Prefabricated Micro-Living: The Future of Affordable Housing in London

Prefabricated Micro-Living: the Future of Affordable Housing in London An Investigation into the Adaptation of a Micro-living Model as a Response to the Affordable Housing Crisis in London Marcello Maioli

ARCT 1014 Architecture Dissertation Academic Year 2019/20 Word Count: 8620 To be presented to the Department of Architecture and Landscape at the University of Greenwich as part of the BA (Hons) Architecture course Except where stated otherwise, this dissertation is based entirely on the author’s own work.

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Prefabricated Micro-Living: the Future of Affordable Housing in London HOUSE OR HOME

THE CRISIS

MICRO

POCKET LIVING

PREFAB CONSTRUCTION

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An Investigation into the Adaptation of a Micro-living Model as a Response to the Affordable Housing Crisis in London

WHAT’S NEXT?

BIBLIOGRAPHY

06 The following writings provide an insight into the housing crisis that currently affect London and the lack of policies and government participation in the matter.

The way we inhabit space and the economic reality of many is not reflected in the approach developers have in the residential build. London is under constant construction: however affordability and house purchases are at an all time low.

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government sits idly by as the crisis unfurls. Pocket Living schemes of micro accommodations have become a trending solution for many in an increasingly dense city where land availability and affordable housing is on the decline. The outdated construction methods and profit driven developers further aggravate the lack of housing.

Younger demographics are unable to enter the housing market. The Fig 1. London Skyline in Constant Construction

The following dissertation will investigate factors that have contributed to the affordable housing crisis in London. I will be discussing the theoretical effects of the use of prefabricated technologies and micro-living schemes to combat the crisis. In order to do so, I will be taking a holistic approach analysing the phenomena that have led us to this situation.

The advancements in prefabricated technologies and modular manufacture have resulted in higher quality builds, decreased construction costs and time effectiveness.

I will be taking into consideration the demographic of people who do not qualify for social housing and do not have enough income to enter the housing market in traditional ways. The aforementioned

Fig 2. Harlow’s Office Block Housing “Warehouse”

investigations will conclude with a series of proposals and schemes that could, theoretically, have a positive outcome on the crisis.

tion, is home to a construction industry that has become stagnantly outdated for the better part of the past forty years (Pinoncely, 2019).

The status quo when it comes to the housing market is “ it’s expensive because it’s London”. People are content with this extortive condition as the crisis has been underestimated for too long.

The individualistic Western society we live in has influenced, in the past thirty years, what constitutes a home and the behavioural patterns that we adapt as we inhabit our beloved cities. As we personalise the space we inhabit, it becomes a reflection of ourselves, our past, present and future. As we enter the second decade of the millennia, London faces a housing shortage that can only be paralleled to post World War Two (Harris, 2019).

This issue continues to be overlooked, despite it being constantly addressed in the news.

The housing market in London is a racket controlled by the increasingly profit greedy construction companies and land owners. The crisis progresses as more and more people find themselves throwing away up to 80% of their salary on rent. Unreachable down payments for deposits, mortgages that last a life time have become a common nightmare that is part of what it means to be a Londoner. Ironically, London, the business capital of Europe, with an expanding popula-

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HOUSE OR HOME? 1.1 WHAT IS A HOME? The person and the home can be described as an interactive system where a continuous exchange takes place resulting in effects on one another. In Western society our perception of home is influenced by economy and subjectivity. Buying a house used to be a passage in life one would go through in order to have the stability required to settle down and start a family.

The economic underlying psychology to the housing market is predicated on convincing people to live in an accommodation that is better than the one they currently live in. However, in 21st century London this is no longer the standard people aspire to, as it has become economically impossible to many (Beck, 2011).

In the past 50 years we have seen a constant rise in the individual over the collective in terms of consumption patterns. This has been a reaction to globalization and consumerism. The postmodern person engages architecture and

Fig 3. Traditional British Family

housing in a purely subjective way.

Homes, besides the basic functions of shelter, privacy and providing escapes from the public life, are a tool of self-expression. A haven where emotions and memories shape and give value to the space one inhabits. Therefore, the home is the foremost representation of self-expression. A subjective reflection of those that inhabit it (Suikkanen, 2020).

For many the home is a means of self-definition, a reflection of oneself. Hence, we decorate and take care of the aesthetics. The spaces we inhabit eventually influence the way we behave. The places we live in are an extension of ourselves.

Because of the living conditions and accommodations in London many of these fundamental characteristics, that used to constitute the definition of home, are completely absent.

Own Outright

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Mortgage 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10

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Fig 4. Home Ownership By Age in the UK

The vast majority of people between the ages of 20 to 35 live in shared flats in bed rooms they can only personalise to a certain extent because of absurd renting rules (Hockaday, 2019).

Fig 5. 5 Hertford Street Attic Extravagant Interior

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1.2 THE DISRUPTION GENERATION The Millennial demographic will theoretically be the one most affected by the housing crisis. However, research has shown that because the notion of owning a house has become more of a concept than a passage in life, many deliberately remain as tenants and flat-sharers (Suikkanen, 2020).

A generation that either voluntarily or involuntarily is in the process of hindering the advancement of many industries from cars to housing and everything in between.

One could argue that the political climate and economic situation we live in today is the leading force behind these industries dying. However, the inability to invest in these markets is of a purely economic nature. How can we invest when 35%-80% of our salary is directed towards rent? (Berg Olsen, 2018).

in every other market related to the Home where “young adults are not buying the things that other generations would buy to use and consume in their living spaces” (Suikkanen, 2020).

This is mainly due to the fact that industries, do not keep up with the shifts in taste and the impact socio-economic factors have on the “new household” which is no longer constituted by a family nucleus but in many cases by individuals inhabiting rooms in shared flats with small substandard common areas.

People are getting married later in life. Individuals move to the cities to work at younger ages and do not move back to the suburbs. Half of the world’s population lives in urban areas with a projected increase of 70% by 2050, with a prevailing demographic of people under the age of 35 (Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2018).

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Fig 6. Urban and Rural Projected Population Increase by 2050

The clearest manifestation of the decline in previously prolific industries is in the housing market, due to a combination of both the shift in how we live and the economic inability to invest in real estate (Partington, 2018).

Home ownership, in previous generations, used to be a cultural dream, especially in the US and the UK, a rite of passage one must inevitably face in life. It used to be a given: once you reach a certain moment in life you settle down and buy a house. However, because of the previously stated factors, young adults of this generation are not buying homes at the same rates as previous ones (Partington, 2018). This trend can also be seen

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cessity, it is not a domestic alliance born out of sympathy or choice and so the consumption of domestic products remains attached to the individual rather than the household. These so called “roommate families” are to some extent the by-product of the inability to afford housing.

ple want homes to offer stability and be a haven from the rest of the world. The definition of the 20th century home that was symbolic of family no longer exists.

Togetherness is lost as each household member has their own ritual or practice of relaxation. A unique

1.3 HOUSE ≠ SYMBOL

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This results in young adults abandoning the “life-stages” that have defined society in the past hundred years such as purchasing property.

Eventually, the notion of home as we have come to understand it will inevitably disappear and be substituted with households composed by individuals that live together either by choice or out of necessity (Department of Economic and Social Affairs, 2018).

The status-quo for those who live in urban areas is to live with flatmates, partners and then to settle down and not purchase a home.

In the UK more than half of the co-habiting living situations are unmarried (Peachey, 2018). People live with others out of financial ne-

Fig 7. Iconic “Room-mate Family”

Everyone has their own routines and products in families as well.

Social media has played a significant role in establishing this new way of living. This goes for social interaction as much as consumption. We are connected virtually but divided in reality. In fact, people who live together do not necessarily have relationships with one another that go beyond paying rent to the same landlord. Life is more and more hectic due to the insecure livelihoods of many, the financial instabilities and increasing debt the average consumer accumulates before having an income (Ellett, 2019).

Home, in the 21st century, becomes a series of spaces relevant to the individuals that inhabit it. Peo-

escape from the pressures of the world, flat-sharing houses are not designed to have the infrastructure to entertain guests, cramming extra bedrooms to accommodate more rentable units. In contrast, bedroom dimensions have increased because studies have shown that even during the day these are the spaces we inhabit the most (Vale, 2015). Social interaction occurs almost solely in the outside world in bars and restaurants instead of the house as it was in the 20th century.

Renters are not invested in customising the space they live in as much as homeowners because of yearly contracts the accommodations are perceived as temporary and the renting market is in constant motion because of it. In most

New York Hong Kong London Chicago Luxemburg Doha Los Angeles Miami Oslo Taipei Sydney Zurich Dublin Tokyo Copenhagen Paris Geneva Helsinki Beijin Dubai Munich Milan Brussels Rome Auckland Frankfurt Amsterdam Tel Aviv Seoul Toronto Shanghai Moscow Istanbul

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Fig 8. Average Rent in £ Around the World

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rented accommodations the furniture and fixtures are kept to a minimum and are sterile so that they do not have to be changed with every new tenant. Homeowners on the other hand, are free to make as many alterations to the property as they like, depending on the type of ownership stipulated at purchase.

Hence, for those who rent it also becomes impossible to establish a home. It no longer is an extension of oneself but merely shelter (Suikkanen, 2020).

Because of these reasons, micro-living accommodations are becoming increasingly popular, both for tenants and buyers.

1.4 CURRENT STATE OF AFFAIRS The English housing survey in 2017 revealed that a fifth of the population lives in rented accommodation: approximately 4.7 million households. There is a positive correlation between the flailing housing market and the increase of renters (Harvey, 2018).

The average Londoner spends £64,000 on rent throughout their London

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life-time before purchasing a permanent accommodation (BBC, 2016).

The average rent in London for a two-bedroom flat is £1,600, including bills and council taxes. This results in people having to share flats until older ages. On the other hand, the alternative to co-habiting is an average £1,200 one-bed flat making it even more difficult to accumulate enough capital for a deposit (Bromley, 2019).

Statistics show that in the past five years flat sharers aged between 45 and 54 have risen by 300% due to the rise in house prices in London (Collinson, 2015). Furthermore, this rise has also led to a surge in flat sharers aged between 35 and 44 by 186%. The ramifications on the housing market are unequivocally negative (Collinson, 2015).

Less people buying results in less demand for construction. Hence, the constant recent decline in the industry.

Fig 9. Monthly Private Rent

> £34 £32-£34 £30-£32 £28-£30 £26-£28 £24-£26 £22-£24 £20-£22 £18-£20 n/a

Fig 10. Average Rent of One Bedroom Flats by Borough (£ per sq.ft)

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THE CRISIS 2.1 WHAT IS EXPECTED The G15 alongside City Hall has identified a necessity for an estimated 60,000 homes to be built every year in the capital by 2025.

To provide housing for the diverse demographic facing the shortage, a combination of affordable housing for purchase and social rent need to be established (Mallett, 2018).

An estimated £5bn, over the next five years, would be needed in funding from the government to ensure the success of such an intensive construction schedule.

Reports carried out in 2018 show the private construction sector only receives £700m in yearly grants, 30% less than needed. Furthermore, only 48% of the target is being met every year and funding for affordable housing has dropped by 40% since 2008. Half of the cost of the home used to be covered by grants prior to the housing crash opposed to the average 15% in 2019. In order to meet the demand for affordable housing the government’s approach needs to be reformed (Barker, 2019). There are significant fallacies in the money being invested and what is actually being built.

The construction of 14,544 affordable homes in London has been started in 2018/19, 4,000 of which are to be dedicated to social rent and 2,000 for council purposes.

Prior to this, Sadiq Khan in 2016 had invested £1bn in 15,000 council homes of which 11,000 were to be social rented homes. However, this is not even close to the required target and the discrepancy will inevitably result in a shortage of 50% of the homes needed (Pandya, 2019).

2.2 THE REALITY The aforementioned £5bn, needed from the government to invest in affordable housing, would provide the start of construction for 116,000 homes in London before 2022 coming short of 184,000 homes by 2025. However, recent

data has shown that only 30% of the 2022 target has been reached (Pandya, 2019).

Fig 11. One out of Six Suffers From Depression

The unaffordability of homes in London has also had a psychological impact on people in the city who face the crisis. A survey carried out

by Pocket Living has shown that one out of six Londoners face depression caused by the inability to make life changes such as partake in stable relationships, marry and start a family due to their current rent situations. Furthermore, 70% of said population has had repercussions on their mental health (Prynn, 2019).

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A seemingly counterproductive phenomenon has also been reoccurring and increasing in the past two years. There is an outflow of more than 100,000 Londoners from the capital every year due to the housing markets fluctuations and unreliable rent contracts. One could argue however, that this phenomenon could have a positive outcome on the housing crisis.

As more people leave the city, the demand for properties decreases and the availability increases resulting in decreases in prices. This in turn however, poses a threat for the property assets of those who already own property in London (Prynn, 2019).

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changes or start businesses because of the instability of yearly contracts that are unreliable when calculating disposable income for future investments (Prynn, 2019).

CBA SRY NOR SCT MCRLEC HBS WMDWAL KNT LDN

Fig 12. Home Ownership Rates by Region

The increase in costs of homes has resulted in extended renting. In the past three decades London homeowners of the ages between 25 and 34 has dropped from 57% to 28%.

The average accommodation in the capital, priced at £73,013 in 1994 has risen to £471,504 in 2019. The notion of purchasing a home has become for 80% of Londoners, an unachievable goal. The uncertainty caused by renting in London hinders the career progress of many as well. The survey showed that people are reluctant to make career

The Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government has demonstrated that the housing crisis is not entirely caused by a lack of affordable homes. It is estimated that there is a total of 216,186 vacant properties in the capital because housing stock levels have drastically risen at a faster rate than population growth (Kollewe, 2019). Basic economic laws of supply and demand would indicate that because of this, there should be an increase in affordability. However, the fundamental difference between London and other capitals in Europe is that there is a financialised econ-

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omy where houses are speculative assets. The most profitable way to expand one’s wealth in London is to invest in property.

The housing market fluctuates but it is on the rise at unprecedented interest rates.

Houses are only worth what banks are willing to lend. This means that they are able to create money by investing in real estate. There are no constraints to the amount that banks can bid up to rise property prices. This lack of regulatory laws makes it more profitable for those who already own a property.

This creates an impenetrable bubble for those who want to partake in the housing market. First time buyers can only borrow up to five times their annual income for a mortgage when the average house in London costs 13 times the average income (Hawkes, 2018). On the other hand, those who already own a home can use it as collateral to borrow higher amounts purchasing more and more assets that will most likely remain vacant.

Property developers use the crisis to have facilitations by councils to build luxury developments and substandard accommodations, as we will later see. By building more houses the crisis will not be eased.

In fact, if more unaffordable properties are built, there will be an increase in the adjacent property values.

London

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Fig 13. Average House Price in London Compared to the Rest of England

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There needs to be a change in the type of accommodations that are being built, implementing the necessary laws that prevent the previously stated processes from occurring. However, because 80% of the vacant existing properties in London are not affordable, there still is a realistic necessity for new homes to be built (Youel, 2019).As a reaction to this and the evolution of our perception of home, a trend called micro-living has been developing as an alternative to traditional accommodations.

2.3 LAND VALUE The main contributing factor to house prices in London is land value. The soaring prices and decrease in available land limit the construction rate of residential developments. Landowners dictate the price and as land is an appreciating asset with limited incentives to sell, expectations of profit are high. In circumstances where land generates income through commercial use, owners sell at slower rates. As value continues to appreciate, they wait for the most profitable moment. The government does not set forth enough incentives for them to sell at faster rates with the exception of planning regulations being eased to promote property developer interest (GLA, 2016).

Constructible land for residential purposes is valued with a residual approach, considering comparable transactions in which the projected value of the new build is assessed in reference to prices of adjacent existing housing. This is then multiplied by the amount of homes that will be built on said land.

This gross development value (GDV) is then used for the ultimate evaluation of the land. The costs of construction and the predicted profit of the development are then subtracted from the GDV to calculate the net value of the land (Mall, 2015).

Industrial

Residential

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ue is one third of the house price.

If the GDV is calculated on predictions affected by the housing market adjacent to the land in consideration, and the bid is won with the highest proposed prices of the new build, the house price is increased drastically. The remaining two thirds of the GDV are the cost of the build and the projected profit.

There are many ambiguities to this equation that affect the output. This uncertainty in profit is balanced by developers under looking quality to cut costs and maximise their re-

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Building costs are increasing because of the lack of skilled labour.

A factor that will be aggravated in post-Brexit London. This predicted inflation in building costs could potentially limit land evaluations from increasing. “Up until 2001 building costs matched the trend of house prices. This has not been the case ever since 2007 when price inflation outpaced build costs� (Savills, 2015).

Profitability is the driving force behind property development in

Fig 15. Land Division in London

The issue with this formula is the prediction of the value of the new build. When developers compete on land, the winning bid is always the one that contains the highest new build price, highest density and lowest build cost. As these increase, the land estimate also increases making it more profitable for the owner to sell. The issue is further aggravated by the fact that land is purchased pre-construction, resulting in the house prices becoming fixed at a certain cost.

This way of bidding essentially means that the higher the proposed price of the new build is, the more likely land owners are to sell to developers because their land is valued at a higher price. This is the driving factor behind the absurd costs of property in London because developers increment the final property price to make up for the land cost.

Land is one third of the overall GDV, hence the estimated land val-

1200+ 1000-1199 800-999 500-799 300-499 Less than 299

Fig 14. Average Amount of Vacant Properties in London

Office Manufacturing Vacant Residential Brownfield Green Other

Fig 16. Land Use Density in London

turn rates. One of the factors that contribute to this uncertainty is the deficiency in skilled labour in the construction industry in London.

There is also a neglect of common legislation among political parties, meaning that there are further uncertainties in land value after each election cycle as the impending possibility of introducing council and affordable housing in new areas drives land value down.

This whole model aggravates the housing crisis in areas like London because of the high demand for housing and constrain on land availability. With the addition of the aforementioned equation, the increase in predicted land prices and the fact that developers pay that cost upfront, sales are limited because the properties are overpriced in a market where no one is buying, making the notion of purchasing a home even less attractive. Eventually contributing to the housing crisis because developers build homes at the rate at which they can be sold.

the residential market. The minimum aim of any development is to see a return of 16 to 20% of the total build cost. This range ensures a minimum profit margin if the market is bad and a substantial profit if the market is good.

A 16% net return essentially serves as a safety net to ensure profitability in all cases as the housing market is very volatile. However, property developers do not aim to make minimal profit and neither does the banking system in place that procure the capital for investment. In London the minimal requirement is to have a margin of 20to 25% . Banks expect 16% to be the minimum when offering finance however if the predicted profit margin overtakes 20% banks are more likely to invest (Savills, 2015).

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MICRO

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37 sqm

3.1 MICRO-LIVING SCHEMES & STANDARDS OF DESIGN Minimalism is often wrongly associated to depriving oneself of the very things that make us unique due to its simple aesthetic and functional nature. Immense open plan villas with few designer furniture pieces. However, this is a misconception. In architecture it is a synonym of simplicity. The dogma is simplification to the bear essential. Everything there is, is there out of sheer necessity both physical and spiritual. Adapting a minimalist approach to space and the way we inhabit would be beneficial to the housing crisis. Smarter designs would result in customised solutions in smaller spaces: essential consideration to make because of the lack of available land (Stewart, 2018).

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Minimum Legal Standard

16 sqm Standard Flat in Barnet House

Fig 17. Minimalist House

Fig 19. Minimum Space Standard Compared to Barnet House Floor Plan

Fig 18. Minimalist Micro-flat

In 2015 the British Government introduced minimum space standards for future one-bedroom flats.

The plans were to be of a minimum of 37sqm, however, micro-living schemes do not need to abide by these standards when they are categorised as “non-traditional” developments with specific criteria that ensure they are affordable in order to address the housing crisis (Booth, 2017).

Initiatives facilitated by the government, to ease the crisis, include schemes such as Barnet House in

North London. Developers did not require planning consent to convert existing offices into one-bedroom apartments. These spaces did not need to meet minimum space standards either with flats as small as 16sqm. Statistics have shown that these “permitted development rights” (PDR) introduced by the government in 2013 have provided 42,000 new homes in the first three years. The lack of regulations ultimately resulted in cheap and cramped immediate accommodations.

The Barnet House conversion did not include any amenity spaces or common lounges, confining tenants to their substandard dwellings (Booth, 2017). PDR is not an example of functioning “micro-liv-

Fig 20. Barnet House Commercial to Residential Use

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ing” as it is not meant to be an alternative to traditional housing.

It simply procures cheap living opportunities in areas that lack land availability. These schemes are effective in providing immediate housing and repurpose office spaces into residential use without consuming additional land. However, because of their lack of building regulations and buying/renting criteria, they are not habitable for extended periods of time (Clifford et al., 2019).

Private development schemes such as Pocket Living, on the other hand, are just above minimum space standards designed with the notion that the apartments will be inhabited by one or two people in order to get onto the property ladder. This micro typology has been endorsed by both the Labour and Conservative Party. Boris Johnson in 2013 pledged in the form of a ten year loan £26 million of tax payer money to Pocket Living and Sadiq Khan doubled that pledge in 2016 (Williams, 2018).

3.2 MICRO-LIVING The way we perceive home has changed but the infrastructure we build and way we design has not.

The average earning Londoner lives in shared accommodation meaning that they occupy a room in a house. Studies have shown that conditions such as these result in people isolating themselves in shoebox bedrooms for the majority of their time (Joyce, 2011).

They do not “inhabit” the space, they merely take shelter and have a place to sleep. This is appalling in the 21st century where people should aspire to a more dignified way of living.

THE MICROPOLITAN requirements and living standards, constructors are allowed to build bedrooms that are 8sqm and get away with it as being a bedroom and not a closet. Amongst these rising square footages are the Netherlands (53%) and Denmark (80%) with homes larger than the ones being built only two decades ago (Roberts-Hughes, 2011).

The report also suggested that the new average three-bed house is 10sqm smaller than the recommended 90sqm. However, the main issue (stated by 70%) was that there was not enough space for storage and entertainment of guests and the necessary space to socialise within the family nucleus. The average new UK home is 68sqm, in order to make prices more affordable (Garber, 2018).

However, the Greater London Authority research shows that an increase of 10% in size is not correlated to the increase in costs for the developer. Nevertheless, because of market value the buyer would have to pay for that additional space (Wainwright, 2014). The distinction between micro-living and small flats is essential in informing people that there is a misconception in regards to these properties. Small flats are just small.

Micro-living accommodations are

Fig 21. Closed Configuration of Micro-flat

However, living conditions and standards are so low in the UK that people have to adapt by living in substandard and over-crammed flats in order to survive whilst in the rest of Europe there has been an increase in the average square footage of accommodations.

An RIBA report from 2011 has shown that the new homes built in the UK are smaller than any other country in Western Europe and are inadequate for family life.

With the shockingly low building

Fig 22. Open Configuration of Micro-flat

designed in such a way that people do not feel cramped and one does not need to sacrifice any essential amenities.

The design relates back to minimalist dogmas such as the open plan, light and simplicity. Further

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benefits include energy efficiency which is an overlooked factor when it comes to purchasing and even renting. The accommodations also usually consist of flexible solutions where one can adapt the space to the temporary needs of the inhabitants.

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3.3 LONG TERM VS SHORT TERM The Nakagin Capsule Tower was designed by Kisho Kurokawa, a Metabolist architect in 1972. The capsules were to be inhabited by individuals working in the city on a temporary basis, not as primary homes. This can be seen in the presence of bathrooms in each unit and the kitchen being an extra, optional amenity. This example demonstrates the use of micro-living as a tool to facilitate commuters by giving them a very basic form of shelter to inhabit the city during the week.

THE MICROPOLITAN The capsule were designed with the “ability� of being removed and adapted to keep up with technological advancements. However, because of monetary issues and technological inabilities, the capsules were never modernized (Ming, 2017).

The 21st century Londoner uses Home as a shelter, a place to sleep.

However, there needs to be a combination of both public and private spaces for people to inhabit, if micro is to become permanent, so that people are not confined to their flats during the weekends or social events.

Fig 23. Standard Capsule in Plan

Fig 24. Custom-fit Storage Space and Fridge Compartment

Fig 25. Nakagin Capsule Tower Street View

Fig 26 a, b, c, d. Possible Capsule Configurations Based on Necessities & Preferences

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POCKET LIVING 4.1 POCKET LIVING: A GENERAL OVERVIEW Pocket Living provides smaller flats at 20% below local market value for local residents. Even though the homes are micro, younger people are able to enter the property market. The average buyer’s income of these schemes is £40, 000, which is too high to qualify for social housing but too low for a mortgage on a traditional home (Stockley, 2015).

There are strict purchasing requirements. In order to qualify, one needs to earn less than £90,000 so that investors looking to turn a profit by reselling, cannot get involved. First time buyers of said homes average 32 years of age, 8 years younger than the standard 40 around London (Avis-Riordan, 2018). Said developments are strategically located near transport links, in sites that have been freed for this purpose. The building materials and sustainability are of a higher quality because they are prefab.

Smaller dwellings result in more apartments in the same square footage on site leading to higher densities in already overpopulated cities. This, in turn, makes land prices higher, resulting in an increase in prices of other flats. These micro-dwellings are a temporary fix to the issue if the government does not put in place the necessary legislation blocking land costs to maintain affordability.

Another issue with these dwellings can be seen in regulatory terms.

Once the flats are sold to first time buyers, there are no regulations in place to avoid owners subletting to families, setting in motion a chain of events that leads to substandard living accommodations.

The problem of affordable housing is one that sees government, developers and architects as much as micro-living solutions work together.

An effort that should have been made decades ago with the introduction of prefab developments on an urban scale to decrease prices.

Fig 28. Standard Configuration of a Pocket Living Micro-flat

Completed Coming Soon For Sale

Fig 27. Pocket Living Density in London

Fig 29. Mapleton Crescent Facade

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Pocket Living schemes for first time buyers are a viable solution for a certain demographic. The designs reflect a way of living many Londoners already involuntarily sustain in flat-sharing arrangements.

In order to enhance the potentiality of these schemes, one would have to ensure that for a certain extended period of time the value of the properties does not oscillate with the rest of the housing market. The government should intervene with untraditional and unprecedented action as it is a continuously increasing issue that has not been approached as an actual crisis.

Fig 30. Pocket Living Scheme in Assembly on Site

Fig 31. Pocket Living Flat in Plan

4.2 POCKET LIVING IN REALITY As previously seen with PDRs property developers are unrestrained when it comes to space standards and because of the unaffordability of traditional housing in London, many opt into living in substandard conditions such as those of Barnet House (Morris, 2016).

Pocket Living schemes abide to the space standards and because of their smart designs for compact living do not feel cramped in any way considering their double heights and custom fit furniture. They are quite comfortable in terms of dimensions and circulation. They do not feel claustrophobic because the countertops and tables are slightly smaller.

However, unlike most apartment buildings in London, these schemes provide a combination of co-living spaces and amenities to the residents making the transition from a flat sharing type of dwelling to a private one easier. Instead

Fig 32. Mapleton Crescent Interior Staircase

Fig 33. Mapleton Crescent Common Area

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Fig 34. Mapleton Crescent Prefab Modules

Fig 35. Bollo Lane Scheme Bathroom

of being constantly surrounded by people, social interaction is confined to certain areas of the building making it an option rather than a inevitability.

The spaces are designed with an affinity to materials and quality. The high specs of the furniture and fittings make the space feel luxurious.

In comparison to flats of the same dimensions these micro-living accommodations offer much more in terms of storage and quality of space. There is a higher attention to

Fig 36. Bollo Lane Scheme Living Room

detail and light, compared to traditionally built homes.

Furthermore, there is no policy in place that limits the price of the property when the house is sold for the second time. Its value oscillates with the rest of the housing market once the property is re-sold. A relatively affordable accommodation at first, will not be so later on.

The reality for those who do not qualify for the strict requirements of Pocket Living is to opt into pur-

chasing or renting unrestricted and unprotected properties within the same price range, in substandard, unhealthy representations of micro-living. They are simply small spaces not designed or fitted to be inhabited in the same way as Pocket schemes are.

Micro-homes are not the last resort for buyers interested in affordable housing. In fact, they are simply the manifestation of residential architecture that reflects the way we live in the 21st century. Homes that

are designed for the way we live in the city.

One could argue that because of the increase of population caused by micro-living schemes the concept becomes counterproductive to the issue of the housing crisis.

The more schemes like this are built the higher the land prices and adjacent property prices in that area become (Morris, 2016).

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4.3 ITS POTENTIAL APPLICATION

Pocket Living is not the solution to the housing crisis. However, it is a trend that many have partaken in due to its superiority in quality and relative affordability compared to properties of the same dimensions and location. Land value is the main factor increasing property prices because of the previously seen methods of appraisal.

The lack of constructible space in cities also means that land prices continue to increase. The only way to contrast this and maintain affordability is to reduce costs in the construction of the property itself.

Prefabricated modular units are the cheapest alternative to tradi-

THE MICROPOLITAN tional construction methods.

Pocket developments contain micro-living accommodations in central locations and communal amenities that other buildings do not offer for the same price range.

However, because of the policies associated to purchasing and renting these properties, developers do not invest in similar schemes because they are less profitable.

The reality of living in London is that properties are not protected by policies that prevent drastic rises in rent and value over short periods of time. Pocket Living schemes remove many of the uncertainties associated to other properties.

Pocket Living is not a solution.

However, it allows many to enter

the housing market. The common misconception is that these dwellings are simply smaller apartments made affordable because of their dimensions.

This is not the case as they are 20% less expensive than properties of the same dimensions. There is the potential to expand these schemes from one bedroom flats to multiple rooms. The essential difference between Pocket Living schemes and traditional flats is that there are purchase requirements that prospective buyers need to qualify for in order to avoid the properties becoming investment assets.

All properties must be owner-occupied and purchased by local first time buyers. The only way to solve the housing crisis is to build for the needs of the 21st century Londoner: a combination of smart design and necessary policies to prevent the aggravation of the issue itself with an intervention of the government to cap developers profits so that property value for the near future no longer reflects the housing market but the actual value of the real estate. Pocket Living only does this to a certain extent.

Nevertheless, if the same criteria of purchase and rent were to be applied to other new built non-micro

Fig 37. Pocket Living Scheme in north Lambeth Being Assembled

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flats, London would see a reduction in vacant properties as much as an increase in purchases. People would be able to buy in less time and this would stimulate the housing market as well.

In terms of design, there is a realistic potential to export the micro-living pocket model to other demographics: such as families.

The minimum space standard models are currently used to accommodate schemes of up to three people with some of the flats containing two bedroom options.

Why stop there? Pocket Living is in the process of revolutionising the way we inhabit the city and the overall approach to housing. It is a trend on the cusp of becoming popular due to the aforementioned characteristics that appeal to numerous demographics such as flat sharers.

The modular units could be positioned to accommodate more bedrooms and bathrooms for the “family buyer�. Making micro-living available to more people is necessary for it affect the crisis. Without a larger market and the relative affordability of the dwellings, pocket Living will remain an option for the few.

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4.4 URBAN SCALE The futuristic designs of Plug-in City are no longer a distant fantastical application of the Modular. Peter Cook with Archigram developed the notion of creating self-sufficient micro-cosmos onto which modular residences where to be attached with the potential like with the Capsule Tower to be renovated and kept to date with advancements in technology and design (Merin, 2013).

The city becomes a megastructure in constant motion characterised by a hierarchy of spaces for the collective and individual needs of society. An alternative to the British formalist suburban tendencies.

While only theoretical, the notion of structuring housing in cities into conglomerates of modular dwellings could now be the future of housing in the UK. Through the advancements of prefabricated technologies as we will later see, and the compact designs of Pocket Living schemes the modular units no longer have to be sterile and repetitive. Instead of standardising the city and making it homogenous, a rich and diverse fabric of housing will begin to emerge reflecting those who inhabit the city.

Alain Bublex’s interpretation of Plug-in City is a modern take on the notions of evolving and ex-

Fig 38. Plug-in City Axonometric by Peter Cook

panding architecture. Pocket living to a certain extent could become the realistic means by which these urban imaginations occur (Bublex and Sultan, 2005).

Micro-living in London is currently being used to address affordability and land availability issues as much as increasing population in

Fig 40. Plug-in City Section by Peter Cook

central areas of the city. It is therefore an urban phenomenon that will permanently affect the way we live. The needs of the impending rise in city population will have to be met somehow. Current construction methods both at the private and urban scale do not meet this demand.

Fig 39 a,b . Alain Bublex Contextualising Plug-in City in Existing Urban

Inadequate and costly building processes continue to aggravate the crisis. Prefabricated methods of construction have advanced and been implemented around the world in cities to provide housing. London has yet to make this change in approaching the issues of modern city life.

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PREFAB CONSTRUCTION 5.1 THE BIRTH OF A NEW BUILDING TECHNIQUE The era of industrialisation of the nineteenth century effected every sector of production except for housing. It was the combination of social and economic forces, a need for immediate housing solutions in post World War Two and technical influences related to advancements in mass production of automobiles that led to the adaptation of industrialised solutions to provide housing in the beginning of the twentieth century.

Fig 41. Post WW2 London

The housing crisis during post WW 2 saw architects begin to design houses that could be mass produced, prefabrication seemed to be the sole viable solution to provide housing in the shortest amount of time (National Museum Wales, 2007).

Le Corbusier one of the first and foremost advocates of the promotion and implementation of standardised dwellings in the social housing realm, began designing, after 1914, homes that could be manufactured on an assembly line (Schneider and Till, 2007).

In “Towards a New Architecture� he states that the adaptation of industrialisation in the construction of housing would be beneficial in terms of drastically reducing costs and because of the versatile nature of prefabricated panels and walls, one could transform the layout of the space to the immediate needs.

This inherently flexible nature can be mainly seen in two of his projects: Maison Dom-ino (1914) and Maisons Loucheur (1928) (Schneider and Till, 2007).

THE MODERN COMFORTS OF

PREFAB Fig 42. Maison Dom-ino 1914 Concept by Le Corbusier

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5.2 BRITAIN’S AND AMERICA’S HISTORY The use of prefabricated buildings technologies has been motivated throughout history by its cost effectiveness in times where the

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housing crisis has reached its apex.

In the UK we see this in post-WW 2 where 750,000 accommodations were needed for those who had lost their homes during the war. This housing shortage was only made worse by the halt in construction due to the lack of primary tra-

ditional construction materials (Blanchet, 2017).

Under Churchill’s administration, through the Burt Committee thatttook inspiration from the Americans, the main promoters of the use of prefabricated housing during those years, standardised living accommodations were introduced across the country (Historic England, 2018). “House kits” sold by Sears, in the US, proved to be very popular for settlers that required immediate shelter in unknown lands (Mackie, 2017).

Public infrastructure such as country roads and the mass production of automobiles facilitated the implementation of prefab homes in

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the private sector. The kits would be made on conveyor belts previously used in the manufacturing of automobiles (Connors, 2017).

Middle-class Americans could own a home for less that 2,500 dollars.

The Americans provided the Brits with the first model of a prefabricated home. Based on this model, over 500,000 homes were manufactured over a ten year schedule. Said units provided better living conditions, compared to the vast majority of the houses of the time being equipped with individual kitchen and sanitation components that traditionally built homes did not have (Luxford, 2018).

Fig 43. Workers on an Automobile Assembly Line 1954

Fig 44. 1944 Tate Gallery Exhibition of First Prefab Home Model

Fig 45. Built in Bathroom Component

5.3 MISCONCEPTION OF STANDARDISED BUILDING COMPONENTS There is a misconception regarding the use of prefabricated components in housing. People associate prefab to standardised modules that are sterile and austere, lacking character and reliability. The off-site production of these components does not mean that they are inflexibly standardised. Prefab has the potential to be adapted and substituted over time. A clear example of this can be seen in flexible housing, where the interior layouts can be adapted to different situations.

More importantly, the user can theoretically have a choice in the design before production begins, making it the most versatile and customisable building method to date (Construction World, 2019).

Mass production through industrialised methods provide the most cost efficient solutions in the least amount of time without foregoing quality.

Units are delivered to site in partially or fully assembled states. This technique reduces construction and planning costs as the units are designed to be transported directly onto site. In traditional construction methods building times are often delayed due to weather conditions resulting in unpredictable outcomes in terms of costs and completion dates (Chopra, 2013).

Equipment and materials become stagnant and more often than not need to be replaced. Prefab units avoid these unplanned expenditures as they are not affected by

Fig 46. Post-War Prefab Home in Context

weather conditions in the factories in which they are assembled. However, in the UK prefab units have always been considered inferior

alternatives to traditional building methods such as brick and mortar.

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5.4 ADVANTAGES & DISADVANTAGES The “factory based” construction minimises the time spent on site and theoretically ensures a better build quality. Furthermore, standard components that the future buyers can choose before manufacture, allow different consumer demands and economic means are met. The possibility to design homes with only one permanent

THE MICROPOLITAN interior wall equipped with all the plumbing means that the other partitions can adapt to the changing requirements of the user over time (Schneider and Till, 2007).

These are all theoretical characteristics of prefab technologies adapted to the mass production of housing and how they could be customised to the user’s needs.

Said flexibility and personalisation unfortunately only lies within one-

off study homes of architects like Le Corbusier, Walter Gropius and Buckminster Fuller.

The realistic manifestation of prefabricated homes does not reflect its theoretical potential. The reality is that flexibility and customisation are not associated to prefabrication, as seen in the Nakagin Tower where the capsules were never substituted to keep up with the technological advancements. This

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is mainly due to two factors: prefab is used as a short term building solution, where efficiency in cost is essential. Flexibility, however, is a long term issue. Prefab in its majority of applications is employed to provide the most lucrative profit for developers. The dwelling itself costs less to build, for the previously seen reasons, but the value of the property is equal to traditional builds in terms of price (Schneider and Till, 2007).

As previously stated, modular homes can be assembled on site in days, as opposed to the months/ years taken to build traditionally.

Poor weather cannot hinder construction as they are built in factories by semi-skilled workers on an assembly line. Ideal in post-Brexit Britain where skilled labour in construction will decrease significantly. Smaller sites are also needed with fewer disruptions to adjacent street circulation.

However, the possibility of individuals customising the units before production also ensures that each home is personalised to the fullest.

Fig 47. Carmel Place in NY as Prefab Modular Units are Assembled

EU

UK

Europe

Other

Fig 48. UK Construction Workforce

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5.5 THE FUTURE OF CONSTRUCTION Design for manufacture is the future of modern construction. Or at least it should be. Sections and units are bolted together on site while 80% of the work is done in factories. In order to tackle the housing crisis the UK is current-

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standardised prefab modules to improve quality of both materials and living conditions, reduce carbon footprint, cut costs and provide housing in less lead time than traditional construction.

Prefab is an innovative building approach that allows for the building systems to be manufactured to Fig 49. Labour Based Standard Modular Prefab Unit Factory

Fig 50. Automated Modular Prefab Unit Factory

ly facing, 300,000 homes need to be constructed every year for the next five years. At the current rate of construction 183,000 are being built because traditional building methods are still the predominant techniques being implemented. The decrease of workforce in construction further contributes to the inability to reach the aforementioned targets and only 22% of these homes will be affordable (Lumley, 2019).“We cannot deliver the infrastructure we need with the model we have today, there just isn’t enough capacity,” explains Kenny Ingram, global industry director for IFS (IFS, 2018). “It’s the reason why the government mentions modular homes in every second sentence at the moment, it doesn’t help that there are labour and skills shortages as well” says Chancellor Philip Hammond (IFS, 2018).

Traditional means of construction are labour-intensive, costly processes with negative impacts caused by excess waste, on the environment. At the expense of both the environment and future buyers, traditional building methods should no longer be the norm.

Constructors have been able to use

a nearly-complete state in factories under controlled conditions, not affected by weather and kept to a higher standard of sanitation and regulation to later be delivered and installed on site.

A construction report by McGraw Hill in 2011 on the increase of productivity and initiative in the construction industry with regards to the adaptation of prefabrication and modularisation, have shown that the advancement in modern construction technologies have reduced the stigmatization of prefab projects that had previously been associated with poor quality (Dailey, 2017).

Further advantages include simplified logistics on site, protection from weather damage and reduced theft and vandalism of materials and components on site. These techniques also ensure the surrounding areas to the site are disrupted for shorter times. The lorries that carry the units can simply drop them off in a matter of days depending on the dimensions of the project. This and the controlled conditions in which the prefabs are manufactured, also reduces the carbon footprint making these

Fig 51. Prefab Units Delivered onto Site in Partially Assembled State

Fig 52. Prefabricated Facade About to be Joined to Structure

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developments better for the environment. Modular applications can also be identified in temporary structures involved in construction which are more cost-effective.

On the other hand, the disadvantages of prefab based construction, are mostly related to the misconception that the buildings are not constructed with the same regulations and quality control as “sitebuilt” projects. Construction companies are not incentivised to invest in factories and the upfront costs of production are not insured by a steady demand of future builds.

Other disadvantages are in the nature of “off-site”manufacturing. If the factory is located more than 500 miles from the building site, costs increase (Dailey, 2017).

Fig 53. Prefab Units of the Past (Excalibur Estate)

A survey carried out by the FMI Corporation on prefab and modularisation in construction has shown that some markets have adopted these techniques more than others. Markets expected to grow include healthcare, lodging and education. As the demand for truly affordable accommodation and housing increases and these techniques become progressively sophisticated, a relationship between micro-living and prefab is inevitable.

Construction companies should calculate their potential profit by considering the reduced delivery times, higher quality control and less skilled labour needed, opposed to the initial high costs of setting up a factory for the manufacturing.

Fig 54. Current Application of Prefabricated Methods of Construction

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WHAT’S NEXT?

THE FUTURE OF AFFORDABLE HOUSING IN LONDON Different demographics seek different housing solutions, based on primary necessities. In cities, location and affordability are the most sought-after criteria. The housing market is varied enough in London to accommodate said demographics at the increasing expense of renters and buyers. The housing crisis is continuously aggravated by the way property is developed which does not reflect the essential needs of those who live in London.

Apartments that first time buyers cannot afford are continuously being built as investment possibilities. As long as property is treated as an asset instead of homes the problem will subsist.

Micro-living built through prefabricated methods could result in more affordable housing which caters to the needs of our generation and our behaviours related to inhabitation. However, the notion of “micro” is misrepresented by small flats that many have to inhabit out of economic necessity and unregulated PDR’s.

It is through a combination of smart designs in reduced space and policies regulating property price making it affordable for first time buyers, that non-traditional accommodations like Pocket Living become viable alternatives.

What people fail to grasp is that the advancement in modular manufacture and design allows variety in customisation and ensures greater quality standards than traditional building methods.

Further beneficial aspects of modular manufacturing lies within the reduced waste in the process, with less time required from start to finish. However, developers use prefab to maximise profit resulting in non-competitive prices. Ultimately, prefab should be used to offer

cheaper alternatives to buyers instead of maximising profit, for construction companies. If they cost less to build they should be sold for less. The only way for this to work would be if the government intervened to set policies limiting the percentage of profit developers can make on property. Further, legislation would also be needed to ensure that property designed and manufactured to be affordable remains so through time, so that schemes like Pocket Living do not increase in price with the rest of the housing market (Mallett, 2018).

One must also face the harsh reality of having to sacrifice space in order to live in the city. This is intangible. The only way to obtain more space to build would be an urban scale renovation that would see traditional Victorian and Georgian terraced homes being torn down to be substituted by apartment buildings and micro-living accommodations. A drastic change of the urban fabric that characterises London. However, this would mean depriving London of its history and identity, to make space for the growing population. This will never occur. Hence, we must adapt to survive. Live in smaller, smarter and better quality spaces.

Cities evolve through time. This happens across the world to meet the demands of the increasing population with new building technologies and the way we live. This has yet to happen in London. The outdated building methods, excess of unaffordable housing under construction that will ultimately result in vacancy, increasing land prices and absence of schemes that facilitate rent and purchase of property, will eventually transform the housing crisis into an epidemic that will only be worsened by Brexit and the unrestricted profit margins of construction developers.

200+ 150-200 100-149 50-99 -50

Fig 55. Population Density in London

The benefit of construction integrated manufacturing are only recently beginning to be promoted by magnates of the construction industry including Mace and Arup.

The adaptation of new technologies and business related processes in construction in the UK has been moving at alarmingly low speeds in the 21st century compared to other countries.

The UK falls short in terms of productivity in the construction industry compared to Sweden, the Netherlands and Germany because of the inability to merger manufacturing and construction causing a discrepancy of 120,000 homes per year. Meanwhile in Japan 150,000 homes out of the yearly million contain prefabricated components (IFS, 2018).

In conclusion, micro-living is currently an alternative made available to those who co-habit in flat sharing dwellings. Giving the opportunity to enter the property market.

However, there is the potential of applying it to address the needs of families and other demographics.

There are many leading forces that hinder the development of alternatives that would increase living standards and allow first time buyers to enter the housing

market. However, even without the intervention of government facilitations, involving land purchase, better living standards and construction regulations, prefab built micro-living will eventually become the norm with prefabricated technologies being the medium through which this change could effectively take place without having to demolish existing infrastructure and establishing relative affordability.

Unlike other capitals around the world, London is not a densely populated city. This is due to the everlasting presence of the beloved terraced houses which prevent population from being concentrated in central areas. This consumption of space will continue to be an issue that increases land and ultimately property value. The confines of the city will continue to expand.

Micro developments at an urban scale could reduce land use and provide the necessary housing for those who face the crisis. However, there must be a willingness from both government to facilitate construction and limit costs, and future buyers to adapt to the 21st century model of city life.

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Stewart, J. (2018). What is Minimalism? Learn the Intricacies & History of This Influential Aesthetic. [online] My Modern Met. Available at: https:// mymodernmet.com/what-is-minimalism-definition/ Stockley, P. (2015). Pocket Living in London: stylish micro-flats for singles or couples who earn under £66,000. [online] Homes and Property. Available at: https://www.homesandproperty.co.uk/property-news/buying/newhomes/pocket-living-in-london-stylish-microflats-for-singles-or-couples-who-earn-under-66000-41371.html Suikkanen, J. (2020). Unraveling the 21st century household – Gemic. [online] Gemic. Available at: https://www.gemic.com/unraveling-21st-century-household/ Tucker, E. (2018). 5 prefab homes you can build in under 24 hours. [online] The Spaces. Available at: https://thespaces.com/5-prefab-homes-you-can-

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Taylor Wimpey (2007). OxleyWoods. 1st ed. [ebook] London: Taylor Wimpey, pp.1-8. Available at: http://www.oxleywoods.com/Oxley_ Woods_Lo_Res_We_1_.pdf

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Williams, A. (2018). First-time buyers forced to start small with ‘pocket’ homes | Financial Times. [online] Financial Times. Available at: https:// www.ft.com/content/3cc6348a-43d9-11e8-93cf-67ac3a6482fd

Wainwright, O. (2014). The truth about property developers: how they are exploiting planning authorities and ruining our cities. [online] the Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2014/sep/17/ truth-property-developers-builders-exploit-planning-cities

Youel, S. (2019). The rise in vacant properties exposes the housing shortage myth | CityMetric. [online] Citymetric.com. Available at: https://www. citymetric.com/politics/rise-vacant-properties-exposes-housing-shortage-myth-4521

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IMAGE BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. UCL (2017). London in Construction. [image] Available at: https:// www.ucl.ac.uk/bartlett/about-us/bartlett-review-2017/long-stories/ breaking-point 2. BBC (2019). Inside Harlow’s office block ‘human warehouse’ housing. [image] Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-essex-47720887 3. BBC (2014). Traditional British family a myth, academic says. [image] Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/education-26784754 4. BBC (2017). How much of your salary is spent on rent?. [image] Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/business-42179119 5. The New York Times Style Magazine (2019). Long Live Eccentric English Design. [image] Available at: https://www.nytimes. com/2019/02/11/t-magazine/british-interior-designers.html 6. Roser, M. (2018). Urbanization. [image] Available at: https://ourworldindata.org/urbanization 7. Ali, A. (2016). A third of young people want to live with a mix of characters like in the TV show ‘Friends’. [image] Available at: https://www. independent.co.uk/student/student-life/accommodation/doctorsand-nurses-are-the-most-sought-after-flatmates-poll-finds-a6986161. html 8. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Average Rent in £ Around the World. [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/ sites/default/files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 9. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Monthly Private Rent. [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/ chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 10. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Average Rent of One Bedroom Flats by Borough (£ per sq.ft) [image] Available at: https:// www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 11. Personal Image 12. Partington, R. (2018). Home ownership among young adults has ‘collapsed’, study finds. [image] Available at: https://www.theguardian. com/money/2018/feb/16/homeownership-among-young-adults-collapsed-institute-fiscal-studies 13. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Average House Price in London Compared to the Rest of England [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 14. Noble, W. (2019). 22,000 Homes Are Sitting Empty In London. [image] Available at: https://londonist.com/london/housing/how-many-vacant-empty-homes-london 15. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Land Division in London [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/ files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 16. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Land Use Density in London [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 17. Apostu, A. (2017). Minimalist Apartment. [image] Available at: https://www.10stunninghomes.com/minimalist-apartment-kiev-ukraine-boasts-modern-furniture-impressive-views/ 18. Home Designing (2020). Super Compact Spaces: A Minimalist Studio Apartment Under 23 Square Meters. [image] Available at: http:// www.home-designing.com/super-compact-spaces-a-minimalist-studio-apartment-under-23-square-meters 19. Lee, S. (2017). Minimum Space Standard Compared to Barnet House Floor Plan [image] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2017/mar/27/dog-kennel-flats-barnet-house-smaller-than-travelodge-room 20. Lee, S. (2017). Barnet House Commercial to Residential Use [image] Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/society/2017/mar/27/ dog-kennel-flats-barnet-house-smaller-than-travelodge-room

21. Blog Vlog Free Word Press (2018). Closed Configuration of Micro-flat. [image] Available at: http://superblackbird.info/contemporary_micro-apartments-design 22. Blog Vlog Free Word Press (2018). Open Configuration of Micro-flat. [image] Available at: http://superblackbird.info/contemporary_micro-apartments-design 23. ArchEyes (2016). Standard Capsule in Plan. [image] Available at: https://archeyes.com/nakagin-capsule-tower-kisho-kurokawa/ 24. ArchEyes (2016). Custom-fit Storage Space and Fridge Compartment. [image] Available at: https://archeyes.com/nakagin-capsule-tower-kisho-kurokawa/ 25. WA Contents (2016). Nakagin Capsule Tower Street View. [image] Available at: https://worldarchitecture.org/architecture-news/cgegv/ nakagin-capsule-tower-living-in-a-long-forgotten-future.html 26. ArchEyes (2016). Possible Capsule Configurations Based on Necessities & Preferences. [image] Available at: https://archeyes.com/nakagin-capsule-tower-kisho-kurokawa/ 27. Pocket Living (2018). Pocket Living Density in London. [image] Available at: http://170725_PocketDesignBrief_3 inc appendices (1) 28. Ham& High Property (2015). 4 Pocket Living developments of compact homes in north London. [image] Available at: https://www. hamhigh.co.uk/property/4-pocket-living-developments-of-compact-homes-in-north-london-1-4044368 29. Pocket Living (2019). Mapleton Crescent Facade. [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/gallery/slideshow/id/11 30. Godwin, H. (2016). From factory floor to finished flat. [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/blog/topical-commentary/making-a-difference-with-modular-construction/ 31. Pocket Living (2018). Pocket Living Flat in Plan [image] Available at: http://170725_PocketDesignBrief_3 inc appendices (1) 32. Pocket Living (2019). Mapleton Crescent Interior Staircase [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/gallery/slideshow/id/11 33. Pocket Living (2019). Mapleton Crescent Common Area. [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/gallery/slideshow/id/11 34. Pocket Living (2019). Mapleton Crescent Prefab Modules. [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/gallery/slideshow/id/5 35. Pocket Living (2019). Bollo Lane Scheme Bathroom. [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/gallery/slideshow/id/6 36. Pocket Living (2019). Bollo Lane Scheme Living Room. [image] Available at: https://www.pocketliving.com/gallery/slideshow/id/6 37. Godwin, H. (2016). Prefab Assembly. [image] Available at: https:// www.pocketliving.com/blog/topical-commentary/making-a-difference-with-modular-construction/ 38. CUSHICLE AND SUITALOON (2016). Plug-in City Axonometric. [image] Available at: https://cushicleandsuitaloone3.wordpress. com/2016/12/11/beyond-the-cushicle-and-suitaloon/ 39. Imbert, C. (2011). Alain Bublex Contextualising Plug-in City in Existing Urban Areas. [image] Available at: https://www.boumbang.com/ alain-bublex/ 40. MoMA (2013). Plug-in City. [image] Available at: https://www.moma. org/collection/works/797 41. The Telegraph (2016). Churchill’s London then and now: How London was rebuilt after WWII. [image] Available at: https://www.telegraph. co.uk/news/winston-churchill/11379285/Churchills-London-thenand-now-How-London-was-rebuilt-after-WWII.html 42. Research Gate (2008). Maison Dom-Ino 1914. [image] Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/figure/Le-Corbusier-Maison-DomIno-1914-Plan-FLC-19209q-FLC-DACS-2008-Source-Le-Corbusier_fig2_232939554 43. The Old Motor (2018). Workers Tear Up Steel Conveyor Belt as Last Packard Travels Down Assembly Line. [image] Available at: http://theoldmotor.com/?p=171283

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44. Prefab Museum (2017). 1944 Tate Gallery Exhibition of First Prefab Home Model. [image] Available at: https://www.prefabmuseum.uk/ content/history/design-and-architecture 45. Prefab Museum (2017). Built in Bathroom Component. [image] Available at: https://www.prefabmuseum.uk/content/history/design-and-architecture 46. Blanchet, E. (2020). Post-War Prefab Home in Context. [image] Available at: https://elisabethblanchet.photoshelter.com/gallery-image/ Prefabs-Peckham-Dulwich-Nunhead-2002-2003/G0000k5gbnoBRAKI/I0000OwpnAqTyW2g/C0000W5X3cqKrgDQ 47. CITYREALTY (2017). Carmel Place. [image] Available at: https:// www.cityrealty.com/nyc/murray-hill/carmel-place-335-east-27thstreet/61313 48. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). UK Construction Workforce. [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/ files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf 49. Viatechnik (2014). Labour Based Standard Modular Prefab Unit Factory. [image] Available at: https://www.viatechnik.com/wp-content/ uploads/2014/05/moduarization-2.jpg 50. WEINMANN Lonsingen (2019). Automated Modular Prefab Unit Factory. [image] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=P1uvwwI29Qg 51. MALLETT, L. (2018). Prefab Units Delivered onto Site in Partially Assembled State. [image] Available at: https://www.homesandproperty. co.uk/property-news/buying/new-homes/inside-the-prefab-homestipped-to-be-the-solution-to-london-s-homes-shortage-assembledon-site-in-a117701.html#gallery 52. IFS (2018). Prefabricated Facade About to be Joined to Structure. [image] Available at: https://www.thetimes.co.uk/raconteur/business/ modular-homes-future-uk-housing/ 53. Heritage Calling (2018). Prefab Units of the Past (Excalibur Estate). [image] Available at: https://heritagecalling.com/2018/07/24/5things-you-didnt-know-about-prefabs/ 54. MALLETT, L. (2018). Current Application of Prefabricated Methods of Construction. [image] Available at: https://www.homesandproperty. co.uk/property-news/buying/new-homes/inside-the-prefab-homestipped-to-be-the-solution-to-london-s-homes-shortage-assembledon-site-in-a117701.html#gallery 55. Economic Evidence Base for London (2016). Population Density in London. [image] Available at: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/chapter4-economic-evidence-base-2016.pdf

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Appendix RESEARCH METHODS STATEMENT Prefabricated modular units and technologies have been implemented in modern construction to provide immediate and cost effective housing solutions. This paper will consider the benefits of said advancements in regard to cost and time efficiency, quality of living standards provided and environmental impact. Furthermore, I will assess the efficacy in relation to the affordable housing shortage in London. This assessment will allow me to demonstrate and conclude that building regulations and social stigmatization hinder the adaptation of modular units regardless of their potential to be a realistic alternative to traditional construction in the strive to provide housing in an era of inadequate housing opportunities.

Are prefabricated building units the sole viable construction method to address the affordable housing shortage dilemma London has been facing?

The main argument of this dissertation will consider and speculate over the efficacy of off site manufacture, cost and time reductions in the use of modular units to build in restricted sites around London.

The benefits of prefabricated modular units, in theory could obtain the fastest and most systematic solution to produce affordable housing without having to expand the ever growing city of London.

The available building areas within London and Greater London are often restricted by the conditions of the site and adjacent housing and commercial buildings.

The possibility to build modular units off site that can then be assembled together on site would ensure a reduction in building costs and labour force needed on site.

Furthermore and perhaps even more importantly, time reductions and construction stability in terms of construction planning as weather and site conditions do not have

a substantial impact on building schedules. The advancements in modular housing also ensure the future users can personalize the interiors to their own specifications.

Prefabricated modules are no longer the sterile and austere spaces of the post war condition in which time efficiency was essential, resulting in said impersonal spaces. Further value in this building method can be seen in environmental terms both on site and in the high performing insulation that results in less energy consumption. The advantages of using prefabricated units for social housing schemes are capped by the minimal living conditions and building regulations imposed by the British government (Secretary of State). Said regulations are often neglected in the realm of social housing and more often than not in many prefabricated mixed housing buildings also resulting in buyers forming a negative perception which is reinforced by examples like Grenfell tower. An argument can also be made with regard to the “brick terraced houses” that set the ideal living scenario for many, resulting in the stigmatization of “instant” housing. This counter argument can be supported by house buying statistics of the past ten to twenty years that show a predilection towards classical British architecture.

In order to construct my argument I will provide examples of modular prefabricated social housing that have been proven to be efficient in London. The main counter claim will be supported by the events of Grenfell Tower in which the lack of maintenance, low building regulations and negligence on behalf of tenants and developers resulted in catastrophe.

The overall analysis of prefabricated modules will be sustained by publications of the past decade such as: Prefab Housing and the Future of Building: Product to Process by Mathew Aitchison

Prefab Architecture: A Guide to Modular Design and Construction

by Ryan E. Smith Prefabricated Systems: Principles of Construction by Sharon ChungKlatte and Ulrich Knaack.

However, the majority of the supporting information will be obtained through interviews, statistical analysis of surveys and articles because of the recent nature of the thematics I will be considering.

The dissertation will also be aided by first hand photographs of the projects taken into question as much as existing photographs that demonstrate the construction process and assembly of the units. The counter argument will be supported on the other hand by images that show the repercussions of low building standards and their ramifications.

In conclusion, the theoretical pros and cons of the possible adaptation of prefabricated modular units to engage the housing shortage in London in a systematic way will be compared and contrasted against the existing examples of faulty and misrepresented architecture.

Further analysis in regards to cultural stigmatization caused by existing developments such as Grenfell Tower will be assessed in relation to the low building standards implemented by the government. If the construction standards were higher, a larger demographic would be more inclined to invest in prefabricated housing. The criteria by which I will asses these claims will be shown through statistical analysis of accommodation purchasing in the past two decades.

This will allow me to interpret the data and oppose it to possible explanations as to why prefabricated housing in this country is largely misrepresented in terms of pricing and performance. Within the conclusion I will provide world wide examples of where the theoretical efficacy of prefab technologies has been implemented and worked such as Carmel Place in New York.

Where the combination of adapting a minimalist life style and a change in how we perceive accommodations to be has provided efficient results.

Furthermore, the dissertation will consider micro-living as an alternative to affordable housing in London. The relatively recent trend has gained popularity with both Labour and Conservative Parties.

A beneficial scheme that will not be affected by the uncertainties of elections and Brexit.

The overall argument will be made in support of Pocket Living, a company that uses micro-living through prefabricated means of construction to provide affordable housing compared to the local market values of property.

In terms of design analysis I will be considering the schemes efficacy at an urban scale with minor acknowledgments to its interior and exterior design. I will be considering Pocket Living as a trend not as isolated instances of architecture.

The scope of this dissertation will be to highlight the phenomena that have led to the housing crisis in London, how the notion of home no longer exists because of it and the birth of micro-living accommodation as a reaction to the previous factors.

The initial argument regarding prefabrication will serve as a critique of how it is being used by construction companies to gain profit instead of its true potential application to reduce costs and make property in London more affordable.

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OXLEY WOODS, LAKANAL HOUSE & GRENFELL TOWER The Design for Manufacture Competition in 2005 aimed at revolutionising house building in the UK. The initiative was supported

by Prime Minister Prescott and aimed at providing affordable housing while maintaining quality and sustainability. Said homes cost £60,000 per unit for the builders and £200,000 for the residents.

They were supposed to promote prefabrication and modular manufacture. The media coverage of this initiative would ultimately result in disastrous effects on investments from construction magnates and home buyers, repelling them from prefab technologies. The contest was won with a proposal by Rogers Stirk Harbour + Partners.

A mere seven years after completion in 2007 Oxley Woods in Milton Keynes began to decay. Moisture and dampness were reported by all 120 residents of the development. The downfall of these properties has been associated to the inadequate installation of loose cladding panels onto the timber framings. Further problems were caused by glazing failures and interior leakage problems that influenced the structural integrity of the supporting timber structures.

Fungal infestation and rot were caused by poor specifications and negligent construction.

Due to mitigation and disclaiming campaigns carried out by Taylor Wimpey, RSHP and MMC contractor Wood Newton no one was legally prosecutable. However, the surveys carried out demonstrate it was a joint effort by all three in providing inadequate accommodations. Major cladding problems were identified where inappropriate fixings were implemented.

An absence of damp-proof membranes and ventilation gaps that barely met the legal requirement all contributed to the downfall of what was supposed to promote investments in prefab technologies.

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An exemplary prefab development outside of social housing still needs to be carried out to demonstrate its potential. Oxley Woods is partially responsible for the stigmatization of prefab in this country. It dissuaded house builders to invest in these technologies as much as house buyers (BBC, 2014).

cost effectiveness or else instances like the ones above will continue to occur. In the aftermath of both instances the blame was placed onto the constructors, for using unsafe materials. However, reports have shown that the materials were compliant to government regulations.

Lakanal House is part of the Sceaux Gardens Estate in Camberwell.

Containing 98 flats over 14 storeys, it is a tower block that dates back to 1959. It is mainly composed of interlocking two-storey maisonettes.

After a £3.5 million refurbishment carried out from 2006 to 2007 to meet the fire safety regulations at the time, a fire started due to an electrical fault and killed six people on the 11th floor.

Absurdities like these are what hinder the advancement and implementation of more prefab developments. Another factor worth mentioning is the building regulation that ensures, in case of fire, that the incident would be isolated to a single apartment for up to 60 minutes, providing the necessary time for residents to evacuate and for the fire brigade to act. However, in both instances this was not the case, resulting in death (Barling, 2017).

Deficiencies in living standards and regulations allowed the fire to spread in minutes, including the lack of seals on doors, the absence of cavity barriers in the ceilings which would have blocked the fire and inadequately specified fire-resisting boxing on the timber stairs in the common corridor. None of the previously mentioned hazards were identified during inspection when the works that should have prevented such a tragedy where carried out (BBC, 2017).

Unfortunately, Lakanal House was not an isolated incident. Grenfell Tower also saw cladding that did not comply to the building regulations used. Built in 1974, it contained 129 flats over 24 storeys completely dedicated to social housing. A refurbishment carried out in 2016 would result in a nightmare. All the components that were issued as part of the renovation and to keep the building up to date with mandatory regulations, ironically facilitated the spreading of the fire that would be fatal for 72 people (BBC, 2019).

Building regulations in this country are flawed to the point that constructors especially in the social housing realm are allowed to use highly combustible materials without any legal repercussions or checks. Safety should prevail over

Grenfell Tower had been renovated with the addition of external cladding, which consisted of aluminium sheets interspersed with a polyethylene core. A material that melts and flows at elevated temperatures, releasing large amounts of energy during combustion (BBC, 2019).

A fire hazard was present in the cladding covering the entire building. Combustible materials were used in other components of the refurbishment such as the windows.

The smoke extraction system was faulty and the “wet riser”, which runs water through the building in case of a fire was absent, making it difficult for the firefighters to act.

None of the doors of the flats met fire resistance standards.

Absurdities and failures to comply with the basic regulations would result in a catastrophe and yet they were implemented and as more evidence emerges the reality is that both Lakanal and Grenfell legally met the governments building regulations as they continously passed safety checks (BBC, 2019).

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