focused in choosing agents who achieve the organisation’s objectives:

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M17: We now identify people who talk to our objectives. One is volume, so we go from a couple of big volume drivers. Another is foreign direct spend, so you obviously look for good value clients and talk to some of the upper-end tour operators. Distribution is also important so that the whole country benefits, so you will talk to the slightly smaller specialist operators who can sell the Northern Cape and Limpopo, rather than just the Western Cape.

In summary, one-on-one relationships are relevant across place branding engagements, with variations on the relative importance of clientele. More influential, larger intermediaries and suppliers may have priority over one-on-one relationships with those less influential, or those less in line with place branding objectives.

6.5.3 Events and Showcasing Events are a platform for the potentially positive media coverage of places. Among the topics of discussion in the literature are major cultural events (Nobili, 2005); sporting events (Chalip et al., 2003; Xing & Chalip, 2006) and international conferences (Pritchard & Morgan, 2009). In recent years, South Africa has hosted several major sporting events including the IRB Rugby World Cup (1995), ICC Cricket World Cup (2004), and the FIFA Football World Cup (2010).

An informant responsible for the tendering South Africa’s candidacy for the FIFA 2010 bid provides a synopsis of the campaign involved: M11: For seven years, our company travelled around the world and did the content for the bid.

The messaging, the slogans, the brochures, the presentations, the speeches, the videos all came from these offices. It was just the most amazing journey. For a big part of this, the image you want to present for your country is not by proclamation, it’s by deed.

Deed (action and accomplishment) over proclamation (unsubstantiated communication and rhetoric) is important to place branding. The most visible accomplishment of the 2010 FIFA World Cup is the legacy of infrastructure that it left for South Africa (M16). In addition to sports stadiums, the infrastructure includes airports, highways, railways, bus transits and extensive upgrades to its fibre optic networks – the digital highways that bridge South Africa’s to other parts of the world (M5, 7, 16 & 17).

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M5: It is not doom and gloom for South Africa, to be honest. We are not as hard-hit as the rest of the world by this financial crisis. Our infrastructure spending is currently a big plus on the economy [...] so when I go to a meeting with foreign investors and say, “we are upgrading the airport etc.”, those things definitely count.

Still, an increased interest in places may have negative implications. Among the concerns are the “displacement effect” of regular visitors (M16), the safety and security visitors (M7 & 16) and the lack of capital investment in areas where it is most needed (M16). Managers understand that “2010 is not the be-all and end-all of our branding” (M7) and that there are other events to capitalise on before and after the World Cup (M17). They are also aware of the uncertainty in predicting benefits accrued from the World Cup because of the prevailing economic crisis (M16). M5, commenting from an investment perspective, suggests that investors realise that the World Cup is a “one-off event” and may tend not to overemphasise its importance. From a tourism perspective, where seasonality is normally an issue (M3 & 16), the sudden increase in visitors to the event may deter those who usually frequent the destination (M16). Therefore, in addition to major events, managers may also find the need for smaller-scale exhibits, or showcasing. Examples of showcasing include tradeshows (M2, 5, 6 & 13), road shows (M17) exhibitions (M3) and in-store promotions (M1 & 6). Showcasing allows managers to differentiate the goods and services that their places offer. As one informant describes it: M8: In branding our country, we want to know what the world is doing, so we can showcase ourselves. We do not want to be like Australia, we want to compete with them. So we want to shift our focus to differentiate ourselves.

Showcasing occurs across industry sectors. It includes both tangible displays such as wine (M1) and food goods (M6) or intangible displays, such as the launch of a new tourism website at a national trade exhibition (M10). Displaying different aspects of the place allows managers to attract specific consumer markets. An example is Cape Town’s annual Design Indaba, an event which displays the city to an audience of young, innovative, talented people (M13) - a target group referred to in the literature as the creative class (Zenker, 2009). In showcasing the place managers may include a combination of different elements. An example is South African Tourism and Wines of South Africa’s joint hosting of Colours of a New Day festival - an annual

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open-air event held in London which features South African crafts, exhibitions, music and wine.

Places are additionally showcased through in-store-promotions where consumers are able to sample export goods (M6). Another type of showcasing is road shows where managers travel to several venues within a single trade visit. M17, for example, describes the combined showcasing of the tourism offerings of South Africa’s nine provinces to various venues within Britain: M17: We have done Manchester, and we have done Leeds. London is a given and then we try to do two others and rotate them year-to-year. It is very generic. It’s provinces doing twenty-five minute presentations on their destination.

In summary, managers express the value of both large-scale events (M3,5,7,16 & 17) and smaller-scale showcasing (M2,5,6,10,13,16 & 17). Where events have a broad influence in communicating places, showcasing involves a display of more focused place-related features to consumer audiences, in an effort to encourage further interest and engagement.

6.5.4 Print and Television Advertising Advertising is one of the more pervasive modes of expressing places. This section focuses particularly on television and print advertising. The findings suggest that advertising is used by the majority of national marketing organisations (M2, 4, 7, & 8) although less by organisations on a regional or city level (M12 & 16). The restricted use of advertising by regions and cities is perhaps explained by the limited budgets that their destination marketing organisations have to communicate internationally (M15 & 17). The channels used by national marketing organisations, however, tend to have an international reach. For example, M4 claims that the national tourism board “communicates on global platforms such as CNN, Sky, National Geographic, BBC World, CNBC Africa, News Corp, Fox and ESPN”. Marketers responsible for investment on a national level claim to use similar international advertising platforms (M2). The collaboration between investment and tourism on a national level allows these organisations to use advertising in the interests of the country as a whole.

M7: We use advertising. It obviously depends on what our other partners are doing. If for instance, we are on CNN and the national tourism board is on CNN, we would avoid going on at

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same time. So we would sit and decide who goes when and which story each organisation has to tell - whose story is relevant.

Advertising using print and television is expensive, so it is important for the organisations to choose media that meets specific objectives. For example, in the lead to up the 2010 World Cup, the national tourism board describes working with media channels such as Euro Sport.

M8: We have a deal with Euro sport for the Football World Cup 2010 and the Confederations Cup. We want to use events like 2010 to attract people to our country. So we are leveraging 2010 and we are using this channel to show the destination.

South African Tourism, which uses networks such as BBC, CNN, ESPN, Euro Sport and Sky, has specific objectives which are aligned with each channel. As M9 explains: M9: Apart from seeing a South African Tourism advertisement on Sky, we also sponsor the weather at times because it is pretty cold in Britain during January and February […]. We also have a global deal with National Geographic. So we advertise in their publications.

While print and television advertising may be effective in some markets such as leisure tourism, it is often avoided due to a limited communications budget (M16 & 17). Moreover, there are sentiments which illustrate scepticism towards advertising in markets such as foreign investment (M2).

M2: When you’re in the media you tend to think that that is all that matters, everybody runs their lives according to newspaper headlines. When you’re out of it you realise that people sort of glance at it. Investors have other sources of information. They have direct sources. Some of these big institutional investors have, for example, mining researchers who are incredibly well informed - way beyond any newspaper. They are on the phone daily.

The principal issue with advertising is that it usually presents an intentionally positive perspective of the place, which investors treat incredulously:

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M18: International investors know that the government is always going to give you the positive view. You see these adverts on CNN “invest in Bosnia, it’s an amazing place”. So obviously, government’s mandate, the IMC’s mandate, is not a neutral one. The IMC’s mandate is to present only a positive picture. Investors mandate is to say, “Where’s the bad stuff? And is the bad stuff bad enough for me to not want to invest?” So I think that investors will discredit that overwhelmingly positive thrust, unless they are very naïve, which, generally-speaking, they are not.

In sum, advertising is an expensive medium and so the channels of communication are usually chosen with very specific objectives in mind – for example, a sports channel to promote the World Cup Football. National level organisations seem to spend a large part of their international budget on television and print advertising (M2 & 7). Comparatively, city level organisations find advertising an expensive medium that tends to exceed their communication budget (M17).

6.6

Chapter Summary

This chapter explores the process of place branding from a management perspective. The chapter is comprised of four themes, derived from selective coding which encompasses the management of place brand identities: the place brand strategy, place brand audiences, the construed external image of managers and the modes of expressions that managers use to appeal to consumer audiences. Place brand audiences relate to discussions in the previous chapter on modes of engagement. Managers take an interest in how consumers engage with places and construe the socio-psychological processes affecting their engagement. The construed external image is comprised of three interrelated processes: normative brand image (the simplified, publicly held images of places and the individuals, corporations and cultures within them) and emotional and functional brand facets (two principal concepts in branding which directly correlate with cognitive functions). In addition, there are modes of expression for communicating places as brands, which include digital media, one-on-one relationships, large-scale events and smaller scale showcasing; and finally, print and television advertising. The two findings chapters achieve in combination an illustration of two different perspectives in place branding. The following chapter discusses these two perspectives in the interest of advancing an understanding of the negotiation between them.

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Chapter 7: Discussion

7.1

Introduction

According to Ooi & Stober (2010:69), authenticity is an inherent issue in place branding, and yet there appears to be divergent and unresolved interpretations of what authenticity means in this context. Authenticity has been depicted, in one sense, as a corrective to the commercialised and socially constructed reality of place branding (Knudsen & Waade, 2010:1). From this view, place branding is seen as a means of capitalising on aspects that are genuine and objectively authentic to places (Chhabra, 2012:449). Place brand identity (the place and its characteristics) are viewed as the authentic essence, while the place brand image (the perception of the place held externally by consumers) is treated as a “superficial surface” (Gran, 2010:23). This objective view of authenticity criticises the foundations of place branding - the attraction of profitable audiences using brand strategy and other management techniques (O'Donovan, 2004:30). However, the objective criticism of branding is misleading. Brands have a different kind of authenticity – authenticity as a process in which meaning is attributed and constantly negotiated. Brands borrow from objective authenticity, for instance, in emphasising the origin of goods or corporate heritage. Similarly, existential authenticity becomes part of branding by highlighting the experienced and emotional qualities of brands. Constructive authenticity therefore incorporates existential and objective authenticity and acts a “a social construction of the other two types” (Cohen & Cohen, 2012:1295).

This thesis advances the understanding of authenticity in place branding by exploring the relationships between two perspectives: the external image of consumers and internal identity of management. Four objectives are set. The first is to engage in a review and synthesis of the literature on authenticity and place branding in order to create a conceptual framework to underpin the research (a combination of Chapter 2 and 3). The second is to apply a critical case study research strategy to a single country in order to explore the discourse of authenticity within the context of place branding (the development of the research design in Chapter 4). The third is to explore consumer and management perspectives in place branding in relation to concepts of authenticity (completed in the data presented in the Findings Chapters 5 and 6). The final

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objective, which is the focus of this chapter, is to propose a model, which integrates the discourse of authenticity into the theory and practice of place branding. In completing this objective, it is necessary to return to the conceptual framework and to consider how it assists in interpreting the findings (see Figure 7.1).

Central to the conceptual framework is an ostensible chasm between consumer and management perspectives in place branding. Viewed through the lens of constructive authenticity is a tacit negotiation between these perspectives. What this means is that while consumer and management perspectives in place branding are distinct, they constitute two co-dependent parts of place branding. A place brand without an appeal to consumer audiences is reduced to a logo or visual identity (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005). Without management, it is a perceptual entity without strategic guidance (Blichfeldt, 2005; Tasci & Kozak, 2006). Understanding the contrasts and correlations between image and identity is therefore imperative to this study. The headings and subheadings found below the conceptual framework in Figure 7.1 (which are the selective codes from Chapters 5 and 6) are arranged to the left and right of the conceptual framework.

While these two sets of findings are distinct, there are some similarities between them, indicated by arrows. Modes of engagement depict four principal areas in which consumers interact with places - the purchase of goods of origin, interaction in business and investment, visits through tourism, and extended interactions through immigration. These four modes coincide with place brand audiences (Anholt, 2003) and relate partially to the audiences which management informants intend to attract. In the case study, one exception is immigration which does not appear in the strategic objectives of South Africa’s nation brand, but is found extensively in the consumer findings. Another is business and investment, where management interest is predominantly at an institutional level, whereas the consumer informants describe their business and investment activities from an individual perspective. Tourism and exports are perhaps the most comparable findings between consumers and managers since managers in these sectors show interest in both business-to-business and business-to-consumer audiences.

Another comparison between the management and consumer findings is between modes of expression and modes of exposure. Consumers seem to learn about places primarily through modes of exposure (particularly modes which are interactive and discursive rather than those

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which are rhetorical). These modes of exposure include interpersonal relationships (discussions with friends, family and work colleagues), experiential learning (through various modes of engagement with the place) and mediation (learning through books, newspapers and other forms of mass media). In South Africa’s case, sport is a primary source of consumer learning. The consumer interviews illustrate interaction with South Africa through the playing of sports, watching televised sports and the experience and attendance of sporting events within South Africa. In the management interviews the modes of expression concentrate on digital media, oneon-one relationships, events and showcasing, and print and television media. Across these platforms there is an interest in reaching consumers through authentic narratives (story-based mediums and word-of-mouth). Managers, realising the importance of word-of-mouth, describe it as a more credible means of communication than deliberately induced forms of communication such as print advertisements or television commercials.

In the lower half of Figure 7.1 management construes the emotional, cognitive and normative images of consumers. However, their views of the place brand remain detached from the way consumers perceive it (de Chernatony, 1997:101). In terms of place brand strategy, there are psychological processes involved in conceptualising and realising the brand identity. However, consumers and stakeholders do not typically perceive places as brands. Plainly put by one management informant: “if you talk to your stakeholders about the city as a brand you will devalue a process. It is a place to live, to breathe and to raise your kids. That is what it is� (M14).

Consumers, rather than compartmentalising their feelings and opinions of places as multiple brand identities, freely associate places with information that they acquire from various modes of exposure. Treating places like compartmentalised, hierarchically managed corporate brand entities conflicts directly with what places mean to the audience managers intend to attract. This conflict calls for a different manner of conceptualising place branding.

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Figure 7.1: Overview of the Conceptual Framework and Findings AUTHENTICITY (Chapter 3) Objective Authenticity (Of objects) A static approach to authenticity characterised by specificity of origin, objectivity and the preservation of culture and heritage.

It infers a clear distinction between authentic and inauthentic events and objects.

Constructive Authenticity (Of social construction)

Via

A dynamic approach to authenticity characterised by the process of negotiating the meaning of an entity between two or more groups of people. It involves stereotypes, nostalgia and the incorporation of existential and objective attributes.

Existential Authenticity (Of self)

Via

A liminal approach to authenticity characterised by individuality, innovation and creativity. It is determined through experience, emotions and self-reflection.

In Place Brand Image (Consumer perspective) Places function as brands through three types of perceived image:   

Cognitive (thoughts) Affective (feelings) Normative (public opinion)

PLACE BRANDING (Chapter 2) There exists a chasm between consumer and management perspectives in place branding. Within this chasm is an interpretive negotiation of what a place means from either side. Constructive authenticity therefore frames how two perspectives (consumers and managers) might negotiate the meaning of places as brand entities.

Place Brand Identity (Management perspective) Places function as brands by projecting their identities towards consumers with concern to:   

Sectors of Engagement Identity Elements Geographical scales

FINDINGS (Chapters 5 and 6)

Modes of Engagement

Place Brand Audiences

Goods of Origin Business and Investment Tourism Immigration

Consumer Goods Business and Investment Tourism

Modes of Exposure

Modes of Expression

Direct Experience Interpersonal Ties Print Media Sport

Digital Media One-on-One Relationships Events and Showcasing Print and Television Media

Affective Response Socio-psychological

Management Findings

Strategic

Interface between the two Perspectives

Place Brand Strategy

Romantic Attachment Sense of Fear Sense of Hope

Conceptualising the brand identity Realising the brand identity Multiple Identities

Cognitive Response

Construed External Image

First Impressions Social Aspects Psychical Aspects

Normative Brand Image Emotional Brand Facets Functional Brand Facets

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Source: Author

Strategic

Behavioural

Consumer Findings

7.2 A Model of Authenticity in Place Branding The proposed authenticity in place branding (AIPB) model (Figure 7.2) draws together the findings from the previous two chapters, but with specific emphasis on the use of narrative in building the place brand identity and communicating it with consumers (Hildreth, 2010). Place brand image represents consumers, collectively and individually, in terms of three sociopsychological functions: their opinions, feelings and publicly held views of places. These three functions form through various modes of engagement and exposure, which involves a degree of interpretation on the part of the consumer. Through research and tacit knowledge, managers develop a construed external image (an approximate understanding of the image, exposure and engagements of their consumer audiences). The feedback function from consumers to managers is a form of negotiation. It involves managers learning about what their places mean from a consumers’ perspective and adjusting the appeal of their communications in accordance with that meaning.

Three existing place branding models stand in contrast to the AIPB model proposed. They are Hankinson’s (2004) Relational Network Brand (RNB) model (Figure 2.4); Hanna & Rowley’s (2011) Strategic Place Brand-Management (SPBM) model (Figure 2.5) and Govers & Go’s (2009) Three-Gap Place Branding (3-Gap) model (Figure 2.6). The three models are comparable in the sense that, like the AIPB model, they propose a holistic view of place branding. The RNB and SPBM models acknowledge brands as perceptual entities, but neither considers image as a central component. In fact, Hankinson (2004:118) criticises the image perspective for its narrow focus, while Hanna & Rowley (2011:471) argue that brand experience “subsumes brand image”.

The RNB and SPBM models differ from the 3-Gap model, which incorporates affective and cognitive image but ignores the influence of normative image (public opinion). The critique of place image in the RNB and SPBM models seems to lean towards image as a set of idiosyncratic attributes, while overlooking a rekindled interest in the cognitive, affective and normative images of places as a dynamic set of processes (Rakić & Chambers, 2012). The latter aligns with the view of place brand image interfacing with place brand identity in a process of narrative construction (Torkington, 2011). An understanding of the affective image in place brand consumption, noted by Govers & Go (2009) as lacking in place branding research, is one of the contributions of this thesis.

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The choice of place brand audiences is another consideration in the AIPB model. Management’s selection of audiences and modes of engagement (the audiences involved) are two counterparts.

Hankinson (2004:112), in the RNB model, rather than emphasising audiences, instead highlights the importance of a web of relationships between stakeholders. The AIPB model tends to align more with Govers & Go’s (2009:46) suggestion that the product offering of places, including “tourism, trade, talent (migration) and treasury (investment) should be part of the place brand strategy and linked to its identity”. The proposed model and the SPBM model meet in the suggestion of engagements, but with alternative meanings. This research refers to consumer engagements, whereas the SPBM model refers to stakeholder engagements (management).

Another aspect of the AIPB model is construed external image – an organisational term borrowed from Dutton et al. (1991; 1994) - which refers, in a place branding sense, to what management believes consumers think of their country, city or region. It is a feedback mechanism (one of formal research and tacit knowledge) in informing place brand strategy on the nuances of consumer image, place brand engagements and the selection of target audiences.

The SPBM model includes this mechanism under the title “evaluation”, which refers to processes that are undertaken in gathering feedback on brand image and experience (Hanna & Rowley, 2011:465). However, in the AIPB model, the construed external image (the understanding of consumer audiences) assists the entire process of place branding. It contributes towards conceptualising the brand identity; the realising the vision for each individual place brand identity; addressing the multiple identities on various geographical scales and sectors; enabling decisions on the narratives of place brand identity; and informing various modes of communication. In agreement with Hanna & Rowley (2011), the AIPB suggests a continual assessment of past, current and future place branding activities.

Place brand strategy is a principal component of the AIPB model. Hanna & Rowley (2011) argue for the necessity of including stakeholders as partners in the brand strategy. They also note, however, that “stakeholders may actively resist branding initiatives if they are viewed as artificial or lacking credibility” (Hanna & Rowley, 2011:466). Place brand identity in all three of the models is viewed as an enduring and concrete entity- the creation of an anchor (Govers & Go, 2009:41), a core (Hankinson, 2004:115), or an essence (Hanna & Rowley, 2011:469). The

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SPBM model’s emphasis on brand architecture, for instance, proposes that place brand managers “should consider the existing inventory of brands to determine the driver role that each brand plays in influencing consumer intentions” (Hanna & Rowley, 2011:469). In the application of corporate brand architecture (Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2000b) countries such as Britain (Hall, 2004), New Zealand (Morgan et al., 2002a; Morgan et al., 2003b) and South Africa (Bowie & Dooley, 2005; Prayag, 2010) have used a brand essence to align multiple place brand identities under a single master brand (usually a government agency for a nation, city or regional brand).

The issue with brand essences (and the brand architecture it intends to induce) is that there is an oversimplification of the intricacies and stories of the place in order to achieve conformity in communicating a single, memorable brand message. Places are complex, multifarious entities and differ greatly from the comparisons of single products with simple messages (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005). This creates a paradox where, in an effort to communicate a single, uniform message for places, the message loses its meaning and resonance among audiences.

The reduction of places to brand essences is problematic for both internal stakeholders who find difficulty in relating to them and external audiences – the consumers of the brand – who may fail to interpret the place in management terms. Corporate branding research, realising this issue, has sought alternative metaphors for conceptualising places as brands. Van Riel (2002:157), for instance, suggests that corporate communications are orchestrated through sustainable narratives – a corporate story – which is a “dynamic entity invented and reinvented by the permanent interaction between external and internal stakeholders”. The purpose of management, in this sense, is to understand, improve and embellish upon the corporate story, as well as to express novel stories which are told with credibility (Anholt, 2010d; Hildreth, 2010; Van Riel, 2002). In place branding research, Hildreth (2010) proposes four narrative steps in re-branding places on various scales. The steps are, firstly, to identify the current, prevailing story of the place; secondly, to decide what the story could or should be; thirdly, to find new and better ways to tell the story directly as well indirectly; and finally, to “make a story stronger, more true and easier to spread” (Hildreth, 2010:30).

As an adaptation of Hildreth’s (2010:30) suggestions, and in relation to the consumer and management findings, the AIPB model includes four strategic management functions. The first

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requires an understanding of existing narratives (the stories told about places through mass media and public opinion). The second is a decision by managers on the aspirational narratives that they intend to tell their audiences. The third is an expression of narratives through communications and policies. The final function involves interpreting narratives held by not only by consumers, but also the management informants themselves as part of the construal of consumer image and engagements. To enhance the AIPB model, this chapter concentrates on three constituent parts of the bridge between consumer and management functions: place brand image (section 7.3), place brand engagements (section 7.4) and place brand identity (section 7.5).

The remaining components in Figure 7.2, (construed external image, place brand strategy, modes of exposure and place brand audiences) are from the findings chapters. They serve as support to bridging the various components of the AIPB model, rather than treating each as standalone sections. Throughout the discussion, authenticity is explored in terms of consumer and management perspectives. While authenticity features as a discussion within in each component of the model, there are also suggestions of authenticity functioning between each component; for example, in the interpretation (constructive authenticity) between management’s modes of expression and consumer’s place brand image. In addition to the two interview datasets with consumers and managers, supplementary data sets provide additional support for the model, as depicted in the Methodology Chapter in Table 4.3.

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Figure 7.2: Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) Model

Authenticity of origins (objective), experiences (existential) and mediation (constructive)

Place Brand Image

Negotiation of authenticity

Place Brand Identity

Place Brand Engagements Consumer Goods Business and Investment Immigration Tourism Normative Image Collective thought

Cognitive Image Cool thought

Affective Image Hot thought

Modes of Exposure

Expression of Narratives (The stories to tell and the modes of telling them)

Aspirational Narratives (The stories we aspire to tell)

Existing Narratives (Our current stories)

Direct Experience Interpersonal Ties Print Media Sport

Construed External Image

Place Brand Strategy

Place Brand Audiences

Normative Brand Image

Conceptualising the brand identity

Consumer Goods

Emotional Brand Image

Realising the brand identity

Business and Investment

Functional Brand Facets

Multiple Identities

Immigration Tourism

Source: Author

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7.3 Place Brand Image: Collective Opinion, Cool Thought and Hot Thought This section draws on the consumer findings of cognitive and affective response and the management findings on construed external image. The subtitles - hot thought and cool thoughtderive from cognitive psychology and serve as metaphors for these two types of consumer response (Thagard & Kroon, 2006). Hot thought draws on branding concepts with humanistic connotations such as brand community (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001), brand experience (Schmitt, 2009) and brand love (Batra et al., 2012a). Cool thought, in contrast, draws on notions of brand associations – the set of place-related associations which consumers hold in memory (Keller, 1993a:2). Collective opinion is a term used with the intent of incorporating views on public opinion (normative image and stereotypes) and the notion of collective consciousness – the shared beliefs and sentiments of society (Giddens, 1994:xvii). This section begins with collective opinion, which is particularly significant to place branding because it underscores the generally held views of the consumer market.

7.3.1 Normative Image: Collective Opinion The collective opinions of places are condensed normative beliefs about their landscapes, people, politics, values, and relative economic and social well-being (Anholt, 2010b; Fombrun & Shanley, 1990a; Halbwachs, 1992). Like corporate reputations, the reputations of places are externally perceived, largely outside of the direct control of managers, and take time to coalesce in the minds of observers (Anholt, 2010c; Fombrun & Van Riel, 1997:7). Normative beliefs of different valances share similar characteristics to brands in terms of their clarity, distinctiveness, simplicity and memorability (Anholt, 2010b; de Chernatony, 1993). That places are normative and function like brands has stimulated interest in the topic of place branding (Anholt, 2003; Anholt, 2010b; Ham, 2001; Roulac, 1999). The normative construct sets the groundwork for the country-of-origin effect – the view that place reputation transfers from a country to the goods associated with that country (Iversen, 2008; Papadopoulos & Heslop, 1988; Papadopoulos, 2002; Torelli & Ahluwalia, 2012). Normative image is a construct that instils interest in visiting places with iconic tourist attractions (Culler, 1989; Gertner, 2007). Furthermore, national stereotypes act as subtle cues in terms of employment and business interaction (Kotler & Gertner, 2002:42).

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The findings in this research contribute to the understanding of what Anholt (2007) calls the continental branding effect. The continental branding effect holds that where the perceived differentiation of a group of countries is low, negative perceptions will transfer to the entire group (Anholt, 2007:122). In this thesis, the interest is in how the normative image of South Africa extends perceptually, beyond the periphery of the country, to include associations and comparisons with the African continent. According to van Wijk et al. (2010:156) Africa has two dominant perceptions in the minds of international audiences. One is an overwhelming perception of “corruption, violent conflicts, hunger and disease”, while another “conjures up views of wide open spaces, nature and wildlife, ready to be discovered by the adventurous tourist wishing to visit the past” (van Wijk et al., 2010:156). The former draws on the metaphor of the Dark Continent (C11) (Conrad, 2005; Jarosz, 1992; Stanley, 1878; Theroux & Dietz, 2003) - an impression of a remote, overly exotic and unpredictable place with concerns for personal safety.

Consumers’ views on crime, corruption, disease and poverty (C1,3,4,5,7,9,10,11,12,16,18 & 19) are constituent parts of the Dark Continent metaphor.

The normative image of Africa has a resounding influence on South Africa. The country is comparative with other African countries in terms of its goods of origin, business activities, politics and people. Africa is a primary reference point, which consumers use to contextualise their opinions of South Africa. For example, there are views that South Africa’s business philosophy is more African than European (C5); that the wine industry is part of European heritage rather than being “authentic to Africa as a whole” (C5) and that issues with land ownership in Zimbabwe instil in the minds of foreign investors the possibility of similar events occurring in South Africa (C9). Each of these views reinforces the idea of South Africa in the context of Africa. Normative views, however, need not be negative. Cape Town is viewed in one sense as a European or Westernized version of Africa, adding appeal and a comfortable slant for foreign visitors. Expressed as a sense of brand loyalty in tourism, one informant describes how Africa has become a “little bit of an addiction”, inviting repeat visits to African countries of which South Africa is a beneficiary (C11). Where artwork and creative goods purchased from South Africa “come across as African” (C6) or resemble “something of Africa” in terms their design and cultural imports (C7), it creates market potential from which management informants believe South Africa can profit (M6 &11).

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The literature on stereotypes presents a different facet to the understanding of normative images.

People are fondly attached to stereotypes and are reluctant to change them (Hilton & Hippel, 1996). Without normative views, individuals would be constantly revising their opinions of cultures, people, organisations and places, without the ability to make decisions or share opinions about them (Anholt, 2010a). Normative images are likely to hold some degree of credibility. In fact, if it were not for incidents of violent crime, AIDS and poverty in South Africa, it is unlikely that the stereotypes would exist at all (George, 2010; Super, 2010). The problem with stereotypes, however, is not their general truth at any point in time, but rather that they have an overwhelming presence that overarches specifics about places, even where the stereotypes do not conform to reality. A consequence of stereotyping, as one management informant puts it, is that places “trade at a discount to reality” (M11). For example, tourists concerned about crime are likely to not only to avoid certain high-risk areas of Johannesburg, but to avoid visiting Johannesburg or South Africa altogether. Similarly, individuals and institutions informed in news reports of violent crimes committed against fellow European executives in South Africa are less likely to consider the country as a place in which to conduct business (C9, M2, M19 & M20). As one management informants puts it:

The key challenges faced in relation to potential investment in Africa is the phenomenon of Afropessimism which is based on stereotypes and pre-conceived notions of Africa as a continent plagued by military coups, ethnic conflict, famine, disease and under-development. The Afropessimists can’t see beyond the continent’s challenges and tend to dismiss the revival structures and efforts as “too little, too late”.

In spite of its largely negative media coverage, South Africa has received a level of international attention disproportionate to its actual position as a middle-income emerging economy (van der Westhuizen, 2003). This accomplishment derives largely from South Africa’s successful transition from apartheid – a normative image which illustrates some novel applications of stereotyping. Knowledge of apartheid occurs across all of the consumer interviews, without exception. The stereotype exemplar model – the notion that stereotypes are personified by specific individuals (Hilton & Hippel, 1996) – adds nuances to the apartheid norm. Nelson

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Mandela is typical of the exemplar model. The charismatic persona of Nelson Mandela is received with admiration and reverence by international audiences (Lodge, 2006; van der Westhuizen, 2003). Informants from this research describe Mandela as the angelic hero of the anti-apartheid movement (C4 & 5), alongside fellow Noble Prize laureate, Desmond Tutu (C5 & 13). The ideal of the new South Africa is further captured in a photograph of François Pienaar shaking the hand of Mandela at the 1995 Rugby World Cup – signifying a union between black and white races (C19) and an early sign of a democratic, non-racial South Africa. While exemplar stereotypes act as signs or indictors for the relative well-being of a country, they may also serve as metaphors for understanding and interpreting views on particular place-related events. However, the projections of the exemplar model do not always cast places in a positive light. The brutal murder of David Rattray – a raconteur of the Anglo-Zulu war, who shared a close affiliation with communities of British nationals – is an exemplar of the state of crime in South Africa (C5, 10 & 19). Where normative images of places represent public opinion, cognitive impressions become significant as consumers become more involved and interested in learning about places.

7.3.2 Cognitive Image: Cool thought According to Knudsen & Waade, (2010:2), the view that consumers acquire, use and interpret place-related information relates to indexical authenticity – “a view of the place as the real thing”. However, while consumers may venture to enrich their views of places, the findings suggest that the actual process is more subjective and social than purely objective and indexical.

This argument is more in line with the view that “geographical entanglements, among other dimensions of brand equity […] provide a multifaceted, rich and pliable source of attributes and associations” which in turn imbue places with authenticity as collections of distinctive values and meanings (Pike, 2009:624). The “real thing” begins as a normative image (a collective thought) and this normative image of place is gradually eroded as more nuanced perceptions of places align with the particular interests of consumers. Experience may even create boundaries of consumption where places become more compartmentalised and spatially secluded entities, governed by the individual’s interests and what they know. For instance, experienced consumers in this research visit the parts of South Africa with which they are familiar, while holding a

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broader conception of what the place is or means – the aspirations of its people, it political ideals, its historical facts and its contemporary values.

The acquisition of place-related knowledge is similar to the notion of brand image, which Keller (1993a:2) defines as “the set of associations linked to the brand that consumers hold in memory”.

Place branding research has considered brand associations (Pike et al., 2010), but with limited practical applications (Cai, 2002). To further contribute to this discussion, this thesis draws on Alba & Hutchinson’s (1987) distinction between novice and expert consumers (terms which reflect their familiarity with the brand and its associations). Increased familiarly results in increased consumer expertise. Experts typically seek a greater variety of information because they have higher awareness and interest in that information. Using what they already know about the place as established points of reference, they embellish upon that information as new information is acquired (Alba & Hutchinson, 1987). The consumer informants in this research are predominantly in the expert rather than the novice category. Eighteen of the twenty informants have visited South Africa more than once – the most extensive interaction being fifty visits over a period of twenty-five years. Seventeen of the informants have interacted with South Africa in two or more areas of consumption - including business, tourism, goods purchases and immigration. This extended knowledge of the consumer informants is therefore useful in understanding the process of brand associations. One example is the area of wine where the consumers are involved not only in the purchase of wine, but also in visiting the vineyards where “you can see it, you can taste it […] you can kind of breathe in the air” (C3). Experience of the vineyards becomes authentic in the aura sense through exposure to the full panoply of brandrelated stimuli (Batra et al., 2012a; Esch et al., 2012).

This case study of South Africa suggests that consumption of places are cognitively and spatially framed as a type of social barrier whereby consumers engage only with a selected set of places, or certain parts of places, while consciously avoiding others. Illustrating this point, one of the consumer informants, discussing his impending first visit to South Africa, suggests that he would “rather buy a book on Mandela than traipse out to see what would be the grim reality” of Nelson Mandela’s former prison cell on Robben Island. This deliberate avoidance of certain parts of the

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place creates a bubble in which tourists seclude themselves from the foreignness of the host environment (Cohen, 1984:378). The tourist bubble is a term used to describe spaces within cities that are perceptually, socially and psychologically secluded from peripheries where crime and poverty is prevalent, or at least presumed to be (Jaakson, 2004; Judd, 1999; Newman, 2002).

Social seclusions are engineered by local authorities to engender feelings of being shielded from the outside, while being safe from within (Ioannides & Timothy, 2009). The protective barriers which confine and isolate tourists are partly institutional, partly physical, and partly psychological (Jaakson, 2004).

While the bubble metaphor is largely associated with mass-tourism, these findings extend its importance to independent travellers (C11, 18 & 19), business travellers (C9), immigrants (C8 & 9) and consumers of place-related goods. In their search for healthy, organic and socially responsible goods, consumers engage in purchases at the expense of those goods that do not comply with these standards (C13). Similarly, the boundaries of consumption coincide with South Africa’s historically artificial boundaries, which separated different races. While the racial boundaries of apartheid no longer exist, economic boundaries are still present as a residue of those divisions, geographically separating poor black communities from relatively affluent white ones. Tourists traveling to South Arica tend to socialise with like-minded individuals (C11) and rarely engage with people outside of those inner-circles. South Africa may be unique in terms of its historical associations, but there are other places internationally which have bubbles where people travel and live with a degree of comfort and luxury in the knowledge that “behind the walls there is poverty” (C4). One example is the so-called Green Zone in central Baghdad, originally a military term for a secured area of the city, which is known colloquially as “the bubble”. As one informant describes it, “it is a bit like in the old days where most people didn’t go to Soweto. […] you were in a sort of white cocoon” (C9).

In South Africa’s case the physical evidence of the bubble is seen in the proliferation of gated communities, electric fences and walls protecting private properties from the presumed risk on the outside (Lemanski, 2004; 2006). Gated communities are secured enclaves that create a sense of exclusion and residential segregation (Low, 2001): a phenomenon found in other places as well, such the United States (Blakely & Snyder, 1997), the United Kingdom (Atkinson & Flint,

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2004) and various parts of Latin America (Coy & Pöhler, 2002). The social construction of consumption barriers – termed variously as bubbles (C11 & 18), cocoons (C9), enclaves (C8) and oases (C1) – are relatively easy for consumers to transcend. In knowing that they are staying within a bubble (C8) and seeing a relatively affluent, comfortable side of the place with familiar social surroundings (C5), consumers are tempted to seek the unfamiliar. Tourists at private game reserves who are used to seeing animals from the safety of guarded vehicle (C17) find opportunities to speak to game rangers about their own personal experiences. Similarly, visitors and immigrants find opportunities to talk to local residents “about life outside the bubble” (C11).

From an immigration perspective, one informant describes how socialising with freelance journalists in Yeoville (a suburb of Johannesburg) and “hanging out in the townships” allowed her to absorb experiences that went beyond the “sterile Northern Suburbs side of Johannesburg” (C8). Moving beyond the bubble is a manner of broadening horizons and developing a different view of the world (C8). It might be seen as tantamount to seeking and perhaps finding MacCannell’s (1973) backstage authenticity – at least in the sense of personal achievement.

Moreover, moving beyond the bubble allows for a self-reflective stance on the individuals’ life and living circumstances; a detachment from a comfortable nanny-state mentality and the feeling of relinquished responsibility – “not been able to do anything for themselves anymore” (C16), in contrast to places which are perhaps less protective of individuals, but offering more freedom as a consequence (C10). Yet another significant aspect of cognitive bubbles is the feelings they evoke - for example, feelings anxiety and fear. Fences (C3, 11 & 13), security gates (C11), high walls (C11) and private security create what Ellin (1997) terms an “architecture of fear” – a socially constructed and objectively reinforced sense of anxiety. Moreover, the social construction of anxiety means that it is contagious and transmissible to foreign investors, visitors and people looking to purchase property in South Africa.

7.3.3 Affective Image: Hot thought Studies on emotion have engendered substantial interest in management research (Finn & Chattopadhyay, 2011; Voronov & Vince, 2012). Among these are studies on happiness, and its effect on society (Ignatius, 2012; Morse, 2012; Stearns, 2012), the projection of feelings towards material possessions (Sirianni & Lastovicka, 2011), as well as the conceptual formalisation of

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brand love (Batra et al., 2012a). The consumer is an active agent in the consumption of meaning, and because of this self-authored volition, consumers might be considered to engage in existential consumption (Elliott, 1997). Previous studies have explored how the existential components of authenticity relate to emotions and perceptions of the consumer (Kolar & Zabkar, 2010:5). In this research, the findings suggest that while emotions have an existential component, they also relate to constructive authenticity in terms of consumers’ shared sentiments towards places. Cognitive psychology labels the mind’s involvement in elated experience as hot cognition (Redlawsk, 2002) or hot thought (Thagard & Kroon, 2006). Emotions, in essence, have a ubiquitous role in tinting experience (Tuan, 1977:8) and providing an “indispensable colour to our lives” (Lazarus, 1991:19). Places might be considered as sensorial anchors, linking consumers’ emotions to the events, landscapes and people within them (Trnka, 2012:46). Tuan’s (1974) topophilia, for instance, describes affective bonds that form between people and places, while Urry’s (2007) romantic gaze depicts an intimate, semi-spiritual relationship between people and places. To advance the discussion in place branding-specific literature there is a need to move beyond the purely theoretical discussion to empirical studies in emotional-based consumption of countries, cities and regions (Smith & Darlington, 2010). While studies have considered emotional attributes of place image (Elliot et al., 2011; Torkington, 2011), there is still a need for an enhanced understanding of the concepts and processes of emotions in place branding (Rakić & Chambers, 2012).

Hot cognition (emotion) may assist in understanding the choices between liking or disliking certain places – as well as the attachment or detachment that follows from it (Bowlby, 1969; Hidalgo & Hernández, 2001). The psychology literature suggests that “one cannot be introduced to a person without experiencing some immediate feeling of attraction or repulsion” (Zajonc, 1980:153). Anholt (2003:133) remarks similarly that communication in place branding is like trying “to chat to someone in a crowded bar. In effect, you walk up to somebody you’ve never met, and you have a few seconds in which to convince them that you are worth getting to know better”. This liminal process of emotion is captured by one of the consumer informants who finds the clearest analogy of liking and disliking places in the interaction between two individuals: “you are either repelled by them or very attracted to them […] regardless of the fact that you know that they can be really badly behaved sometimes”. These descriptions transcend the

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rational weighing emotional valances to decide whether to like or dislike places. Instead, they are opinions that resonate with consumers on an emotional level, which draws attention to the conceptual discussions of brand love.

Where topophila depicts strong affection for places, the topic of brand love presents various degrees of emotion in commercial settings (Albert et al., 2008; Albert et al., 2012; Batra et al., 2012a; Fournier, 1998; Sirianni & Lastovicka, 2011). Discussions tend to draw from the psychology literature, and particularly Sternberg’s (1986) triangular theory of love, consisting of passion (a hot sense of romance and physical attraction), intimacy (a warm sense of closeness and connectedness), and decision commitment (a cool sense of mutual agreement to maintain love). Sternberg’s (1986) triangular theory argues that by seeing love as component parts, it can be expressed in ways that are tenable across contexts, without conflating one type of love with another. In a consumption context, authors tend to draw on all three aspects of Sternberg’s (1986) theory, emphasising some characteristics while seeing others as peripheral (Albert et al., 2012:2). Love can be expressed as the “strong affective ties” between consumers and their brands - reminiscent of warm intimacy (Fournier, 1998:364), while the “extremely positive attitude toward a specific brand” suggests aspects of passion (Albert et al., 2012:2). Some of the principles which enrich the concept of brand love include passion-driven behaviours (a visceral desire to use the brand and interact frequently with it); self-brand integration (the ability of the brand to correlate with the consumer’s individual meanings and values) and positive emotional connections (imbuing the brand with authenticity in the sense of kinship, or an “old-friend” bond) (Batra et al., 2012a:14).

The findings from this research illustrate both correlations and discrepancies between the consumer and management perspectives on strong, positive valence emotions. There is a large degree of consensus by managers that emotions have an imperative role in place branding (M2, 3,4,8,11,12,14 & 17). As one informant puts it, consumers “attach themselves emotionally to brands” (M17) – echoing a similar quotation from the literature where consumers “enrobe themselves with brands, partly for what they do, but more for what they help to express about their emotions, personalities and roles” (de Chernatony, 1993:178). Another informant considers place branding as an “emotional project and a very long-term one” (M8). While nationalistic

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sentiments relate closely to brand love – in terms of the love one has for their own country (M8 & 11) - the tendencies of outsiders to feel similar sentiments are somewhat overlooked. One informant describes place branding as having a “warm and fuzzy emotional side” (M2), while another sees emotions as a requisite counterpart to the functional aspects of branding (M12). A third argues that the problem with emotions in place branding is that it is viewed as a “list of superlatives”, which are easily copied by competitors (M17). The problem, it seems, is a division between them and us – between managers on the one side of the brand attempting to appeal to consumers on the other. In this dichotomy is the assumption that emotional valances are distinct on either side. As one management informant puts it: “their love for the country is from a social responsibility angle […] whereas ours is a much deeper love” (M3). The consumer findings suggest, however, that this is not necessarily true and that a deep love for the place is quite possible from either side, particularly for those who have engaged extensively with a place.

To consumers, love of the place occurs in various degrees. In Sternberg’s (1986) decision commitment sense, it appears as one informant’s experience of an African sunset. Although “it sounds very romantic”, she claims that it resulted in the decision to return to the country - a warm commitment to return, rather than a hot passion-driven attraction (C16). In contrast, other consumers display emotions felt viscerally - for example the description of something about South Africa being “in my blood, in my bones […] and even as a non-South African you can feel that” (C9). In this sense, there is an enduring optimism for the country in spite of its challenges – a love that counterpoises pessimistic outcomes. There are also examples of self-brand integration (Batra et al., 2012a:14), where consumers love the place in the sense that it correlates with their lifestyle. For example, one informant claims that what she loves about holidays in Africa is a desire for wide-open spaces. It is the sense of space in South Africa that attracted her to the country in the first instance, and continues to attract her (C11). The same informant suggests that Africa has become a “little bit of an addiction” and that it takes little to draw her back. This expression is somewhat closer to Tennov’s (1999) notion of limerence – the experience of being in love, and the attachment or draw towards the loved person or object. These and other positive emotional connections ensure an enduring commitment and loyalty to the place brand - a type of old-friend bond.

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A final aspect is nostalgia, which is noticeable in the consumer findings, although neglected from the discussions on brand love. It is a view of authenticity deriving from the fascination and longing for the past (Goulding, 2002; Holbrook, 1993; Holbrook & Schindler, 2003; Lowenthal, 1985); for things found elsewhere “in other historical periods and cultures, in purer, simpler lifestyles” (MacCannell, 1973:3). The concept of nostalgia adds particular significance to consumption experiences (Holbrook, 1993). Individuals travel to places that provide them with opportunities for exploring their roots, family heritage, or a preserved past unaffected by modern society (Lowenthal, 1985). The findings suggest that nostalgia in a British consumer context is developed, in part, by the continent effect (Anholt, 2003) - the view of Africa as a whole rather than South Africa in particular. The “romantic attachment to Africa”, as one of the informant’s puts it, “is a feeling that many traditional Brits have, which is to do with the colonial past”. This sense of nostalgia is described in terms that are familiar to the branding lexicon – a romanticism aspect of South Africa that British consumers want to “attach themselves to” (C19) or a love of Africa not solely confined to South Africa, but rather to Africa as a whole (C11 & 13). In combination, the normative, cognitive and affective images of consumers draw them towards various place brand engagements, or acts of place consumption.

7.4 Place Brand Engagements: Acts of Place Consumption Authenticity and consumer goods is an extensively researched topic across contexts and categories of consumption. Contexts of consumption include brand subcultures (Alexander, 2009; Beverland, 2009; Beverland et al., 2010; Brown et al., 2003; Dickinson, 2002; Gilmore & Pine, 2007; Leigh et al., 2006; Thompson et al., 2006), irreplaceable possessions (Grayson & Shulman, 2000), and the counterfeiting of luxury brands (Gabrielli et al., 2012; Wiedmann et al., 2012). Categories of consumption comprise luxury wines (Beverland, 2005a; 2006), souvenirs (Harkin, 1995; Littrell et al., 1993), local foods (Boyne & Hall, 2005; Lu & Fine, 1995; Sims, 2009; Tellström et al., 2006; Zukin, 2008) and eclectic market offerings (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010; Grayson & Martinec, 2004; Kelly, 2003; Mason, 2011). Within the extensive discussion on authenticity and goods consumption, there appears to be a gap in the literature on the authenticity of goods within a place branding context.

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This section focuses on the concept of brand meaning (McCracken, 1986; Merrilees et al., 2012), which it relates to the aura of authenticity that exists between goods (as the object) and consumers (as the individuals perceiving those objects) (Benjamin, 1968c; Brown et al., 2003; Rickly-Boyd, 2012). An early suggestion in the branding literature is that consumers purchase goods not only for what they do, but for what they mean (Levy, 1959:118). Social and subjective meaning is drawn from culture and society and transferred to consumer goods (McCracken, 1986; Mick, 1986). The consumer has a central role in affixing and interpreting the meaning of goods (Belk, 1988). To a certain extent the consumers’ possessions act as extensions of their selves, and a means of self-expression (de Chernatony, 1993:178). Benjamin uses the term aura in reference to a transfiguration from the object to the subjective experience of it (Arendt, 1968:5). A book to a collector, for instance, is more than a printed text, it also has explicit traces to its previous owners thorough marginalia, stains, threadbare pages and blemished cover sleeves (Smith, 2003). These details are seen by the collector “not as dry, isolated facts, but as a harmonious whole” (Benjamin, 1968b:64).

The findings from this research illustrate the aura of authenticity in both categories of durable and perishable goods. Durable goods include collectable artworks, dinnerware, clothing and souvenirs; and the perishable goods include locally produced items such as food and wine. South African clothing, the findings suggest, are purchased aboard not only because of their functional value of being hardwearing and reasonably priced (C15), but because the origin of the clothing resonates with the consumer as an emotional purchase (C10). In the latter instance, the value transferred is from nation-to-good, as if the nation were mirroring its normative image directly onto the good. It is a different situation from one where place-of-origin goods develop positive category associations; for example, Italy being famous for pasta and pizza, or France for its perfume brands, where the brands profit by residing within a well-known category (Anholt, 1998). In the case of the emotive purchase, the relationship is not place-to-category-to-good, but simply place-to-good. It is the place functioning directly as a brand, or what Maheswaran & Yi Chen (2006) term nation equity. Still, the place does not always work in the favour of the good.

A place bearing a negative valance in a goods category may restrict purchases within that category. One consumer informant, for example, suggests that while she thinks of Johannesburg as a “sophisticated, fast moving place”, she would not purchase an imported handbag brand from

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Cape Town, because it is perceived as being “less sophisticated and cheaper” (C7).This statement is indicative of the place functioning directly as a brand and acting on the intention to purchase. The following sections consider three specific categories where the findings offer sufficient contrasts and comparisons to enhance the understanding of place consumption in view of authenticity. The categories are durable goods (through an illustration of art), perishable goods (through an illustration of wine) and tourism experiences (through an illustration of wildlife safaris).

7.4.1 An Illustration of Durable Goods: Art This section considers the aura of authenticity in the consumption of place-related artwork. One informant suggests that there is “difficulty in understanding African art and where it belongs in art history; whether it is real art or something else” (C7). The reality of African art, however, is not based on objective standards of authenticity (Cornet, 1975:52), but rather as the meaning of authenticity in the eyes of different consumer groups (Barber, 1987; Kasfir, 1992). According to Kasfir (1992), Europeans view colonialism as a marker between authentic and inauthentic African art. This division is a romantic view of primitive society untainted by Western influence.

The use of colonialism as a marker of the authentic (before) and inauthentic (after) is ideological, revealing more about Europeans standards and tastes than characteristics of the artwork itself.

Prior to the twentieth century, African artefacts were not considered art in the European canonical sense (Clifford, 1988:136). The meaning of African art developed gradually as it was collected and consumed by European aficionados (Clifford, 1988:137). African art therefore emerged as invented tradition (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983), a social construction of Western society (Clifford, 1988:137).

The popularity of African souvenirs, or “airport art”, offers an interesting contrast to canonical African art. It also assists in surfacing two types of consumer groups from the findings, which might be termed collectors and tourists. Tourists are interested in a wide range of archetypal African souvenirs: effigies of giraffes and elephants, embroidered objects, or artefacts constructed from recycled materials (Kasfir, 1992). Examples of the souvenirs purchased by the informants include wire bowls (C7), animal sculptures (C14), beaded cups and teaspoons (C16) and folded metal objects (C14). Souvenirs are purchased as personal reminders of the visit, or

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presents for friends and family (C10 & 14). To tourists, meaning is attributed to the artwork through personal contact with the artist (C1, 2 & 3), allowing it be seen as “more original, more special” (C1) with a particular meaning and “memory attached to it” (C3). To the tourist, the object need not be the only one of its kind. It matters only that it evokes a feeling of being original (C1). Interestingly, part of the meaning attributed to African artwork is developed out of pity towards the less fortunate craftspeople (Barber, 1987). It is a benevolent act of helping someone in need, of “supporting people who perhaps otherwise would struggle” (C1).

From a collectors perspective the tourist objects evoke a different set of meanings. Consider the giraffe figurine as one example. Where tourists would purchase a giraffe figurine ( C5 & 17), collectors would be less inclined to do so, because the giraffe coveys negative connotations of the tourist market (C7): inexpensive, mass produced, typical and undifferentiated (Boorstin, 1961; Littrell et al., 1993; MacCannell, 1973). From a marketing perspective, the giraffe serves as the same object or mechanism, but with different appeals depending on the consumer market context. This phenomenon is grounded in discussions on brand communities, and particularly the view that in-groups need out-groups by which to define themselves (Fournier & Lee, 2009:108).

There are at least three characteristics of collectors with which they distinguish themselves from tourists: their interest in art objects which display a fusion of African and European styles (C15), rather than been archetypally African (C7); the interest in reputable brands or well-known artists, as opposed to roadside souvenirs; and that the objects are generally quite expensive (C7). As C7 puts it, “Ardmore is very collectable and, again, it is a fusion. It is a white South African who has looked into African traditions and she’s brought them together in a way that makes them very accessible to Europeans”. Exemplary of the collectors’ purchases is Carrol Boyes, a South African brand of bespoke cutlery and home-ware, which markets itself in the category of functional art and retails both locally and internationally. Some of the items purchased by Carrol Boyes collectors include candle holders (C6) corkscrews (C10), cutlery (C1,6 & 7), cups (C7), serviette holders (C7), sugar bowls (C7) and serving platters (C7). As an upmarket brand, Carrol Boyes sells abroard in stores such as Harrods and Selfridges, where it appeals to a fusion of European tastes while explicitly mentioning on the packaging that it “firmly rooted in Africa” – rather than, perhaps more accurately, South Africa. It is an aura of authenticity deriving from a

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nostalgic view of Africa. This extended appeal of goods beyond their psychical origin is seen similarly in the category of South African wine.

7.4.2 An Illustration of Perishable Goods: Wine South African wine is a consumer good with European roots (C5 & 11), but because of the colonial link (C1) it may be viewed critically, as one informant puts it, as having only “a degree of authenticity” (C5). A brief history of South African wine sheds light on this remark. Wine was first produced in the Cape region in 1659 by the Dutch explorer and administrator of the Dutch East India Company, Jan van Riebeeck (Gibson, 2010). It was from the Constantia estate, however, (first owned by Governor Simon van der Stel in 1685) where South African wines first received international acclaim. Constantia wine was purportedly a favourite of Frederick the Great, Louis Philippe, and Napoleon. The Constantia wine developed its reputation as a brand in British and European literature of the 19th Century, appearing in the works of Charles Dickens and Jane Austen, and the poems of Baudelaire and Klopstock (Klein Constantia, 2012). Towards the end of the 19th Century, however, Pyhlloexra destroyed the Cape vineyards, along with the celebrated Constantia wines. Nevertheless, in a remarkable endeavour, the estate has reintroduced the wine, claiming that:

Since 1980 Klein Constantia has been redeveloped and everyone involved has seen it as a challenge, almost a mission, to bring back the famous wine […]. Early records were studied and careful selection made from vines, which in all likelihood came from the original stock used in Constantia 300 years ago.

In essence, the estate has succeeded in reinventing the historic Constantia wine through a combination of elements: old Constantia wine bottles which lay “forgotten in the cellars of Europe’s great wine collectors” (Klein Constantia, 2012); vines supposedly from the original stock; and references to the history, stories and prose which commemorated it. This renaissance of the Constantia wine is the Vin de Constance brand, a sweet wine made of Muscat de Frontignan grapes in the same tradition as the original. It is difficult to view this endeavour to reintroduce the famous wine as one which cultivates no origin or “has no past and no founding truth” (Baudrillard, 1988:76). Nor is it entirely convincing that “the sign aims to become the

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thing, to abolish the distinction of the reference” (Eco, 1986:7). Neither of these postmodern arguments seem plausible in the case of Vin de Constance, since the history is fully acknowledged, and the estate is explicit about its endeavour to recreate the former legacy, not to replace it (Klein Constantia, 2012). Arguably a more appropriate perspective is that the original Constantia wine maintains its legacy, while the Vin de Constance brand absorbs some of that cultural significance as its own - leaving the authenticity of each wine label intact (Salamone, 1997), with the one being an authentic reproduction of the other (Bruner, 1994).

In fact, the postmodern view of authenticity is wholly critical of the object and ignores the individual’s role in creating authenticity. One of the informants from the research, who purchased a bottle of Vin de Constance, speaks enthusiastically not only of the wine’s history and legacy, but also of its mythology as being “a favourite of Napoleon” (C12). The relationship between the wine and Napoleon is not a direct, objective link between the good and its origin (Grayson & Martinec, 2004), but it does not need to be, since the authenticity involved is of a different kind: it is constructive authenticity. This perspective of constructive authenticity is exemplified in an advertisement for Vin de Constance (Appendix 13). The advertisement draws on the historic narratives of luminary patrons, poets and writers of the 18th Century: the kings who demanded it, Napoleon who sought it in his exile on St Helena and Jane Austen’s alchemistic sentiments of its “healing powers on the disappointed heart”. In doing so, there is embroidery from past to present, rather than a seamless historical record. The celebrated narratives act as cultural distillates which themselves are imbued with a blend of authority, myth, provenance and veracity.

The example of Vin de Constance is an exceptional case of adhering to the veracity of a brand name, but even so, it is clearly illustrative of a constructive aura authenticity. There are indeed other instances depicting an aura of authenticity. Wine is a category of consumer goods which resonates closely with its place of origin and it has spatiotemporal links with the climate, soil, topography and conditions of production – its terroir (Barrey & Teil, 2011; Beverland, 2005a; 2006; Goode & Harrop, 2011). The marriage between wine and provenance has implicit connections with authenticity for both consumers and producers alike (Beverland, 2005a; 2006; J. Baxter et al., 1997; WOSA, 2012). South Africa is the world’s ninth largest wine producer,

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and a principal exporter to the United Kingdom, where three of its brands (First Cape, Kumala, and Namaqua) rank among the top overall sellers (Dougherty, 2012). Most of the consumers in this research view South Africa as strongly associated with wine (C1,2,3,4,5,6,8,10,11,12, 14,15,16,17 & 19), not only through its direct vertical associations (the availability of wine sold by specialist wine merchants (C4 & 8) and supermarkets (C1,2,3) ), but also indirect horizontal associations such as visits to wine regions and wine routes (C2,3,6,11,17,18 & 19); extended stays on particular wine estates (C5,8,11 & 16) (Bruwer, 2003; Hojman & Hunter-Jones, 2012); dining and gastronomy (C4); events and special occasions (C4); socialising with friends and relatives (C4 & 17) and intellectual engagement and learning (C5,8 & 19) (Bruwer, 2003). Each association contributes to building an aura of authenticity around South African wine brands and transforming them from objects of consumption into the mesh of cognitive, emotional and normative connotations.

In terms of intellectual engagement and learning, some associations with wine are factual, while others are more emotional. For example, one consumer informant finds affinity with the Rustenburg wine estate not only for its aesthetic beauty, but also because of the heritage of the vineyard, quality of the wine and scarcity of production (C5) - attributes which are proposed by Beverland (2005a; 2006). The informant mentions, for instance, the Barlow Family who are the current owners of the wine estate. He also claims to have purchased several cases of white wine from the estate in knowing “how scarce it is. They are not a high volume producer� (C5).

Another informant learnt about bespoke South Africa wine estates through her Scottish friend living in Cape Town. The encounters between the informant and her friend involved the sharing and imparting of knowledge. She relates a wine story where her friend hid several bottles of boutique wine under the bed to avoid ridicule from her partner about the money, knowledge and time she spent in researching it. The informant remarks how she and her husband have learnt about the estates by visiting her friend and being shown the wines hidden under the bed. Having acquired knowledge of the South African wine estates, she then sources the imported wine brands from merchants in the UK.

The link between the consumption of wine and place is mutually reinforcing. Sharing a bottle of wine conjures up experiences and reminisces of places, where the consumer can “almost imagine

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being back there” (C3). Knowledge of where the wine is produced (C3 & 4), and the people involved in producing it (C3 & 5), creates an emotional attachment to particular estates. Wine is not only exemplary of a commodity implicitly linked to place, it equally serves to imbue places with a particular cachet or place brand equity (Bruwer & Johnson, 2010; Dawson et al., 2011).

This equity is not always positive. South African wines, particularly in the low price categories, seem to have a reputation for being heavier than European wines (C1, 4, 10 & 15). One informant, for example, objects to “paying boutique wine prices” for the top-end South African wines and prefers to purchase “really good French wines for less” (C4). Yet another finds that the South African wine she purchases “tends to be a bit more expensive than the French wine, so it gets put into the cupboard” (C8). Preferences tend to vary according to particular consumer tastes. Nevertheless, the informants have noticed significant expansion and improvement of South Africans wine selections, from the years of apartheid where wines were predominantly exported under the co-operative label KWV (C1, 8, 10 & 17), to the current availability of wines from smaller, more exclusive estates (C8).

7.4.3 An Illustration of Tourism Experiences: Wildlife Safaris Brand experience is defined as “the sensations, feelings, cognitions and behavioural responses that are evoked by brand-related stimuli” (Brakus et al., 2009:52). The stimuli are diffused through brand communication, design and packaging, and enhanced through an immersion in brand-related environments, which evoke the full panoply of senses. Brand-related environments encompass servicescapes, which according to Bitner (1992:58) are “the manmade, physical surroundings as opposed to the natural or social environments”. Nevertheless, Bitner’s (1992) original conception of servicescapes has been criticised for overlooking the natural and social aspects of services (Tombs & McColl-Kennedy, 2002; 2003). Social interactions occur between consumers and service providers in the co-creation of the consumption experience (Prahalad & Ramaswamy, 2000; 2003; 2004; Tumbat, 2011). Moreover, natural servicescapes annex a broad array of outdoor commercial activities such as commercial river rafting (Arnould & Price, 1993) and outdoor music festivals (Oakes & Warnaby, 2011).

Authenticity in consumption experience has been considered from two different perspectives: the staging of servicescapes (Arnould et al., 1998), and the search for personal authenticity (Arnould

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& Price, 1993). Personal or existential authenticity is found in what Arnould & Price (1993) term extraordinary experience; where the individual becomes immersed in a sensorium of environmental stimuli. The consumers’ search for authenticity is not one directed by conscious effort, but rather a relinquishing of expectations to an “immediate encounter with being” (Redfoot, 1984:295). Authenticity in the experiential sense is affect-driven and is based on both the consumers’ perceiving the authenticity of their own emotions in relation to the genuine experience being offered by service providers (Arnould & Price, 1993). Staging is another dynamic of authenticity found in consumer experience (MacCannell, 1973). It is the deliberate contrivance of the service environment in an effort to appeal to consumers (Pine & Gilmore, 1999). According to Arnould et al. (1998), outdoor commercial experiences such as river rafting and safaris have low substantive staging because of the widespread natural surroundings.

According to Arnould et al. (1998:92), the natural servicescape occurs in “the foreground rather than the background of service delivery, and both service provider and customer assess the servicescape from the outside together”, rather than the consumer entering a front stage which is under the control of the service provider.

The findings from this research suggest that in spite of management and service providers staging experiences for their audiences, the authenticity derived from those experiences is inevitably idiosyncratic and personal. In other words, the consumer ultimately determines the authenticity of the experience, not managers or service providers. From a management perspective, the South African Tourism board illustrates a prominent interest in providing international tourists with authentic South African experiences (M17; SAT, 2011:50). It promotes the destination with a focus on principal experiences that comprise affordable luxury, culture, outdoor adventure, urban rhythm, scenic beauty, wildlife and safaris (M3 & 10).

Moreover, it views consumer experience as the means to bridge the gap between preconceptions of the country and the “reality that exists” (M3). It sees the visitor experience captured in “snapshots, souvenirs, fond memories and friendships” (SAT, 2006:16). The tourism board acknowledges the consumers search for “new and unusual experiences and escapes from everyday routine” (SAT, 2006:23). It additionally acknowledges the connection between consumer experience and loyalty; the authentic communicative aspects in translating experiences to work colleagues, friends and relatives (M3, 7, 8, 16, 17); and the rhetoric of life changing and

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memorable experiences (M8; SAT, 2006:71) which are concepts found in the literature (Frost, 2010; Tung & Ritchi, 2011).

One type of experience that features prominently from a consumer perspective, and is in line with the national tourism board’s objectives, is wildlife safaris. Wildlife tourism has been welldocumented in the literature (Akama & Kieti, 2003; Brandin, 2009; Bresler, 2011; Brooks, 2005; Curtin & Wilkes, 2005; Odunga & Maingi, 2011; Reynolds & Braithwaite, 2001), particularly on topics of conservation (Chaminuka et al., 2012; Maingi, 2011) and sustainable management (Akama & Kieti, 2003; Baker, 1997; Burns & Howard, 2003; Mbaiwa, 2004). However, discussions on the wildlife safari experience and authenticity are few (Lau, 2010). The wildlife safari experience is in one sense anticipated (C1,15,16 & 17) since tourists engage in experiences with expectations, in turn, emphasising socially constructed authenticity (Bruner, 1989; Culler, 1989). Tourists travel with the expectation of seeing wild animals (C16), particularly the big five - lion, African elephant, Cape buffalo, leopard and rhinoceros (C15 & 16). They have read books and seen documentaries and movies on African wildlife (C15) and they are aware of private game parks, such as Sabi Sabi (C8 & 15) and the Kruger National Park (C1,4,5,6,8,10,11 & 15).

Nevertheless, the consumer experience is not entirely constructed and there appears to be a largely existential component voiced in the consumer’s emotional expressions of having a “passion for wild animals” (C5 & 7) and “touching the heartbeat of the environment” (C11).

In fact, aspects of objective authenticity even come to the fore in the safari experience. Objective authenticity is characterised by dichotomies between authentic and inauthentic experiences (Chhabra, 2012; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006; Wang, 1999). This binary opposition occurs even in social circumstances, where informants identify themselves as knowledgeable and showing a “respect for the bush” (C15), in turn affiliating with individuals who visit the game reserves for “all the right reasons” (C15) and isolating themselves from tourists who feel that the wildlife experience is an entitlement, rather than a privilege. In contrast to the suggestion of Arnould et al. (1998:92) that natural servicescapes involve a situation where “both service provider and customer assess the servicescape from the outside together”, these findings suggest that MacCannell’s (1973) staged authenticity still holds, and moreover that consumers are largely aware of the staging of their experiences (C7,8, 11,15,16,17 & 18). One informant, for example,

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acknowledges that game reserves involve a “veneer that is preserved” (C7). In an effort to reveal the back stage she engages more deeply with the trackers and staff, and tries to understand what their lives are like when they are not working at the safari lodge. Viewing the backstage is not necessarily a pleasant experience:

[The tracker] lives in the village; and he lives a completely different life to the one he is seeing in the camp. We have been quite shocked [to find] that actually his mother has to walk 3 miles every day to get water.

This description of the tracker is far removed from pleasurable, hedonic experiences of game viewing (Arnould et al., 1998; Hirschman & Holbrook, 1982). It is somewhat closer to what one informant calls a disembodied experience (C14), an experience which is ostensibly real, but which is viewed with a detached gaze. While the disembodied experience is not aesthetic and pleasurable, it nevertheless influences a person’s overall evaluations of a place. Finally, there is an emphasis on the concept of emergent authenticity - the gradual acceptance of the authenticity over time (Cohen, 1979). One informant describes a safari experience on a large acreage of farmland in the Klein Karoo where animals have been reintroduced. Although she was attracted to the farmland for its aesthetic appeal, it was not “quite the real thing” (C11). There was something “artificial about it” (C11) due to it being in the process of restoration. However, she suggests that over time, the area may return to its natural state thus restoring the authenticity of the experience. In summary, where authors advocate a solely existential view of authenticity in tourism experiences, this research suggests that Wang’s (1999) objective and existential authenticity combine through constructive perspectives to provide a more complete account of the consumption experience. The following section on place brand identity illustrates the strategic implications of constructive authenticity in place branding.

7.5 Place Brand Identity: Strategies for Managing Places as Brands When considering place brand identity, there are mutually reinforcing notions of identity and identification. These concepts have a complex theoretical background ranging from early theological discussions of the soul (Bostock, 1986; Martin & Barresi, 2003) to debates on personal identity (Heidegger, 1957; Hume, 1826; Locke, 1875), social identity (Cooley, 1902;

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Goffman, 1959; Mead, 1913), corporate identity (Balmer, 1994; Margulies, 1977; Olins, 1979), cultural identity (Hall & Du Gay, 1996; Russell, 1989), organisational identity (Albert & Whetten, 1985; Dutton & Dukerich, 1991) and national identity (Renan, 1882; 1990; Smith, 1991). Place branding studies have tended to draw on the more closely related applications of national identity (Hall, 2002; Skinner & Kubacki, 2007) and corporate identity (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2005; Trueman et al., 2004). With few exceptions (Govers & Go, 2009), the more distant underpinnings of place brand identity have been largely overlooked. Corporate identity, for instance, was originally attributed to cities, churches and nation states, rather than companies (corpus being the Latin for “body of people” (Smollett, 1808). A nation state, in one early account, was seen as an entity “wholly artificial; and made like other legal fictions by common agreement” (Burke, 1872:478). Identity, in this sense, is a collective force of the nation state, binding people from within and collectively reified through internal and external identification.

Extending interest into different domains of identity is useful not only because of dynamic fusion at multiple levels of analysis (for example, people comprising social groups (Hogg & Terry, 2000), social groups comprising organisations (Ashforth & Mael, 1989; Foreman & Whetten, 2002), and the amalgamation of all these comprising nations), but also because the principles of identity theory are considered to be transferable, traveling “easily across levels of analysis” (Albert et al., 2000:13). From the etymology of identity: the Latin pronoun idem, means “the same” and identidem means “over and over again” (Bernstein, 1984:63).Where an individual identity derives from a consistent representation of behaviour and personality traits over time (Helm, 1979; Martin & Barresi, 2003), place identity achieves its diachronic arrangement publically through collective memories of the past (Halbwachs, 1992). Remembering the past yields a self-continuity of identity such that each experience, event or perception of the place becomes acquainted with each other succeeding it. Places are therefore a “sequence of the reminiscences” which are invoked and remembered by individuals in a “unifying web of retrospection” (Lowenthal, 1985:198).

In addition to the continuity of place identity, a further consideration is its constituents or substance (Relph, 1976). The distinctive physical characteristics of places derive from their natural features and environments (Proshansky et al., 1983), their inimitable gradients,

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orientations and vistas (Hague, 2005); the architectural nuances of city skylines, buildings and streets (Zukin, 2010); the particular characteristics of retail districts (Lew, 1989), the rich symbolic heritage of national anthems, emblems, flags and traditional dress (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983); and the idiosyncratic cultures, histories, languages and religions of the people that live there (Castells, 2004; Smith, 1991). This constellation of features create for places individual ďŹ ngerprints ensuring that no two places are exactly alike (Iversen, 2008:603). To an individual experiencing this distinctive ensemble of place-related characteristics, there is a transfiguration of objective properties into a cluster of cognitions and emotions with positive and negative valances (Proshansky et al., 1983). Place identity, in this sense, becomes socially constructed to form a publicly espoused fabric of place (Jiven & Larkham, 2003).

Considering place brand identity as a set of characteristics projected continuously over time, the discourse appears confronted with two distinct strategies: what this thesis calls the brand essence and brand narrative strategies. The brand narrative strategy at the outset embraces the complexity and richness of place-related stories and continues to use those stories to embellish upon the identity of places over time. It is an on-going process involving the conveyance of stories (Thompson & Ward, 2008; Tuan, 1991) and the conceptual consumption of those of those stories (Ariely & Norton, 2009; Schelling, 1987). The structure of narrative identities might be thought of as pliable cultural distillates or memes (Dawkins, 1976), drawn from culturally constituted societies (McCracken, 1986) and replicated, refashioned and crystallised in various consumption contexts and mediums - for example, place-related advertisements, blogs, business periodicals, interpersonal conversations, travel brochures, property magazines, news media and websites. In a sense, the narrative strategy is the reverse of the brand essence strategy which begins by condensing the place brand into a single idea or set of attributes, and thereafter conversing those attributes from the central core outwards, towards its audiences (Anholt, 2010c; Hansen, 2010).

Both strategies have shown a concern for authenticity and it is useful to consider how and why they differ.

7.5.1 The Brand Essence Strategy The synthesis of authenticity and place branding (Chapter 3), argues that the concept of brand essence is directly related to authenticity (Brown et al., 2003:21; Skinner, 2011). It is referred to

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in the early stages of brand ideation (de Chernatony, 2006) as a means to distil the richness of an identity (Kapferer, 2008:198) into a few words (de Chernatony et al., 2003:10), thereby developing the heart (Alexander, 2009:556) and soul of the brand (Aaker & Joachimsthaler, 2000a:45); “what the organisation stands for at its core, what it really is” (van Riel & Fombrun, 2007:62). As suggested, identity with the Latin pronoun idem means the same and identidem “over and over again” (Bernstein, 1984:63). So from a definitional and etymological understanding of identity, “authenticity implies some measure of self-consistency or continuity across time and situations” (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010:140). Branding too hinges on this notion of simplification and repetition of core values, which is perhaps why branding and identity are mutually compatible terms. However, if the identity of places is solely a concern of repeating what a place is (a maintenance of its status quo), there is scant opportunity for the improvement of the cultural, economic, social and political aspects of cities, regions and countries (O'Donovan, 2004:30). Similarly, treating place identities as an essence simplifies the breadth, diversity and plurality of its stakeholders. Contrary to idealistic notions of a stabile identity, places continue to change their past and rewrite their history (Hobsbawm & Ranger, 1983; Olins, 2002). The identities of places, like those of organisations, are dynamic, with only an apparent centrality and endurance, to the extent that they are held in the collective consciousness of the public (Gioia et al., 2000).

There are complexity issues as well. In a similar manner to organisations, places have nested identities (Ashforth et al., 2011), not only within scales (city brands within regional brands), but also within sectors (for example, city tourism within regional tourism frameworks). The topdown approach of the brand essence strategy endeavours to achieve a single place brand identity (M7 & 8) with all sectors and scales “working towards the same common values” (M7). It follows the principles of drawing a consensus on a central idea, or single message. A nation with nested brand identities at different scales and sectors may have nuances in its positioning, however, under the brand essence strategy, “the values, personality and essence of what the brand stands for, have to be the same” (M7). While the principles of conformity and repetition represent the foundations of successful goods and service brands (M9), it is questionable whether the same principles apply to places.

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A suitable illustration of the brand essence strategy is the alignment process coordinated by South Africa’s official nation branding initiative, Brand South Africa (BSA), which serves to coordinate branding objectives across geographical tiers and sectors. Its mandate is “to create a positive, unified image of South Africa; one that builds pride, promotes investment and tourism, and helps new enterprises and job creation” (IMC, 2012). The alignment with BSA follows principles of corporate brand architecture. The BSA brand essence, South Africa, Alive with Possibility, involves stakeholders “buying into the various elements of the brand key” which are then articulated at each respective level and sector (Johnston, 2008:8). South African Tourism, for instance, adopts the slogan South Africa it’s impossible, reaffirming the expectant, optimistic attitude of the nation brand in the sector of tourism. Drawing from the nation brand essence, Cape Town Routes Unlimited (CTRU), the amalgamated city and regional board for tourism and investment, describes Cape Town as a “city rich in history, culture and heritage and alive with creativity and entrepreneurial energy” (CTRU, 2008:2; 2009:3).

Appendices 9 and 10 illustrate the extent to which organisations at different geographical tiers and industry sectors have aligned with BSA since its inception. On the national level, South African Tourism and Brand South Africa have incorporated elements of the national flag in their brand logos, independently and at different points in time. The augmentation of the flag is not surprising, since it is a strong national symbol; even to the consumer informants who find it “extremely powerful” (C4), a “very good piece of branding”, (C10) and who have noticed it painted on the sides of London taxis (C4). However, the iconic relevance of the flag diminishes towards city, local and provincial tourism board scales. In the case of the Western Cape Province, Table Mountain (a natural, rather than nationalistic icon) begins to show more relevance. Consider for instance the provincial tourism brand logo (Appendix 9) which incorporates both the silhouette of Table Mountain and the colours of the flag. In Appendix 10, at the level of local trade and investment, Cape Town Partnership has used a silhouette of the city, while Accelerate Cape Town has used the Table Mountain silhouette as an upward curve to indicate the economic growth of the city. The flag at a national level has the same influence that Table Mountain has on the city and regional level because of its intuitive relevance to stakeholders, rather than the directive of authorities. In the ten years since BSA’s inception, however, there has been a gradual shift towards conformity in the visual appearance of brand

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logos, as the comparison of Appendices 9 and 10 indicate. Arguably, there has been closer alignment in the sector of tourism than in that of trade and investment. Nevertheless, there are signs of change, such as the April 2012 merger between CTRU and WESGRO, where the official regional tourism and investment boards amalgamated.

From a visual perspective, the nation brand and the tourism sector show signs of closer alignment (M4), even while alignment with the Department of Trade and Industry is currently more tentative (M2 & 7). However, the extension of the brand essence becomes more diffuse at place scales and sectors where the BSA exhibits less control. Some managers struggle to emphasise what the brand essence means and how it translates to each geographical scale and sector (M2 & 8). Another manager notes the difficulty in achieving a single identity due to the differences between places (M13). The endeavour to achieve an all-encompassing nation brand, with a “coalescence around a common vision” (M11), reduces the ability for “each of the cities and regions to have their own identity” (M13) and thus renders each sub-brand (in terms of scales and sectors) a generic copy of the nation brand (M13). In the search for coherence and commonality, the “patchwork of different messages” has been lost, and a generic brand logo has served as its replacement (M13).

From a consumer perspective, the brand essence has various degrees of resonance. Some find it to be a true statement, characterised by excitement (C16), optimism (C8) and appealing to business possibilities (C15). Others, however, have views that are more ambivalent. For example, one informant prior to questioning about the brand essence felt that there is a vastness about South Africa “that gives you a physical and geographical feeling of possibility and opportunity”. At the same time, she feels that the vastness of the country can also be overwhelming creating “a love-hate relationship with South Africa”. Another informant describes the qualities of South Africa as a brand as being edgy, exciting and imbued with as a sense of gravitas (C8). Yet to some informants, “Alive with Possibility” is a confusing statement and they are unable to interpret its meaning (C6 & 7). Part of the reason for this difficulty, as an informant points out, is that the brand essence fails to “point to people what the possibilities are.

You have to paint the story a little bit more; you have to have a narrative” (C7). There are ambivalent feelings about the compatibility with the nation brand essence by both consumers and

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management stakeholders. This is particularly concerning given that place brand managers have little or no “control over the brand” (M14) and that consumers, rather than accepting places as single homogenous entities, view them through a spectrum of experiences, emotions and thoughts. Considering the suggestion that place brands have to paint the story and provide a narrative, the following section offers an alternative strategy to the one just discussed.

7.5.2 The Brand Narrative Strategy Communication has a fundamental role in the formulation of place brand identities. Without the means of communicating through speech, text and visuals, people would be unable to formulate ideas about places, discuss them with others and translate them into actions that build and embellish their identities (Tuan, 1991:684). The stories that people tell, illustrate and write about places have relative strengths ranging from the intimate self-narratives of the individual (Torkington, 2011), to the stories told and shared within larger groups of individuals (Relph, 1976), and, still further, to the dominant narratives of the public discourse (Anholt, 2010d). The narrative strategy is more in line with constructive authenticity: the augmentation, building and changing of place identities, rather than the maintenance of places as static entities with core attributes – being the premise of the brand essence strategy (Lichrou et al., 2010). By narrative is meant a series of stories, that integrate disparate fragments of places (its oral traditions, success stories in businesses, cultures, buildings, landscapes, people and political and religious entities) into a relatively stable place brand identity (Till, 2001:296). Hornskov (2011:106) refers to the reification of narratives as the performativity of authenticity. In a consumer context, the performativity of authenticity involves brand consumption and the construction of self-identity (Schembri et al., 2010; Van Riel, 2002). In a management context, it is predominantly interested in the narrative construction of corporate and organisational identities and the discursive collaboration of its members (Hardy et al., 2005b). However, the narrative bridge between consumers and managers’ perspectives in place branding has received less attention. Authenticity may offer some insight into the narrative bridge. According to Visconti (2010:232) “authentic brand narratives are generated by iterative, interpretive processes involving the two sides of the market: companies and consumers”. This section studies the narrative bridge, with place branding as the focus of the discussion and authenticity as its context. While the use of narrative has developed an interest in recent place branding literature (Anholt, 2010d; Hansen, 2010;

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Hildreth, 2010; Torkington, 2011; Van Assche & Chien Lo, 2011), this thesis contributes with a specific emphasis on authenticity and draws attention to examples from the findings. The sections that follow consider place narratives in four strategic management functions. The first is an understanding of the existing narratives (the stories told about places through media and public opinion). The second is a discussion on the aspirational narratives that managers endeavour to tell their audiences. The third is an expression of narratives through communications or policies. The final function is one of reviewing or researching the interpretation of narratives by external audiences.

7.5.2.1 Existing Narratives Consumers interpret places through narratives that hold meaning for them (DeLyser, 2001:37).

In addition to embellishing upon their own stories, they draw from society extant place-related narratives (Anholt, 2003; Entman, 2004; Lippmann, 1922). The engagement with place-related narratives, however, does not result in an involuntary, passive acceptance or redefinition of place identities. Nor do the place-related narratives automatically redefine the self-identities of individuals (Till, 2001:277). Instead there are active engagements, thought processes and emotions involved (Avraham & Ketter, 2008; Burgess & Gold, 1985; Lynch, 1960; Tuan, 1977).

Information is presented to consumers through news media and popular culture. Stories filter through various modes of engagement, exposure and expression. At their most condensed and simplified, the narratives are those of public opinion and stereotypes: the abridged shortcuts and highly generalised sentiments about people and places and their characteristics (Burgess & Gold, 1985). Stereotypes, which are most often in the form of negative valence public opinion are exceedingly difficult to change (Burgess & Gold, 1985). Public opinion, Anholt (2010d) argues, is an omnipotent and unwavering force, which is more like a natural phenomenon than a social one. It cannot be swayed by advertising nor an abundance of truthful press releases: “negative media, when it is very intense, takes on a dimension and a character of its own� (Anholt, 2010d:263). One of the management informants echoes this sentiment:

M2: I was a newspaper editor, a foreign correspondent and all the rest of it. So I know the media well. One of the first things you learn [‌] is that you cannot get the media to write what you want them to write. The media has a dynamic of its own which is based on the concept of news

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and a business model of producing products that attract enough advertising to make the shareholders happy.

Media generally serves to reinforce the public’s prevalent beliefs and opinions. If, on the other hand, there is an accumulation of new, interesting and credible information which calls into question prior beliefs about places, public opinion may change (Anholt, 2007), even gradually (Page et al., 1987). The Brand Africa Forum (BAF) is an endeavour to change the prevailing narratives of Africa. The narratives which predominate embellish upon Aids, Crime and Poverty and are not easily changed considering their entrenched actual identity and long-stranding perceptions by both Africans and the public outside of Africa. South Africa, for its part, cannot rely on telling only the good stories about the country and continent. As one management informant puts it, “good news is not a term that journalists latch onto” (M2) and so the alternative may be “warts and all reporting” – open and transparent reports of both good and bad news, so that decisions might be made for a corrective, rather than maintaining a façade that all is well in Africa (Makhanya, 2010:7). According to Makhanya (2010:7), “a free media is actually good for a brand. A free media allows you to tell the world your story in all your diversity: the negative story and the positive story”. However, it not only places telling the world their story but also the world telling their stories about places. Even so, deep-seated beliefs about places have the propensity to change. A sentiment in the literature, which is reiterated by managers, is that the changes in place identity occur gradually (Albert & Whetten, 1985); developing “incrementally over many years” (Corley & Gioia, 2004). Consider, Appendix 14, a decade of Economist front covers featuring stories about Africa. It would appear that there is an incremental positive expression of the African story – with titles featuring the “Hopeless Continent” in 2000, to “Africa Rising” in 2011. While the display of Economist front covers illustrates only a portion of public opinion, it is indicative of the dislodgement and repositioning of attitudes towards the continent. With gradual changes occurring in terms of perception of the continent, managers may benefit further from aspirational stories aligned with altering the status quo.

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7.5.2.2 Aspirational Narratives While the existing stories of places solidify in collective consciousness as constructive authenticity, the aspirational stories of place identity are creative, volatile and more characteristic of existential authenticity. They are existential in the sense that that they are still becoming – they are still possibilities that have yet to reify in public consciousness. In fact, the phrase Alive with Possibility, besides being rooted in a brand essence or logo, is remarkable in its implicit reference to a sense of becoming. It also coincides with the understanding of existential space as the openness to possibilities which are “constantly being created and remade by human activities” (Relph, 1976:12). The challenge for places, however, is that the possibilities presented to them involve a constrained set of choices. Viewed in a similar manner to Heidegger’s Dasein, places constitute their past and understand themselves retrospectively in terms of their heritage.

The ensemble of future possibilities of a place is regulated by its previous circumstances and the choices “which already goes ahead of it” (Heidegger, 1962:41; 1996:18). Steiner & Reisinger (2006) describe this process through a visual metaphor of Dasein projecting itself forward by casting a spotlight on its possibilities. In a similar manner, the spotlight cast by places comprises a unique ensemble of possibilities (or future choices), but choices which are nevertheless constrained by historic circumstances, “who we are” as a place, and “where we have come from” (Shee & Abratt, 1989).

A principal influence on the unique ensemble of possibilities is what managers believe outsiders think of their place – a phenomenon akin to Cooley’s (1902) looking-glass self, a person’s reflexive response to how others identify them. Similarly, on an organisational scale there is the construed external image, which is the employees construal of the public’s sentiment towards their organisation (Dutton et al., 1994). When outsiders perceptions of a place differ from insiders, the inside members are likely to question their current identity (Corley & Gioia, 2004).

Consider, for instance, a manager’s perspective of how cities are viewed by external publics: “Johannesburg is seen as a place where business is done, and Cape Town is where you come to relax. Now, you find that that helps for leisure tourism, but it doesn’t help for other sectors” (M5). The construed external image of Cape Town constrains and discloses its set of possibilities, for example, as a wide set of possibilities within the tourism sector, but a limited set for business. The concern in this scenario is how places might alter, change, redefine or widen

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their current set of possibilities. For Cape Town to be “seen as a business place” (M13) by outside audiences, it requires challenging the existing story that the city is nothing more than “fun in the sun” (M11).

Corporate identity literature offers some insight on Cape Town’s intentions to change (Balmer, 1998; 2001b; Balmer & Greyser, 2002; Trueman et al., 2004) – particularly conceived and desired identity, because both of these concern aspirational narratives. The conceived identity is tantamount to the construed external image (Dutton et al., 1994) – it is the managerial view that Cape Town is perceived as a holiday destination, not as a place to do business. The desired identity of Cape Town (becoming a business destination) is rooted in its Vision 2030 – a longterm economic strategy, comprising two-hundred-and fifty members in academia, business and government, and with a focus on the brand identity, business activity, investment and policy orientation of the city (M13, 14 & 15). Other cities that have followed similar visioning projects, for example, are Bradford Vision 2020 (initiated in 2000) and Sydney 2030 (initiated in 2008).

However, in spite of the admirable objectives of city visions, there are several criticisms. One is the lack of clarity on how the objectives will be achieved; and the precise benchmarks on what has been achieved (Trueman et al., 2004). The difficulty also appears to be one of isolating achievements that are a direct result of the vision, rather than the result of extraneous factors.

One response, Trueman et al. (2004:327) argues, is the need for stakeholders to become more involved in delivering the city vision “since involvement is a step towards trust and brand ownership”.

It would seem that the aspirational narratives of places are less a matter of the stories each organisation has to tell and “whose story is relevant” (M7), and more a matter of how the stories influence the place identity. Place identities are multigenerational, involving a mixture of old and new narratives (M14). Previous studies on branding South Africa seem to ignore the rich ethnic and cultural stories of South Africa (van der Westhuizen, 2003). The focus has tended to be on the heritage of white communities, rather than the intricate and unique heritages of other South African cultures, which is a largely unexplored resource of place branding narratives. There is an opportunity to explore the heritage of South African communities; to uncover their stories and embellish upon the “romance of the place, the magic of the place” (M14) across various place

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branding engagements. The culture of places blends into the creative design of export brands such as Carol Boyes’ Functional Art; or more ephemerally into international fashion where “people have taken our iconography, they have taken our cultural underpinnings and they have reworked it, and reshaped it and given it a contemporary twist” (M11). Without a thorough understanding of the history and heritage of a place, it may be difficult to advance the country’s collective future aspirations. The aspirational stories should arguably avoid being “all glitz and no delivery” (M1) and focus on speaking in an authentic voice:

M11: I think that if we speak in an authentic voice, and if we do it honestly, and we are not doing pastiche, we are not putting in Ndebele zigzags over everything, but doing it properly, then whatever we do would be contemporary South Africa.

The notion of hope, for instance, is part of the narrative of the nation, and is the driving force of its aspirational stories. The narratives are multiple and interweaving, among them the transition to democracy and the Mandela story (M2). van der Westhuizen (2003) suggests looking beyond the focus on Mandela and towards new interests in the country, and yet there is a fascination with “the Mandela story” (M2) and “The Rainbow Nation” (C5, 10 & 18) which still persists, adding an international gravitas to South Africa as a brand. These international sentiments exist because they are based on a “true story of a nation” and one which touches on international aspirations of freedom and democracy (IMC, 2008:15). Besides augmenting the overarching story of the nation, there may are also be stories for each sector: for example, an “investment story” (IMC, 2008:11) which is based on the successful investments of local and international companies within South Africa as well as the continent.

Considering the composition of aspirational stories (their creative and cultural constituents), and the extended duration in which they are effected, it may be useful to consider how the private and public sector might coordinate their efforts. An example is South Africa’s recent hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup. The aspirational aspects of the World Cup were initiated in 1996 where a management informant from this research was tasked by the South African government to draft the white paper for sport. In contrast to most public sector policy, the document was written in an atypical “business-like fashion” (M11). The white paper included the aspirational phrase “contributing to Africa’s ascendancy in world football through the hosting of major

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events in Africa” (M11). A visioning exercise followed in 1997 where the South African Football Association (SAFA) met on Robben Island. From the visioning transpired a new logo and mission statement for the Baffana Baffana national football team, as well as emphasis on the benefits to SAFA on the hosting of large-scale events (M11). In summary, the bid for the World Cup, which comprised seven years of international presentations, speeches, slogans and publicity campaigns, began as an aspirational story.

7.5.2.3 Expression of Narratives Authenticity is constructed through the interpretive process of negotiation between “two sides of the market” (Visconti, 2010:232): consumers, on the one side, and managers on the other. The stories which move public opinion (Page et al., 1987) and circulate in the public discourse (M18) (Entman, 2004) are typically those which are credible, or at least believed to be true (Hildreth, 2010; Van Riel, 2002), emotional in their appeal to humanistic aspirations and values (Entman, 2004), coherent in being easily understood (Ibarra & Barbulescu, 2010), and remarkable in being exciting and novel by comparison with others (Anholt, 2010d; Godin, 2009). Public opinion is more than the sum of individual thoughts, it is a seemingly impenetrable social force congealed together by the tacit knowledge of the general public, and is exceedingly difficult to challenge or change (Burgess & Gold, 1985; Lippmann, 1922). Media generally serves to reinforce prevalent beliefs and opinion, but it functions on its own accord (Anholt, 2010d). Therefore using media to induce a consummate change in public opinion is unlikely. Large-scale events may be important in the expression of place-related stories. As van der Westhuizen (2003) puts it, high-profile events “feed into the global circuits of consumption” and have the propensity to be held in consumer consciousness before and after they are hosted. South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup is exemplary of the use of an event to channel into the circuits of mainstream media and consumer consciousness. Yet the hosting of major international events is an exceptional rather than commonplace form of expression.

Besides large-scale events, a more common form of learning about places is through the strong ties (close social links) and weak ties (distant social links) between individuals (Granovetter, 1973; 1983; Nelson, 1989). Terms such as brand ambassadors (Andersson & Ekman, 2009), champions (Buckingham, 2011) influentials (Watts & Dodds, 2007) and storytellers (Booth &

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Matic, 2011) have been used to describe individuals who assist in propagating brand-related stories. This research uses the term brand narrators as a more inclusive term for a range of individuals involved in expressing place-related stories. Place brand narrators include managers, in their one-to-one interactions with clients (M8); emissaries, as individuals who are highly influential such as celebrities, columnists, writers and sportsmen (M2, 3, 7, 8 & 9); expatriates in terms of their close connections with foreign audiences (M13 & 17) and consumers in terms of their spreading of word-of-mouth communication (M13 & 17).

Emissaries in the traditional sense are the nation’s diplomatic representatives. Maintaining a close relationship with diplomatic representatives is an important part of place branding. An informant from Brand South Africa describes the relationships with the nation’s foreign affairs division as being particularly central during the Football World Cup where it is important that the “embassies are well equipped to have the right conversations around what people want to know” (M7). However, emissaries might also be used to describe the individuals or organisations who are not directly involved in place branding, but are interested and willing to advocate places; usually through the mutual benefits of corporate partnerships (for example, South African Tourism and National Geographic), or through incentives, such as trade and press familiarisation visits (Dore & Crouch, 2003; SAT, 2011). The reason for using emissaries in place brand storytelling is that their narratives are conveyed with authenticity (M4, 8 &19): being credible because they derive from an impartial source and intelligible because the audiences are from the same interest group or nationality as those telling the stories. Narratives concerning the place and its people are also emotionally charged in the sense that they express an actual experience of narrators - “what they felt” (M4; Entman, 2004).

Emissaries are also perceived to be authentic in the sense that they apparently have no commercial motivation (Beverland, 2006). As a management informant puts it, “we don’t want to over-market our country, we want people to tell stories about this destination” (M8). South African Tourism is a primary example of a place brand organisation using emissary narratives to promote the country. One instance is the “food, wine and South African tales” campaign featuring stories and video editorials of international chefs and their experiences of South Africa (SAT, 2008). Another instance is a partnership in the UK between the South African tourism

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board and Hoxton Apprentice, a London based restaurant and social enterprise (M3). The South African Tourism Board, as part of their global storytelling strategy (M3), found a unique opportunity for publicity in the Hoxton Apprentice partnership. A formal launch of the partnership initiated at the eatery along with the attendance of members of the media (SAT, 2009a:106). The following month a group of British journalists and staff of Hoxton Apprentice were hosted at The Palace of the Lost City, a luxury resort north of Johannesburg. During their visit, the journalists learnt about South African cuisine and were exposed to unique tourism experiences. In hosting emissaries, South Africa Tourism benefited from video editorials shared on the Hoxton Apprentice website; competition entries and microsites displaying food and winebased narratives; and affiliate links to the Lonely Planet and Delia Smith websites (SAT, 2009a:106). In a further partnership between South African Tourism and National Geographic, several branding campaigns have been initiated including the National Geographic adventurer of the year competition (M9), where consumers enter the competition “by sharing their best adventure stories� (SAT, 2008:109).

Expatriate communities have a dual role of audience and narrators. As an audience, they serve a role in investing expertise and capital in their home country (Anholt, 2007). They are also a homecoming market in initiatives to attract expatriate tourism (Govers & Go, 2009; Morgan et al., 2003a). However, in a narrator role they are valuable in encouraging the interest of consumers from other nationalities (Andersson & Ekman, 2009), as well as their own (van der Westhuizen, 2003). Appointing a network of expatriates to advance the interests of the nation may serve as a cost-effective strategy for places with limited marketing resources (Dinnie, 2008:72). Expatriates are ideally suited to encouraging place brand engagements within foreign markets, not only because of their tendency to coalesce in closely connected groups or diaspora networks (Marks, 2006), but also because they are domiciled amidst the foreign audiences which managers intend to attract. Rather than being viewed as a homogenous group (Kuznetsov, 2006), expatriate networks may have characteristics of Gladwell’s (2000) mavens - information specialists who are knowledgeable about particular parts of places, or influential in particular aspects of the place brand engagement.

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Global South African (GSA), modelled on the GlobalScot initiative, is inspired entirely by national pride and an interest in promoting the economic prosperity of the home country. The network resides under the auspices of South Africa’s International Marketing Council and is currently being piloted in the United States and the United Kingdom. In line with the narrative strategy, the IMC claims “that the more engaged people become with the South African story, the more they will want to see that it is properly told” (IMC, 2008:46) – and thus the GSA networks aim to communicate South Africa in a constructive manner (M2). Moreover, the networks act as a brain bank where its members offer free advice and inside information on particular skills that are needed in South Africa, foreign investment opportunities, as well as arranging work experience, sabbaticals, mentoring and knowledge transfers between the foreign and domicile countries (M2). Nevertheless, mobilising expatriate communities, such as the GSA network, are not without shortcomings. There are communication and cultural barriers as well as issues related to human resources. The IMC employs a single brand ambassador for each country market (IMC, 2011), while arguably a larger team of brand ambassadors would be needed to garner widespread interest in the country’s tourism and business opportunities (M2).

Communication issues between South African marketing organisations and the private sector appear to be prevalent (M1,2,5,6,8,11,14,16,17 & 18). According to an informant who regularly engages with international investors, the connections between government and the private sector are impaired.

M18: The linkages are broken. They are historically broken. They have never really been functional. So when you look at the investment coordinating committees that are trying to attract investment in South Africa, I question how much they are talking to business. I question how strong their links are. They may be strong in rhetoric, but how real are they? How often is the IMC, or whoever it may be, talking to manufacturing and industry and getting priorities on the matter, and wading into the political discourse around minimum wages, which is a hindrance to investment?

Authenticity, in this sense relates to credibility. It is the discrepancy between actual versus superficial accomplishment of the intended endeavours; or the difference between proclamation and deed (M11). Overemphasises on communication aspects of place branding is criticised because of the disparity between rhetoric and the substance to support it. The view that

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communication constitutes place branding follows from product branding perspective in the use of advertising campaigns, graphic design and logos. However, place branding is more likely to have an influence on consumers where it engenders a “feeling of being connected” (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010:843). Consumers in this sense endeavour to “develop an authentic self” by becoming active members of the community and sharing common ideals and values (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010:843). The affinity between members exists not through personal contact between each member (Anderson, 1983), but through the sharing of social values in creating a consciousness of kind (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001). While authors have considered brand communities in a tourism context (Gnoth, 2002; van‘t Klooster et al., 2004; Wheeler et al., 2011), with the stated intention of avoiding the “inclusion of other sectors beyond tourism” (van‘t Klooster et al., 2004:3), this research finds a committed cohort of consumers across place branding sectors. Place brand communities consider to some degree an engagement between members: where friends, family, colleagues, or even service providers (C15) are involved. It sees consumers identifying themselves with particular lifestyle choices – for example, as an outdoor person (C11), a kindred spirit (C6) or a free-spirited individual (C16). Furthermore, consumers acknowledge other like-minded individuals, “kindred spirits like us” (C6), who share similar affinities such as the passion for the outdoors and wildlife. They also specify a sense of belonging to a place brand community, for example, the view that “you’re either an African person or you’re not an African person” (C2).

7.5.2.4 Interpretation of Narratives The interpretation of narratives is significant because individuals, rather than involuntarily accepting stories in full, chose parts of a story that resonate with them (M14); those which hold meaning for them (DeLyser, 2001:37). Ibarra & Barbulescu (2010:136) claim that the successful stories of an organisation are those that evoke “feelings of authenticity and are deemed valid by their target audience”. The same consideration might transfer to place brand identities. If placerelated narratives are solely a construction of authenticity, it is questionable whether consumers may in fact “reject the brand images and view them as inauthentic, irrelevant, or affronts to local culture” (Gotham, 2007:841). Put differently, the question is whether the perceived lack of authenticity and credibility by consumers is the result of marketers not having grounded their communication with factual evidence (van Riel & Fombrun, 2007:75). An advertisement by

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Wines of South Africa (Appendix 8) serves to illuminate this debate. The advertisement is part of the wine board’s repositioning of South Africa from a place that produces less expensive branded wines to a producer of premium-level wines. It is an endeavour that involves associations between wine and provenance. As M1 puts it, when “you start to talk about premium wine, in other words not mass branded wines […] you can’t talk about provenance with the lack of authenticity” (M1). As an assertion of provenance, the national wine board has focused on the theme of biodiversity by using images in its advertising of flora indigenous to South Africa. A representative of the wine board expresses the following: “we have 9000 plant species, which is more than the whole of the Northern Hemisphere. There are more species of plants on Table Mountain than in the whole of the UK” (M1). The endeavour to include biodiversity in wine marketing is different to the embroidering of narratives by the Vin de Constance brand in Appendix 13. It is not concerned with constructive authenticity, as much as it is with objective authenticity – the statement of facts and an emphasis on origin.

Presenting the advertisement to consumers, however, elicited a different set of reactions to those intended. To consumers who had travelled to South Africa, the flowers (Proteas) were familiar (C1,2,8,10,12 & 17), although the idea of these images juxtaposed with wine seemed incongruent. Consumers who recognised the flowers as being indigenous, questioned whether someone interested in wine, and knew little about South African flora, would find an intuitive connection. In the words of a consumer, “the imagery they’ve put with that is very strange in my view, because it clashes. You’ve got photographs of plants, which as far as I know have nothing to do with wine making” (C1). An informant who had not yet visited South Africa found the images confusing and inquired whether the flowers were images of wheat (C4). Furthermore, he suspected one of the flowers to be juniper, which he closely associated with gin rather than wine.

These remarks are not a question of provenance, but rather incongruence between the intended and perceived meaning of an advertisement. Consumers, it seems, consider wine in a socially constructive sense where intuitive associations are more convincing than facts of origin.

Commenting on an advertisement, an informant mentions that if she were in the position of the wine board she would “go for the usual romantic setting when it comes to selling wine. You know, selling the story of gorgeous evenings in the setting sun, fantastic views, or you and your loved one in a lovely restaurant and having fantastic wine” (C7). This is not a purely objective

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view to authenticity, but rather a socially constructed and emotionally appealing (existential) one. In fact, in a different advertisement (Appendix 11), South African Tourism conveys precisely the scene mentioned by the informant: an outdoor dining experience over a glass of wine, backed with a superlative views.

7.6 Chapter Summary This chapter proposes an Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) model (Fig 7.2). The model considers consumer and management perspectives in place branding and the relationships between them. The chapter begins by re-emphasising the correlations between place branding and authenticity - that place brands are socially constructed entities, partly because they are communicated publicly, but also because they adhere to public opinion and the social sharing of ideas, meanings and values. However, this does not mean that place branding ignores objective and existential authenticity. Instead, it absorbs these points of view into the realm of social construction. Examples include the brand communications of goods of origin such as art and wine (objective-constructive authenticity) and of tourism experiences (existential-constructive authenticity). Constructive authenticity therefore refers not only to the social aspects of brand communication, but also to the “process of social construction of the other two types” (Cohen & Cohen, 2012:1295).

The suggestion of Cohen & Cohen (2012) leads back to the conceptual framework and explains why Figure 7.1 shows objective and existential authenticity understood via constructive authenticity, rather than separate from it. In Chapter 2, the discussion on place branding identifies a chasm that exists between consumer and management perspectives. Chapter 3 proposes constructive authenticity as a means of understanding this chasm, and the negotiation between the perspectives of consumers and managers. The negotiation is concerned with the meaning and identity of the place – what the place is or aspires to be, what is thought about the place by the general public, what consumers think and feel about it, and whether or not it deserves the reputation it is given. It is not a formal debate between consumers and management, but rather a tacit negotiation between them. Neither consumers nor managers, nor any other group within or outside a place, have direct access to the single “true” meaning of what the place is or stands for. Instead, there is a spectrum of place-related meanings, each contesting for

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representation. Managers communicate to consumers based on what they think and feel the place stands for, while the consumer determines whether management’s construal resonates with their own views of the place. This tacit negotiation of place identity is continuous, evolving along with consumer trends and changing with the relative strength of the perceptions that people hold of places.

On the one side of the AIPB model is place brand image (the consumer perspective) and on the other, place brand identity (the management perspective). At the centre of the model are various modes of consumer engagement (consumer goods, business investment, immigration and tourism) as well as various modes of exposure (direct experience, interpersonal ties, print media and sport). Negotiation between the two perspectives occurs where interpretation or construal is involved, which is informed by constructive authenticity. In some instances, consumers illustrated accidental parity between their own views and those of managers, for example, where a consumer describes the effectiveness of a romantic setting in promoting South African wine, inadvertently depicting one of the print advertisements for South African Tourism (Appendix 11). In another instance, there is a disparity in viewpoints, such as the Wines of South Africa (WOSA) advertisement (Appendix 8), where consumer informants responded to it with views that diverge from its original intent. It is the imperative of management to understand how and why parity or disparity occurs, and authenticity offers a lens to do so. For instance, where management communication emphasises facts that have no resonance with consumers (as in the case of the WOSA advertisement), the emphasis may need to change to a more existential-based authenticity (accounting for the feelings and experiences of consumers) or constructive-based authenticity (accounting for the social context in which consumers interpret the advertisement).

One of the limitations of the AIPB model is its holistic overview. Researchers may wish to explore individual components of the model including additional components that surface through further research. The model is developed through a single case study of South Africa, but further research on other countries may serve to enhance or challenge its components.

Further research may also extend and clarify the relationships between the various individual components of the model, as well as incorporating specific aspects of place branding. Directions for further research are detailed in the chapter that follows.

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Chapter 8: Conclusions, Contributions and Recommendations

8.1 Introduction This chapter concludes this thesis on Authenticity and Place Branding. The first part of the chapter is a summary of the study with a review of each chapter. It is followed by a proposal of the principal contributions to knowledge, emphasising each with an application of Guba & Lincoln’s (1981) model of extending, bridging and surfacing. The final three sections of the chapter consider the managerial implications of authenticity in place branding, the limitations of the study and directions for future research.

8.2 Summary of the Study The thesis contains eight chapters. Chapter 1 provides a background and rationale for the study.

The rationale stems from various concerns for authenticity in the place branding literature: preservation of heritage, the emphasis of country-of-origin goods; and the view that place brand identity (the place and its characteristics) is the authentic essence, whereas the place brand image (the perception of the place held externally by consumers) is merely a “superficial surface�

(Gran, 2010:23). Since authenticity remaining a contested issue in place branding (Govers & Go, 2009; Ooi & Pedersen, 2010:329), the aim of the research is to explore place branding (the brand management of countries, cities and regions) with specific emphasis on authenticity.

Following the aim, there are four objectives. The first objective is to engage in a review and synthesis of the literature on authenticity and place branding, in order to create a conceptual framework to underpin the research (Chapters 2 and 3). The second objective is to apply a critical case study research strategy to a single country, with the purpose of exploring the concept of authenticity within the context of place branding (Chapter 4). The third objective is to explore consumer (Chapters 5) and management (Chapter 6) perspectives in place branding in relation to concepts of authenticity. The final objective is to propose a model that integrates the discourse of authenticity into the theory and practice of place branding. The literature review and findings chapters each contribute to this final objective in the proposal of the Authenticity in Place

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Branding (AIPB) model presented and detailed in Chapter 7. The remaining chapters develop as follows.

Chapter 2 considers the gradual progression from branding to place branding theory. Following an introductory discussion on the eight evolutionary stages in branding, the chapter explores consumer and management concepts in branding. Consumers’ experiences of brands elicit brand meaning which either has individual or social significance to the consumer as a brand community. Brand communities result from a sharing of meanings and the affinity that consumers have for a brand. From a management perspective, the meanings and perceptions consumers attribute to brands constitutes a construed external image in the sense that managers are interpreting meanings and values that consumers attribute to their brands. The socially shared aspects of the construed brand image form a brand reputation. A positive reputation imbues brands with credibility and provides them with a competitive advantage in terms of an enduring interest from their stakeholders. The first half of this chapter ends in the discussion of brand identity interfaces (Figure 2.3) – showing an interaction between the internal and external perspectives of organisations.

In moving from concepts of branding to concepts of place branding, there is an initial discussion of three conceptual models. They are Hankinson’s (2004) Relational Network Brand (RNB) model (Figure 2.4); Hanna & Rowley’s (2011) Strategic Place Brand-Management (SPBM) model (Figure 2.5) and Govers & Go’s (2009) Three-Gap Place Branding (3-Gap) model (Figure 2.6). Place brand image (the consumer perspective) divides into three parts: cognitive image (thought processes), affective image (feelings), and normative image (public opinion).

Emphasising a departure from a static view of place image as the sum of perceptions, this section of the chapter instead considers dynamic perspectives that encompass consumer-related processes of thinking, feeling and socially interpreting places. The discussion on place brand identity views place branding from the other side (the management perspective). It addresses sectors of place branding engagement (exports, investment, immigration and tourism), tangible and intangible elements of place brand identity and issues that arise through cooperation at multiple scales of place branding (supranational, country, region and city).

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Chapter 3 extends the interests of place branding to authenticity. The chapter comprises four sections: a linguistic history of authenticity, existential and modernist approaches to authenticity, frameworks of authenticity that consolidate the discourse, and finally a synthesis of authenticity in place branding. A historical background on authenticity provides the underpinnings of the discourse and explains why it has different meanings. The existentialist approaches engender interpretations of authenticity from three principal authors: Nietzsche, Heidegger and Sartre. An interpretation of Nietzsche suggests that authenticity derives from the tensions between two opposing drives: Appolonian (sense of reason) and Dionysian (sense of emotion), where the individual is in a continuous creation and recreation of authentic selfhood. By contrast, an interpretation of Heidegger’s authenticity sees a dualism of authentic and inauthentic choices, which derive from a set of possibilities presented to the individual. Finally, Sartre’s notion of authenticity embraces creativity and spontaneity, illustrating authenticity as the volition or free will of the individual.

In contrast to the existential approaches, which centre on the individual, the modernist approaches to authenticity present a dynamic interaction between individuals, objects and events.

Benjamin illustrates a transition from the authenticity of an object to the subjective experience of it: for example, the appreciation of artwork, or an individuals’ affinity for their possessions.

MacCannell (1973) critiques Benjamin’s (1968c) aura of authenticity, suggesting that it is not the object itself that is authentic, but rather that authenticity derives from the object’s socially constructed importance. MacCannell (1973) argues that in the last vestiges of the non-modern world there is a staging of authenticity, with an authentic backstage concealed by an inauthentic front. The two socially constructed stages present a false consciousness for tourists seeking authentic tourism experiences. However, the attributing of predetermined front and back stage experiences has been criticised by Cohen (1979), who argues that authenticity emerges over time. A recently constructed building, for example, may not appear authentic to its first observers, but over time and through socially attributed importance and preservation, the building may develop a publicly embraced sense of authenticity.

Conceptual models of authenticity serve to consolidate the existential and modernist approaches from various authorial perspectives. Two frameworks that have generated particular interest in

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the authenticity literature are Selwyn’s (1996) hot and cool authenticity and Wang’s (1999) existential, constructive and objective authenticity. In Selwyn’s (1996) framework, cool authenticity represents the interest of scientific verisimilitude where an object is tested and verified for its authenticity. By contrast, hot authenticity represents the social construction and ideological significance attributed to events, objects and individuals. For example, the view that homes in the Cotswolds are authentic may derive from their associations of being quintessentially English. However, there is a different set of opinions on authenticity. Wang’s (1999) framework depicts three rather than two ontological positions of authenticity: existential (of individuals), objective (inherent in objects) and constructive (of society).

In the synthesis of authenticity and place branding, objective authenticity has applications to place-of-origin goods, which are authentic in the sense that they originate from a particular place.

Objective authenticity also has applications to the preservation and protection of cultures and heritage. However, the view that each place has a genuine and authentic core (Hankinson, 2004) or genius loci (Skinner, 2011) that requires consistency, preservation and protection, is not always of benefit to places. The selection of identity elements and the sole focus on the preservation of heritage may freeze the place into becoming a static brand with a single appeal (Pasquinelli, 2012:102-3). Places are not static, but rather are dynamic entities with emotions and experiences that bring to bear the relevance of existential authenticity. Viewed as purely existential, however, the place would be in constant flux without holding any cohesive identity or more than momentary image. However, lacking in the static objective and the dynamic existential perspectives is a more viscous, socially constructed perspective of authenticity in place branding. Constructive authenticity acts as a mediator between the other two perspectives.

It assists in contextualising the claims that places make about their culture and heritage without treating them as isolated facts. This view forms the basis of the conceptual framework.

Constructive authenticity acts as a conduit for the other two perspectives in exploring the chasm between consumer image and management identity perspectives in place branding.

Chapter 4 outlines the design of the research inquiry. The philosophy of interpretivism provides the context needed for construing diverse perspectives on the topic. Guided by interpretivism, the research explores a qualitative single case study of South Africa as a place brand from a UK market perspective. South Africa is chosen as a case study due to its established nation-branding

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programme (Brand South Africa), which allows for the exploration of brand management theory at the various geographical scales (supranational, national, city and regional). The United Kingdom has cultural and historical connections with South Africa and is one of its principal foreign markets for exports, tourism and investment. The study comprises two sets of informants: South African managers responsible for marketing South Africa aboard, and UK consumers who have engaged with South Africa in one or more of its sectors (tourism, investment, immigration and consumer goods). Self-selection and snowball sampling were used to recruit informants. The in-depth interviews with informants lasted for approximately an hour and their transcripts provided the main source of data for determining the research themes.

Themes (or codes) were developed by applying Strauss & Corbin’s (1998) approach to qualitative data analysis which involves three stages: open, axial and selective coding. Following the procedure for coding and triangulation, the chapter concludes by specifying the adherence to research ethics.

Chapter 5, the Consumer Findings, comprises four themes that derive from the selective coding: modes of engagement (consumer interactions with place exports, immigration and tourism), cognitive response (thoughts about places), affective response (feelings about places), and modes of exposure (impression-building mediums of places). Each section compliments discussions in the place branding literature review. The consumer sample of twenty interviews provides a range of commercial engagements with South Africa, often with consumers having more than one interest. For example, the purchase of South African goods, visits to the country, and engagement in a business capacity. The findings also reveal insights on the types of consumer engagement and their behavioural tendencies. For example, in goods consumption, wine appears to be an export strongly associated with South Africa, with distinctions made about particular estates, regions, price and levels of production. The findings on immigration correlate with the literature on discussions of push and pull factors that influence informants’ tendencies to leave one place to immigrate to another. Similarly, the findings on tourism engagement relate to the literature on the tendencies of individuals to distinguish themselves from the average tourist and to define their interests based on levels and types of experience.

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From the behavioural tendencies of consumer engagements, the findings turn to cognitive and affective responses towards places. Cognitive response discusses the effect of the first impressions of places on future engagements, the social aspects of places (thoughts about the historic and contemporary), and physical aspects (interpretation of place surroundings). The findings on cognitive response illustrate dynamic processes involved in opinion forming, rather than place image viewed as a static sum of knowledge. Consumers also have various feelings towards places, including a romantic attachment, a sense of fear and a sense of hope. Thoughts and feelings about places are influenced by various modes of exposure. The findings draw a distinction between intimate and public modes of exposure to places. Intimate modes of exposure involve learning about places through close personal relationships with individuals or direct experiences with places. By contrast, public modes of exposure extend to the realm of public knowledge, including advertising and print media.

The management findings in Chapter 6 follow from the consumer findings with a focus on place brand identity viewed as four component parts: place brand strategy, place brand audiences, modes of expression and construed external image. Place brand strategy considers how managers understand and interpret places as brands. The brand identity metaphors that managers use to interpret places as brands include individuals, products, services and corporations. The metaphors of brand identity are both enabling and restrictive in their application to place branding. While metaphors have the ability to transport ideas from one conceptual domain to another, taken literally, they may misrepresent the unique characteristics and functions of places.

The metaphors also serve as a basis for realising and formalising the vision of places as brands.

The findings address visioning at various geographical scales and across sectors. Places with multiple identities at different geographical scales and sectors are confronted with cooperative and unified management. Places additionally have to consider multiple consumer audiences. The chapter discusses various characteristics of tourism, business and investment, and consumer goods audiences. The construed external image is concerned with how managers perceive the image of their consumer audiences. Four types of construed external image are explored in the findings: the continent effect, caricatures, emotional brand facets, and functional brand facets.

The continent effect, as referred to in the literature, discusses the image of Africa as it reflects on South Africa. Whereas the continent effect considers individual countries in collective terms,

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caricatures consider the exaggerations of certain features of places. One example is Cape Town’s overwhelming emphasis as a tourist city to the detriment of business and investment.

A further set of findings in Chapter 6 illustrates that managers’ construal of consumers’ image influences the manner in which they communicate with their audiences. The various modes of expression for communication include digital media, one-on-one relationships, events and showcasing and print and television advertising. The findings highlight a change in communications from traditional print and television advertising, towards the use of digital media platforms including corporate websites, micro sites and online publications of traditional print media. One-on-one relationships are more costly and time-consuming and seem to be used where the intermediaries or clientele involved are of greater importance to the place branding organisation. The findings further draw the distinction between large-scale events and smaller scale showcasing as a means of communication. Where large-scale events, such as the FIFA World Cup 2010, have the ability to promote places through a wide range of media, showcasing may be used for more specific objectives. Among the examples of showcasing are tradeshows, road shows, exhibitions and in-store promotions.

Chapter 7 focuses on the final objective of the research, the proposal of an Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) model. The model draws upon the selective coding themes in the findings chapters and a review of the literature in Chapters 2 and 3. The principal themes of the model are place brand image, place brand engagements and placement identity. Essentially place brand image represents the consumer perspective, and place brand identity emphasises the management perspective. Place brand engagement is a meeting point between the two perspectives because it involves both the consumption and representation of places as brands. Each component of the model expresses a subsection of the discussion Chapter. Constructive authenticity underpins the model and provides a narrative bridge between the other perspectives. For example, in the expression of the objective origins of goods, marketing communications act as a constructive conduit for objective authenticity. Further discussion on the contributions and limitations of the AIPB model and its components are detailed in the sections that follow.

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8.3 Contributions to Knowledge This section considers the application of Guba & Lincoln’s (1981:98) extending, bridging and surfacing model (Figure 8.1) as three modes of contributing to knowledge. Extending contributes to knowledge by beginning with a known area and building on it, moving away from the known towards the relatively unknown. An instance of extending is the discussion on affect (Lazarus, 1984), which is relatively unexplored in a place branding context. The following discussion considers the contributions described in Figure 8.1.

Figure 8.1: Extending, Bridging and Surfacing: An Application

2. Surfacing

3. Extending Extension of existing discussions on consumer image with an emphasis on positive affect

A view towards micro and macro-level studies on authenticity in place branding

Authenticity 1. Bridging Place Branding

Constructive authenticity used in understanding the chasm between consumer and management perspectives in place branding

Adapted from Guba & Lincoln’s (1981:98)

8.3.1 Bridging Theory The conceptual framework introduced in Chapter 3 suggests a gap in place branding theory: the chasm between consumer image and management identity perspectives and the proposal that constructive authenticity might assist in better understanding the negotiation between them. This interest in authenticity emerges largely from criticisms of where it is lacking. In a place branding context Gran (2010:23), for example, views “identity representing the authentic essence, and image representing the superficial surface”. Ooi & Stober (2010:68) argue similarly that one of

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the issues of authenticity in place branding is a difference “between the place and the presented images of the place”. It is not the lack of authenticity in place branding, but rather the imbalance between perspectives that is of concern. If consumers understood places in the same sense as management, and maintained this understanding indefinitely, the conflicts between them would not exist and there would be little interest in constructive authenticity. However, this is not the case. Numerous papers on the topic attest to an interest in either a repudiation of the images of places held by external publics, or a reinterpretation of place brand identities so that they are more aligned with the interests of internal stakeholders and the opinions of foreign audiences (Johansson, 2012; Paganoni, 2012; Ruzzier & Petek, 2012; Sim, 2012). Deliberation and tacit negotiation of meaning (constructive authenticity) is therefore at the heart of place branding. The perceptions of places cannot, however, be changed though communications alone.

As Anholt (2010c:11) puts it, a “better image can only be earned; it cannot be constructed or invented”. Anholt, in this sense, is referring to normative image (the reputations of places). By not being able to construct or invent this image, he is suggesting that the image already exists, established in the mind of the public. Creating a visual place brand identity on its own neither changes the publicly held perceptions of places nor provides momentum for that change. If a change in public image is to occur, the place itself has to change through economic and social policies, and the physical development of buildings and infrastructure. The communicative functions of place branding align this change, informing consumers of it, as well as reinstating the favourable characteristics of places that already exist. The Authenticity in Place Branding (AIPB) model presented in Figure 7.2 takes particular interest in the latter issue. It considers place brand image as having three constituent parts: normative image (collective thought), cognitive image (cool thought), and affective image (hot thought). The latter two terms derive from cognitive psychology (Thagard & Kroon, 2006). The former incorporates the concept of public opinion and the notion of collective consciousness (the shared beliefs and sentiments of society) (Giddens, 1994:xvii).

What this research contributes is a framework for understanding the bridge between consumers and management perspectives in place branding - particularly in terms of the tacit negotiations between them. In fact, there are few studies which consider both consumer and management

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perspectives together; most are identity-related or image-related, but not both. Part of the contribution to knowledge is therefore the advancing of qualitative research designs that involve comparative perspectives in place branding. In the AIPB model, consumers experience places through various modes of engagement (goods of origin, business and investment, tourism and immigration). They are also influenced by modes of exposure; interpersonal ties (acquaintances, colleagues, friends and family), various forms of print media (books, brochures and special interest magazines) and in South Africa’s case particularly, the influence of sport (where consumers learn about the country through playing sports, watching sport on television, or visiting the place for sporting events). Whenever managers attempt to communicate with consumers, they do so through an already established lens, which consumers use to interpret the information presented to them. The narrative approach to authenticity in place branding, it is argued, is well-suited to constructive authenticity because it permeates the circuits of consumer exposure and engagements with places (Hildreth, 2010; van der Westhuizen, 2003). In this sense, narratives are viewed by managers as being more authentic, providing them with a platform to engage with their consumer audiences. Places comprise existing narratives (a repertoire of stories and storylines) and aspirational narratives (stories places aspire to tell).

8.3.2 Extending Theory While the place branding literature discusses cognitive processes of individuals, there is substantially less research to inform the emotional perspective (Anholt, 2005a:333). The understanding of why people might choose to invest in certain places, buy its products, visit it, or take an interest in its culture and heritage are underpinned by “those instantaneous, emotional, deep-rooted, good or bad feelings that we all have about places” (Anholt, 2005a:333). Strong positive emotions are of particular interest to branding because they are arguably precursors of consumer loyalty and the spread of positive word-of-mouth (Batra et al., 2012a). Emotion emerges through brand experience and it forms bonds with individuals within brand communities (Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001:413). While there is acknowledgement in place branding theory on the importance of emotional bonds between consumers and places (Hall, 2004; Hankinson, 2004; Ooi, 2004), particularly in tourism (Pritchard & Morgan, 1998), the discussions are largely theoretical (Smith & Darlington, 2010), transferring this understanding from brand theory, rather

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than exploring it empirically in place branding. One exception is Torkington (2011) who offers a linguistic analysis of place-related affect using data from a series of in-depth interviews with British lifestyle migrants. Torkington focuses more on place identity than place branding and therefore more on the identification with the place than the management of its identity.

In this study on South Africa, there is wide range of consumer audiences, which in addition to immigration include those interested in business and investments, tourism and the purchase of goods of origin. Affect emerges in the consumer findings under themes of romantic attachment, a sense of fear, and a sense of hope in South Africa. Deep-rooted feelings towards places are found in informants’ descriptions of being repelled or attracted to places; or having mixed emotions (a love-hate relationship with South Africa). This research finds some managers interested in emotion in a place branding context, but perhaps not considering it to the extent that it might be fully exploited. To other managers, emotion is interpreted in the way it is depicted in the literature (as a necessary counterpart to cognition), but difficult to comprehend and use effectively (O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2000:60). Strong emotions are seen as a consequence of patriotism (an internal identity perspective), rather than something truly felt by external consumer markets. The emotional bond with Africa, for instance, is trivialised by managers as being from a social responsibility angle rather than a “much deeper love” felt by its citizens. And yet in the consumer findings there are examples of strong, almost visceral emotional attachments, such as the feelings of South Africa expressed as “in my blood, in my bones” which can be felt “even as a non-South African”.

The imperative for managers is to exploit the positive sentiments towards places where they already exist, rather than trying to entrench emotional attachments within the place where they have no existing resonance with consumers. The latter results in a list of superlatives which are easily replicated by competing destinations offering similar experiences. To prevent this, one manager suggests that it may be useful to combine emotions with the experiences being offered.

An example is two South African Tourism advertisements (Appendix 11), one aimed at leisure markets and the other at business markets. The advertisement for leisure markets combine elements of fine dining with the backdrop of the South African wilderness, rekindling the existing feelings of romantic nostalgia for the country and continent. Similarly, the advertisement

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for business markets draws on an emotional engagement with South African culture in promoting a unique perspective on conflict resolution in the business travel market.

8.3.3 Surfacing Theory Surfacing, according to Guba & Lincoln (1981:98), develops as the researcher begins to notice new information that ought to be found in a field of study. The new information surfaces from the collected data “once a subset of known categories has been identified” (Guba & Lincoln, 1981:98). The known categories derive from the conceptual framework, particularly Wang’s (1999) objective, constructive and existential authenticity. These three perspectives of authenticity serve as a mechanism for understanding the relationships between entities within a field of study. Leigh et al. (2006), for example, in their study of the MG car brand, draw attention to the interrelationships between objective authenticity (the MG car models as collectors’ items), existential authenticity (the driving experience) and constructive authenticity (the subcultural construction of MG owner’s identity in contrast to the identity of the brand itself). In a similar sense, the relationships between the components in the AIPB model might be expressed as inclined to one type of authenticity or another. Moreover, authenticity in this sense may act as a conduit between various components at a macro-scale, in addition to detailing the instances within each component.

Consider, for instance, wildlife safaris, which is an area widely discussed in the consumer interviews (C1,2,3,5,6,8,1,13,15,16,17 & 19), well-documented in the literature, but relatively unexplored in terms of authenticity (Lau, 2010). Authenticity operates on multiple levels within the safari experience as well as outside of it, as depicted in the consumer brand image of the AIPB model. There is an element of existential authenticity in terms of the actual safari experience; and a sense of being engaged through an immediate encounter with the animals and surroundings (Redfoot, 1984:295;Arnould & Price, 1993). Within this existential experience is an element of nostalgia where consumers may feel “freer, more innocent, more spontaneous, purer, and truer to themselves than usual” (Wang, 1999:360). Nostalgia also bridges the felt existential authenticity of the tourist experience with constructive authenticity, and particularly the normative and communicative elements of place branding (the modes of exposure and

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expression). Wildlife safaris are a romantic ideal and conjure up images of colonial-style safari lodges (C19). This ideal is propagated by books and films, such as George Adamson’s 1966 film Born Free (C16), and inevitably become a must-see experience and one that involves “ticking the box” (C2). What authenticity may offer at a macro level is a set of principles that assist in better understanding the relationships between place branding concepts. Viewing authenticity in this sense sheds new light on place branding. Beyond a set of traits inherit in places, or the ethical and cultural guidelines for how place branding should be conducted, authenticity becomes a useful compass for finding issues in place branding, as well as a lens for interpreting those issues. Authenticity, rather than acting as a solution to issues in place branding, might be viewed as a means to interpret and understand those issues.

8.4 Managerial Implications This study emphasises the imperative for professionals to consider the contexts of place-related communications and the means by which consumers interpret those communications in their appeals for authenticity. While the AIPB model has theoretical foundations it is also underpinned by management functions: the construal of market opinions through consumer research, the development of place brand strategy, the selection of consumer audiences; and the communications to those audiences through various modes of exposure. Consumer research is an interpretive function - it does not provide direct access to consumer opinion, sentiment or the intention to engage with places. The management findings suggest that professionals tend to use quantitative research that enables clear, informed decisions. However, quantitative research is not necessarily suited to understanding how consumers interpret marketing communications, or whether the appeal is intuitive in the country market and socio-cultural contexts that it is displayed. It may benefit managers in applying qualitative methods to elicit consumers’ subtle views and sentiments.

Another managerial implication is the internal focus of conceptualising places as brands. The identities of place brands are understood by comparison with the identities of corporations, products and services. While these are useful metaphors for place brand management, places are none of these and encompass their own set of characteristics and idiosyncrasies. The imperative

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for management is to better understand how consumers and other stakeholders conceptualise places in everyday terms, rather than as corporate, product or service brand metaphors. This insight has similar implications for communication (the modes of expression). Authenticity is more than a means of expression of local cultures and characteristics of the place. It is a tool for understanding how places are interpreted, whether they resonate with consumer audiences, and how communications could be used to better effect in enticing consumers to engage with places.

A narrative approach to communication may be more in line with the negotiations of authenticity between consumers and managers. Place brand communication needs to look beyond the simple expression of places through visuals, logos or slogans and “paint the story a little bit more; you have to have a narrative� (C7). Narratives are more credible because they derive from an impartial source, and more intelligible because they allow audiences to embellish upon the parts of the place-related stories that interest them. The strategic implications would be the use of place brand narrators who would include: managers, in their one-on-one interactions with clients and communicative imparting of place-related knowledge; emissaries, who are highly influential people including celebrities, columnists, writers and sportsmen - M2, 3, 7, 8 & 9); expatriates, in terms of their affiliations with foreign audiences (M13 & 17); and consumers, in terms of their spreading of positive word-of-mouth and informing others about the place (M13 & 17).

8.5 Limitations of the Study The limitations of this research relate to the context of the study as well as the research design. In choosing an interpretive research philosophy, the conclusions of this study are restricted to the subjective choices of the researcher. The choice of a single case-study design excludes other designs, which may have been informative to the topic of authenticity in place branding. The choice of a single case also limits the research by choosing one study from a larger set of cases available. Following the same selection criteria of a critical case study, countries such as Australia and New Zealand, which have similar government-supported place brand strategies to South Africa, may have been selected as alternative cases. Within the case study of South Africa, the choices of United Kingdom consumers and South African managers is a further limitation.

The choices of place-brand managers overlook various other internal stakeholders involved in negotiating place-related meaning, including citizens, government and local businesses.

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Similarly, the choice of consumer audiences exclude other external audiences, among them, travel agents, tour operators, media representatives and various institutions who have an interest in consumers.

British consumers were chosen for their relevance to South Africa’s place branding (the longstanding history between the UK and South Africa as well as the economic significance of the UK consumer market). Yet there are other national markets (economically significant to South Africa – i.e. illustrative of consumption) where comparisons could have been drawn to provide further insights to the case study – among them, America and Germany. This study, for example, may have compared the findings from multiple nationalities and considered the bearing of each on the South Africa’s branding strategy. While the researcher has familiarity with both South Africa (as a place of birth and residence) and the UK (as a place of study and work), there is undoubtedly bias in the knowledge of each of these countries. The views presented in this thesis are less objective than they would be for a non-South African without experience of the UK. Further subjectivity derives from emic manner in which the case is researched. As a single case study, rather than a comparative study, some of the insights are limited to South Africa and are less transferable to other cases. Furthermore, due to the in-depth exploratory design of the research, the informant selection involved a limited number of consumer and management perspectives. The informants’ opinions are therefore not necessarily representative of all United Kingdom consumers; neither do they provide conclusive expressions from a South African perspective on place brand management. The purpose of the research was, however, to explore the implications of authenticity theory in place branding by using informants opinions as a means exemplifying, expanding and contextualising the existing theory.

8.6 Directions for Future Research The limitations in the research context and design of this study provide avenues for further research. Future researchers may consider using multiple case designs involving a comparison between their brand-related functions. Researchers may also wish to extend the number of embedded units within a single case, exploring multiple consumer audiences for a single country, city or region, or multiple stakeholder groups that inform the case. Variations in the method of

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data collection may also improve future research. The predominant use of verbal methods in this research meant that the concepts of authenticity and place branding were difficult to approach. A stronger combination of multisensory material might create more avenues for data gathering.

Although place brand advertisements and logos were used in informant interviews, the focus groups highlight the potential to use photographs of places to develop discussion around authenticity and place branding. Similarly, sound-related material could be used as a means of eliciting responses, for example, in the association between places and the contemporary and classical musical pieces associated with them. Video clips, as a combination of aural and visual senses, may prompt certain discussions about places. Foods and drinks might also be used as tools for encouraging discussion, eliciting responses on taste, smell and texture. Research may also focus on the relative strengths of different types of material used in brand communications.

In fact, it may be useful to consider responses of both consumers and managers. Pictures of the destination which managers intend to promote, or those which constitute their markets, may assist professionals in articulating views on authenticity. For example, a series of stereotypical pictures of a consumer market may elicit managers’ relative understanding of it.

Related to the interest in the senses is research on the psychological aspects of authenticity.

There are suggestions for criteria of authenticity such as history and heritage and yet little is known of the psychological values and meanings of the heritage appeal. Similarly, authenticity has emotional and existential aspects that may require further research. Studies on existential authenticity have focused predominantly on the experience of tourists. Research is lacking in other areas of place brand consumption; for example, the volitional acts of immigrants and their liminal and spontaneous decisions to leave one place and live in another. There is also a lack of research on existential authenticity from a management perspective. The development of place branding strategies involves not only cognitive, rational thought, but also emotions, creativity and spontaneity, providing potentially fruitful discussion on existential authenticity. It may be worth considering more qualitative methodologies in order to elicit and contribute to discussions on the creativity and spontaneity in management decisions.

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8.7 Chapter Summary This chapter summarises the thesis, its contributions to knowledge, managerial implications, limitations and directions for future research. The contributions to knowledge are viewed in application to Guba & Lincoln’s (1981:98) modes of extending, bridging and surfacing knowledge (Figure 8.1). For instance, in the figure, authenticity incorporated (bridged) into studies of place branding provides a useful frame for interpreting consumer and management perspectives. In addition to the contributions to knowledge, the managerial implications reinforce an understanding of the socio-cultural contexts in which managers communicate to their consumer audiences. Suggestions are also provided to managers on the use of metaphors in understanding places as brands and the use of narratives in expressing and negotiating their interpretations of places with consumers. The chapter ends by presenting the limitations of the study, which in turn suggest directions for future research.

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APPENDICES

264

Appendix 1. Wales the Brand: Challenging the Social Construct

“Our consumer research shows us that people increasingly crave experiences that are honest; we've seen a growing consumer demand for openness and honesty from brands in recent years. Consumers also want something that's authentic; the visitors that we're targeting are in pursuit of the real, the genuine and the natural in a disposable, modern world�

Wales the Brand

Source: http://www.walesthebrand.com

Appendix 2. Focus Group Topic Guide

1.

Opening Discussion

Write down a list of a few travel destinations with which you are familiar.

From this list describe two travel destinations which relate to following synonyms and antonyms of the word authentic?

Synonyms real, essential, evident, existent, existing, right, true, truthful, valid, sincere, honest, believable, original, pure, reliable, factual, firm, absolute, actual, bona fide, certain, substantial, substantive, tangible, unaffected, undeniable, undoubted, unfeigned, veritable, matter-of-fact, in effect, in fact, in reality, sure, trustworthy, distinct, exact, explicit, factual, faithful, genuine, unmistakable, unquestionable, irrefutable, official, perfect, right, straight, strict, undeniable, undisputed, unimpeachable, unquestionable, valid, veracious reliable, resolute, right, actuality, essence, individuality, reality.

Antonyms bogus, counterfeit, fake, spurious, unauthorized, doubtful, erroneous, false, flawed, imperfect, inaccurate, incorrect, misleading, mistaken, questionable, wrong, careless, faulty, inaccurate, vague, doubtful, erroneous, false, counterfeit, fictitious, imaginary, non-existent, pretended, unreal, doubtable, spurious, unofficial, unsubstantiated, unverified, doubtful, farfetched, unbelievable, unconvincing, artificial, counterfeit, fraudulent, doubtful, dubious, unpersuasive, erroneous, made up, untrue.

2.

Media and the country brand

(1) Which of the following forms of communication have the greatest influence on your opinion of countries? a) Television, radio, newspapers and other forms of mass media b) Travel advertisements, brochures and magazines promoting the country’s tourism or investment opportunities c) Discussions with friends, family and work colleagues d) Discussions with people who originate from the country 2) Are some of these sources more important in forming your opinion than others? Or do they all play an important role? (Could you explain why?)

3.

Symbols and Stereotypes

Do you think these pictures are symbolic of Spain? Do they add or detract from your understanding of the country?

Appendix 2: Focus Group Topic Guide

What are the first things that come to mind when you think of‌ Japan Mexico Brazil China USA France Australia New Zealand Fiji Ethiopia India 4.

Logo and advertisement Interpretation

How would interpret the following advertisements/logos? What sort of feelings do they evoke?

Are these feelings any different, if at all, from the opinion you have these countries?

1

Spain

Appendix 2: Focus Group Topic Guide

2

5.

New Zealand

Product exports and brands

1) With which country would you associate these brands?

2) Choose two of the following brands. What associations do they have with the people, culture, language, politics, landscape or business environment of the country?

Appendix 3. Information Sheet Research Title: “Authenticity in Place Branding” You are being invited to take part in a research study. However, before you decide on whether to participate, it is important for you to understand the purpose of this research and what it will involve. Please take time to read the following information carefully.

What is the purpose of the study?

This study looks at how countries (as brands) develop a sense of meaning or authenticity. All country’s have reputations (brands) which result in our interacting more with certain countries, and less with others. Place branding looks at the long term management of country brands. In the course of my three year PhD, I will be investigating South Africa’s reputation from the point of view of United Kingdom (UK) citizens. I want to find out how people in the UK feel about South Africa. I also want to find out what people in the UK consider to be ‘real’ (or perhaps ‘contrived’) about South Africa. At a later stage in my research, I will be comparing the views that people from the UK have of South Africa with those of South African marketing managers.

Why have I been invited to take part?

I am looking to interview around 20 informants who are well acquainted with South Africa and therefore able to relate their personal experiences and stories about the country. I’m interested not only in what South Africa means to you in terms of things it sells (such as wine, tourism and real-estate), but also the things that may intervene with what it sells (such as culture, lifestyle and politics). By participating, you will help me build an understanding of what authenticity means in terms of place branding.

Do I have to take part?

Participation is voluntary. If you do decide to take part you will be given this information sheet to keep and asked to sign a consent form. Having signed the form you are still free to withdraw at any time, without giving a reason.

What will happen to me if I do take part?

This information sheet is yours to keep. Prior to the interview I will ask a few screening questions related to your interaction with South Africa. You will also be briefed on the themes and types of questions I will be asking. The interview will be informal, face-to-face and last approximately 1 hour.

The procedure and possible risks involved This study is part of my PhD research which is sponsored by the Business School, Oxford Brookes University. My details and those of my supervisory team are included below. To ensure clarity of data I would kindly ask your permission that the interview be audio recorded. You will receive a full transcript of what was said during the interview and you are entitled to withdraw consent at any time, as well as withdraw as any unprocessed information previously supplied. The study has received clearance from the University Research Ethics Committee (UREC). Through this agreement with UREC you are assured that your identity remains protected and the information will be used for research purposes only. The data generated in the course of this research will be retained in accordance with the University’s policy of Academic integrity and must be kept securely in paper or electronic from for a period of five years after completion of the research project. Finally, if you have any concerns about the conduct of this research project you can contact the Chair of University Degrees Ethics Committee on the following email address: ethics@brookes.ac.uk.

Thank you for taking the time to read this information sheet.

Gregory Dooley, Research Student, Business School, Oxford Brookes University

Dr Jillian Farquhar (director of studies) Reader in Marketing.

Department of Marketing, Retail and Services Management.

T: +44 (0) 1865 485977 E: jfarquhar@brookes.ac.uk David Bowie - MBA (supervisor) Principal Lecturer in Marketing MSc Programmes Director Business School T: +44(0)1865 483890 E: decbowie@brookes.ac.uk

Dr Jackie Clarke (supervisor) Senior Lecturer.

Department of Marketing, Retail and Services Management.

T: +44 (0) 1865 485766 E: jrclarke@brookes.ac.uk Gregory Dooley (PhD researcher) Research Student Business School M: +44(0) 0791 4976208 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Appendix 4. Interview Consent Form

CONSENT FORM Full title of Project: Authenticity in Place Branding

Name, position and contact address of Researcher: Gregory Dooley, Research student, Department of Hospitality Leisure and Tourism Management (HLTM), Business School, Oxford Brookes University, Oxford, OX30BP

Please Initial Box 1.

I confirm that I have read and understand the information sheet for the above study and have had the opportunity to ask questions.

2.

I understand that my participation is voluntary and that I am free to withdraw at any time, without giving reason.

3.

I agree to take part in the above study.

4.

I agree to the interview being audio recorded

5.

I agree to notes being taken during the interview

6.

I agree to the use of anonymised quotes in publications

Name of Participant

Date

Signature

Name of Researcher

Date

Signature

Appendix 5. Consumer Requirement Advertisements

How do you see South Africa?

Have you purchased anything from South Africa recently? I am looking for interviews for my PhD thesis with British Citizen’s who have purchased ‘things’ of South African origin – for example South African wine, art, handicrafts, vacations, holiday houses etc.

Email:

gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Mobile: 0788-2191252

How do you see South Africa?

The benefit of taking part in this research is the mutual sharing of information on how South Africa is perceived in the UK. If you are interested in participating, or would like more information, then please get in touch with me using the contact details provided.

Have you purchased anything from South Africa recently? I am looking for interviews for my PhD thesis with British Citizen’s that have purchased ‘things’ of South African origin (wine, art, handicrafts, vacations, holiday houses etc.)

Regards, Gregory Dooley PhD Student Oxford Brookes University Business School

If you are interested in participating, or would like more information, then please get in touch with me by using the contact details provided below.

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Greg – How do you see South Africa?

M: 0788-2191252 E: gregorydooley@brookes.ac.uk

Appendix 6. Consumer Topic Guide

1. General Questions     2.

Opinions of South Africa  

 3.

Which countries have you travelled to in the last 5 years? (FG1) When was your first trip to South Africa?

Thinking back to before that first trip, what did you feel it was going to be like?

Did those expectations change after your visit to South Africa? (FG1) What did you like most about your visit?

What did you like least about your visit?

In what ways do you feel your trip to South Africa was any different from other countries?

In what ways do you feel your trip to South Africa was the same as other countries?

Did you buy anything on your trip to South Africa?

Experiences with South African Consumer Products     

5.

What is the first thing that comes to mind when you hear South Africa? - FG1 Which sources of information best informs your knowledge of South Africa? (School friends/colleagues/relatives, locals, travel books, sport, movies, magazines, newspapers, internet, etc.) - FG1 Do you have friends or relatives from South Africa or staying within South Africa? (FG1)

Travel experiences         

4.

Which part of the UK are you from and where do you live now?

What is your occupation?

Do you have any special interests or hobbies?

Are any of your parents or family born outside the UK? (FG1)

Considering the things that we buy, do feel that there are some things where it matters to know where what you have bought comes from?

Do you feel it matters more for some items and less for others? (FG1 & 2) Does it matter more for some countries and less for others? (FG1 & 2) Have you bought something from South Africa recently? (FG1 & 2) In your opinion how would you compare the thing you bought from South Africa to same thing from a country they have recently visited? (FG1 &2)

Authenticity Variables (probe relevant variables)           

Non-commercial (FG1, DeLyser 1999) History & Heritage (FG1, Bruner 1994; Cohen 1988 “emergent authenticity”) Stylistic Consistency (Beverland 2005) Quality Commitments Origin - important, unimportant, or detached (FG; Anholt 1998) Method of production Down playing commercial motives (FG1) Element of distinction (Spooner 1986) Scarcity (Follow-up Int., Spooner 1986; Beverland 2005) Culture (FG1, Litterell et al. 1993; Silver 1993) Design and labels (FG, Follow-up Int., Beverland 2005 “stylistic consistency”)

Appendix 6: Consumer Topic Guide        6.

Craftsmanship and Traditional Processes (FG1, Litterell et al., 1993) Symbolic meaning*(FG, Culler, 1981; Salamone,1997; Hughes 1995; Grayson & Martinec, 2004) Unique product/experience (FG1, Litterell et al., 1993; Shaffer, 2004) Lesser known areas of country (FG1) Consistency (FG “don’t change who you are” ) Creativity & Innovation (FG “think for yourself”…Peterson, 2005; Beverland, 2005)

Views on Place Marketing (FG1) 

How do feel about the following advertisement and logos?

1

2

3

Appendix 7. Management Topic Guide

Designing the Brand Identity

1.

Developing the corporate/place brand identity and how it is effected by (a) culture (b) history and (c) politics (de Chernatony, 1997; Olins, 2002; van Riel & Balmer, 1997)

2.

The use and interpretation of metaphors to conceptualise and manage places as brands – corporate, product, service, personal brands (Cornelissen, 2002; Cornelissen, 2006; Davies, 1991; de Chernatony, 1989; Haslam et al., 2003)

3.

Developing a unique organisational/country brand identity with distinctive characterises (intangible assets) that distinguishes it from its competitors (Pedersen, 2004; Ravasi & Schultz, 2006; Roberts, 2005)

4.

How the place brand strategy was developed – brand essence, the positioning of the brand in various markets (Hall, 2004; Hankinson, 2004; Kavaratzis, 2004)

5.

The difference between the nation brand identity and it’s national identity (Kavaratzis, 2005; Smith, 1992; Triandafyllidou, 1998)

6.

The use or avoidance of myths (Holt, 2004; Thompson, 2004) and stereotypes (Lotz & Hu, 2001) that the UK consumer community may have of South Africa as a brand (Belk, 1988; Holt, 2004; Muñiz & O'Guinn, 2001)

7.

The brand identity from the perspective of different target audiences (Pratt & Foreman, 2000b)

Communicating the Brand 1.

The ways in which the organisation/country brand and its products are communicated directly or indirectly – e.g. word-of-mouth; advertising; media aboard ; expatriate communities; major events (world cup football 2010) (Smith, 2005) government communications; influential groups etc.

(Abratt & Mofokeng, 2001; Cornelissen & Lock, 2000; Greyser et al., 2006)

2.

The use of the internet and modern media in communicating the brand (Opoku & Hinson, 2006; Weinberger, 2008; Williams & Copes, 2005)

3.

The ways in which the communication activities are focused towards the UK consumer and how that differs from other audiences.

4.

The use of stories (Boje, 1995; Brown, 2006; Chreim, 2005) to promote the brand - particularly stories which are sincere (Beverland, 2005a), emotionally driven (Thompson et al., 2006) and able to communicate distinct characteristics of the brand identity (Brown, 2006) to consumers.

5.

Ways in which visuals are used to communicate to attract customers, include cultures and change or maintain the identity of the organisation/country (Baker & Balmer, 1997; Bosch et al., 2006; Melewar et al., 2005; Pratt & Foreman, 2000a) Transparency in terms of how much consumers are told what is happening within the organisation/country (Kreiner et al. 2006)

6.

Appendix 7. Management Topic Guide

Managing the brand 1.

Multiple identities within the organisation/country and the difficulties in their coordination (Balmer & Greyser, 2002; Leitch & Motion, 1999; O'Shaughnessy & O'Shaughnessy, 2000; Pratt & Foreman, 2000b)

2.

The management of the brand identity over time versus the instability its image through media, outside events, change in consumer preferences etc. (Bick et al., 2003)

3.

Change and evolution of the brand identity and how that impacts the organisation/country (Corley & Gioia, 2004; Gioia et al., 2000)

4.

Issues in coordinating the efforts of individual organisations to pull together and manage South Africa’s brand identity (IE. the corporate/country brand architecture) (Bowie & Dooley, 2005; Scott & Lane, 2000; Uggla, 2006)

5.

The link between consumer brands and their country of origin (Anholt, 2002b; Gnoth, 2002; Peterson, 2005)

6.

The regional effect of Africa on South Africa and any problems or benefits it brings (Hall, 2002)

7.

The importance of brand communities involved in building credibility of the brand (Leigh et al., 2006)

Authenticity and the Brand 1.

Fair trade and ethical consumption (Balmer et al., 2007; Jackson, 2005; Liedtka, 2008; Pruzan, 2001; Weaver & Agle, 2002)

2.

The way in which the communicated identity of the organisation delivers on what it promises - IE. the way in which the organisation communicates accurate information to consumers and remains in integrity (Brown & Humphreys, 2006)

3.

Historical and nostalgic references used in branding (Beverland, 2005b; Goulding, 1999; Holt, 2002; Holt, 2004)

4.

Integrity in corporate/country leadership and how that influences the brand identity (Duignan & Bhindi, 1997; George et al., 2007; Goffee & Jones, 2005; Guthey, 2005; Weinberger, 2008)

5.

Down playing commercial motives in the promoting the corporate/product/place brand (Beverland, 2005a; Thompson & Arsel, 2004)

6.

Emphasis on South African culture in promoting the place/product/organisation (Ger & Csaba, 2000; Glynn & Lounsbury, 2005; Peterson, 2005)

7.

Experience based products that have a connection to South Africa as a place (Costa & Bamossy, 2001; Shaffer, 2004)

Appendix 8. Emphasising Objective Authenticity: Wines of South Africa Advert

Source: www.winesofsouthafrica.com

Appendix 9. Cross Section of South Africa’s Brand Architecture circa 2000 (Phase 1) Brand South Africa

National Tourism

National Trade & Investment

Provincial Tourism

Provincial Trade & Investment

Local Tourism

Local Trade & Investment

Est. late-2000

Brand Architecture framework adapted from IMC 2008 Annual Report pg. 13 National Tourism logo from Travel Trade Magazine (2012); Provincial Tourism logos form CTRU 2009 Annual Report front cover & pg. 1; Local Tourism logos from CTRU 2008 Annual Report: pg.2 National Trade & Investment logo, DTI Annual Report 2011 front cover; Provincial Trade & Investment logo WESGRO 2010 Annual Report Front Cover; Local Trade & Investment logos: CTP 2003 Annual Report, front cover.

Appendix 10. Cross Section of South Africa’s Brand Architecture circa 2010 (Phase 2) Brand South Africa

National Tourism

National Trade & Investment

Provincial Tourism

Provincial Trade & Investment

Consumer Logo

Merger as of April 2012

Local Tourism

Local Trade & Investment

Est. mid-2006

Brand Architecture framework adapted from IMC 2008 Annual Report pg. 13 National Tourism logo from Travel Trade Magazine (2012); Provincial Tourism logos form CTRU 2009 Annual Report front cover & pg. 1; Local Tourism logos from CTRU 2008 Annual Report: pg.2 National Trade & Investment logo, DTI Annual Report 2011 front cover; Provincial Trade & Investment logo WESGRO 2010 Annual Report Front Cover; Local Trade & Investment logos: CTP 2003 Annual Report pg. 58; ACT (2012)

Appendix 11. Encouraging Existential Authenticity: South African Tourism Advert

UK Leisure Tourism Print Advertisement:

UK Business Tourism Print Advertisement:

Appendix 12. Mind-Map Section used to Facilitate Axial Coding

Appendix 13. Objective-Constructive Authenticity: Vin de Constance Advert

Source: Good Taste Magazine, March 2011

Appendix 14. Social Construction of a Continent: Economist Front Covers

The The Economist, 17th May 2000

The The Economist, 24th February 2001

The The Economist, 17th January 2004

The The Economist, 2nd July 2005

The The Economist, 3rd Dec 2011

Lions and tigers (and bears) “Since The Economist regrettably labelled Africa ‘the hopeless continent’ a decade ago, a profound change has taken hold. Labour productivity has been rising. It is now growing by, on average, 2.7% a year. Trade between Africa and the rest of the world has increased by 200% since 2000. Inflation dropped from 22% in the 1990s to 8% in the past decade. […]Even after revising downward its 2012 forecast because of a slowdown in the northern hemisphere, the IMF still expects subSaharan Africa's economies to expand by 5.75% next year. Several big countries are likely to hit growth rates of 10%.”

(Economist, 2011: 82)

Source: http://www.economist.com