UNPEELING the USG BOARD of REGENTSSPRING2022PAGE10LEGALIZING PSYCHEDELICS - 28 | SOLAR POWER in ECUADOR - 36 NFL COACHING DIVERSITY - 45
2 UNITEDGEORGIASTATES A Solution to the Affordable Housing Crisis in Our Backyard TOWARDS A TEMPERED YIMBYISM IN ATHENS5 The Politics of Psychedelics and the American Right BIPARTISAN-TRIP26 ISSUETHISINXXIIVOL. The Future of a Gerrymandered Athens BETWEEN THE LINES6 How Speech Restrictions Can Contribute to Political Alienation THE CONSEQUENCES OF FREE SPEECH ZONES8 Examining the Institution at the Heart of UGA Decision-Making COVER STORY: ROYAL REGENTS?10 The Impact of Teacher Diversity on Student Success TEACHING IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR14 Limitations on American Classroom Speech AMBIGUOUS AND DRACONIAN16 How Cracks in the First Amendment Have Made Disrespect to Police Increasingly “Illegal” CONTEMPT OF COP: A NEW CRIME ON THE BLOCK30 How Georgia’s Movie Industry Is Leading the State’s Blue Shift LIGHTS! CAMERA! POLITICS?20 A Postmortem or a Path Forward? LABOR IN THE SOUTH22 Georgia’s Childcare Crisis and Its Long-Term Impacts INVESTING IN OUR FUTURE24 The Battle in Georgia BANNING AND BURNING OUR CHILDREN'S BOOKS18
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 3 WORLDCULTURE The Olympics and International Politics LET THE GAMES BEGIN32 How Racism Led to Athlete Empowerment THE DONALD STERLING SCANDAL44 Al-Sisi’s Rise to Egypt’s Presidency SAVIOR OR DICTATOR?33 Neocolonialist Policy in Francophone Africa THE FUTURE OF CFA FRANC34 Ecuador’s Opportunity for Energy Independence SIGHTING SOLAR36 How the U.S. Continues to Fund a Humanitarian Crisis YEMEN'S FOREVER CRISIS38 RECKONING WITH A HISTORY OF CULTURAL APPROPRIATION39 Black Words Falling on Deaf White Ears NONAME40 A Rare Look at Neutral Milk Hotel's Jeff Mangum LIVE AT JITTERY JOE'S42 Why Brian Flores’ Lawsuit Shows NFL Diversity Efforts Aren’t Working THE LEAGUE'S WORST KEPT SECRET45 Braves Fans Have a Choice to Make
CAROLINE SCHNEIDER DearWelcomeReader,to the world of the Georgia Politi cal Review. In these pages, our talented writers will take you on a journey analyzing the issues affecting our university, our state, our coun try, and our globe. Although we are a political magazine by definition, we pride ourselves on writing about topics that are not always direct ly political. In this way, we challenge our writ ers and our readers to think critically about how “non-political” issues shape our political culture.Asa magazine this semester, we em phasized state-centric stories integral to our identity as Georgia’s premier bipartisan, stu dent-run political publication. We are nearing the May primary that will determine the can didates for what promises to be an influential midterm season. The rest of the country will judge whether last election’s blue wave was an anomaly or is here to stay. Larissa’s article on the impact of the growing film industry on Georgia politics as a potential explanation for the purple shift provides alternative commen tary on the issue pivotal to our state’s politics today.Nationally, we are on the heels of the first confirmation of a Black woman, Ketanji Brown Jackson, to the Supreme Court of the United States. Despite immense Senate polar ization, her confirmation is historical for Black Americans and a beacon of hope for young Black women. In his article, Matthew explores racial issues on a different court––the basket ball court. Although the NBA is not a govern mental body, the Donald Sterling scandal gives rise to important conversations about racial discrimination and prejudice that is inherently political.Onan international level, the world looks on as Russia continues to launch attacks on Ukraine, prompting questions on how in volved the U.S. should be, either militarily or on a humanitarian level. On the topic of U.S. involvement abroad, Mayukh writes about the continued sale of U.S. arms to Saudi Arabia, resulting in the death of countless Yemenis. In this edition of GPR, we are honored to take you on this globetrotting voyage, span ning the grassy knolls of UGA’s campus to the snowy mountains in Beijing and back again. However, this expedition would not have been possible without our many supporters. First, I extend my fullest gratitude to Emily Willard, our fabulous layout editor, whose leadership and creativity made possible the magazine you now hold in your hands. Under her direction, our layout staff produced compelling designs that elevate the words off the page. Second, I thank our business manager, Ruth Payne, who ensured we had resources to fund our ambi tious initiatives this semester and secured us a new sponsor. Third, I applaud managing editor Suhan Kacholia, who has revamped our website so we can showcase more of our staff writers’ articles. Fourth, we appreciate the sup port of the School of Public and International Affairs and our sponsors, UGA at Oxford and the Washington Semester Program. Last, we do all of this for you, the reader. We sincerely hope you enjoy the 22nd Edition of the Georgia Political Review and you con tinue to challenge yourself to find a political connection to topics you did not always see through such a lens. Let’s get political, Caroline Schneider Senior Editor
TWENTY SECOND EDITORIAL BOARD OF THE GEORGIA POLITICAL EDITOR-IN-CHIEFREVIEW Christopher Rosselot SENIOR EDITOR Caroline Schneider MANAGING EDITOR Suhan Kacholia OPERATIONS DIRECTOR Matthew Li LAYOUT & DESIGN EDITOR Emily Willard ASSISTANT SENIOR EDITORS Luke Bowles Alex AdamMichaelMatthewDanielDrahosKleinLiMalkowskiStarks BUSINESS MANAGER Ruth Payne ASSISTANT LAYOUT EDITORS Theron JuliannaCampRuss SOCIAL MEDIA & MARKETING Daniel Klein LAYOUT STAFF Theron EmilyAdamJulesCedricElenaAlexanderCampGreeneGregoryJohnsonIIRussStarksWillard STAFF WRITERS Mennah CaitlynAlexandraEmmaJoshJoshJohnAlexLukeAnnaJennaAdeboyeAbdelwahabAdeoyeBertschiBothBowlesDrahosFordFriedmanGregoryGriffinHuelsHughes Suhan Kacholia Sonia GenerouslyLilianaLucyAryanAdamJessicaDanielChristopherRuthHannahDillonSamNickLarissaEmmaMatthewDanielMayukhKaliaKeelarKleinLiLoydLozanoMarkiewiczMotleyNohrOhPayneRosselotSchultzSchumakerStarksThakurWylieYearnssupported by the University of Georgia School of Public and International Affairs Cover Photo: @BORUSG/ Twitter and Stockvault Cover Design: Theron Camp, Caroline Schneider, and Emily Willard
fromLETTEREDITORthe
Towards a Tempered “YIMBYISM” in Athens
By Hannah Oh A Solution to the Affordable Housing Crisis in Our Backyard Art by Elena Gregory
B eyond the robust UGA campus, thousands of Athens residents struggle to find affordable housing. The gap between stagnant wages and rent prices has grown up to 9% over inflation in recent years, causing more than half of renters in Athens to spend more than 30% of their income on housing. Out of all factors, the affordable housing shortage has been a primary cause of the crisis. To begin, Athens-Clarke County is the smallest county in the state; the University of Georgia’s main campus alone takes about 762 acres out of 78,100 acres of county land area. Additionally, the ACC government has zoned most of its land for single-family homes, barring the development of cheaper multifamily dwellings that primarily assist low-income populations. Moreover, a rising number of enrolled UGA students— 40,000 as of fall 2021—with in-state scholarships and more buying power than residents has led to housing market inflation. As these students demand more student housing, private developers have had incentives to raise rent prices and develop more of these purpose-built housing in Athens that suit the needs of families. Besides, many landlords have been purchasing cheap single-family housing in historically Black neighborhoods in the past decade for student housing. Thus, an accumulation of these factors led to a small and rigid housing supply crisis in Athens, causing public officials to propose YIMBY policies. YIMBYISM (“Yes In My Backyard”) is an antipode to NIMBYISM (“Not In My Backyard”), a derogatory term for a social response that began in the 1970s among older and privileged residents who opposed new housing developments in their neighborhood. Unlike NIMBYISM, YIMBYISM is led by “young, affluent reformers” sympathetic to denser, affordable housing developments in their community. By taking a marketbased approach, they emphasize housing shortage as a core cause of the current housing affordability crisis and advocate for policies such as inclusionary zoning that increase the housing supply. With these reforms, YIMBYs also seek to reverse the racial segregation NIMBYs caused with exclusionary zoning policy: a product of their illegitimate fear that denser, affordable housing developments lead to lesser property value and increased crime. Therefore, the ACC government has introduced zoning policies that reflect the pro-affordable housing position of YIMBYs.OnMarch 1, 2022, ACC Commissioners have adopted a Strategic Plan for the fiscal year 2023-2025, including priorities to “encourage mixed-income development” and diversify “housing options in all zones of the County.’’ Also, the ACC Planning Commission has developed a voluntary zoning policy that incentivizes housing developers to build affordable housing units and contribute to the government affordable housing fund. Under this program, multifamily housing developers that dedicate 5-15% of their housing units for affordable housing could receive a density bonus and less rigid requirement for parking and ground floor commercial development in Athens. In April, the ACC Mayor and the County Commissioners will vote on this policy. With these initiatives, however, the ACC government must not overlook a weakness of YIMBYism. While YIMBYism accurately diagnoses housing shortage as a root cause of the current housing affordability crisis, it fails to account for cultural landmarks and spaces with an intangible worth in the community. For instance, “The Tree that Owns Itself” has been long preserved by Athenians as a unique historical artifact that represents the early days of city development and the dark past of slavery in the South. Although the tree is inconveniently placed alongside a road and takes up a decent portion of land, its cultural value is worth more than a road or home for the community. Moreover, the historically Black neighborhoods of Hancock, West Broad, and East Athens serve as legacies of the Black community in Athens. “They add to different pieces and layers of our local history that are just as important as historical landmarks,” says Jody Graichen, the director of Hands-On Historic Athens. Thus, “when we lose or erode them, we lose the historical context and stories that could only be told in tangible ways…not to mention, oral histories homeowners and long-time residents could share best.” Therefore, replacing single-family housing in their neighborhood with denser, affordable housing could lead Athens to lose a significant part of its rich Black history.Fortunately, the Athens Historic Preservation Commission protects historical landmarks such as “The Tree that Owns Itself” from demolition through the Certificate of Appropriateness program. Under this program, one must apply and receive approval from the Commission before altering the exterior of these buildings. However, the ACC has not locally designated many historical Black neighborhoods mentioned above as historic districts to provide such protection. Thus, many retired, low-income Black homeowners in these communities have been vulnerable to pressures from private developers who want to transform the landscape for student housing. Therefore, the ACC government should adopt community-centered, tempered YIMBY policies that prioritize the historical preservation of these Black neighborhoods. Implementing inclusionary zoning reforms without protecting these neighborhoods could lead to more gentrification, destruction of Athens’ cultural heritage, and a failure to protect one of the most vulnerable populations from the current housing crisis. By adopting tempered YIMBY policies then, the ACC government would not only be able to bring equity to the current housing affordability solution but also strengthen the community and preserve the unique identity of Athens. g
BETWEEN
The nonpartisan Board of Elections (BOE) created a map that only slightly adjusted districts, displacing just 6% of residents. Yet moderate Democratic Commissioners Mike Hamby and Allison Wright voted against it, and Commissioner Ovita Thorn ton abstained. Later, Athens State Repre sentative Spencer Frye (D) introduced a new map with slight adjustments to earn approval from the three who did not sup port the BOE map. The two commissioners voted no again, solidifying the Republican redistricting efforts. Months later, Hamby and Wright still do not discuss their votes against the Democratic maps. However, some believe they have insight into their controversial decision. County Commissioner Tim Denson la bels their votes as a power grab. He says, “There was a sweep of new, younger com missioners…over two years ago. [That], I think, was difficult for some folks.” Com missioner Hamby, the former interim di rector of the Democratic Party of Georgia, is by far the longest-serving commission er. Along with Allison Wright, he acts as a moderate member and falls into an “oldschool” camp on the commission. Commis sioner Melissa Link mentioned, “They’re older and they feel like their toes are get ting stepped on by some of our younger, more progressive commissioners…who are stealing the spotlight in that they are… getting stuff done.” Other factors may also explain their decisions, such as deals struck with Republicans in the state legis lature. Phone records show Commissioner Hamby repeatedly called Rep. Gaines be fore the vote on the BOE map, suggesting collaboration between the two. While the nature of the call is unknown, they likely discussed the redistricting situation, po tentially striking a deal. While Hamby and Wright made a po litical calculation, it may come back to haunt them. Commission Denson states, “I think that Hamby and Wright’s political legacy is going to be…when they attempt ed to disrupt an election during one of the most pivotal election years in history for Georgia…and that they put personal pol itics…over the election integrity of an en tire community of 130,000. If they choose to run for reelection I think they will be strongly challenged.” Commissioner Link echoed similar sentiments, believing that the three Commissioners could not win re election if their redistricting vote is at the forefront of the conversation. In the long term, the redistricting map could immensely alter commission actions and initiatives. Commissioner Link and Denson assert that the map is designed to handpick more conservative candidates in attempts to disrupt progressive power.
The Future of a By Alex
LINESDrahosTHE
Gerrymandered Athens
ACC Commissioners Allison Wright and Mike Hamby. Pho tos from PoliticsAthensNerd. byGraphicsTheronCamp
“While Hamby and Wright made a calculation,political it may come back to haunt them.”
W ith the 2020 Census complete, states across the country are redistricting, or redrawing electoral districts based on population changes. In Georgia, the Republican-led state legislature gerrymandered the map, creating electoral districts that favor con servative voters. Their gerrymander was particularly egregious in Athens-Clarke County (ACC). Republican officials mauled the ACC Commission districts, splitting some and moving others to completely new communities. They sliced East Athens in half, diluting the power of a historically Black neighborhood. Preferred Republican county commission candidates are now in renumbered districts that are on the bal lot in 2022. Several areas are completely different. For example, not a single res ident of the old district three resides in the Republican-drawn district three. An estimated 67% of ACC residents are in a new district, a shift that election experts claim should be just 6%. Yet the added vic tory for Republicans is the change to the ten-person county commission. Three pro gressive commissioners were gerrymandered out of their districts, preventing their reelec tion in 2022: Commissioners Melissa Link, Tim Denson, and Russell Edwards. In other words, the new map forced almost one-third of the ACC governing body out of their posi tions to advantage Republican candidates. Since the Republican redistricting map took months to finalize, the coun ty commission had an opportunity to al ter it in early 2022. State Representative Houston Gaines (R) pledged to support the commission’s preferred electoral map if it passed the commission unanimously.
Commissioner Denson highlighted similar concerns, specifically with the projects the commission has underway. He worried that inclusionary zoning and affordable housing legislation, a core focus of the current commission, have little hope of surviving under a conservative majority. Commission interest in revitalizing Athens public transit and public safety would like ly recede. Diversity, equity, and inclusion policies would no longer be prioritized. With a conservative majority, policies can also be reversed, eradicating the recent work of the current progressive coalition. Most of all, the commission could become less active in policy making, as it was in the past. However, Commissioner Den son, who also serves as the chair of Athens Democrats, is optimistic that conservative candidates will not win the open seats.
When asked about the upcoming races, he said, “We have the best data, we have the best training, we have strong fundraising so I feel very confident.” The electoral map gerrymander is one of the most important developments in Athens politics. The impact it will have is still unknown, but it could greatly alter fu ture policy. Across the state and country, Republicans are enacting similar electoral changes that disproportionately favor con servative voters. Without anti-gerryman dering legislation, undemocratic electoral maps will remain commonplace nation wide. Consequently, uncontested elections that allow fascistic and autocratic candi dates to win will grow. As these political tactics increase election subversion, the American people will continuously have less control over who runs their govern ment. Referencing this decay of free and fair elections, Commissioner Link posited, “ Do your homework and see how history works: this is how democracies die.” Local elections for the Athens-Clarke County Commission are on May 24th, 2022. Register to vote at Vote.org and confirm your electoral district at accgov.com. g
The new Athens Clean and Safe PAC, run by a Georgia Republican operative, aims to spend $200,000 to elect conservatives to the three vacant commission seats. If conservative commissioners are elected, recent government initiatives are in jeop ardy. Commissioner Link states, “A lot of the work we have done to help struggling people especially when it comes to afford able housing and homelessness I think will be halted. We’ve got 30 something million dollars in American Rescue Plan funds to spend, but there’s nothing to say that a more conservative majority couldn’t bring that back for a vote and refigure it.”
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 7 GEORGIA RenumberedDistricts CommissionersEligibleforReelection 5 7 RenumberedDistricts CommissionersEligibleforReelection 0 10ACCDistrictsCommission(2012-2022)/10/101 2 3 4 5 6 7 9810 1 2 3 4 56 7 9810 1 23 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
The Consequences of Free Speech Zones How Speech Restrictions Can Contribute to Political Alienation By Luke Bowles
A t UGA, students are only allowed to protest at two free speech zones on campus, Tate Plaza and Memo rial Hall, compromising less than 0.2% of the university’s 762-acre campus. The only exception for members of the UGA com munity is “spontaneous expressive activ ity,” or response to events within the last two days, and these protests must not be planned more than a day in advance and take place outside. Free speech zones first appeared on college campuses and began spreading in the 1980s and 90s with the purpose of re stricting protests and demonstrations to a limited area. However, restricting free expression on campus can contribute to a less open environment with less debate and even possibly drive students to discuss politics elsewhere, including on social media. Despite funding the University of Geor gia and the University System of Georgia as a whole, Georgia residents not affiliated with UGA are restricted to the free speech zones that require prior approval from the Dean of Student Affairs’s office. The free speech zones are only available from 8 a.m. to 9 p.m. Monday through Friday. Many students support or oppose strongly religious and conservative groups using these zones, but there are pressing issues with the zones themselves. Limiting free speech on public proper ty runs the risk of stifling expression, and zones often make up an extremely small space on campuses, especially at UGA. According to the Knight Founda tion, the belief that free speech is se cure on college campuses by college students has dropped from 73% to 47% from 2016 to 2021. Students also reported that the discussion of ideas occurs more on social media than faceto-face on campus, which could reflect a dangerous consequence of restricting free speech on campus. Many worry about the effect of more online political discussion when many students feel social media is a particular ly poor place to be covering these topics. Only 29% of students said that discussion on social media was usually civil, and 60% said that social media stifles discussion and blocks views. Executive Chair of the UGA College Re publicans Emmanuel Hernaiz shared his thoughts on the zones and their effects. “I don’t like the term free speech zone, but I really dislike the fact that the zones are less than 1% of the campus,” Hernaiz said. “It’s atrocious. College is the place where you’re supposed to be exploring yourHernaizideas.” also shared how he feels social media affects political discussions. “I generally don’t like to post things on social media when it comes to politics,” Hernandez said. “I don’t think it’s the best medium to discuss political matters. It brings the worst out in people sometimes.”
social media while still expressing support for free speech zones. “Social media, Twitter threads, the Washington Post’s Tiktok, that’s where the majority of discourse occurs between stu dents,” Porter said. “I support the presence of free speech zones and don’t want them to go away. Social media cannot be a re placement for public presentation, even of controversial topics. Nothing is the same as encountering something in real life and discussing it with those around you.”
“When my Muslim and Jewish friends walk on campus past these extremists to go in class, we try to move in groups to keep them safe,” said. “They get shouted at, told to go to hell, told they’re going to go to hell. Keep in mind these are college students who pay tuition, often pay taxes, and this is not OK.” In 2021, 59% of students preferred ex posure to all speech even if it might be considered offensive or biased, and only 22% of students supported restricting that type of speech. If campus speech restrictions cause more students to turn to social media for political discussion, this hateful speech could be anonymous and lack conse quences and reflect a growing problem of polarization and reduction of in-person debate. It could also mean that the peo ple sharing hate speech might face less concrete consequences. Since 2016, Ins tagram, Facebook, and Youtube use have all doubled (or more), and Tiktok has be come the most used website in the world. As social media use has grown, these plat forms have shifted into areas ripe with po litical discourse and often abuse. Many students, including Porter, share a desire to see greater political discussion in response to the rise of social media de bate. “If we’re going to be a unified, resilient nation, there needs to be a broader pro gram to facilitate discussion, resolve is sues, and create a new common goal and identity to find community in,” Porter said. However, while free speech stays re stricted on the places known for being hotspots of ideological diversity–college campuses–shifting the majority of polit ical discourse back to in-person settings faces more challenges than ever before. g “Social media cannot be a replacement for public presentation, even oftopics”controversial
Regarding the 26% drop in belief in secure free speech on campuses between 2016 and 2021, there was a 2% drop in that time by Democratic students, 13% drop by Independent students, and a 25% drop in Republican students. Could this regulation of free speech be causing more polarization among col lege students by discouraging discourse in person? Young Democratic Socialists of America (YDSA) member Brendan Por ter expressed concern due to the growing trend of political discussion occuring on over that.” Supporters of free speech zones of ten say that removing free speech zones opens up entire campuses to harassment or hateful speech. Georgia Tech student Alex Ames said that protesters in the zones often shout hate speech aimed at students of racial or religious minorities.
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 9 GEORGIA
Hernaiz echoed these sentiments about social media. “I think it’s a negative when people get in echo chambers on the internet when there’s not a neutral area to express their opinions,” Hernaiz said. “Unfortunate ly, the internet is the new place of public debate, and I don’t feel comfortable with social media companies having authority
Royal Regents?
T he University System of Geor gia Board of Regents (“Board”): a familiar phrase with an ob scured meaning for many UGA stu dents. The Board has increasingly made headlines for its powerful decision-making on key issues, in cluding COVID-19 policies, cam pus building renaming, and the post-tenure review process. The Board of Regents is respon sible for keeping the University Sys tem of Georgia (USG) in compliance with federal and state education regulations and policies, manag ing the $9.8 billion annual budget, and creating statewide strategies and goals. The Board possesses vast oversight authority, which it has exercised heavily in the past two years. The Board has become a symbol of political polarization in Georgia, but how and why?
Examining the Institution at the Heart of UGA Decision-Making
By Caroline Schneider
10
The Board consists of 19 members: one from each of Georgia’s 14 congressional dis tricts and five state-wide appointees. The regents are appointed by the governor and confirmed by the Senate to serve seven-year terms, and they may be reappointed by sub sequent governors. Of the current regents, only two possess direct prior experience in education: Vice Chair Erin Hames and Jose Perez. Regent Hames currently serves as the Headmaster at Heritage Preparatory School in Atlanta, taught at a public school, founded a law and consulting firm to improve students’ educa tional outcomes, and worked in the Georgia Department of Education under Governor Sonny Perdue. Regent Perez served on different Boards of Education on the state and national levels, and he is currently a Commissioner on the State Charter School Commission.Allofthe regents––including Hames and Perez––have strong business and en trepreneurial backgrounds. Many have started their own successful businesses and/or have impressive careers in fields such as investment, real estate, and con struction. One shared characteristic among many regents is their place of education: USG institutions. Being a regent is a vol untary position, so regents hold day jobs in addition to their Board duties. Voluntary status requires flexibility, potentially lim iting the diversity of socioeconomic class among board members. While it may be surprising that only two of the 19 regents possess direct education experience, a significant part of the Board’s job is to handle the business sides of the USG. The Board must assist universities in preparing their graduating students for success in the workforce, disperse funds, and keep Georgia’s universities competitive with other public universities. With these goals in mind, “governors have selected re gents members with business backgrounds, thinking their experience will help guide University System leaders and the institu tions in ensuring their coursework is geared toward the goals of making graduates ca reer-ready,” according to a GPR interview with journalist Eric Stirgus of the Atlanta Journal Constitution (AJC).
With term expiration for a handful of regents in 2022 and the shuffling of con gressional districts due to redrawn maps, Governor Brian Kemp has appointed loy alists to the Board. New Regent Richard “Tim” Evans hails from the construction industry, and he replaced Kessel Stelling, whose term expired in January. According to reporting by the AJC, Stelling was “one of the staunchest opponents” of the poten tial nomination of Sonny Perdue to be the chancellor of USG. Second, Regent Jim Sy fan of the ninth district is also a successful entrepreneur, and he replaced Philip Wil heit. While the motivation for Wilheit’s re placement is less clear than that of Stelling, it is evident that both Evans and Syfan are supporters of both Kemp and Perdue. State records demonstrate that Evans and Sy fan each donated thousands of dollars to Kemp’s current and past gubernatorial bids. Other regents saw their terms end pre maturely due to the newly drawn con gressional districts. Most notably, Sachin Shailendra was an entrepreneur with con nections to education, but his support for Kemp and Perdue were unclear. Public records show that his generous campaign contributions all benefit Democratic can didates. Kemp replaced Shailendra with home builder Tom Bradbury, a Kemp cam paign contributor, a move the governor’s of fice has claimed is solely attributable to the redrawn maps. Chancellor Drama
Kemp Anoints New Regents
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 11 GEORGIA Who Are They?
In March 2022, the Board unanimous ly elected Sonny Perdue, former Georgia governor, to be the new chancellor of the USG. The chancellor supports the Board and oversees the administration of USG as a whole. The process by which Perdue reached his new position––which he will start on April 1––was full of controversy. Students and faculty organized to protest Perdue’s nomination, complaining about the politicization of the regents’ selection and Perdue’s qualifications for the position. Even before Kemp’s recent political ly-motivated appointments to the Board, the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges (SACSCOC) threatened to withdraw their accreditation of USG schools early in the chancellor nomination process because of the increased influence of outside institu tions on the Board. While the SACSCOC have stated that it does not have plans to in vestigate the Chancellor search process and follow through with the removal of accred itation, this threat and the continued po liticization of the institution does not bode well for students and faculty of USG.Aloss of SACSCOC ac creditation would mean that students would not receive any federal financial aid––including Pell Grants––de pressing enrollment espe cially among low-income and first-generation students. Such a loss would be cata strophic for USG institutions and run directly contrary to the Board’s stated goal to “raise [education] attainment levels for communities across Georgia.”
Contrary to the Board being a voluntary position, the chancellor is paid handsome ly. The last chancellor, Steve Wrigley, re ceived a $500,000 annual salary, which is considerably more than Governor Kemp’s $175,000 salary but still less than universi ty presidents who make more than one mil lion dollars per year. Apart from the SACSCOC’s concerns, university stakehold ers have expressed concerns about Sonny Perdue’s qualifications to hold the position. According to Stirgus, “most recent chancel lors in Georgia, and nationally, have had some higher educa tional experience,”administrativewhich Perdue notably lacks. The most recent chancellor with virtually no prior experi ence was Erroll Davis, who was inaugurated in 2006, and even he served as a university board member before holding the position.
Many students wonder why UGA ad ministrators do not take a stand against the Board in favor of policies that students want, but the bylaws of USG and the finan cial power the Board holds over the univer sity severely restricts their discretion.
12
Because the Board wanted to have uni fied COVID operations across all 26 USG colleges and universities, it controlled all COVID-19 policies. Since they are the pri mary budgetary administrators in the uni versity system, the Board also oversaw the allocation of COVID relief funds, further placing the issue under their jurisdiction.
Ruling on Campus Building Renaming
When USG colleges and universities were preparing to return to in-person in struction for the Fall 2020 semester follow ing the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, they initially followed the guidance of the Georgia Department of Public Health and the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), nei ther of which had mandated mask wearing. Thus, in June 2020, UGA sent messaging to its faculty and staff informing them that mask wearing would be “strongly encourage[d],” but not required as was consistent with USG rec ommendations. On July 6, 2020, USG updated its guidelines on the use of face cov erings and required the use of appropriate mask wearing inside campus facilities, reversing its previous decision. The stated reason for this de cision cited updated CDC guidelines but failed to mention the immense backlash from stu dents, faculty, staff and national news or ganizations. USG had been an outlier in its decision not to mandate face coverings even among other Southern university systems, a fact many critics latched onto. Another element of USG institutions’ reopening plans that met criticism was its insistence on having in-person, face-toface classes with hybrid options. Faculty had some discretion in their pedagogical method, but they were not allowed to move their classes fully on line according to UGA messaging in Summer 2020. As classes began in the fall, reports began to swirl about USG au ditors coming on UGA’s campus to ensure facul ty were abiding by these guidelines and teaching in person. While these reports were quickly shut down by a USG spokesperson, the ini tial reports were coming from department heads within USG institutions, indicating unsettling levels of miscommunication. This mandate stayed in place until the Summer of 2021, when the mandate was downgraded to a mere encouragement inside campus buildings. As of March 11, 2022, USG’s newest COVID-19 policies on mask wearing encourage individuals to wear masks “based on their preference and assessment of personal risk.” At both stag es, the university system recognized vac cines as safe and effective, but claims the decision to receive a vaccine is an individual one and would “not be required to be a part of our campuses.”
Movements in recent years to remove individuals who supported inhumane, divi sive policies from campus building names garnered national support, especially fol lowing the killing of George Floyd. Howev er, these efforts suffered a major loss in No vember 2021, when the Board unanimously rejected the proposals to rename 75 build ings across USG institutions. The meeting lasted nine minutes. Former chancellor Steve Wrigley had created a Naming Advisory Group to review the appropriateness of the names of the nearly 900 buildings and colleges named for individuals in the university system. Af ter more than a year of research, the inde pendent group compiled a 181 page report outlining each problematic person, their backwards beliefs, and their biographical information.Ofthe75 recommended renames, 32 are buildings and colleges at the Univer sity of Georgia (UGA). The group also rec ommended that various USG institutions keep the names of 21 buildings/colleges so long as they give additional context to their namesakes. Of those 21 names, nine belong to UGA. Among the recommend ed renames include the Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication, Russell Hall, and Gilbert Hall, which were named after two white supremacists and an African-American enslaver and Con federate soldier, respectively. USG policy states that the naming of all buildings must be approved by the Board of Regents, including renaming buildings. Individual institutions and their execu tives are powerless without explicit per mission from the Board. While pressure from institutional executives is certainly helpful, students and faculty who seek change must go through the Board. How ever, any new advocacy for building re naming must innovate as this independent, extensive, and well-documented report was not sufficient to warrant even a debate among the regents. After rejecting the proposal, the Board published a statement emphasizing the instructive value of history, how histo ry lessons make Georgians stronger, and that future naming actions will reflect “‘the strength…of Georgia’s diversity.’”
They have followed through on promot ing diversity with new naming approvals since the sweeping rejection. In December, the Board approved the naming of two UGA buildings after trailblazing Black students: the Science Library for Shirley Mathis Mc Bay, the first Black graduate to earn a doc torate degree from the university, and the new freshman residence hall after Harold A. Black, Mary Blackwell Diallo, and Kerry Rushin Miller, the first Black students to enroll as freshmen and graduate. Many students and activists, however, find the naming performative as the new buildings do nothing to take away the build ings that honor enslavers, segregationists, slavery apologists, and individuals with other prejudiced beliefs.
COVID-19 Policies Snelling? Moore?Grady?Tucker?
In October 2021, the Board approved changes to the post-tenure review process for USG professors, inviting criticism from across the state and the nation. The revisions lower the standards for firing tenured professors and require universities to implement ad ditional evaluation criteria in the tenure review pro cess. The Board claims these changes were necessary to promote student success and increase accountabil ity in the tenure processes across the university sys tem. Critics argue that these changes will threaten job security, limit free speech in the classroom, and discourage talented professors from coming to teach in Georgia. Each institution under USG will create its own methods for adding the extra criteria to their post-ten ure review process and submit it for approval. Both faculty members at Georgia colleges and universities and the American Association of University Profes sors have spoken out against these changes, but they were directed to voice their concerns with the individ ual implementing institutions. In fact, the Board ap proved of the changes to the review without any dis cussion, indicating a startling lack of concern for the implications of their actions.
Students and faculty at UGA and at every other institution under USG’s umbrella deserve transparency and a voice in decision processes. Regents should be forthcoming with their logic behind many of their decisions rath er than declining to make comments or accept interviews. These decisions are damaging the reputation of Georgia’s universities. g Closing Proclamation
Who is Affected by USG Policy? Post-Tenure Decision
A common thread through all these issues is that the University System of Georgia Board of Regents seems not to consider the desires of their con stituents and stakeholders––or at least, not publicly. When students and faculty organized to protest the politicization of the Board and opposed the selection of Sonny Perdue as chancellor, procedures paused only briefly then continued without a hitch. The sweeping decision to reject the carefully constructed report on renaming campus buildings occurred in less than ten minutes, completely disregarding the feelings of the students and faculty who are subjected to reside, work, and study in facilities named af ter horrendous individuals. When students begged administrators to put policies in place to suppress the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Board took virtually no action. Lastly, the changes to the post-tenure review process were introduced in the guise of encouraging student success, but the consequences of the modifications will ultimately hurt students: pro fessors will teach less freely and fewer talented professors will come to the university system.
Author’s
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 13
GEORGIA
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 15 GEORGIA
Teaching in Communities of Color The Impact of Teacher Diversity on Student Success
“In the current system, students of color are less likely to attend post-secondary institutions, creating a smaller pool of possible teacher candidates.”
By Adam Starks C larke County School District serves a largely low-income and minority student body of 14,000 students, yet teachers in the county are 74% white. By contrast, the student body is 80% mi nority. While not immediately obvious, ongoing research has established strong linkages between same-race teachers and positive student outcomes. Expectations by white teachers that all students enter the classroom with the same culture cap ital often leads to the misidentification of cultural disconnect as academic defi ciency. At the same time, current social stigma and attention-grabbing headlines about the achievement gap lead many teachers to underestimate individual student success based upon group-wide data, a self-fulfilling prophecy for many students. Studies have repeatedly shown that teacher demographics are an important part of stu dent haveResearchersyoungstartingsuccess,ataage.found that Black students with at least one Black teacher from grades K-3 had improved gradua tion and college attendance rates. Con nections between long-term outcomes and early education practices can, in part, be attributed to the American education system’s heavy reliance on coding and tracking students throughout elementary and secondary schools. Gifted & Talented (G/T) and Disabil ity (IDEA/504) categorizations are two of the most common special tracks for students. While the identification process for both differs between schools, the first step is often teacher referral at the ear ly elementary level, including in Clarke County. White teachers are less likely to recommend Black and Hispanic students to enter G/T programs compared to sim ilar white students and more likely to re fer them to IDEA programs on the basis of “Intellectual Disability” or “Emotional Disturbance”. Unlike other categories of physical disability or disabilities with rig orous testing processes such as autism, these two categories are often left up to teacher discretion. Whether a student has learned English as a second language and uses different vocabulary or learns different behavioral practices from their community, these traits are often mis understood by white teachers in majori ty-minority schools. In addition to placing students of col or on different tracks, white teachers are more likely to discipline Black and His panic students, especially males, giving them harsher punishments for the same offenses as white peers. Increased sus pensions keep students of color out of the classroom and create a cycle of chronic absence that leaves students academical ly behind. Students who have been sus pended become disengaged from their ed ucation and more likely to be suspended again. In addition, students of color are more likely to be referred to law enforce ment including School Resource Officers, often for non-criminal offenses, exacer bating the School-to-Prison Pipeline. When looking at these long-term K-12 effects, it becomes easier to understand why early and continued exposure to same-race teachers may have large im pacts on student outcomes. A number of factors currently keep teachers of color out of the workforce and more likely to leave the profession, but new solutions exist to change this. In the current system, students of col or are less likely to attend post-secondary institutions, creating a smaller pool of possible teacher candidates. At the col lege level, students of color have higher dropout rates at Predominantly White In stitutions across all majors. Historically Black Colleges and Universities serve as both a case study and possible solution for increasing teacher diversity as 16% of Black teachers attend HBCUs even though the institutions make up only 2% of all teacher education programs. In the workforce, teachers of color are socially and systemically discouraged from staying in education. Many Black teachers have established that microag gressions from students, other teachers, parents, and administrators often play a role in their decision to leave the pro fession. One of the most impactful is the perception of teachers of color as “race experts”, brought in by other teachers as everything from caretakers to disci plinarians for same-race students. While the importance of same-race teachers has been supported, in this context it takes these teachers out of their own class rooms, making them responsible for large groups of students with little support in schools where they may be one of a select few diverse faculty. More quantifiably, these teachers are more likely to be placed in already strug gling schools which have been linked to lower teacher evaluation scores, common ly forming the basis for revoked tenure or firing. These schools are often made up of lower income students with fewer re sources and less support for educators. Further research has shown that Black teachers in schools with white adminis trations report lower satisfaction and less pay. In Georgia, deficits in resources and pay are difficult to fix as the state current ly bans collective bargaining and has little union influ ence on ed ucation poli cy. CCSD’s largest school,high Clarke Cen tral, is home to 25% more students than the adjacent Oconee Coun ty’s largest high school, North Oconee. Yet in 2021, twice as many North Oconee seniors matriculated at the University of Georgia. One third of all CCSD teach ers come from UGA, but many of whom come from white, more economically well-off areas like Oconee. Many current teachers and UGA alumni have noted that new teachers are limited as effective edu cators, regularly use disadvantaged areas as springboards to reach better districts, and often leave the profession before their fifth year. Reform requires creating a more di verse pool of teaching candidates with strong community ties. School districts across the country have started pathway programs offering advisement, dual en rollment, and reduced tuition opportu nities to high school students interested in teaching. For teachers of color, HB CUs and certificate programs have high er retention rates than their traditional counterparts. Education reform begins by creating a supportive and accessible environment for teachers, one that allows teachers to create a similarly uplifting en vironment for students. g
By Caitlyn Hughes S enate Bill 377 is on the verge of instating a new reality in Georgia’s public schools. As early as August 2022, classrooms across the state may have a limited ability to dis cuss race and ethnicity in the proposed ef fort to prevent the teaching or promotion of discrimination. On the surface, Senate Bill 377 has good intentions. Dissuading the belief of racial superiority or essen tialist modes of thought—that individual characteristics are determined by race— are admirable goals. No action occurs in a vacuum, however, and race has always played an intrinsic part in American pol itics. From the cruelty of chattel slavery to modern protests against police brutal ity, public perception of race has shaped our society. Now a new wave of legislation across the nation is aiming to curb how teachers can discuss ‘sensitive subjects’ in their classrooms including race, sexual orientation, political ideologies, and more. Our own senate bill is just one of the 137 that has been introduced or pre-filed in the United States since January 2021. The language of the bill draws heavily from an earlier Trump Administration executive order which sought to prohibit the fund ing of workplace sex- and race-sensitivity training programs, including prohibiting the teaching of “divisive concepts.” Sen ate Bill 377 lists nine concepts, several of which are reasonable and expected of de cent society; denying that one race is in herently superior, that race or skin color determines moral character and responsi bility for a group’s actions, is a necessary goal. Certain points, however, have unfor tunate implications. Senate Bill 377 would not allow teachers to say that the United States (or any individual State) is system atically racist or that meritocracies are tools of oppression, and must avoid saying anything that causes an individual to “feel discomfort, guilt, anguish, or any other form of psychological distress” due to race or skin color. These points have superficial wisdom. The language of Senate Bill 377 will degrade classroom speech through a growing intolerance of Critical Race The ory, an idea that has recently sparked na tional discussions of race and its place in school systems.
Critical Race Theory has under gone a dramatic transformation in public perception over the years. Once an obscure le gal theory, it originated at Harvard Law School in the 1980s as a cri tique of how white supremacy has impacted the relationship between social structure and the law, but has entered the public eye viewed by many as ‘cultural warfare’ or “asserting people with white skin are in herently racist,” as Representative Ralph Norman of South Carolina describes.
The current national discussion pinning Critical Race Theory as racist stifles open conversation on how America’s history impacts modern society and ultimately plays into the historical trend of white vic timization and aggrievement in the face of progressive social change. In the context of Senate Bill 377, a misunderstanding and fear of Critical Race Theory fuels the misguided effort to effectively ban discus sions of race in the classroom in order to avoid any accusation of white society’s place in systemic racism or acknowledge ment of harm. Take for example the bill’s encouragement to approach historical events such as the repeal of ‘Separate but Equal’ segregation laws with an “objec tive” manner “without endorsement.” In a classroom discussion on America’s his tory of segregation, teachers would not be allowed to denounce nor praise the repeal of such legislation, rendering the lecture lifeless. Discussions on the social impli cations of such events would turn to walk ing on eggshells as nuanced descriptions of public reaction are often intrinsically emotional and require a critical eye of the status quo; the famous and often bastard ized ‘I Have a Dream’ speech by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. is meaningless without its critiques of white, ruling-class American society. Furthermore, segregation cannot be taught without acknowledging racism as systemic. No single person perpetuated ‘separate-but-equal,’ but our government mandated it. Suppose Senate Bill 377 comes to pass. The legislation would establish a Complaint Resolution System in order to manage alleged violations of the law. Uni versity professors and K12 teachers alike would be subject to reports from parents, other employees, and even students of age, making the potential for punishment ev er-present. The consequences differ slight ly for Georgian public K12 and postsec ondary schools but have similar concepts. Up to 10 percent of Quality Basic Educa tion Program funds can be withheld from K-12 schools upon discovering a violation, while postsecondary institutions are sub ject to withheld state and federal funding, including funding for scholarships, loans, and grants. The state may even revoke schools’ accreditation. Establishing a prec edent for such punishment in Georgia may lead to harsher consequences down the line, as evidenced by punishments estab lished in other states’ bills. These include strict penalties ranging from sanctions, suspensions, and firing to private right of action, where an individual can file a civil lawsuit against a teacher or school district for damages anywhere from $1000 total to $10k for each student in a classroom. New Hampshire made private right of action an option in 2022, allowing parents to file a civil suit if a teacher discusses any restrict ed ideas. Kentucky allows anyone in the country to file such a suit, and Pennsylva nia anyone in the state, regardless of affil iation to student or school. Opening ave nues for a range of people, including those not typically present in the classroom, to enact punishment will foster an environ ment of fear in which teachers are forced to second-guess their words and temper their lectures in preparation for the scru tiny of Thethousands.language of our nation’s wave of discussion-restrictive legislation is ambig uous and its punishments draconian. How does one ensure any topic avoids making a student “feel discomfort, guilt, or anguish” based on race, when the bill was proposed more as a check against white victimiza tion than true progressive action? How does one discuss slavery, the Holocaust, and war in an “objective” manner, espe cially considering that neutrality is often the tool of the oppressor? Senate Bill 377 and those like it claim not to undermine in tellectual freedom and expression yet pro pose wide-net and harsh punishments for any teacher found espousing “divisive con cepts,” effectively silencing them for fear of harming the school as a whole, of firing, and of lawsuits. America’s politics have be come increasingly black-and-white, with polarized ideologies perpetuated by new echo chambers like Facebook, alt-right alternative social media, or just a plain unwillingness to face discomfort. A lack of critical thinking when it comes to con troversy is reflected in multiple sectors of today’s education system. Students are be ing deemed ‘too young’ or ‘too innocent’ to learn of racial bias or, in Tennessee’s case of banning Maus, the Holocaust graphic novel, the realities of genocide. Who does this serve? Surely not to the edification of students, and certainly not to those who face harsh realities from a young age, seen in the exposure of young black children to racism far before their white counterparts are aware of it. The way forward is not the elimination of nuance, but the embrace of it. It is not a refusal to acknowledge real ity, breeding ignorance and encouraging prejudice, but dedication to its entirety, uncomfortable and terrible as it may be. g
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 17 GEORGIA Ambiguous
and Draconian Limitations on American Classroom Speech
Banning and Burning Our Children's Books By Sonia Kalia The Battle in Georgia
18
Forsyth Coun ty’s troubled history includes a racial cleansing in 1912 and a lasting reputation as a “sundown town.”3 The county’s school board continues to ve hemently refuse Critical Race Theory from being taught in their schools.4 While os tensibly well-intentioned, this bill does not protect children from vulgar or inappro priate material. Rather, it ignores a grow ing diversity in literature that increasingly represents marginalized communities and identities. While Texas and Florida are seeing similar increases in book-banning zeal, Georgia’s book controversies do not end with K-12 schools. In 2019, students at Georgia Southern University organized a book burning after a controversial lec ture from Cuban American author Jennine Capó Crucet.5 During her lecture, Crucet spoke on issues close to Georgia South ern’s campus, including a lack of diversity within faculty and administration. After accusing Crucet of targeting and making “unfair generalizations about White peo ple,” several students ripped pages out of the author’s book and set them on fire at an organized book-burning on campus.6 The consequences of shielding children from diversity are strikingly apparent, and uncom fortable conversations about race are no excuse for an act as historically offen sive as book-burning. Mi nority students do not have the privilege of avoiding these conversations, and avoiding race in K-12 edu cation is a disservice to all students.While college campuses should be a safe environment for students to explore new political perspectives, the con sequences of limited exposure to diversity are incredibly apparent in increasingly frequent demon strations against controversial books. The University of Georgia’s “Banned Books Display,” curated by UGA Libraries, is a comprehensive list of banned and chal lenged books from 2010 to 2019.7 These books were challenged for reasons ranging from “featuring a transgender protagonist” to “promoting Islam.” Blatant discrimi nation and predjudice are rarely the sole grounds for books that are successfully banned, but the ability to challenge these books on such premises is dishearten ing. Banning books for young children is rarely an act of protection; rather, these actions foster narrow worldviews while hindering productive discourse within classrooms. While schoolteachers and faculty have an obligation to create and facilitate well-rounded curriculum, acts of legislation such as Senate Bill 226 open channels for parents and citizens to sway curriculum in a way that keeps them with in their comfort zones instead of teaching their students about the diversity they are bound to discover later in life. g
A s the nation’s eyes turn to Tennes see for its school boards’ decision to ban “Maus,” a Pulitzer-Prize win ning graphic novel about the Holocaust, it is a crucial moment to look at Georgia’s history of controversial book bans. Earli er 2022, Forsyth County’s superintendent Jeff Bearden announced that the district permanently removed eight books from school libraries after finding them to be “too inappropriate” for students.1 Several of these books are Black- or LGBTQ+-cen tered stories, stirring controversy as to what differentiates these books as “inap propriate.” Additionally, Senate Bill 226, which was introduced in Georgia’s Senate last year, hopes to streamline the process for removing books from schools by giving parents greater control over which books will and will not be allowed on shelves. In January of 2022, Governor Brian Kemp stated that banning “obscene items” from schools was one of his top priorities for this election cycle.2 Enter Senate Bill 226: this piece of legislation would allow parents to challenge the decisions of school faculty and offer them more discretion in deciding which books their children have access to in school li braries. In Forsyth County, Gov ernor Kemp’s ambitions are already materializ ing. As one of the least politically and racially di verse counties in the state, lyaturediversesurroundingcontroversytheliterishardasurprise.
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 19 GEORGIA
AccordingGeorgia.toProject
Casting, as of September 2021, the entertainment industry in GA was worth $9.5 billion and direct spending by productions grew from $20 million to $4 billion between 2007 and 2020, a growth of 4000%. A key aspect of this exponential growth is a state tax law from 2008, the Georgia Entertain ment Industry Investment Act (HB539). Republican Governor Nathan Deal signed this law, which gives productions that spent over $500,000 in Georgia in a single tax year up to a 30% tax break for filming in Georgia. Tax breaks are a fundamentally con servative policy and are often associated with the Republican Party’s color red. In implementing tax breaks, policy flix, and film studios, such as Trilith and Tyler Perry Studios, to Atlanta. As Georgia’s movie industry continues to grow and Democratic politicians such as Stacey Abrams, Raphael Warnock, and Jon Ossoff continue to rise in popu larity among Georgia voters, there is the lingering question of whether the mov ie industry and its liberal philosophy had anything to do with Georgia’s blue shift. Although comparing film indus try behavior and politics may seem like comparing apples to oranges, they are intertwined. Georgia’s movie industry has played a key role in local politics by attracting Hollywood-affiliated donors who support Democratic campaigns and kickstarting a huge demographic shift in the state. Hollywood, CA is known for suppor ing liberal ideals and blue policies, and this trend is replicating itself in Georgia due to the growth of “ATLWOOD.” The political support from Hollywood stars to Georgia politicians has mainly been through campaign funding. Hollywood has always been a reliable source of donations for Democratic Party politi cians and organizations. Director Steven Spielberg and comedian Amy Schum er have been among the top donors to Democratic campaigns. According to Federal Election Commission records, over 99% of donations by top Holly wood executives and entertainers in 2018 went to Democrat candi dates. These donations played a huge role in Jon Ossoff’s first Sen ate campaign, which raised over 8 million dollars in total, 95% of which came from out of state. This trend is repeating itself as the 2022 elections approach. According to The Hill, as of February 2022, Democratic Senators Raphael Warnock and Mark Kelly are already receiving donations from Hol lywood-affiliated people. Georgia is a historically conserva tive state, but it has become increas
How Georgia’s Movie Industry Is Leading the State’s Blue Shift
By Larissa Lozano B lack Panther. Forrest Gump. Avengers: Infinity War. The Walk ing Dead. Stranger Things. Be sides being cinematic masterpieces be loved by people across the country and the world, all of these productions have something else in common: they were all filmed in
ElectionsSenate2016Georgia, ⭐ 20
ingly more Democratic over the years. The same can be said about its movie indus try, which was a Republi can-backed industry initially following the tax break law, but recent policies have led the in dustry to turn against Georgia’s conservative politicians. In 2019, large film companies such as Net flix and Hulu threatened to no lon ger film in Georgia because of House Bill 481, which effectively bans most abortions after six weeks. In a 2019 study from the Atlanta Journal-Con stitution, about 49% of surveyed Geor gia voters oppose the abortion bill while 44% said they supported it. For a state that has voted Republican for years, Georgia’s closely-split results show that it is no longer the red stronghold it used to be and that the blue wave is gaining traction.Thisred to blue shift is a direct con sequence of the population shift part ly caused by the movie industry. The multi-billion-dollar economic boost to Georgia through the creation of thou sands of film-related jobs and tourism worked as a pull factor for people from all over the country. US Census Bureau data states that Georgia ranked among the top five destinations for newcomers in 2019 as thousands of people relocated from other states, mainly California and New York which are strong Democrat states. These newcomers have played a huge role in flipping Georgia blue as they are more likely to vote Democrat in relation to long-term Georgia vot ers. Besides coming from democratic states, most of these newcomers are young. According to an ABC News interview with Charles Bullock, a po litical science profes sor at the University of Georgia, one million new voters have regis tered in Georgia since 2016. About two thirds of them are racial mi norities and about half of them are under the age of 35. This population shift was crucial for the vic tories of President Joe Biden and Sen ators Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff. With Stacey Abrams running for governor and Raphael Warnock running for reelection in the Senate at the end of 2022, Hollywood will have its eyes on Georgia. Not only due to its liberal ide ology, but because maintaining Demo crats in charge of the state will protect the future of ATLWOOD. Legislative action by Georgia Republicans, such as HB 441, threatens the movie industry. House Bill 441, sponsored by Republi can David Clark, aims to repeal the 2008 Georgia Entertainment Industry Invest ment Act - the bill that sustains the lo cal movie industry. Even though this tax break bill is ful filling Republican’s goal of theiringaregiaforeconomicgeneratinggrowththestate,GeorRepublicansperhapsthinkaboutreversingownpolicy due to filmmakers’ support for Dem ocrat politicians. And, in an even more ironic twist, Democrats may be the ones fighting to keep the tax breaks - the “blue” players advocating for a “red” policy. g ⭐ “Hollywood, CA is known for supporting liberal ideals and blue policies, and this trend is replicating itself in Georgia due to the growth of ‘ATLWOOD.’”
Georgia, 2020 Senate Elections
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 21 GEORGIA
Georgia Democratic gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams kicked off her campaign by announcing endorsements from a coalition of 12 labor unions, indicating the critical role that la bor will play in her campaign. A major can didate openly touting the support of unions signals a major shift from the status quo of Southern politics. Georgia, like the rest of the South, has been proudly anti-union since its inception, and attempts to union ize have been met with fierce resistance and even violence. The legacy of slavery, political and legal barriers to unionization, and social and religious movements against perceived communism have doomed efforts from powerful Northern unions to expand southward and rendered extant Southern unions impotent. While the resulting inex pensiveness of labor has attracted indus tries both foreign and domestic to the re gion, the influx of jobs has not led to gains in equality and human welfare. The im mense poverty of the Southern states com bined with the effort to turn several states from red to purple has sparked renewed interest in labor organizing, particularly in Georgia. In order to transform this orga nizing resurgence into lasting labor power, Southern organizers must capitalize on the regional characteristics that have histori cally stymied unionization as well as imple ment innovative, decentralized organizing techniques. Labor in the South is indelibly tied to the legacy of slavery. After emancipation, Black workers were barred from the prima ry economy and forced back onto planta tions as sharecroppers. During this period, labor organizing was characterized by seg regation and state-sponsored violent sup pression of strikes. In 1887, strike suppres sion ended in a mass murder known as the Thibodaux Massacre. The Knights of Labor, an integrated union, organized 10,000 sug ar cane workers in Thibodaux, Louisiana to strike for better wages paid in real currency, not company scrip. The strike was quickly put down by state paramitlitants, resulting in the murders of 60 Black workers, with countless more injured, arrested, and evict ed from their homes. Racialized violence continued to repress Southern workers into the 1920s while Northern unions made massive gains. After the industrial mobilization of World War II, with Northern unions at the height of their power, many industries be gan fleeing to the unorganized South. In 1945, recognizing the threat to their mem bers and the wretched condition of South ern workers, the Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO) concocted Operation Dixie, a plan to send 250 experienced or ganizers to unionize workers in all demo graphics and industries. Unfortunately, the CIO underestimated the woeful state of Southern race relations. The companies targeted by Operation Dixie successful ly pushed the message that unionization would equal integration and therefore job loss for white workers. The inability to foster cooperation across racial lines in flamed conflict and prevented Operation Dixie from recruiting enough workers to effectively strike. At the same time, many churches across the evangelical spectrum were preaching the concept of “Christian free enterprise,” merging laissez-faire cap italism, intense individualism, and anti communism with Christianity and fueling dogmatic opposition to unions. Moreover, the defined hierarchies of union organizing and the Northern origin of the CIO activat ed many Southerners’ disdain and distrust for Northerners, sparking comparisons of CIO organizers to the detested carpetbag gers of Reconstruction. These factors kept Operation Dixie from ever making serious progress, and the passage of the Taft-Hart
22
By Sam Motley
Labor in the South A Postmortem or a Path Forward?
Author and organizer Jane McAlevey sug gests using “deep organizing,” a technique that leverages interpersonal relationships to identify worker concerns and recruit members. By identifying existing respected leaders in the workplace, addressing their concerns, and gaining their support, orga nizers can quickly gain the support of other employees and build grassroots leadership. To amass power and effect long-lasting, widespread change, the labor movement in the South must be part of the broader movement for social justice and capitalize on existing activist networks. The perva sive inequality and politicization of religion that once defeated Operation Dixie also sparked the development of the organiza tions that fought de jure segregation and precipitated the modern organizations and foot soldiers that continue the struggle for justice. To unite workers and build winning coalitions, organizers must remind the re gion that amassing the power of individu als to improve the dignity and wellbeing of the whole is an endeavor with a distinctly Southern flavor. g
GEORGIA GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 23
Despite this economic development, both poverty and income inequality have worsened in the region since the 1980s. The further economic strains of the COVID-19 pandemic have sparked a wave of strikes and unionization drives across the nation including the South. As a result, high-profile union drives such as at Atlanta Starbucks franchises and the Amazon Bessemer ware house have presented an unprecedented opportunity for Southern workers to unite and gain political power. However, veteran organizers and labor scholars caution that innovative strategies are necessary to foster an effective movement. In the right-to-work era and individualist culture of the South, organizers must unionize workplaces from the bottom-up rather than relying on tra ditional, centralized organizing of entire industries. The classic organizing formula has never worked in the South, and some veteran organizers have criticized surviving unions like the AFL-CIO for prioritizing po litical activism over member recruitment.
ley Act in 1947 cemented the CIO’s defeat. The act restricted certain labor actions and allowed states to pass right-to-work laws that banned closed shops. Closed shops are workplaces that require new employees to join a union, increasing union membership and preventing workers from free-riding, or benefiting from the union without con tributing to it. Right-to-work laws exploded across the South and labor entered a na tionwide period of deregulation. Defanged of many potent tools and legal protections, the CIO retreated to the North where unions were rapidly losing power. Since the failure of Operation Dixie, private-sector union membership has declined from a high of 35.7 percent to a low of 6.2 percent in 2019. In recent decades, manufacturers from the Northern United States and around the world have followed underpriced labor and government subsidies to the unorga nized American South, mirroring patterns of exploitation in the Global South. The late Georgia Senator Johnny Isakson once touted that “when the manufacturers were deciding where to open plants, they chose right-to-work states because they wouldn’t have to use union labor.”
By Mennah Abdelwahab S ince the beginning of the pandem ic, nearly 3 million women have left the workforce, with one of the major motivators behind this mass exodus being limited, costly, or unavailable childcare. Childcare is a “national economic pri ority” proclaimed former President Obama in his 2015 State of the Union address. This “must-have”, he asserted, was not just a women’s issue or a side issue, it should be at the forefront of the national con versation. More recently, the Center for American Progress described childcare as a “raft to families across America”. Howev er, this priority, this must-have, this raft, is drowning.Thelack of childcare access is playing out in communities across the nation, in cluding Athens, Georgia. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, over 60% of parents in the Athens community are cur rently employed, and nearly 40% occupy jobs were working night shifts or multiple jobs are the norm, requiring services be yond the childcare standard 9-5 workday. Within the Athens community, many note that when looking for childcare ser vice they had to “take what they could get,” describing “hefty tuitions” and long wait lists. Slots in private daycare, childcare, and pre-K for the fall semester usually open up in January, and fill up within the first two weeks of being open. Parents un able to attain a slot end up on what many regard as an “endless” waitlist, unsure of whether they will have childcare or pre-K for their child, a major disadvantage to the current system as many parents need those services immediately. Of the five ma jor childcare providers in the Athens area that GPR contacted, none had open slots or space available on their waitlists. Even parents who are able to attain spots in childcare or pre-K facilities face significant costs, as the average price for childcare services in Athens range from $500 - $800 a month, depending on the age of a child. This amounts to roughly $6000 - $9600 a year on childcare per child. Such costs are particularly stark considering that more than 35% of households in the com munity make less than $25,000 and nearly 25% make between $25,000 and $49,000. Even for a family making $50,000 annually, paying $9,600 for childcare for one child means spending nearly 20% of their annu al salary on childcare alone. One of the main reasons childcare is so costly and hard to obtain is the rela tively limited number of childcare facil ities available for community members.
A 2017 map from Community Commons finds that there are between 14-22 facil ities per 100,000 residents in the Athens area, placing Athens at the lower end of the spectrum compared to other similar cit ies in the nation. Equally troubling, these numbers omit several daycares that have since closed during the pandemic and have been unable to reopen. Jocelyn Frye, a senior fellow at the Center for American Progress, notes that “the pandemic has exacerbated and shed light on a longstanding problem, which is lack of policies that enable folks to balance caregiving responsibilities and work re sponsibilities.”Theissueof cost is a national prob lem. According to Bloomberg news, about 70% of children under 6 in the U.S. live in a home where all available adults work. Additionally, they find that childcare costs 13% of the average two-parent family’s in come and 36% of a single parent’s income.
The childcare crisis is a byproduct of the government’s longstanding unwill ingness to support working mothers. The reality of the American workforce, how ever, has drastically changed in the past 70 years, and so too must the policies im plemented to support working families and the childcare providers that work to serve them. The pandemic has highlighted the need for effective childcare to ensure the vitality of its economy. As the country begins to slowly crawl its way out of the pandemic, the need to support childcare should be a priority, not only for the sake
Frye also notes that many women of color work in essential jobs that require them to be physically present at work, even during the pandemic, making BIPOC women par ticularly dependent and affected by the childcare issue. unlicensed providers, which often do not have to abide by the instruction necessities of a licensed childcare provider. Childcare facilities are vital to chil dren’s development. They help children develop social, emotional, and communi cation skills as well as their pre-literacy and math skills. The Urban Child Insti tute finds that children who have access to high–quality child care experience in creased cognitive abilities, improved lan guage development, better relationships with peers, and less conflict with caregiv ers. Furthermore, according to a study by the Center on American Progress, early childhood education translates to better long-term outcomes for children. In turn, this creates a more educated workforce that improves Americans’ long-term eco nomic competitiveness. The study also supports the notion that early childhood care access can help mend the divide be tween children of different income levels.
Georgia’s Childcare Crisis and Its Long-Term Impacts
24 Investing in Our Future
#THEBESTSEMESTER dc.uga.edu
26
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 27 NATIONAL
Most conservatives hold the nation’s military members and veterans in high esteem. Conditions like post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, and anxiety affect many veterans after their ex periences on the battlefield. Among veter ans who have served since 9/11, more than 30,000 have died by suicide, compared with the 7,057 killed in combat. However, psychedelic-assisted therapy has prov en effective in treating these conditions. In 2017, the FDA designated MDMA as a “Breakthrough Therapy,” given its poten tial to treat PTSD. An organization named Heroic Hearts now connects veterans with psychedelic-assisted therapy—many’s last hope, after finding no relief from tradition al options. Moreover, as UGA psychology professor Dr. W. Keith Campbell states, psychedelics could help “not just with PTSD, but also the grind of the job,” gener ally enriching the lives of service members. Many conservatives also care about ad dressing opioid addiction, which has dev astated communities across rural Ameri ca and the Rust Belt. In the next decade, more than 650,000 Americans will likely die from opioid overdoses, and the crisis desperately warrants solutions. Repub Art by Theron Camp
I n July 2020, Representative Alexan dria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) introduced an amendment that would overturn federal restrictions on research into psychedelic compounds, including LSD, psilocybin, and MDMA. Her proposal is representative of a nascent, yet burgeoning, movement to loosen current restrictions on psychedelic drugs. This push comes amidst the broad er societal backlash against the War on Drugs, exemplified best by increasing pub lic acceptance of marijuana legalization. Psychedelic drugs are a diverse group of compounds that produce altered states of consciousness, visual, auditory, and sensory hallucinations, and sometimes, mystical or spiritual experiences. The Drug Enforcement Agency classifies psyche delics as Schedule I drugs, claiming that they possess “a high potential for abuse,” “no currently accepted medical use,” and “a lack of accepted safety for use under medical supervision.” Research indicates all three claims are false. Psychedelics are non-addictive, pharmacologically safe, and nearly impossible to overdose on. Re cent trials indicate that psychedelics are effective in treating anxiety, depression, obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD), and substance abuse. However, psychedelics are not without risk—they may produce “bad trips,” marked by paranoia and anx iety. Individuals genetically predisposed to schizophrenia are especially advised to avoid psychedelics.
Certain cities and states are already ex perimenting with permitting the substanc es. In 2019, Denver, Colorado decriminal ized psilocybin mushrooms. Washington, D.C. followed suit in 2020. That same year, Oregon voters approved a ballot measure decriminalizing all drugs and legalizing psilocybin mushrooms for therapeutic use. All of these localities are overwhelmingly liberal—for most Americans, this is likely unsurprising. The psychedelic movement is closely associated with the political left. A lingering afterglow of the 1960s sur rounds the conversation today, evoking imagery of hippies and the Flower Power movement. Polling data backs this percep tion: a recent poll revealed that 43 percent of Democrats believe that psilocybin has medicinal benefits, while only 23 percent of Republicans do. Some conservatives defy this gener alization. Seven Republicans voted for AOC’s House amendment. This included Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-FL), who opposes Rep. Ocasio-Cortez on most other issues. Gaetz is an avid supporter of President Donald Trump, proposed legislation to abolish the Environmental Protection Agency, and as sociates himself with Holocaust deniers. Meanwhile, AOC is a self-proclaimed dem ocratic socialist. It is notable that the two side together on any political issue, let alone one as controversial and divisive as drug legalization. But it should be equally surprising that more conservatives are not
The Politics of Psychedelics and the American Right By Suhan Kacholia interested in psychedelic legalization. Le galizing psychedelics may actually advance conservative priorities across a wide range of policy domains, from supporting mili tary members, to combating opioid addic tion, to rejuvenating religion in America.
parties. Their political typology classifies four groups within the Republican co alition who disagree in important ways on policy, outlook, and values. There are “Faith and Flag Conservatives,” who are intensely religious and conservative on all realms, “Committed Conservatives,” who are conservative, but softer on issues like immigration and American excep tionalism, and the “Populist Right,” who are less educated than most other groups, live in rural areas, and are skeptical of both immigrants and large corporations. Then, there is the “Ambivalent Right”: the youngest, least-conservative, least-reli gious GOP-aligned group, who hold rightwing beliefs on ‘culture war’ issues and the size of government, but are more liberal on marijuana legalization, abortion, and gay marriage. Matt Gaetz is emblematic of this type of conservative.
"It is
28
thehowever,possible,forevenmoststringent“faith-and-flag”conservativestomoderateontheissue,oncepresentedwiththecaseforpsychedelics."
Opioid addiction is notoriously diffi cult to treat. However, early clinical trials demonstrate that psychedelics may prove a powerful tool in treating the problem, along with other substance use disorders. A psychedelic called ibogaine is especial ly promising, helping many addicts detox from opioids. Republicans could legalize this drug for medical use, or at the least, fund research on using psychedelics to treat opi oid addiction. This would both fulfill a major political priority and provide a much-needed lifeline to many of their constituents. Conservatives often lament the decline of religion in the U.S. In 2021, American church membership fell below the majori ty for the first time. There have never been more religiously disaffiliated adults. Con cern over this trend divides both parties: 71% of Republicans believe that churches and religious organizations do more good than harm in society, while only 44% of Democrats do; 63% of Republicans per ceive religion’s loss of influence as a bad thing, while only 27% of Democrats con cur. Psychedelics may prove a powerful tool in mitigating America’s religious dis enchantment. While there is not strong evidence of psychedelics changing individ uals’ religious affiliation or identity, they can produce an increase in spirituality. A Johns Hopkins study found that more than two-thirds of those who identified as athe ist before a psychedelic “God-encounter” experience no longer identified as atheist afterwards. A broader societal acceptance of psychedelics could potentially revive re ligion in America—or, at the least, provide a greater sense of meaning, spirituality, and purpose to many. Thus, there exists a conservative case for decriminalizing or legalizing psyche delics. These substances have few negative effects, but could revolutionize treatment for PTSD, addiction, depression and other ailments, benefiting veterans, opioid ad dicts, and large segments of the American public. They could foster a connection to a higher power or sense of meaning for millions, potentially reversing the trend towards a religiously disaffiliated Ameri ca. Why is it that Matt Gaetz is seemingly supportive of the drugs, but other Republi cans—including moderates—are not? In 2021, Pew Research Center conduct ed a study to cluster distinct sub-groups within the Democratic and Republican
licans devote more attention to the issue than Democrats—the 2020 Republican National Convention discussed the opioid epidemic more in one day than the entire ty of the Democratic National Convention. Of the few major pieces of legislation Pres ident Donald Trump passed, one was re lated to the opioid epidemic, and several Republican senators have expressed con siderable interest in addressing the issue.
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 29 NATIONAL
As psychedelics grow in prominence, they will force contentious debates and conversations within both parties. In the GOP, traditional conservatives and the younger Ambivalent Right might conflict. Given their stances on marijuana legaliza tion, the former group will likely oppose psychedelic liberalization fiercely, while the latter might prove more accepting. Ironically, the traditional contingent of the right could actually gain the most from the legalization of psychedelics, given how they could bolster religiosity and reduce alcohol and drug addiction in the US. It is possible, however, for even the most stringent “faith-and-flag” conser vatives to moderate on the issue, once presented with the case for psychedelics. Rick Perry, former Republican Governor of Texas, recently supported a bill that fa cilitates research on psilocybin’s potential to treat PTSD in veterans. Perry is conser vative, and described himself as a histori cally “very anti-drug” person—it was only after veterans advocated and testified to the drug’s benefits that he flipped his po sition. Perhaps advocacy efforts that dispel the stigmas surrounding the drugs may persuade other traditional Republicans to also reconsider their views. Veterans may prove an especially effective conduit for this message, garnering respect and admi ration across the spectrum and shattering the drug’s stereotypical associations. Democrats will also face important questions. If they decide to pursue psyche delic legalization, will Democrats cooper ate with people they might disagree with, or even find abhorrent—as AOC did with Matt Gaetz—or embrace a politics of pu rity, attempting to force the issue through unilaterally? Conor Friedersof, in an arti cle for The Atlantic, argues for the former approach to ending the War on Drugs, mentioning the example of William Buck ley, a noted conservative who held racist views, who nonetheless supported drug liberalization. If they pursue this strategy, the party’s strategic framing decisions will prove critical. They will need to practice careful message discipline, perhaps cen tering the conservative case for psychedel ics outlined in this article. To win public support, they will need to work ardently to dismantle the layers of misconceptions associated with the drugs. Careless and reckless messaging might polarize the is sue, discarding any hard-won progress. For liberal proponents of psychedelics to succeed, the public should think of veterans and cancer patients when hearing the word ‘LSD’—not hippies and college students. The psychedelic debate might prove a microcosm of broader divisions shaping the future of American politics. How much influence will the older, more conservative contingent of the Republican Party grant the younger base? The GOP has already loosened on issues like gay marriage—will they continue resigning on battles over social policy, or will social conservatives drive a backlash against liberalizing the party? And will Democrats learn to corral their ranks, enforcing message discipline and bipartisanship? Or will they allow their younger, more educated flank to dominate conversations, even if jettisoning support from moderates and conservatives? The United States will likely legalize marijiuana in the coming decade. As the current surge in interest indicates, the next blow to the War on Drugs might come in the form of mushrooms and colorful tabs of blotter paper. These drugs could challenge political status quos, spawning new coali tions and exposing splits within both par ties. And along the way, they could grant a healthier mind and a renewed sense of meaning for millions of Americans. g
30
ContemptofCop: How Cracks in the First PoliceDisrespectHaveAmendmentMadetoIncreasingly“Illegal”
A New Crime on the Block
By Daniel Klein On July 10, 2015, Sandra Bland was driving outside Prairie View, Tex as, when a state trooper driving behind her rapidly accelerated toward the rear of her car. Believing that he received an emergency call, she swerved into the right lane without signaling to let him pass. The trooper then pulled Bland over for failing to signal a lane change, and the ensuing exchange became heated. According to a video that Bland recorded on her phone, the trooper opened Bland’s car door and or dered her to “Get out of the car, now.” Bland asked why she was being apprehended, to which the officer responded by pulling his stun gun out, aiming at her, and stated that he would “light [her] up.” After apprehen sively exiting the vehicle, Bland continued to record, to which the officer ordered her to stop. She resisted at first but eventually turned it Blandoff.was then arrested for attempting to assault an officer and brought to jail, de spite appearing to comply with all his com mands, even if she verbally resisted against some of them at first. She would be found dead three days later in her jail cell. Was Sandra Bland guilty of a crime be yond failing to use a turn signal? Outside the annals of any local, state, or federal legal code exists the crime of “con tempt of cop.” This offense refers to any offense that arises when police have the opportunity to cite or arrest someone they perceive as disrespectful, challenging their authority, or otherwise failing to meet some expectation of deference to a law enforce ment officer. Author Alexandra Natapoff writes, “[Contempt of cop offenses] pose a unique problem in misdemeanor policing because they give police the ability to gener ate probable cause during a stop by assert ing that the stopped person has engaged in disruptive behavior.” Cases of contempt of cop can involve anyone from actual per petrators of criminal activity who receive additional charges such as obstruction or resisting arrest to those who were not en gaging in any wrongdoing but were pun ished by police anyway. While the “crime” is a broad category, the common thread among all cases is the law enforcement of ficers who criminally punished someone who did not meet their desired expectation of respect.Whilesociety may frown upon any dis respectful, impolite, or insulting behavior towards police officers, all of that speech is protected under the First Amendment. The Supreme Court ruled in the case of City of Houston v. Hill that “the freedom of indi viduals verbally to oppose or challenge po lice action without thereby risking arrest is one of the principal characteristics by which we distinguish a free nation from a police state.” However, various subsequent rulings by the same Supreme Court have caused the aegis of the Constitution to fail to protect citizens from falling prey to con tempt of cop. In 1997, Gail Atwater was slowly driv ing her children around a local park as they searched for a lost toy. Neither child was wearing a seatbelt, leading a police officer to pull Atwater over, declare “You’re going to jail!”, handcuff her, and take her and her children to jail. However, failing to secure a child’s seatbelt is a misdemeanor offense only punishable with a $50 fine and a non-arrestable offense in Texas. Atwater appealed her arrest all the way to the Supreme Court, arguing that her warrantless arrest violated her protections under the Fourth Amendment against un reasonable seizure. In a 5-4 decision, SCO TUS rejected this argument, holding that it is perfectly constitutional for a police officer to arrest someone and put them in jail for only a misdemeanor offense. The decision to detain is entirely up to the officer; the court authorizes but does not require an arrest. This case gives law enforcement officers
On any given day, you likely commit several crimes, albeit minor. There are over 4,500 criminal offenses on the books in the U.S. Jaywalking, playing music a little too loud, and failing to signal a lane change quickly enough; all of these are misdemean or crimes that, under Nieves and Atwater, could provide a police officer legal justifica tion to arrest Additionally,you.cases of contempt of cop, since they often take place in one-on-one situations like traffic stops, usually only have two witnesses: the police officer and the suspect. This sort of interaction means that even blatant cases of retaliatory arrest will be considered proper, as long as a court accepts the veracity of a police officer’s tes timony over that of a suspect’s. Being arrested is an incredibly intrusive process that can have immediate and longterm consequences on employment and reputation. Under the legal framework pro vided by Nieves and Atwater, certain mem bers of law enforcement may be embold ened to wield the threat of arrest against those they disfavor such certain racial and ethnic groups or those with political ten dencies they dislike. This poses a hazard to those who may want to speak out against police conduct or brutality–especially as activities related to this kind of protest are continually criminalized in the wake of demonstrations after George Floyd’s mur der, such as Georgia’s very own SB 171. Luckily, the legality of contempt of cop arrests is a reversible issue. States could enact legislation that effectively overturn Nieves and Atwater by banning misde meanor arrests or creating new protections against retaliatory arrests. Additionally, police accountability measures could be ad opted, such as increased documentation of police interactions and punishment for offi cers who perjure with regards to charges of assault on an officer or resisting arrest. g
“As long as police have probable cause for your arrest, it does not matter that their true intent was to punish your speech.”free
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 31 the constitutional go-ahead to arbitrarily decide if they want to arrest a misdemean or offender with whom they are interacting. This ruling creates a dangerous precedent where an officer can decide to arrest some one who acts impolitely toward them when they would otherwise be cited and released. While the decision to arrest someone pure ly based on an officer personally feeling disrespected should not be constitutional, a second Supreme Court ruling kneecaps the ability for defendants to make claims about these kinds of retaliatory arrests. At a 2014 Alaskan event called “Arc tic Man” (a snow sports-themed parody of Burning Man), an Alaska State Trooper told some festival-goers that they had to move their beer keg inside their RV––an action not actually required by the law––when Robert Bartlett intervened. He put himself between the locals and the trooper and told them that they should not talk to any cops, leading the trooper to approach Bartlett. The police would later claim that Bartlett was clearly intoxicated and slur ring his words, though Bartlett adamantly maintains that he was sober. This exchange ended when Bartlett yelled at the officer to go away and refused to answer any of his questions. Bartlett later saw the same trooper and a partner talking to a visibly underage fes tival-goer. He again put himself between the officers and the teen and told them to stop talking to him. This disruption caused one of the officers to push Bartlett, who was then arrested for disorderly conduct; be cause Bartlett is slow to respond to some of the officers’ requests (which he claims was due to a lingering back injury), he is later also charged with resisting arrest. As he is being placed in cuffs, the officer from the earlier interaction said to Bartlett, “I bet you wish you would’ve talked to me now.” This comment led Bartlett to sue the officers, claiming that he was arrested in retaliation for exercising his First Amend ment rights when he told people to not speak to the police. The police on the other hand argued that since they had probable cause to make an arrest (i.e., they believed that Bartlett was intoxicated and being a public nuisance), they were justified in making the arrest, regardless of what their underlying motives might have been. Bart lett’s lawyers point out that this would allow law enforcement to arrest someone for pro tected speech, as long as they could reason ably claim it was for something else. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the officers, with Chief Justice John Roberts writing that as long as there is another rea son for an arrest besides retaliation against protected speech, the arrest is constitu tional. In essence, as long as police have probable cause for your arrest, it does not matter that their true intent was to punish your free speech, marking a significant de parture from the Court’s decision in City of Houston. This ruling leaves a gaping hole in our free speech protections because in America, there is an overabundance of be haviors that are criminalized.
NATIONAL
By Liliana Yearns 32
W ith a sky torn by swords and an earth littered with broken shields, Ancient Greece was marked by hardship. There was no reprieve from vio lence until a messenger proclaimed these words: “Ekecheiria!” “Truce!”. As would occur every four years since 776 BCE, this truce marked an end to conflict and a be ginning to the sacred festival and sporting event, the Olympic Games. As Grecians traded their swords for batons and their politics for peace, all of the country’s citi zens could gather to enjoy the beloved tra dition.The Olympic Games were born from the pursuit of peace and remain a symbolic exercise of international unity. Televisions light up with images of clasped hands and medal-clad athletes joined together by a love for their sport. Stadiums fill with noise as spectators cheer, quick to join in on the thrill of healthy competition and national pride. According to the Inter national Olympic Committee (IOC), this healthy competition is the very core of the games, which hope to harness the power of sport to “promote peace, dialogue, and reconciliation”.Asmillionsof eyes fall upon the Olympic stage, however, politicians and diplomats play games of their own. The international forum that the Olympics provide falls short of its aspired unity and is instead sobered by reality: this is a space where complex politi cal conflicts play out, animosities grow, and ideologies amplify. Powerful countries aim to establish might and dominance. Coali tions of like-minded countries form to scru tinize and isolate their opponents. Ultimate ly, the Games act as a forum through which competing nations can conduct diplomatic operations, thus making politics and the Olympics inseparable. To examine the political nature of the Olympics, one needs to look no further than the 2022 Beijing Winter Games. In protest of China’s history of human rights abuses against its Uyghur population, the US, UK, Australia, and Canada issued diplomatic boycotts of the Games, meaning that the countries would not send high-level officials to watch the event. The hosting country was substantially insulted by some of the world’s greatest superpowers and became bitter as a result. China argued against the boycotts by claiming that they “politicized sports,” but also warned the issuing countries of the im minent conflict that these actions provoked. “The U.S. and Australia will pay a price for their erroneous actions. You may wait and see” said China’s foreign ministry spokes person, adamant to foreshadow a future of U.S.-Chinese diplomatic disaster. While the 2022 Olympic boycotts did politicize sports, China is just as guilty of engaging in similarly inflammatory behav ior. In 2018, for instance, China restricted tourism to South Korea for the Pyeongc hang Winter Olympics due to Seoul’s recent installation of a US-backed missile defense system. To protest the installation, China banned its travel agencies from selling pack age tours to South Korea, tanking the coun try’s expected Olympic revenue. Ultimately, South Korea saw a roughly 27 percent drop in tourism that year because of the Chinese boycott. The controversy endured for years and significantly wounded Chinese-South Korean relations. Like the contemporary Games, the Cold War-era Olympics were riddled with po litical gestures. These historic games were unique, however, in that they mainly stood as a battle between ideologies. Stalin and his successors, who originally showed no inter est in the competition, later built a team that could “compete with and hopefully eclipse the United States to meet two interrelated goals: to gain international acclaim and to win the Cold War on the playing field”. It was not just the USSR that used the Olympics to consolidate power, though. When the Sovi ets invaded Afghanistan in 1979, US Presi dent Jimmy Carter had few political tools left to reprimand the invasion, but wanted to send a clear message of disapproval. As such, he issued an ultimatum: if the USSR did not withdraw its troops from Afghan istan, the United States would boycott the 1980 Moscow Olympics. When forced to follow through with this promise, no US ath letes competed in the Games that year. Ul timately, the 1980 Olympics became a forum for both sides of the Iron Curtain to express their ideologies and play out their Cold War sentiments, a trend that would continue with the USSR’s retaliatory boycott of the 1984 Los Angeles Olympics. While the IOC has acted as a mediator between feuding countries for decades, its dreams of neutrality are shadowed by the boycotts and conflicts that have accompa nied the Olympics throughout history. The previously discussed incidents of conflict are evidence of an unexpected yet powerful dip lomatic tool that governments have found within the Olympics, wherein one state can reprimand another without expensive sanc tions or military intervention. This tool is one that states will not surrender for the sake of unity; it is simply too valuable and too strategic to forego. The future of the Games promises no change in the way that the Olympics op erate. Amid the pervasive and persistent disputes regarding the place of politics in the Games, one truth remains: this con troversial tradition is here to stay and will continue to provoke conflict. g
Let the Games Begin The Olympics and International Politics
Regardless of whether he was right about the existence of such a campaign, the sentiment that the country was unstable and insecure could provide the key to understanding Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s rise to power. As Morsi’s unpopularity grew, al-Sisi positioned himself to reshape Egypt in his image. He warned of the imminent collapse of the state under Morsi’s leadership and portrayed himself with the military behind him as the only ones with the experience and ability to provide stability, end the country’s security threats, raise the standard of living, and improve the economy. The people gave their wholehearted support to al-Sisi, viewing him as their savior because he promised to address the issues that most immediately affected their everyday lives and were unaddressed by Morsi‘s regime. As a result of this support, his decision to lead a coup to unseat Morsi in 2013 was widely supported. After the coup, al-Sisi won the 2014 election by a landslide. Consequently, though not yet realized by the people, Egypt’s prospects for democracy and prosperity deteriorated. When al-Sisi placed the entire government under military control, the people did not stop him or demand a more democratic type of government. This was an immense mistake. Allowing a leader to create a government controlled by one organization, specifically the military, means that if the leader gains the loyalty of that group, there is nothing stopping him or her from achieving his or her visions and goals. It also means that if anyone dislikes the leader’s vision or the way he or she is accomplishing that vision, there may be no room for their opinion to be considered because the leader has the ability to suppress opposition since he or she is backed by the military. Al-Sisi knew the importance of garnering his government’s loyalty and quickly set to work to obtain it. The military had been sidelined for years by other security forces during Mubarak’s rule, so al-Sisi secured its loyalty and obedience through public words of confidence and by significantly upgrading its weapons and technology. In fact, between 2014 and 2018, Egypt became the world’s third largest weapons importer, tripling its imports from the previous four years. AlSisi also reestablished the Interior Ministry and improved its policing capability. By providing upgrades and morale boosts to these security agencies, al-Sisi ensured his ability to police and suppress the people as he wished. With the security infrastructure’s support secured, al-Sisi’s plans to restore order and prosperity to the country through suppression and force became harder to stop. Thus, Egyptians allowed al-Sisi to become their dictator by accepting his promises of stability and security without holding him accountable to the democratic ideals they so desired during the Arab SpringToday,protests.eight years into al-Sisi’s rule, not only are Egyptians left without liberty or a voice in government, but they are still lacking the security and stability they hoped al-Sisi would provide. In contrast to his promise of security, the terrorist jihadist threat in the Sinai Province has increased, leading more than 100 Christian families to flee North Sinai entirely. Egypt’s living standards and public services have deteriorated and the poverty rate rose from 27.8% in 2015 to 32.5% in 2018. Furthermore, according to an Amnesty International report, the few protests that occurred in 2020 were met with unlawful force, mass arrests andWhencensorship.orifEgyptians reach the breaking point with al-Sisi like they did with Mubarak and try again for democratic development, they must learn an important lesson if they want to be successful this time around. Because the people allowed themselves to be overwhelmed by instability, they did not challenge al-Sisi’s use of extreme force since he claimed the force was necessary to restore stability. If the people instead required leaders to develop democratic institutions while fighting instability, then a dictator like al-Sisi would likely have a harder time gaining and retaining support. g
SAVIOR OR DICTATOR? Al-Sisi’s Rise to Egypt’s Presidency
W hile it seems strange for a people who want democracy to support a dictator, that is exactly what happened in Egypt when Abdel Fattah alSisi was elected president in 2014. His rise to power offers key insight into unsuccessful transitions to democracy. Al-Sisi’s election occurred just a couple years after the Arab Spring protests demonstrated that Egyptians wanted democratization; however, despite Egyptians’ view that alSisi was Egypt’s savior, his regime has proven to be authoritarian. He has placed all protests under tight restrictions. Most of his political competitors were forced to drop out of the most recent election or were arrested. According to a 2020 U.S. State Department report, the government engages in extrajudicial killings, censorship, and prosecution of journalists. Why did the people allow al-Sisi to become a dictator after they had just deposed one out of desire for democracy? The Arab Spring was a wave of protests throughout the Middle East and North Africa beginning around 2010 that challenged authoritarianism. The Arab Spring in Egypt took place in 2011 and was motivated by Egyptians’ desire to replace President Hosni Mubarak’s regime, which was permeated with corruption, police brutality, and censorship, with one that supported freedom, social justice, and human dignity. As a result of the movement’s efforts, Mubarak was deposed, and the Interior Ministry along with its security infrastructure fell along with him. Chaos quickly spread throughout the country. Mohammad Morsi was elected president in June 2012, but his government failed to restore order and establish democracy. After millions of Egyptians began protesting and calling for early elections, one of Morsi’s former allies commented that anti-Morsi protests were inspired by a campaign to “smear the president, to smear the revolution, and to make people feel that revolution didn’t bring any stability or security.”
By Anna Both INTERNATIONAL GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 33Art by Elena Gregory
By Nick Markiewicz I n 2019, former Italian Deputy Prime Minister Luigi Di Maio made a contro versial statement blaming France for impoverishing its former African colonies and hampering economic development. He was referencing the continued usage of the Colonies françaises d’Afrique (CFA) franc – a colonial currency developed in the aftermath of World War II to maintain France’s monetary control over its empire. Despite widespread accusations and criti cism of its role in continuing African finan cial dependency, the CFA franc is still used today by 14 countries in West and Central Africa. Di Maio’s comment is but one ex ample of a much larger conversation in the last few decades concerning the future of the CFA franc and monetary sovereignty in Africa. While the future of the currency remains unclear, its role in perpetuating harmful neocolonialist policies in the past is undeniable.Asdecolonization began to spread across Africa in the 1950s and 60s, auton omy finally seemed to be on the horizon for France’s colonial possessions across the continent. Unfortunately, France was not eager to give up its holdings due to the political, military, and economic benefits these territories offered them. To avoid this total loss of control, France adopted various post-colonial policies aimed at maintaining their spheres of influence in the newly independent African nations, a process dubbed Françafrique. The CFA franc has been a major com ponent of Françafrique, with its longterm success highly prioritized by French leaders, often by any means necessary. In 1960, Guinean President Sekou Touré decided to leave the CFA franc system, greatly angering the French government. In response, they launched Operation Per sil, where intelligence operatives flooded Guinea with massive quantities of coun terfeit banknotes and ultimately collapsed the Guinean economy. In 1963, the French were also responsible for training Togo lese soldiers who assassinated President Sylvanus Olympio, days before he tried to officially create a Togolese franc and an in dependent central bank. To this day, both Guinea and Togo remain under the control of puppet dictators, rife with rampant eco nomic fluctuation and uncertainty. These two operations serve as examples of the broader Françafrique strategies, which have consolidated money and power into the hands of the French favoring elite at the expense of greater African autonomy. In seeking to ensure their power, France’s actions have had incalculable repercus sions on the people and development of Africa. The CFA franc has historically been extremely detrimental for Africa and has only recently started to change for the bet ter. When the currency was first created, four main pillars entrenched the agree ment between France and its former hold ings, but these conditions heavily favored the French creating vast imbalances be tween the two parties. First, a fixed exchange rate between the French currency and the CFA franc guaran tees conversion between the two. Since its introduction in 1945, France has devalued the CFA franc by 99.9%, increasing French purchasing power against African nations, and heavily subsidizing their industry and trade on the continent. Second, there is a French guarantee of unlimited convertibil ity of CFA francs into Euros. On paper, this seems like a positive step towards economic cooperation between the two groups. Howev er, this guarantee came with a disastrous ar rangement – the third pillar. This pillar ini tially required countries using the CFA franc to deposit 100% of their reserves into the French Treasury but dropped to 50% in 2005. With the estimated value of these reserves totaling over $500 billion in 2019, the French Trea sury benefits immense ly from the interest this money accrues. While the percentage has been halved since its intro duction, critics point out that significantly more financial capital flows into France from Africa than vice versa, creating a massive financial imbalance.
The Future of the CFA Franc Neocolonialist Policy in Francophone Africa
34
The final pillar is the principle of free capital transfer within the franc zone, which allows easier movement of physi cal and financial capital across borders for investment and financing purposes. How ever, even this stipulation is questionable as the CFA franc is actually split into two currencies, the West African CFA franc and the Central African CFA franc. Despite both having identical exchange rates with the Euro and both being supported by the French Treasury, the two currencies are not interconvertible, meaning all trades must go through the Euro, and therefore France. While proponents of the CFA franc tout the macroeconomic stability it pro vides and argue it leads to a greater flow of exports and imports between the two sides, many economists and intellectuals see it as a tool of oppression rather than one of Dueadvancement.tothisperception, the Econom ic Community of West African States Ahmed Sékou Touré
exchangevalueprotectnowilltheulations,na’sandtoEuro,tiedrencyIfcurrency.itythedoubtplacesonstabilofthethecurisnottothedueNigeriaGhastipEcohavewaytoitsandrate in the global market. One proposed solution is to tie the Eco to a basket of currencies such as the U.S. dol lar and the Chinese yuan. This would en sure the currency’s stability in the event of exchange rate fluctuations. Whether the Eco is adopted by all of ECOWAS or just a portion of its members, changes to the CFA franc will have drastic macroeconom ic consequences on the countries involved, requiring massive political and economic policyThechanges.surge in discussion about the harmful nature of the CFA franc planted the seeds for future growth. But despite being decades in the works, an economi cally safe adoption of the Eco remains im probable for West Africa. The fate of the six countries in Central Africa that remain under the colonial currency is unclear, but maintaining the status quo might be more harmful than helpful in the long run. With the future of both sister currencies in a precarious position, African citizens must place their hope in their leaders to deliver them to prosperity. However, given their questionable track record, only time will tell if this faith bears fruit. g
“Critics point out that significantly more financial capital flows into France from Africa than vice versa, creating a massive financial imbalance.”
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 35 INTERNATIONAL (ECOWAS) have attempted to create an independent currency called the ‘Eco’. ECOWAS believes that a unified currency for West Africa could help remove trade and monetary barriers, improve econom ic activity, and increase living standards for the 400 million people in the region. Unfortunately, plans to roll out the Eco have failed five times due to a majority of the ECOWAS countries failing to meet economic milestones and France refusing to support a switch. These ten economic benchmarks, such as single-digit inflation, were criteria set out by the West African Monetary Institute (WAMI) that needed to be met for the Eco to be adopted. Further, discussion of the Eco was seen as taboo in Africa by the general public which limited discussion to African activists and econo mists, resulting in the Eco being a low pri ority for many governments. This changed in the second half of the 2010s with wide spread protest and public discussion over the CFA franc as a relic of colonialism. This widespread unrest in Africa and parts of the European community culmi nated in 2019 when French President Em manuel Macron committed to changing the terms of the CFA franc to reflect the de sires of the African member states. How ever, the three reforms he conceded only affect the West African CFA franc zone, leaving the Central African zone under the CFA franc. The first concession was the of ficial renaming of the currency to the ‘Eco’ as presented by ECOWAS. The second con cession was to remove French representa tives from the governance boards of the CFA central banks. The final concession al lowed CFA deposited reserves to be trans ferred from the French treasury back into African banks upon request. While these are important steps to rollback French in volvement, critics have called these efforts largely symbolic rather than substantive, as the monetary system is designed to ben efit French businesses and the French gov ernment. Additionally, France will remain as the guarantor of the money ensuring the neocolonial links continue. Despite this, France’s support for the Eco thrilled the eight West African CFA members, who were hopeful about adopt ing the Eco by 2020, however, these ef forts were met with resounding failure. Only Togo managed to meet the economic benchmarks established by WAMI before the transition could occur. In addition, the financial hardships of the COVID-19 pan demic exacerbated economic issues, fur ther delaying the adoption, which is now slated to take place in 2027. These factors coupled with the refusal of ECOWAS pow erhouses Nigeria and Ghana to participate in the project due to French influence have called its feasibility into question. With out the formal commitment of these two wealthy countries, the likelihood of all 15 ECOWAS members adopting the Eco re mains unlikely. Even if all French influence is removed and all ECOWAS members adopt the cur rency, the Eco will face other problems. Nigeria accounts for 65% of the region’s GDP and 50% of the population, granting it significant economic and political power within ECOWAS. However, the Nigerian economy is extremely dependent on oil with 90% of export earnings coming from its sale. Since oil is a volatile commodity in international markets, having a significant portion of the region’s GDP reliant on it
El Aromo will satisfy more 60%than of Manta’sdemandenergy
fineries. When gas prices rise (such as during the Russian invasion of Ukraine), existing government subsidies insulate consum ers but raise government costs. Ecuador spends $2.3 billion (7% of annual GDP) on energy subsidies, which are only expected to rise as a growing population and devel oping economy leads to a projected ener gy consumption increase of 7% each year. Developing renewable energy indepen dence is not only good for the climate but necessary for economic growth, insulating Ecuadorian taxpayers and consumers from rising prices. However, financing solar is expensive and often not quickly profitable, prevent ing its adoption. Iconic former President Rafael Correa supported massive public infrastructure expenditure, but in 2020, Ecuadoreans elected right-wing former banker Guillermo Lasso as President. Las so encourages the development of energy projects, but through private investment and without much focus on renewable projects. The Ecuadorian Energy Ministry has developed solar milestones for 2027 that include finishing construction on two ex isting solar farms. Little has been done to incentivize adoption of non-industrial solar panels, however, and no regulatory environment supports small-scale adop tion. Making such a transition is also po litically difficult. When former President Lenin Moreno attempted to remove fuel subsidies in October 2019, two weeks of popular protest forced the government to flee Quito. In contrast to Lasso’s attitude, under Moreno in 2020, the Ministry for Ener gy funded the largest solar farm project in Ecuador to date: El Aromo. Located in Manta, the capital of the coastal province of Manabi, El Aromo will satisfy more than 60% of Manta’s energy demand and increase the country’s industryEcuador’smestictimes.potentialgeneratingenergysolarby10Despitedofunding,solarissoun
By Christopher Rosselot Ecuador’s Opportunity for Energy Independence
36
M t. Chimborazo, located in the heart of the Ecuadorian Andes, is the closesat point on the Earth to the Sun. Given the amount of sunlight expo sure, Ecuador should place solar panels at the summit, right? Well, while that logic is not scientifically founded, current en ergy dependence and scarcity in Ecuador means that the country should develop so lar capabilities - and amass economic and political clout in the process.
achieve energy independence. Projects such as El Aromo are start ing to take off in the rest of Latin Amer ica but often rely on financing from a world power that does not come from the same hemisphere: China. As part of its Belt and Road Initia tive (BRI), China finances energy projects, including the Cau chari Solar Park in Argentina, the largest solar farms in the world, at a cost of $331 million. Many allege that Chinese investment does not provide significant domestic control or environmental over sight. For example, Sinohydro didn’t
Sighting Solar
Ecuador’s current energy mix of hydro power and oil is not sustainable. Hydro power represents 58% of Ecuador’s energy capacity but is significantly threatened by riv er erosion, primarily in the Amazon region.
derdeveloped that no Ecuadorian compa ny submitted bids for project construction or operation. Instead, Spanish-owned So larpack operates El Aromo for now but will eventually transfer operation to the Ecuadorian government. Two dependency challenges stick out from the experience of El Aromo. 1) It is neither politically or economically fea sible for the Ecuadorian government to support construction of similar projects; private funding must develop; and 2) Ec uador is importing foreign-constructed solar panels. This is slightly ironic, “Developing renewable energy independence is not only good for the climate, but necessary for economic growth”
On the other hand, possessesportingpetroleum-exEcuadoralthoughisastate,itnore
The Saharan Standard? Morocco’s Solar Solution
Clearly, countries can make the switch to industrial solar Shouldenergy.andwill Ecuador follow Morocco’s example?
In the early 2010s, Morocco faced many of the same energy troubles as Ecuador: subsidies for nonrenewables equalling 6% of GDP, water-stressed communities, and dependence on energy importation. Decid ing that the country needed a sustainable solution, King Mohammad VI announced the creation of the Moroccan Agency for Sustainable Energy (MASEN), which would facilitate the new Moroccan Solar Plan by coordinating private and public donors, both international and domestic. The crown jewel of the MSP is the Noor-Ourzazate Concentrated Solar Pow er (CSP) complex, the largest CSP complex in the world. The Ourzazate complex was completed in three stages, occupies an area the size of 3,437 soccer fields, and provides electricity to over one million people. The $3 billion price tag was supported by loans from the World Bank, the Clean Technolo gy Fund, and others, lowering the cost for Moroccan citizens. CSP concentrates thermal energy from the sun to generate electricity, instead of relying on visible light to power photovol taic cells, as takes place in household-level solar panels. While CSP technology allows for energy storage and greater overall ef ficiency, the construction price stage is higher and current technology requires large amounts of water for operation. CSP requires large public financial support, which might prove harder to find in Ecua conduct sufficient environ mental impact assessments for the Coca Codo Sinclair Dam and designed the infra structure poorly. China is also the world’s largest producer of solar (pho tovoltaic) panels, finding eager markets in Latin America that do not have the antidumping tariffs found in the US. Developing a domestic indus try for manufacturing solar pan els (or “modules”) would require significant government support, and Brazil’s recent faltering in its Green Silicon plan for vertical in tegration does not set a promising precedent. Successful domestic manufacturing, however, would not only remove Ecuador’s depen dence but potentially establish the country as a supplier for the rest of SouthSolarAmerica.panels can also provide electricity in rural, off-grid commu nities. Purchasing solar panels is cost prohibitive for the vast majority of Ecuadorean households, but the gov ernment could opt to front the initial purchase and then have families repay the cost over time by paying to “turn on” their solar panels at a price much lower than other energy sources. Ecuador finds itself ripe for the devel opment of solar energy, but lacks the do mestic political and economic support, or even the technical and business knowledge needed for industry maturation. The coun try may have to decide whether it needs a solar industry now with international con trol or a developed industry further down the line with domestic oversight. Ecuador cannot afford energy depen dence by continuing to import refined gasoline, or choosing to import finished solar panels. At the end of the day, Ecua dor needs to develop energy renewability and energy dependence. Large-scale panel farms, domestic PV panel manufacturing, and industrial solar energy generation are all potential options. In a deeply polarized country lacking private investors, however, the Ecuadorian government will face stiff political opposi tion from all sides, as well as struggle to find financing. Ecuador’s solar prospects are not quite as bright as the Sun, itself. g
INTERNATIONAL
38 E mpty qualms and blank checks: an other president in the past thirty years has now failed twice to reign in American interference in Saudi Arabia. After recognizing the aftermath of a U.S. sponsored proxy war along the Saudi-Ye men border, President Joe Biden promised to cease the sales of American weapons to Saudi Arabia. Less than a year removed from his inauguration, the Senate approved the Biden’s administration’s proposal to send the kingdom $650 million dollars worth of air-to-air missiles and related equipment. As a result, this deeply-rooted, ideological warfare between Iran and Saudi Arabia is perpetuated, risking the lives of Yemeni citizens, and crippling the infrastructure of an already impoverished nation. The Yemenis now face a humanitarian crisis of largeAsproportions.theIranian backed Houthi rebels in Yemen continue to encroach upon Saudi Arabian territory, Saudi Arabia enlisted the help of American militarism to defend their southern foothold. The U.S., with incentive to maintain influence in the Middle East, has continued to provide the Saudis with arms since the Reagan administration.Thispractice of arms sales not only di rectly kills Yemenis but also minimizes any margin for development. With the direct materialization of U.S. militarism, Saudi drone strikes, carrying U.S. manufactured arms, killed 140 people, and American, laser-guided MK 82 bombs killed 40 chil dren in a Moreover,schoolbus.thecontamination of re sources and destruction of management systems produce dangerous conditions. Food supplies are disrupted, the economy is crippled, and 20 million Yemenis face famine. Every ten minutes, a Yemeni child dies from a preventable cause. Consequently, long-term sustainable growth becomes infeasible. But the war continues to be waged for two reasons. First, the military industrial complex wields a corruption-inducing in fluence over Washington. In 2017, Lock heed Martin executives promoted the war and contended the U.S. was helping to “finish the job” in Yemen, implying that there was some end in the near future, while they pocketed $29 billion from the transaction. Furthermore, in an effort to shield their profits, the complex does not seek an end to the war, and their positions in institutions afford them this luxury. Authors Medea Benjamin and Nicolas Davies find similar players in the complex such as Raytheon and General Dynamics have all built models that catalyze war, ter rorism, and political instiabilty.
Second, there is a fundamental misunder standing as to what war can bring. America believes a dominant showing in oil-rich des erts will be enough to fend off anti-Western aggressors and in particular, Iran. But this is an incredibly detached, outof-touch perspective. This war is one of re ligion and culture. The war is not unique to Houthi Rebels or even Yemen. Tanks roll and missiles cruise because of an irrepara ble ideological disdain that fuels decades of turmoil between Iran and Saudi Ara bia. American intervention only promotes further destabilization within otherwise inevitable circumstances. The resonance of depression strikes even more profoundly when it becomes apparent that the war could end tomor row if President Biden ordered it. Former CIA and Pentagon official Bruce Riedel explained Saudi Arabia’s military simply cannot function in the absence of Ameri canAmericanmilitarism.interference goes beyond handing Saudi Arabia triggers to pull and buttons to push. The United States pro vides the entirety of Saudi Arabia’s intelli gence capacity with no guidance on avoid ing civilian Ultimately,casualties.American sale of arms closes any margin for diplomacy, a more promising avenue for resolve. By re-stock ing Saudi Arabia’s war chest with primar ily offensive weapons, America uniquely encourages aggression where Saudi war hawks recognize their ability to impose their will by virtue of force, minimizing their willingness to negotiate and prolong ing the war. David Kinsella, a professor at Portland State University, finds that Sau di Arabia experiences an increase in “con flictual interaction” in the aftermath of in creases in arms flow. And critical to note, Kinsella continues, finding that “when arms supplies drop, so…does regional instabili ty”, especially in the Middle East. Additionally, halting arms sales affords America the credibility to inspire political change and promote peace while signaling to Iran that Saudi Arabia is open to diplo macy. Ceasing arms sales is the prerequi site to any solution. Today, the current state of affairs has only equated to utter chaos in the poorest region in the Middle East. Saudi’s direc tion of American militarism has given rise to anti-American sentiments, exacerbating problems of terrorism as Islamic extrem ism grows virulently. As Saudi Arabia tar gets farmland, food distribution, and wa ter infrastructures, Yemenis are cornered into poverty and vulnerability. Thus, the chance of radicalization increases, the risk of war escalates, and state structures con tinue to be handicapped. But by cutting militaristic ties to Saudi Arabia, by lim iting the scope of the military industrial complex, the U.S. can approach diplomacy and reverse these trends. The results are unequivocal. Iran has only been bolstered, terroism has only pro tracted, and Yemenis have only suffered.
Yemen’s Forever Crisis How the U.S. Continues to Fund a Humanitarian Crisis
By Mayukh Keelar
g
In his State of the Union, President Joe Biden observes that in the 21st century battle between democracy and autocracy, democracies are rising to the moment, commending people around the world for choosing democracy. However, his actions have been a complete departure from these tenets he hails. The war has failed, and it is time to bring a new order in the Middle East.
Reckoning with a History of Cultural Appropriation Braves Fans Have a Choice to Make By Ruth Payne
CULTURE
A s players began warming up for a Braves game at SunTrust Park in Oc tober of 2019, Pitcher Ryan Helsley of the opposing St. Louis Cardinals voiced con cerns about an infamous Braves tradition: the tomahawk chop. Mr. Helsley, a member of the Cherokee nation, described the behavior as “disrespectful” and “a misrepresentation of the Cherokee people or Native Americans in general.” That day, SunTrust Park employees quietly took up the foam tomahawks from the stands and cut the tomahawk chop tune that usually blares from the speakers. Two years later, the Braves hold their first World Series title since 1995, yet their name and traditions are still the subjects of controversy. It is a pivotal time for the Braves and American Indian mascots in sports. As the Braves enter the 2022 season as World Se ries champions, the Washington Football Team (previously Redskins) launches their rebrand as the Washington Commanders––a culturally neutral term still meant to invoke strength and leadership. At the same time, Florida State University continues its tradi tion of depicting a white student as a Semi nole chief on horseback, rousing the crowd before home football games. Where do the Braves stand in this cultural moment? The Braves have long used perceptions of the culture of American Indians to create fan traditions. Until 1986, Chief Noc-A-Homa (a play on the phrase “Knock a Homer”) was the official mascot of the Braves, having been rep resented by members of various American In dian tribes, most notably by Levi Walker Jr., a member of the Little Traverse Bay Band of the Odawa. Chief Noc-A-Homa was expected to dance when a Braves player hit a home run, and there was an area of the stadium stands reserved for the teepee where he “lived.” De spite the Braves retiring Chief Noc-A-Ho ma in 1986 over unresolved pay issues and missed dates, fans still cling to the Braves’ legacy of American Indian cultural appro priation.Today, the “tomahawk chop,” a stereo type of American Indian warfare in which fans use their arms to imitate swinging a tomahawk, is at the center of this debate.
It is clear that traditions like the chop do not sit well with everyone. However, groups advocating for American Indian people take a range of stances on the seriousness of the issue. When asked for comment, the Georgia Council of American Indian Concerns said that they were “supportive of the continued use of the name ‘Braves’ as long as it is be ing used respectfully and the organization continues to engage the Native American community,” pointing to efforts taken by the Braves such as establishing the Native Amer ican Working Group and hosting the “Cher okee Traditions at Truist Park” event. This position is at odds with the official stance of the Cherokee and Creek nations and the Na tional Congress of American Indians, who “has a longstanding opposition to degrading and misrepresentative stereotypes of Native peoples across mainstream American culture, which includes sports mascots, and related imagery.”Eventhough there is a mixed reaction among American Indian groups, more of ten than not, the most hostile stances to the Braves name and tomahawk chop come from editorials written by white authors. Articles titled “Why Does MLB Still Allow Synchro nized, Team-Sanctioned Racism in Atlanta?” or “Opinion: The Braves Can Do Better,” writ ten by white authors, bleach the issue rather than giving a voice to those it directly affects, however well-intentioned their authors may be. The Braves organization has failed to take a strong stance on a once-informal fan cheer that has transformed into a home game tradition. In these ethically murky circum stances, it seems like the future of the chop will be determined by the same group that determined its past: the fans. As Braves CEO Derek Schiller said, “this started as a fan ini tiative, and the fans are likely going to keep doing it anyway.” Culturally, there has been a line drawn between honoring American In dian peoples and making a caricature out of American Indians. Braves fans have a choice to make: does the tomahawk chop and Braves name stay or go? While there is no way to rec tify decades of appropriation, all Braves fans should consider and advocate for change that would make the Atlanta Braves a team that all fans can be proud of. g
The tradition began at Florida State Uni versity in the late 1990s, and the chop quickly became popular with Braves fans across the country. However, even in the early days of the chop American Indian rights groups expressed their concerns, with one activist describing it as “igno rant, stupid, racist behavior.” Former Braves owner Ted Turner said, “I’d like to see something done to get rid of the chop, and if I could do it myself, I would.” More recently, University of Georgia professor Claudio Sant described the chop as “offen sive” and “embarrassing.”
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 39
40 Noname: Black Words Falling on Deaf White Ears By Adeboye Adeoye GregoryElenabyArt
These are the opening lyrics of “Casket Pretty”, a song released in 2016 by Chicago rapper Noname. In 2018, Noname released her sophomore album “Room 25” out of financial necessity and toured shortly in the following year. The album was well received by critics and average listeners alike, but this success was quickly overshadowed. In a now deleted string of tweets from late November 2019, Noname expressed her frustrations with those who attend her shows. Noname’s first tweet addressed how her music is primarily consumed by white audiences and expressed contempt for the fact that “some how liking Lizzos music absolves them of racist tendencies.”
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 41
CULTURE “All of my n----s is casket pretty/ Ain’t no one safe in this happy city/ I hope you make it home/ I hope to God that my tele’ don’t ring.”
Hip Hop is one of the primary outlets through which Black Americans’ desires, fears, and hopes are expressed. Music often reflects the circumstances of its creators, and Hip Hop’s founders were mostly Black New Yorkers. Their music reflected the city around them, both good and bad. Nas encapsulated the problems of New York City public housing in his 1994 track “Represent,” describing his grimy reality as “the type of n---- who be pissing in your elevator.” In a 2018 opinion poll, 69% of Black Americans identified Hip Hop as the genre that is most representative of America today. For many Black Americans, Hip Hop transcends just music; it is a paradigm of the Black experience which informs and reflects their expression and perception of the world. Since the start of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, Black Americans have been externally limited in their agency and wealth, but music has always been a major product of American Descendants of Slavery. Gospel, soul, jazz, blues, and funk all have origins tied to the pain and joy of Black people in the United States. Hip Hop arose in the 1970s at block parties as MCs engaged the crowd by rapping over a DJ’s beat. The genre reflected New York’s demographics, with those of Caribbean and Latin American descent being present since the genre’s inception. The music also reflected the realities of its creators, and dealt with subject matter covering every facet of life, a tradition that Noname has carried on in recent times. These genres have another thing in common: they have all been co-opted in some form by white people. Whether you look at the Grammys, record sales, or just popular music figures, the stories surrounding the origin of Black music genres can seem revisionist. Elvis Presley is known worldwide as the “King of Rock and Roll” and bands like The Beatles and Pink Floyd are hailed as the pinnacle of the genre. Chuck Berry, however, is the genre’s true pioneer, with Elvis himself recognizing Berry’s influence and The Beatles’ “Back in the USSR” modeled after Berry’s “Back in the USA”. Black artists like Berry are forgotten in the minds of white people as time progresses - or sadly not even known in the first place. White Americans are Hip Hop’s biggest consumers. Estimates as recent as 2006 have found that 60% of the general Hip Hop audience is white and only about 25% black. It is commonplace for the majority of a concert audience to be white. That in itself is not a problem given US demographics. It becomes a problem when white audiences are unaware of the nature and goal of the Black-made music they are consuming, especially at a concert. In 2018, Kendrick Lamar stopped his concert after a white fan he had invited on stage repeatedly rapped the N-word during her recitation of his track “m.A.A.d city.”
Kendrick’s career has largely been built on his vivid descriptions of the Black experience, especially in Compton, CA. His magnum opus, “To Pimp a Butterfly”, has been hailed as one of the greatest albums of all time, successfully delving into racism, depression, and politics while incorporating elements of Black music genres like funk, jazz, and soul. A white woman attending his concert and using a racially charged, insensitive term goes to show that she and many others have not fully understood the music and lyrics they have bought into. Kanye West commented on Hip Hop’s influence on his 2010 track “Gorgeous”: “Is hip-hop just a euphemism for a new religion? The soul music of the slaves that the youth is missing.” However, rapper HiTek described the industry and its listeners best on his 2006 track “Music For Life”. The opening lines of his verse are a selfexaltation but also serve as an informal call to action to the uninformed Hip Hop listener. In reference to a classic Dr. Dre song, Hi-Tek raps “what’s the difference between me and you? It’s I’m a real connoisseur of this rap s---, I really do it.”
Fans attempted to justify this, but Noname responded the next day, asserting “My black fans in my mentions talkin bout ‘what your mean primarily white? We support the f--- outta u’ clearly proving they never been to a show.” She continued, “Y’all really pushing the idea that black people can’t come to my shows because of black death and financial restraint ??? As if Dababy, Megan and Smino shows ain’t black as hell? Say you don’t like my s--- and move around lol.” The comparison stuck out, with these artists all being at a similar point in their respective careers and Smino being a fellow Chicagoan and frequent collaborator of Noname herself. Noname, one of the most prominent female rappers, writes music that delves into many topics, from reminiscing on childhood joy to battling with fear and doubt to dealing with death. Many of the topics she tackles are tied directly to her Blackness, especially with her home city of Chicago being a nexus of both black creativity and success and incarceration and poverty. Her lyrically dense music deals with heavy subjects. On the surface though, it is often happy and danceable; some songs even have an overtly positive message. However, she was driven to stop performing because she did not like that white people were the largest consumers of her music, which is heavily tied to the Black American experience. The blame lies with neither the concertgoers nor Noname herself. This situation is instead a microcosm of how, despite being Hip Hop’s largest consumer base, white Americans fail to digest the meaning of the music to which they are listening.
Contrastingly, the setting for Live at Jittery Joe’s lends itself to songs punctuated less by intensity and more by acoustic emotion. Even some of the songs that feature on both Aeroplane and Live at Jittery Joe’s convey drastically different feelings and emotions on the two albums. Clair also describes Live at Jittery Joe’s as a special album also due to the point in Mangum’s musical career at which it was recorded. Neutral Milk Hotel had already started to receive some press for On Avery Island, but they were still far from becom ing the stars they would one day become, Mangum in particular. In turn, Live at Jit tery Joe’s was recorded in front of only 3050 of Mangum’s closest friends and family.
By Aryan Thakur A Rare Look at Neutral Milk Hotel’s Jeff Mangum
Agrainy video displaying Jeff Mangum performing a set for his closest fami ly and friends, with children acting as dancers and infants providing background vocals. This is one of the few windows we have to look into Mangum’s life, lead vocal ist of the band Neutral Milk Hotel and an enigma of the indie rock music scene.For 49 minutes and 21 seconds, a generational talent made himself fully visible, before re moving himself from the public light. Live at Jittery Joe’s was recorded on March 7, 1997 at the original Jittery Joe’s location at 243 W. Washington St in Ath ens. Recorded between the release of Neu tral Milk Hotel’s 1996 debut album, On Avery Island, and their 1998 smash-hit, In the Aeroplane Over the Sea, Live at Jittery Joe’s contains 12 tracks, some being origi nals from Mangum and some requested by the live crowd, such as Phil Spector’s I Love How You Love Me. Andrew Rieger, a guitar ist/vocalist for Elf Power and current UGA lecturer, was one of the audience members for the recording of Live at Jittery Joe’s. Elf Power, Rieger’s band, was a part of the Ele phant 6 Collective along with Neutral Milk Hotel, a music collective characterized by ‘60s psychedelic pop and experimental re cording techniques. Having performed and worked directly with Mangum due to their Elephant 6 connection, Rieger understood the power of Mangum’s work on a level few others could. He noted how moving Mang um’s voice could be, especially in small, in timate settings. Rieger is quick to mention, however, that Live at Jittery Joe’s was not isolated as one of a few acoustic perfor mances from Mangum. Mangum used to deliver frequent acoustic performances to friends and family; Live at Jittery Joe’s dif ferentiated itself from those performances not necessarily in quality, but by the fact that it was recorded and distributed. Recorded only one year before Neutral Milk Hotel’s breakthrough album, In the Aeroplane Over the Sea, Live at Jittery Joe’s also offers a look at the developmental stages of many songs that would go on to become cult-classics with Aeroplane, such as “Oh Comely”. A rare look at the musical processes of Mangum, listeners receive the opportunity to understand how Mangum ironed out the songs that would later be featured on Aeroplane. Adam Clair, au thor of Endless Endless: A Lo-Fi History of the Elephant 6 Mystery, describes how Live at Jittery Joe’s seems to juxtapose Aeroplane at times as well. A traditionally raucous band, most of the songs on Neu tral Milk Hotel’s Aeroplane were intense.
42
Live at Jittery Joe’s
. In an era punctuated by grunge music and in a generation where “not caring” was the norm, Mangum and Neutral Milk Hotel’s work was a breath of fresh air. In Mangum’s music, authenticity rose above all else.
CULTURE
“In an era punctuated by grunge music and in a generation where ‘not caring’ was the norm, Mangum and Neutral Milk Hotel’s work was a breath of fresh air.” Mangum
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 43 Jeff
Live at Jittery Joe’s began as just anoth er one of Mangum’s acoustical musings, ini tially intended to reach only the select few in the room, yet we see pieces of its influ ence everywhere today. Its lo-fi production quality inspires countless genres of modern music and the numerous bands which list Neutral Milk Hotel as their primary influ ence rule Athens’ famed music scene. The largest impact though, of Live at Jittery Joe’s, and Mangum’s music as a whole, has been its representation of change. Mangum saw authenticity as the purest expression of the human experience, something his music always displayed, and delivered that idea to a new generation through Live at Jittery Joe’s g
The intimacy which marks Mangum’s fu ture music shines through as listeners are able to see that Mangum’s signature raw ness was not merely a facade for the masses but who he truly is. As Mangum’s commercial fame grew, he progressively removed himself from the public light. Neutral Milk Hotel’s 1998 re lease of Aeroplane Over the Sea was met with wide-praise, both critically and by fans. Its sharp vocals and fireside feel connected with a generation, with alternative music magazine Magnet naming it the best album of the decade only 5 years later. Concerts for hundreds of people became concerts of tens of thousands of people and Mangum was pushed into the spotlight. Interesting ly, Mangum seemed to reject it all; though the band embarked on a few months of touring following the release of the album, Mangum largely removed himself from the public eye afterwards. Even when R.E.M. asked Neutral Milk Hotel to open on their upcoming tour, Mangum said no. Though Neutral Milk Hotel has had short reunion tours since, Mangum is still a mystery to the public, an obsession fans fail to understand and yet can’t let go. Neutral Milk Hotel and Mangum have had a direct impact on countless indie rock bands, with Clair mentioning big names from today — Phoebe Bridgers and Tame Impala — and countless small indie rock bands as those who mention NMH as a primary influence. Neutral Milk Hotel and Mangum’s greatest cultural impact also shines through in Live at Jittery Joe’s
The Donald
Revisited
How Racism Led to Athlete Empowerment By Matthew are becoming more vocal in their beliefs regarding issues in racism and adjacent issues, a phenomenon that has only strengthened in the current age."
"AthletesLi
T he 2014 NBA Playoffs started seem ingly innocuous, but it would quickly serve as the backdrop for a watershed saga in NBA history. On April 25, 2014, in the midst of a relatively standard first round matchup between the Los Angeles Clippers and Golden State Warriors, TMZ Sports released an audio tape that would test the leadership of the recently minted Commissioner Adam Silver. The Clippers owner at the time, Donald Sterling, was re corded to have said among several multi ple racist declarations, “It bothers me a lot that you want to broadcast that you’re as sociating with Black people” to mistress V. Stiviano after she posted a picture to In stagram with former NBA superstar Mag ic Johnson. The public reaction was swift. Players on the Clippers, owned by Sterling, considered boycotting their next playoff game. President Obama expressed his support to Commissioner Silver to han dle the situation appropriately while con demning the statements. Miami Heat for ward LeBron James did the same, stating “There’s no room for that in our game.” Four days later, on perhaps his most important day as commissioner, Silver announced that he was banning Sterling from the NBA for life, effective immedi ately. And thus began a healing process that resulted in a new age of player aismregardingempowermentsystemicracandsocialissuesaswhole.Inrecentyears,the
Individual teams also have begun phasing out the word “owner,” with the most fa mous example being Steve Ballmer, who bought the Clippers from Sterling after the ban, choosing to be referred to as “chair man.”Outside of the institution itself, the Sterling saga was a prime example of the shift in player power in sports. In the con text of sports, players have had more say in their careers, with star players more will ing to publicly demand trades if they are not satisfied with the direction of their cur rent team. However, in a societal context, athletes are becoming more vocal in their beliefs regarding issues in racism and ad jacent issues, a phenomenon that has only strengthened in the current age. Fast forward to August 26, 2020, six years after the Sterling audio shook the NBA, when the Milwaukee Bucks made the unprecedented decision to boycott their playoff matchup against the Orlan do Magic to protest the police shooting of Jacob Blake. After the Clippers had con sidered boycotting their playoff matchup in 2014, a boycott finally occurred amid the outpour of support for the Black Lives Matter movement. Even with sports only recently returning amid the coronavirus pandemic, the decision sparked a wave of player-orchestrated boycotts in the NBA and other professional sports leagues. The player reaction to the Sterling audio and the protests against police brutality and supporting the Black Lives Mat ter movement during the sum mer of 2020 dis play the continu ously rising level of involvement of NBA athletes in social issues in America.
The Sterling saga will forever be re membered as a turning point in the his tory of the NBA and sports overall, and the NBA’s swift reaction both from league officials and the players reveal an ongo ing willingness to not only put issues of race at the forefront of conversation, but also to take drastic steps to address them. It certainly is not the only event to chal lenge the existence of racist sentiments in sports and society, but the handling of it perhaps first revealed new movements of player empow erment and a com mitment to working with league officials to address systemic issues of race within a large professional sports league. g Sterling Scandal
NBA, a league primarily composed of Black athletes, has shifted to become a leader in inclusive ideals in the sports world. For in stance, it has phased out the word “owner” due to concerns about being racially insen sitive, instead using the word “governor.”
44
I n his 2017 induction into the National Foot ball League’s (NFL) Hall of Fame, legendary running back Ladanian Tomlinson pro vided fans of the sport with a stirring mes champion and vessel of social change, it took nothing short of a class-action law suit opened on the first day of Black Histo ry Month and a few days away from Super been violated once, by the Detroit Lions in ty coaching applications receive genuine consideration versus organizations merely checking boxes to circumvent the rule is where Flores’ and many others’ frustrations lie. In a separate 2018 incident, the league balked at punishing the Las Vegas Raiders for a potential circumvention of the Rooney en. Though the NFL cleared the Raiders of any wrongdoing, several provisions were added immediately following the incident to strengthen the rule. Flores himself has accused the New York Giants and Denver ing leaked text messages and unprofessional interviewer behavior he believes indicates the organizations never gave him genuine
The Why Brian Flores’ Lawsuit Shows NFL Diversity Efforts Aren’t Working By Michael Malkowski
Only 19 Black coaches have been hired since Art Shell became the NFL’s first Black head coach in 1989.
CULTURE GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 45
League’s Worst Kept Secret
In an age where other leagues such as ty efforts translate into enduring benefits nel still almost exclusively get to manage the majority POC NFL. If multimillionaire Black NFL coaches are, as Flores attests, subject to this discrimination, what are er and fewer resources facing? While the vide remedies for questions such as these, it’s also shown activism has a rightful place within the sport. Flores has already been hired by the Pittsburgh Steelers as a senior defensive assistant amidst his legal battle, one step closer to turning diversity in the
https://www.accgov.com/DocumentCenter/View/84095/10ACCACCGov-Strategic-Plan-Adoption.HistoricPreservationCommission.
Text ImageCitationsCitations “Broadcast Break.” Digital Image. Pixabay. March 16, Tate,https://pixabay.com/illustrations/broadcast-break-cut-watch-tv-674178/.2015.Zachary.“StudentPreachersClashwithUGAStudents.”Photograph.The Red & Black, November 3, 2021. f3c8aad81833.html.students-at-tate-plaza-after-controversial-messaging/article_24ca4cd0-3d05-11ec-9a66-https://www.redandblack.com/uganews/street-preachers-clash-with-ugaROYAL REGENTS? Text Citations “Bylaws of the Board of Regents.” University System of Georgia.
46 Citations in this issue
BETWEEN THE LINES Aued, Blake. “Commissioners Plan Ahead While Conservatives Plan Takeover.” Flagpole, February 16, 2022. Accessed“PrincetonDrahos,Drahos,commission-districts/.AthensDowd,https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/commissioners-reject-fryes-redistricting-map/.Dowd,conservatives-plan-takeover/.https://flagpole.com/news/city-dope/2022/02/16/commissioners-plan-ahead-while-Chris.“CommissionersRejectFrye'sRedistrictingMap.”AthensPoliticsNerd,January25,2022.Chris.“GOP-ProposedCommissionDistrictsWouldAlterAthens'PoliticalLandscape.”PoliticsNerd,February21,2022.https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/republicans-propose-new-Alexander.InterviewwithCommissionerMelissaLink.Personal,February28.2022.Alexander.InterviewwithCommissionerTimDenson.Personal,February22,2022.GerrymanderingProject.”PrincetonUniversity.TheTrusteesofPrincetonUniversity.April6,2022.https://gerrymander.princeton.edu/.
“Overview of Historic Districts and Landmarks.” Athens-Clarke County Government. https://www.accgov.com/DocumentCenter/View/310/HP_FAQ-Info?bidId=. Athens-Clarke County Unified Government. Historic Preservation Resources | Athens-Clarke County, GA - Official Website. Retrieved April 5, 2022, from https://www.accgov.com/9774/HistoricAthens-Clarke:Preservation-Resources.2021GMA Member City Data Profile. Georgia Municipal Association, 2021. http://
DocumentCenter/View/5028/Athens-Clarke-County---DraftAnalysis-of-Impedime.County,WFNwiki/University_of_Georgia.“Universityon-neighborhoods-evolution-future-direction/.GradyUGAgradynewsource.to-accomodate-growing-demand/.Newsource,UGAgradynewsource.11ec-8797-ebfe497fe491.html.commission-reviews-external-audit-on-spending-update-on-strategy-plan/article_5cdf34b2-89fb-Plan.”Simoneau,developers_it_happens/.JanuaryScally,CountySaraCh02-S10_Avoiding-and-Overcoming-Opposition.pdf.NationalRoss,2022.“Nimbystory-rooted-in-the-souths-complex-history.PublicMcGee,3,McDonald,oct/02/rise-of-the-yimbys-angry-millennials-radical-housing-solution.Guardian.McCormick,2022.Jodyis-not-the-answer-to-housing-crisis-grassroots-activists-say/.ActivistsJedeed,https://harvardpolitics.com/a-call-for-intersectional-yimbyism/.Imbrie-Moore,on-inclusionary-zoning-in-april.16,Gratas,increase-in-single-family-housing-permits/.GradyGradystruggles-to-accomodate-growing-demand/.GradyGradycivicplus.com/DocumentCenter/View/57881/GICH-Final-Report.Athens,Georgiaenrollment-completion-rates/.Rates.”Freeland,athens/.Nerd,Dowd,2020.Dowd,edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1368&context=etd.Low-IncomeBrown,PlanningBrown,history-of-black-athensAccessedBrooklyn%E2%80%9CNot%20in,denser%20or%20more%20affordable%20housing.and-how-do-affordable-housing-developers-respond-to-it/#:~:text=NIMBY%20stands%20for%20It?”Axel-Lute,index.php.GA.AthensAthens,_Georgia.“Athens,documents.atlantaregional.com/Profiles/City/Athens-Clarke_NN.pdf.Georgia.”Wikipedia.WikimediaFoundation,March2,2022.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/HousingAuthority,GA.“WelcometoAthensHousingAuthority,GA.”AthensHousingAuthority,AccessedMarch21,2022.https://www.athenshousing.org/housing/public_housing_admissions/Miriam.“WhatIsNIMBYismandHowDoAffordableHousingDevelopersRespondtoShelterforce,November17,2021.https://shelterforce.org/2021/11/17/what-is-nimbyism-CemeteryProject.“AShortHistoryofBlackAthens.”DeathandHumanHistoryinAthens.March22,2022.https://digilab.libs.uga.edu/cemetery/exhibits/show/brooklyn/short-Greg,andHunterGlanz.“IdentifyingPotentialNimbyandYIMBYEffectsinGeneralLandUseandZoning.”AppliedGeography99(2018):1–11.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeog.2018.07.026.Russell.“NimbyEffectsonLow-IncomeHousing...-DuquesneUniversity.”NIMBYEffectsonHousingPolicy:ACaseofTwoCities.DuquesneUniversity,May2012.https://dsc.duq.Chris.“AffordableHousingIsVanishinginAthens.Here'sWhy.”AthensPoliticsNerd,August5,https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/affordable-housing-is-vanishing-in-athens/.Chris.“InclusionaryZoningCouldBringMoreAffordableHousingtoAthens.”AthensPoliticsFebruary21,2022.https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/inclusionary-zoning-affordable-housing-Sara,andSaraFreeland.“UGAContinuestoBreakRecordsforEnrollment,CompletionUGAToday,December2,2021.https://news.uga.edu/uga-continues-to-break-records-for-InitiativeforCommunityHousing,AthensTeam.“AProposaltoImproveHousingAffordabilityinGeorgia.”Athens-ClarkeCountyGovernment,February2019.https://ga-athensclarkecounty3.CapstoneJournalist.“AthensHousingMarketStrugglestoAccommodateGrowingDemand.”Newsource,November18,2020.https://gradynewsource.uga.edu/athens-housing-market-CapstoneJournalist.“Athens-ClarkeCountySeesIncreaseinSingle-FamilyHousingPermits.”Newsource,November18,2020.https://gradynewsource.uga.edu/athens-clarke-county-sees-Sofi.“TheACCMayorandCommissionWillVoteonInclusionaryZoninginApril.”WUGA,March2022.https://www.wuga.org/local-news/2022-03-16/the-acc-mayor-and-commission-will-vote-Will.“ACallforIntersectionalYimbyism.”HarvardPoliticalReview,February27,2021.Laura,andM.K.Hawthorne.“YimbyMovementIsNottheAnswertoHousingCrisis,GrassrootsSay.”Truthout.Truthout,September19,2021.https://truthout.org/articles/yimby-movement-Graichen(Hands-OnHistoricAthensCoordinator)indiscussionwiththeauthor,MarchErin.“RiseoftheYimbys:TheAngryMillennialswithaRadicalHousingSolution.”TheGuardianNewsandMedia,October2,2017.https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/PatrickRange.“WhatIsaYIMBY?(Hint:It'sNotGood).”HousingIsAHumanRight,February2022.https://www.housinghumanright.org/what-is-a-yimby-hint-its-not-good/.Chase.“TheTreeThatOwnsItself:AStoryRootedintheSouth'sComplexHistory.”GeorgiaBroadcasting,August21,2020.https://www.gpb.org/news/2020/08/21/the-tree-owns-itself-(NotinMyBackyard).”NIMBY(NotinMyBackyard)|TheHomelessHub.AccessedMarch22,https://www.homelesshub.ca/solutions/affordable-housing/nimby-not-my-backyard.Jaimie.“AvoidingandOvercomingNeighborhoodOppositiontoAffordableRentalHousing.”LowIncomeHousingCoalition,2017.http://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/AG-2017/2017AG_Beresford(DirectorofAffordableHousinginAthensLandTrustandChairoftheAthens-ClarkePlanningCommission)indiscussionwiththeauthor,March2022.CoriannePayton.“Nimby:Where,When,andtoWhichDevelopersItHappens.”Shelterforce,16,2019.https://shelterforce.org/2014/04/01/nimby_where_when_and_to_which_Nathalee.“AthensCommissionReviewsExternalAuditonSpending,UpdateonStrategyTheRedandBlack,February11,2022.https://www.redandblack.com/athensnews/athens-“AthensHousingMarketStrugglestoAccommodateGrowingDemand.”GradyNovember18,2020.https://gradynewsource.uga.edu/athens-housing-market-struggles-“FivePointsResidentsReflectonNeighborhood'sEvolution,FutureDirection.”Newsource,November18,2020.https://gradynewsource.uga.edu/five-points-residents-reflect-ofGeorgia.”Wikipedia.WikimediaFoundation,March11,2022.https://en.wikipedia.org/Consulting,Inc.“AnalysisofImpedimentstoFairHousingChoiceinAthens-ClarkeGeorgia.”Athens-ClarkeCountyGovernment,January2012.https://www.accgov.com/ TOWARDS A TEMPERED YIMBISM IN ATHENS Text Citations
ACC Gov. “ACC Gov. Strategic Plan Adoption.” Athens-Clarke County: The Unified Government of Athens-Clarke County, January 26, 2022.
Text ImageCitationsCitations “Athens Politics Nerd.” Athens, Georgia. Accessed April 7, 2022. https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/. THE CONSEQUENCES OF FREE SPEECH ZONES Alexander, Evette. “Campus Speech 2020: New Survey Reveals College Student Views on Free Speech and Inclusivity.” Knight Foundation, 2020.
com/blog/technology/tiktok-most-visited-site-2021.Terell,social-media.Ortiz,speech-zones.University.Kraft,freedomofexpression.uga.edu/frequently-asked-questions/.“Frequentlynew-survey-reveals-college-student-views-on-free-speech-and-inclusivity/.https://knightfoundation.org/articles/campus-speech-2020-AskedQuestions.”UGAFreedomofExpression.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://Emilie.“FreeSpeechZones|TheFirstAmendmentEncyclopedia.”MiddleTennesseeStateAccessedMarch20,2022.https://www.mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/960/free-Esteban.“TheRiseofSocialMedia.”OurWorldinData,2019.https://ourworldindata.org/rise-of-Tamar.“TikTok:TheMostVisitedSiteof2021.”InvestisDigital,2021.https://www.investisdigital. Accessed 2022. “Coronavirushttps://www.usg.edu/regents/bylaws.Disease2019(COVID-19)Updates for USG.” University System of Georgia, Published March 5, 2020; last modified March 21, 2022. https://www.usg.edu/coronavirus. Downey, Maureen. “Opinion: If Regents Pick Sonny Perdue, Georgia's Colleges Will Suffer.” The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, February 15, 2022. 11ec-976e-4b7292142088.html.proposes-naming-new-residence-hall-science-library-after-black-graduates/article_3887717e-52ec-Graduates.”Warnke,https://www.usg.edu/strategic_plan/.“USGhttps://www.usg.edu/news/usgfacts#.“USGsonny-perdue-chancellor-of-university-system/AS2NPLBRDFDWVOONGY3LNE3JMI/.AtlantaStirgus,KC4L3C4HKNGQ5HZIXDNP5PLP7I/.education/georgia-board-of-regents-approves-changes-to-its-post-tenure-review-guidelines/Guidelines.”Stirgus,BCGQKXSHWNHZPFMFMIHCDPLFQ4/.education/kemps-new-regents-picks-could-boost-perdues-bid-to-lead-georgia-system/LeadStirgus,BHO2KSJO2NDHDM6QP3BAJJZ2EU/.ajc.com/politics/kemps-latest-shuffling-of-regents-could-clear-way-for-perdue-to-become-chief/SonnyStirgus,Stirgus,https://www.campaignmoney.com/political/contributions/sachin-shailendra.asp?cycle=08.“Sachinhttps://www.usg.edu/post-tenure-review.“Post-Tenureuniversities-rename-slavery.html?smid=url-share.Slavery.”Medina,initial-guidelines-for-fall-semester-instruction/.(COVID-19)Hu,9b91-a7dd49bc7d26.html.classes-won-t-be-audited-by-usg-to-see-if-instruction-is-in-person/article_aa8af826-ec05-11ea-USGGaNun,html.require-masks-on-campus-in-usg-decision-reversal/article_33ae86fc-bfe4-11ea-b923-1b1499dd96fc.DecisionGaNun,www.usg.edu/assets/usg/docs/Final_Naming_Advisory_Group_Report_A_to_Z.pdf.SallyFrank,inevitable.gpb.org/news/2022/02/18/georgia-today-how-sonny-perdues-ascent-chancellor-went-implausible-WentFennessy,usgs_11th_chancellor.September“ErrollFYXWUTOBEBDINHPWM7KR6VBOYE/.get-schooled-blog/opinion-if-regents-pick-sonny-perdue-georgias-colleges-will-suffer/https://www.ajc.com/education/B.DavisJr.InauguratedasUSG's11thChancellor.”UniversitySystemofGeorgia,13,2006.https://www.usg.edu/news/release/erroll_b._davis_jr._inaugurated_as_Steve,andJessMador.“GeorgiaToday:HowSonnyPerdue'sAscenttoChancellorfromImplausibletoInevitable.”GeorgiaPublicBroadcasting,February18,2022.https://www.LisaTendrich,MarionRossFedrick,MichaelPatrick,HerbertPhipps,NealJQuirk,andWallace.“FinalNamingAdvisoryGroupReportAtoZ.”UniversitySystemofGeorgia,2021.https://Jacqueline,andGabrielaMiranda.“UGAtoRequireMasksonCampusinUSGReversal.”TheRedandBlack,July6,2020.https://www.redandblack.com/uganews/uga-to-Jacqueline.“UGAClassesWon'tbeAuditedbyUSGtoSeeIfInstructionisIn-Person,Says.”TheRedandBlack,September1,2020.https://www.redandblack.com/uganews/uga-S.Jack,andRahulShrivastav.“InitialGuidelinesforFallSemesterInstruction.”CoronavirusResponse.UniversityofGeorgia,June23,2020.https://coronavirus.uga.edu/2020/06/23/Eduardo.“Georgia’sUniversitySystemWillNotRenameBuildingswithTiestoTheNewYorkTimes,November23,2021.https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/23/us/georgia-Review.”UniversitySystemofGeorgia,2021.ShailendraPoliticalCampaignContributions.”CampaignMoney,2020.Eric,emailcommunicationwiththeauthor,March2,2022.Eric,andGregBluestein.“Kemp'sLatestShufflingofRegentsCouldClearWayforPerduetoBecomeChief.”TheAtlantaJournal-Constitution,January30,2022.https://www.Eric,andGregBluestein.“Kemp'sNewRegentsPicksCouldBoostPerdue'sBidtoGeorgiaSystem.”TheAtlantaJournal-Constitution,January12,2022.https://www.ajc.com/Eric.“GeorgiaBoardofRegentsApprovesChangestoitsPost-TenureReviewTheAtlantaJournal-Constitution,October14,2021.https://www.ajc.com/Eric.“GeorgiaRegentsNameSonnyPerdueChancellorofUniversitySystem.”TheJournal-Constitution,March1,2022.https://www.ajc.com/education/georgia-regents-name-Facts.”UniversitySystemofGeorgia.Accessed2022.StrategicPlan.”UniversitySystemofGeorgia.Accessed2022.Lucinda.“UGAProposesNamingNewResidenceHall,ScienceLibraryAfterBlackTheRedandBlack,December6,2021.https://www.redandblack.com/uganews/uga-
GEORGIA POLITICAL REVIEW | 47 Image Citations Faul. “University of Georgia Campuses with Student Housing.” Digital Image. Openverse. Accessed April 7, 2022. https://wordpress.org/openverse/image/393e8e7e-f209-4bbb-9a86“Grady’se4efa049c16a/.FrontLawn.” Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. October 21, DecemberTuten,Rigaud,_Modello_for_the_Portrait_of_Louis_XIV_in_Royal_Ceremonial_Robes_01.jpg.WikimediaRigaud,October“PersonMasks4USG.https://www.vecteezy.com/vector-art/4317842-horizontal-old-scroll-paper.“Horizontalhttps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Grady%27s_Front_Lawn.jpg.2015.OldScroll.”DigitalImage.Vecteezy.com.AccessedApril7,2022.TwitterPost.June2020.https://mobile.twitter.com/Masks4Usg/photo.StandingNeartheStairsPhoto.”Photograph.Unsplash.Auckland,NewZealand:10,2017.https://unsplash.com/photos/MYbhN8KaaEc.Hyacinthe.“ModelloforthePortraitofLouisXIVinRoyalCeremonialRobes.”Painting.Commons.AccessedApril7,2022.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hyacinthe_Bruce.“SonnyPerdueatRally.”Photograph.WikimediaCommons.Savannah,Georgia:1,2008.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Sonny_Perdue_at_rally.jpg.Ahmad,FarahZ.andUlrichBoser.“America'sLeakyPipelineforTeachersofColor:GettingMoreTeachersofColorintotheClassroom.”CenterforAmericanProgress.CenterforAmericanProgress.April30,2014.https://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED561065.Carver-Thomas,DesireeandLindaDarling-Hammond."WhyBlackWomenTeachersLeaveandWhatCanBeDoneAboutit",BlackFemaleTeachers(AdvancesinRaceandEthnicityinEducation,Vol.6),EmeraldPublishingLimited,(2017):159-184.https://doi.org/10.1108/S2051-231720170000006009.“ClarkeCounty,Athens,GA.”CivilRightsDataCollection.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://ocrdata.ed.gov/profile/9/district/28874/summary.Dilworth,MaryE.“HistoricallyBlackCollegesandUniversitiesinTeacherEducationReform.”TheJournalofNegroEducation81,no.2(2012):121–35.https://doi.org/10.7709/jnegroeducation.81.2.0121.Frank,ToyaJones,MarvinG.Powell,JeniceL.View,ChristinaLee,JayA.Bradley,andAsiaWilliams.“ExploringRacializedFactorstoUnderstandWhyBlackMathematicsTeachersConsiderLeavingtheProfession.”EducationalResearcher50,no.6(August2021):381–91.https://doi.org/10.3102/0013189X21994498.Gershenson,Seth,CassandraM.Hart,JoshuaHyman,ConstanceLindsay,andNicholasPapageorge.“TheLong-RunImpactsofSame-RaceTeachers,”November2018.https://doi.org/10.3386/w25254.Grissom,JasonA.,SarahE.Kabourek,andJennaW.Kramer.“ExposuretoSame-RaceorSame-EthnicityTeachersandAdvancedMathCourse-TakinginHighSchool:EvidencefromaDiverseUrbanDistrict.”TeachersCollegeRecord122,no.7(July2020):1–42.https://doi.org/10.1177/016146812012200709.“HighSchooltoTeacher(HSTT)Program.”TeachBoston.org.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://www.teachboston.org/hstt.Holt,StephenandSethGershenson.“TheImpactofTeacherDemographicRepresentationonStudentAttendanceandSuspensions.”IZADiscussionPaperNo.9554(December2015).https://ssrn.com/abstract=2708367.King,RyanandMarcSchindler.“ABetterPathForwardforCriminalJustice:ReconsideringPoliceinSchools.”Brookings.Brookings,March9,2022.https://www.brookings.edu/research/a-better-path-forward-for-criminal-justice-reconsidering-police-in-schools/.Shearer,Lee.“TeacherTurnoverdowninClarke.”OnlineAthens.AthensBanner-Herald,October8,2019.https://www.onlineathens.com/story/news/education/2019/10/08/teacher-turnover-down-in-clarke-county-schools/2580502007/.Steinberg,MatthewP.andLaurenSartain.“WhatExplainstheRaceGapinTeacherPerformanceRatings?EvidenceFromChicagoPublicSchools.”EducationalEvaluationandPolicyAnalysis43,no.1(March2021):60–82.https://doi.org/10.3102/0162373720970204.Terada,Youki.“WhyBlackTeachersWalkAway.”Edutopia.GeorgeLucasEducationalFoundation,March26,2021.https://www.edutopia.org/article/why-black-teachers-walk-away.“UgaFactBook:OfficeofInstitutionalResearch.”UniversityofGeorgia-OfficeofInstitutionalResearch.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://oir.uga.edu/factbook/.USDepartmentofEducation.“TheStateofRacialDiversityintheEducatorWorkforce,”2016.https://www2.ed.gov/rschstat/eval/highered/racial-diversity/state-racial-diversity-workforce.pdf.Winkler,AmberM.,JanieScull,andDaraZeehandelaar.“HowStrongAreU.S.TeacherUnions?AState-by-State-Ed.”FordhamInstitute.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED537563.pdf.TEACHING IN COMMUNITIES OF COLOR Text ImageCitationsCitations “Diversity Skins of Black Women and Man Cartoons.” Digital Image. Vecteezy.com. Accessed April 7, 2022. man-cartoons.https://www.vecteezy.com/vector-art/1760641-diversity-skins-of-black-women-andAMBIGUOUS AND DRACONIAN Text Citations Columbia University. “What Is Critical Race Theory, and Why Is Everyone Talking About It?”. Columbia News, July 1, 2021. https://news.columbia.edu/news/what-critical-race-theory-and-why-everyoneExec.talking-about-it-0OrderNo.13950. 2020. Georgia’s Funding Formula: Quality Basic Education (QBE) 20-2-161 O.C.G.A. https://oese.ed.gov/ Glickman,files/2021/08/Georgia-Basic-Education-Formula.pdfLawrenceB.“3TropesofWhiteVictimhood.” Cornell University, July 20, 2021. https://history. Gross,cornell.edu/news/3-tropes-white-victimhoodTerry.(Host).“FromSlaverytoSocialism, New Legislation Restricts What Teachers Can Discuss.” [Audio podcast episode]. In Fresh Air. NPR, February 3, 2022. political-battle-over-critical-race-theory.MorningSprunt,html.YorkSchuessler,S.B.thrilled/?sh=785b1d5d55a4the-far-right-is-flocking-to-these-alternate-social-media-apps---not-all-of-them-are-AreRay,action-permittededucation/chapter-193-f-pupil-safety-and-violence-prevention/section-193-f9-private-right-of-N.H.pushes-users-especially-conservative-users-echo-chambersChambers.”Newman,tennessee-school-board-bans-holocaust-comic-maus-by-art-spiegelman.htmlcondemnsMangan,JanuaryKimball,Publications.SawKahan,org/2022/02/03/1077878538/legislation-restricts-what-teachers-can-discusshttps://www.npr.DanM.,DavidA.Hoffman,DonaldBraman,DanieliEvans,andJeffreyJ.Rachlinski.“‘TheyaProtest’:CognitiveIlliberalismandtheSpeech-ConductDistinction.”2012.CornellLawFaculty400.https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/facpub/400Jesse.“U.S.isPolarizingFasterthanOtherDemocracies,StudyFinds.”BrownUniversity,21,2020.https://www.brown.edu/news/2020-01-21/polarizationDan.“TennesseeschoolboardbansHolocaustgraphicnovel‘Maus’–authorArtSpiegelmanthemoveas‘Orwellian’”.CNBC,January26,2022.https://www.cnbc.com/2022/01/26/Caroline.“Study:HowFacebookPushesUsers,EspeciallyConservativeUsers,IntoEchoUVAToday,November18,2020.https://news.virginia.edu/content/study-how-facebook-Rev.Stat.§193-F:9.https://casetext.com/statute/new-hampshire-revised-statutes/title-15-Siladitya.“TheFar-RightIsFlockingToTheseAlternateSocialMediaApps—NotAllOfThemThrilled.”Forbes,January14,2021.https://www.forbes.com/sites/siladityaray/2021/01/14/377.https://www.legis.ga.gov/api/legislation/document/20212022/203938Jennifer.“BansonCriticalRaceTheoryThreatenFreeSpeech,AdvocacyGroupSays.”NewTimes,November8,2021.https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/08/arts/critical-race-theory-bans.Barbara.“TheBrewingPoliticalBattleOverCriticalRaceTheory”[Audiopodcastepisode].InEdition.NPR,June29,2021.https://www.npr.org/2021/06/02/1001055828/the-brewingImage Citations Flour, Kristina. “Secret.” Photograph. Unsplash. January 6, 2017. https://unsplash.com/photos/BcjdbyKWquw. BANNING AND BURNING OUR CHILDREN'S BOOKS Text Citations Perez, Dalia, and Joe Ripley. “Forsyth Schools Banned Books.” 11Alive, January 31, 2022.
Image Citations “Protesting Megaphone Hand.” Digital Image. Pixabay. May 18, Stephens,https://pixabay.com/vectors/protesting-megaphone-hand-woman-3411685/.2018.Alexander.“Book.Burning.Fire.”Photograph.Unsplash.LosAngeles, California: August 4, 2021. https://unsplash.com/photos/Bl2tjfoBNv4. LIGHTS! CAMERA! POLITICS? Text Citations Barr, Jeremy. “Top Hollywood Execs Give Overwhelmingly to Democrats for Midterms.” The Hollywood Reporter, October
guides.libs.uga.edu/bannedbooks2021/2019list.Universityabout-race/2019/12/30/363bdf80-f01b-11e9-89eb-ec56cd414732_story.html.education/a-tale-of-two-schools-at-georgia-southern-a-book-burning-ignites-questions-anew-AboutBalingit,race-theory-in-statement/.education/board-of-education-says-forsyth-county-schools-does-not-and-will-not-teach-critical-RaceKerns,1-100-black-residents-out-of-forsyth-county-ga.NPR,Phillips,from-school-libraries/.(Dublin),Lewis,4bc9-9526-eafb56cb5f14.www.11alive.com/article/news/local/forsyth-board-of-education-banning-books/85-ce050fb1-1d8c-https://Peyton.“SenateBill226WouldRemove‘ObsceneItems’fromSchoolLibraries.”41WMGTFebruary2,2022.https://www.41nbc.com/senate-bill-226-would-remove-obscene-items-Patrick.“The'RacialCleansing'ThatDrove1100BlackResidentsOutOfForsythCounty,Ga.”September2016.https://www.npr.org/2016/09/15/494063372/the-racial-cleansing-that-drove-Sabrina.“BoardofEducationSaysForsythCountySchools'DoesNotandWillNotTeach'CriticalTheoryinStatement.”ForsythCountyNews,May27,2021.https://www.forsythnews.com/news/Moriah.“'ATaleofTwoSchools':AtGeorgiaSouthern,aBook-BurningIgnitesQuestionsAnewRace.”TheWashingtonPost,December30,2019.https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/Libraries,TheUniversityofGeorgia.BannedBooksDisplay2021:2010-2019List.https:// georgia-explained/.https://www.atlantamagazine.com/news-culture-articles/hollywoods-threatened-boycott-of-JuneWells,extraordinary-film-industry-georgians/columnists/david/.SaportaStepakoff,migration.html.https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/geographic-mobility/state-to-state-“State-to-Statesplit-heartbeat-bill/jWr5L1S5kooo7akOCkfzGM/.https://www.ajc.com/news/state--regional-govt--politics/ajc-poll-georgians-support-roe-wade-AtlantaPrabhu,than-ever-before-many-are-bringing-their-democratic-politics-with-them/.https://abc17news.com/politics/national-politics/2021/01/03/more-people-are-moving-to-georgia-Politics“Moresenate-dems-big-donors-for.https://thehill.com/blogs/in-the-know/593403-spielberg-jennifer-garner-mark-ruffalo-among-2022.”Kurtz,https://www.projectcasting.com/blog/news/georgia-hollywood-politics-film/.“How83m-haul.https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/327723-celebrity-donations-help-fuel-georgia-dems-Hagen,https://time.com/longform/hollywood-in-georgia/.theDockterman,political-donations-democrats-midterms-1151392/.https://www.hollywoodreporter.com/news/general-news/top-hollywood-execs-give-99-percent-2018.Eliana.“HowGeorgiaBecametheHollywoodoftheSouth:TIMEGoesBehindScenes.”TIMEMagazine,July2018.Lisa.“CelebrityDonationsHelpFuelGeorgiaDem's$8.3MHaul.”TheHill,April2017.theFilmIndustryTurnedGeorgiaBlue.”ProjectCasting,September2021.Judy.“Spielberg,JenniferGarner,MarkRuffaloAmongSenateDems'BigDonorsforTheHill,February2022.PeopleareMovingtoGeorgiathanEverBefore.ManyareBringingtheirDemocraticwiththem.”ABC17News,January2021.MayaT.“AJCPoll:StrongSupportforRoe;OpinionCloseron‘HeartbeatBill’.”TheJournal-Constitution,April2019.MigrationFlows.”UnitedStatesCensusBureau,2019.Jeffrey.“TheSecretSauceofGeorgia’sExtraordinaryFilmIndustry:Georgians.”Report,January2022.https://saportareport.com/the-secret-sauce-of-georgias-Myrydd.“Hollywood’s(Threatened)BoycottofGeorgia,Explained.”AtlantaMagazine,2019
Image Citations “2016 United States Senate Election in Georgia Results Map by County.” Map. Wikimedia Commons. November 10, 2016. commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2020%E2%80%9321_GA_US_Senate_special_runoff.svg.“2020–21in_Georgia_results_map_by_county.svg.https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:2016_United_States_Senate_election_GAUSSenateSpecialRunoff.”Map.WikimediaCommons.February24,2021.https://
Plan Takeover.”
CONTEMPT OF COP Text Citations Cha, Victor. “The Biden Boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics.” Center for Strategic and International Studies, January 18, 2022. business-40565119.“Southhttps://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/carter-announces-olympic-boycott.“Presidentolympic-truce.“Olympics2510_665401/2511_665403/202112/t20211208_10464208.html.People’s“ForeignParalympic%20Games.olympics#:~:text=Last%20December%2C%20the%20Biden%20administration,Winter%20Olympic%20and%20https://www.csis.org/analysis/biden-boycott-2022-beijing-winter-MinistrySpokespersonWangWenbin’sPressConference.”MinistryofForeignAffairsoftheRepublicofChina,December8,2021.https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xwfw_665399/Truce.”InternationalOlympicCommittee.AccessedFebruary22,2022.https://olympics.com/ioc/CarterAnnouncesOlympicBoycott.”History.com.A&ETelevisionNetworks,November16,2009.KoreaTourismHitbyChinaBan.”BBCNews,July11,2017.https://www.bbc.com/news/ Foster, Sean. “Still Life with Tractor.” Photograph. Unsplash. Blue Ridge, Georgia: March 24, 2022. Perkins,https://unsplash.com/photos/n8TPty37Cv0.Patrick.“UnionRallyinSanFrancisco, CA.” Photograph. Unsplash. July 12, 2021. “Strikehttps://unsplash.com/photos/BxywgkG8B5U.ActionAbstractIllustration.”DigitalImage. Freepik. Accessed April 7, htm#query=union%20labor&position=0&from_view=search.https://www.freepik.com/free-vector/strike-action-abstract-illustration_20892070.2022.
Accessed“PrincetonDrahos,Drahos,commission-districts/.AthensDowd,https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/commissioners-reject-fryes-redistricting-map/.Dowd,conservatives-plan-takeover/.https://flagpole.com/news/city-dope/2022/02/16/commissioners-plan-ahead-while-Chris.“CommissionersRejectFrye'sRedistrictingMap.”AthensPoliticsNerd,January25,2022.Chris.“GOP-ProposedCommissionDistrictsWouldAlterAthens'PoliticalLandscape.”PoliticsNerd,February21,2022.https://athenspoliticsnerd.com/republicans-propose-new-Alexander.InterviewwithCommissionerMelissaLink.Personal,February28.2022.Alexander.InterviewwithCommissionerTimDenson.Personal,February22,2022.GerrymanderingProject.”PrincetonUniversity.TheTrusteesofPrincetonUniversity.April6,2022.https://gerrymander.princeton.edu/.
BIPARTISAN-TRIP Caputo, Marc. “Why a Florida Congressman Invited a Notorious Alt-Right Troll to Sotu.” Politico, January 31, 2018. https://www.politico.com/story/2018/01/31/gaetz-florida-right-wing-troll-380577. Controlled Substances Act, 21 U.S.C. ch. 13 § 801 et seq. (1970) Friedersdorf, Conor. “Purity Politics Makes Nothing Happen.” The Atlantic, July 29, y-2/.https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2021/11/09/beyond-red-vs-blue-the-political-typologDemocrats“Thehttps://www.texastribune.org/2021/04/13/veterans-ptsd-psychedelics-texas/.PTSDSvitek,cortez-explains-what-democratic-socialism-means-2019-3.MeansStickles,chedelic-substances-do-not.https://thehill.com/hilltv/what-americas-thinking/556304-poll-65-percent-of-voters-say-psyMedicalSchulte,JournalOutcomesNoller,https://doi.org/10.1124/pr.115.011478.Nichols,1025–33.Randomized,KellyMitchell,https://www.inverse.com/mind-body/psychedelic-drug-research-alexandria-ocasio-cortez.2021.MacBride,election/2020/8/26/21402054/trump-biden-opioid-epidemic-drug-overdoses.withLopez,gions-influence-is-waning-but-differ-in-their-reactions/.https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/11/15/republicans-and-democrats-agree-reliTheirLipka,an-change-your-politics-or-religion/.https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/theres-no-good-evidence-that-psychedelics-corJohnson,https://www.nytimes.com/2021/11/11/health/veterans-psychedelics-ptsd-depression.html.Drugs.”Jacobs,https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0214377Ayahuasca,ExperiencesSubjectiveGriffiths,https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/07/praise-impure-alliances/614695/.2020.R.R.,Hurwitz,E.S.,Davis,A.K.,Johnson,M.W.,&Jesse,R.(2019).“Surveyof‘GodEncounterExperiences’:ComparisonsAmongNaturallyOccurringandthoseOccasionedbytheClassicPsychedelicsPsilocybin,LSD,orDMT.”PloSOne,14(4),e0214377.Andrew.“VeteransHaveBecomeUnlikelyLobbyistsinPushtoLegalizePsychedelicTheNewYorkTimes,November11,2021.MatthewW.“There'sNoGoodEvidenceThatPsychedelicsCanChangeYourPoliticsReligion.”ScientificAmerican,November5,2020.Michael.“RepublicansandDemocratsAgreeReligion'sInfluenceIsWaning,butDifferinReactions.”PewResearchCenter,May30,2020.German.“TrumpFailedontheOpioidCrisisandDemocratsAreLettingHimGetAwayIt.”Vox,August26,2020.https://www.vox.com/2020-presidential-Katie.“WhyAOCIsanAdvocateforPsychedelicDrugResearch.”Inverse,July23,JenniferM.,MichaelBogenschutz,AliaLilienstein,CharlotteHarrison,SarahKleiman,Parker-Guilbert,MarcelaOt’aloraG.,etal.“MDMA-AssistedTherapyforSeverePTSD:ADouble-Blind,Placebo-ControlledPhase3Study.”NatureMedicine27,no.6(2021):https://doi.org/10.1038/s41591-021-01336-3.DavidE.“Psychedelics.”PharmacologicalReviews68,no.2(2016):264–355.GeofferyE.,ChrisM.Frampton,andBerraYazar-Klosinski.“IbogaineTreatmentforOpioidDependencefromaTwelve-monthFollow-upObservationalStudy.”AmericanofDrugandAlcoholAbuse.(2018).44(1):37-46.doi:10.1080/00952990.2017.1310218.Gabriela.“Poll:65PercentofVotersSayPsychedelicSubstancesDoNotHaveUse.”TheHill,June1,2021.Nisha.“Exclusive:AlexandriaOcasio-CortezExplainsWhatDemocraticSocialismtoHer.”BusinessInsider,March4,2019.https://www.businessinsider.com/alexandria-ocasio-Patrick.“RickPerryReturnstotheTexasCapitoltoPitchStudyofPsychedelicDrugsforinVeterans.”TheTexasTribune,April14,2021.PoliticalTypology:InPolarizedEra,DeepDivisionsPersistwithinCoalitionsofBothandRepublicans.”PewResearchCenter,January24,2022.
“Commissioners Plan Ahead While
LET THE GAMES BEGIN Image Citations “Handcuffs.” Digital Image. Pixabay. Accessed April 7, 2022. https://pixabay.com/vectors/handcuffsRodgerson,cuffs-arrest-law-308897/.Scott.“BlueBMW Car in a Dark Room.” Photograph. Unsplash. December 16, 2020. https:// unsplash.com/photos/ffH_GkINfyY. Text Citations Pasquini, Phil. “Washington, D.C. March 17 2021 - Uyghur Activists.” Photograph. Shutterstock. March 17, 2021. vector/torch-flame-olympic-games-tokyo-2021-1044981103.“Torchhttps://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/washington-dc-march-17-2021-uyghur-1938557683.Flame.”DigitalImage.Shutterstock.AccessedApril7,2022.https://www.shutterstock.com/imageImage Citations 48
Abbott, Sam.
Text ImageCitationsCitations
INVESTING IN OUR FUTURE Text Citations
LABOR IN THE SOUTH Text Citations Catt, Mary. “ILR School Tracks Scope of 2021 US Labor Unrest.” Cornell Chronicle, February 22, 2022. DeSantis,https://news.cornell.edu/stories/2022/02/ilr-school-tracks-scope-2021-us-labor-unrest.John."TracinganAtrocity:HowanObscureAffidavitintheNationalArchivesUnraveled a Historical Mystery." Prologue Magazine 49, no. 2 (2017): 43-52. Accessed from https://www.archives. Elk,gov/publications/prologue/2017/summer/thibodaux.Mike.“CanUnionsRebuildtheLaborMovementin the US South.” The Guardian, April 28, publications/private-sector-unions-corporate-legal-erosion/.Unions.”Mishel,Washington,Maize,in-atlanta/MHA4DSJSFJFTZPBWNER5PTVNHE/.JanuaryKanell,com/business/2008/12/how-foreign-car-factories-have-transformed-the-american-south.html.Gross,https://uniontrack.com/blog/labor-american-south.Green,EvangelicalFones-Wolf,https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/apr/28/unions-us-south-fight-for-15-labor-movement.2017.ElizabethA.,andKenFones-Wolf.StrugglefortheSoulofthePostwarSouth:WhiteProtestantsandOperationDixie.UniversityofIllinoisPress,2015.Ken.“WhyOrganizedLaborStrugglesintheAmericanSouth.”UnionTrack,January28,2020.Daniel.“BigThree,Meetthe‘LittleEight.’”MoneyBox,Slate,December13,2008.https://slate.Michael.“EfforttoUnionizeStarbucksTakesRootsinAtlanta.”TheAtlantaJournal-Constitution,31,2022.https://www.ajc.com/news/atlanta-news/effort-to-unionize-starbucks-takes-root-KennedyP."Labor'sSouthernStrategy."InEditorialResearchReports1978,vol.I,221-40.DC:CQPress,1978.http://library.cqpress.com/cqresearcher/cqresrre1978032400.Lawrence,LynnRhineheart,andLaneWindham.“ExplainingtheErosionofPrivate-SectorEconomicPolicyInstitute,November18,2020.https://www.epi.org/unequalpower/ Image Citations Dillman, Mark. “Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.” Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. July 20, 2018. https:// gageskidmore/6266100998.Skidmore,gageskidmore/50041874718.Skidmore,commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Alexandria_Ocasio-Cortez_July_2018_(cropped2).jpg.Gage.“MattGaetz.”Photograph.Flickr.June23,2020.https://www.flickr.com/photos/Gage.“RickPerry.”Photograph.Flickr.October19,2011.https://www.flickr.com/photos/Image Citations “Group of Pupils with Female School Teacher.” Digital Image. Freepik. Accessed April 7, htm#query=childcare&position=1&from_view=search.https://www.freepik.com/free-vector/group-pupils-with-female-school-teacher_7732626.2022.
“Child Care Is Essential for Working Parents, but Is the Industry Ready and Safe to Reopen?” Equitable Growth. July 16, 2020.
features/2021-11-18/biden-s-build-back-better-wants-to-save-america-s-child-care-business.Bloomberg.Suddath,articles/2021-10-09/child-care-crisis-keeps-u-s-women-out-of-workforce-for-longer.Bloomberg.com.Smith,stateline/2022/01/12/federal-aid-is-propping-up-child-care-it-isnt-a-long-term-fix.CharitableQuinton,default/files/EarlyEd_Minis_Report6_121420_Final.pdf?platform=hootsuite.Chamber“Piecinglegacy-on-early-childhood-education.https://www.usnews.com/opinion/knowledge-bank/articles/2017-01-13/obamas-leaves-a-lasting-Mead,affordable-child-care/.Progress.Malik,child-care/.Care.”OctoberMeganKatherinechildcare-a-must-have-not-a-women-s-issue.html.Hamm,2015.Grose,article/the-importance-of-preschool-and-child-care-for-working-mothers/.WorkingGlynn,once-in-a-generation-opportunity-to-fix-it/.Oxfam.Endara,urbanchildinstitute.org/why-0-3/child-care.government-funding/.CBS“CanACSworking-parents-but-is-the-industry-ready-and-safe-to-reopen/.https://equitablegrowth.org/child-care-is-essential-for-2019(5-YearEstimates)(SE),ACS2019(5-YearEstimates),SocialExplorer;U.S.CensusBureauWeFixAmerica'sChildCareCrisis?StatesImplementSolutionstoAvertDisaster.”CBSNews.Interactive.October20,2021.https://www.cbsnews.com/news/child-care-facilities-“ChildCare.”n.d.UrbanChildInstitute.AccessedMarch1,2022.http://www.Elizabeth.“ChildCareIsinCrisis-WeHaveaOnce-in-a-GenerationOpportunitytoFixIt.”August16,2021.https://www.oxfamamerica.org/explore/stories/care-is-in-crisiswe-have-a-SarahJane,JaneFarell,andNancyWu.“TheImportanceofPreschoolandChildCareforMothers.”CenterforAmericanProgress.May14,2018.https://www.americanprogress.org/Jessica.“ObamaDeclaresChildCare‘AMustHave.’”SlateMagazine.Slate.January21,https://slate.com/human-interest/2015/01/state-of-the-union-president-obama-declares-Katie,AllegraBaider,CatherineWhite,GallagherRobbins,CathySarri,Stockhausen,andNinaPerez.“America,It'sTimetoTalkAboutChildCare.”CaseforChildcare.2019.https://caseforchildcare.org/2020CaseForChildCare.pdf.“ImportanceofQualityChildFirst5LosAngeles.August6,2020.https://www.first5la.org/article/importance-of-quality-Rasheed.“GrowingtheEconomythroughAffordableChildCare.”CenterforAmericanOctober25,2017.https://www.americanprogress.org/article/growing-economy-Sara.“Obama'sLeavesaLastingLegacyonEarlyChildhood”U.S.News.January13,2017.TogetherSolutions:TheImportanceofChildcaretoU.S.FamiliesandBusinesses”2020.U.S.ofCommerceFoundation.December2020.https://www.uschamberfoundation.org/sites/Sophie.“FederalAidIsProppingupChildCare.ItIsn'taLong-TermFix.”ThePewTrusts.January12,2022.https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/blogs/Molly,andJillRShah.“Child-CareCrisisKeepsU.S.WomenOutofWorkforceforLonger.”Bloomberg.October9,2021.https://www.bloomberg.com/news/Claire.“HowChildCareBecametheMostBrokenBusinessinAmerica.”Bloomberg.com.November18,2021.https://www.bloomberg.com/news/
Aued, Blake. Conservatives Flagpole, February 16, 2022.
BBC News.
Image Citations Greenhill, Jim. “Saudi Arabian and U.S. Flags.” Photograph. Flickr. November 27, 2016. https:// Kropf,www.flickr.com/photos/chiefngb/31399413301.Philippe.“BombedHigherEducationalFacility in Sa’ada (Vocational Training College).” Photograph. Flickr. August 5, 2015. https://www.flickr.com/photos/136102267@N08/23322640602/in/photostream/.Benjamin,Medea,andNicolasJ.S.Davies. “In Yemen and Beyond, U.S. Arms Manufacturers Are Abetting Crimes against Humanity.” Foreign Policy In Focus. FPIF, February 17, 2021. www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-yemen-us-arms-2017-story.html.theZavis,khashoggis-murder-help-end-the-ghastly-war-in-yemen.NewWright,2017.Thrall,2022.Marcetic,profound-18698.nationalinterest.org/feature/blowback-americas-disastrous-policy-yemen-will-be-TheHorton,2021.ArmsKinsella,feature/give-saudi-arabia-take-it-or-leave-it-deal-37902.Interest,Goldberg,arabia-523915.DecemberDesiderio,aug/19/us-supplied-bomb-that-killed-40-children-school-bus-yemen.GuardianBorger,org/in-yemen-and-beyond-u-s-arms-manufacturers-are-abetting-crimes-against-humanity/.https://fpif.Julian.“USSuppliedBombThatKilled40ChildrenonYemenSchoolBus.”TheGuardian.NewsandMedia,August19,2018.https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/Andrew.“SenateBacksBidenAdminWeaponsSaletoSaudiArabia.”POLITICO,8,2021.https://www.politico.com/news/2021/12/07/senate-biden-saudi-Ilan,andKaleighThomas.“GiveSaudiArabiaaTakeItorLeaveItDeal.”TheNationalTheCenterfortheNationalInterest.December6,2018.https://nationalinterest.org/DavidTodd,"StabilityandInstabilityinThirdWorldSecurityComplexes:theRoleofTransfers.”PoliticalScienceFacultyPublicationsandPresentations.AccessedMarch15,https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/polisci_fac/1.Michael.“BlowbackfromAmerica'sDisastrousPolicyinYemenWillBeProfound.”NationalInterest.TheCenterfortheNationalInterest,December12,2016.https://Branko.“HowWeCanEndtheSaudis'WarinYemen.”Jacobin.AccessedMarch8,https://www.jacobinmag.com/2018/10/saudi-arabia-khashoggi-yemen-war.A.Trevor.“WhyTrump'sSaudiArmsDealIsaBumDealforAmerica.”Newsweek.June8,https://www.newsweek.com/why-trumps-saudi-arms-deal-bum-deal-623186.Robin.“WillJamalKhashoggi'sMurderHelpEndtheGhastlyWarinYemen?”TheYorker.November2,2018.https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/will-jamal-Alexandra,andZaydAhmed.“U.S.ArmsSoldtoSaudisAreKillingCiviliansinYemen.NowTrumpAdministrationIsSettoSellThemMore.”LosAngelesTimes.June13,2017.https:// Image Citations SAVIOR OR DICTATOR? Text Citations Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia. "Arab Spring." Encyclopedia Britannica, January 27, 2021. “Thehttps://www.britannica.com/event/Arab-Spring.ArabSpringinEgypt.”ReligionandPublicLife. Harvard Divinity School. Accessed February 26, 2022. “Christianshttps://rpl.hds.harvard.edu/faq/arab-spring-egypt.FleeNorthSinaiViolence.”TIMEP.TahrirInstitutefor Middle East Policy, March 7, 2017. “Ahttps://timep.org/commentary/analysis/christians-flee-north-sinai-violence/.DangerousDeterioration:EgyptUnderAl-Sisi.”POMED.ProjectonMiddleEast Democracy,
“Egypt:https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-19256730.AThirdofPopulationLivesinPoverty.”VOANews.VOA, sisi-reproduce-authoritarianism-in-egypt/?lang=en.Arabi.Tonsy,html?mtrref=www.google.com&gwh=C6D1416E19028CAD93DF8529464E2BDD&gwt=pay.nytimes.com/2017/04/09/world/middleeast/explosion-egypt-coptic-christian-church.UndercutSamaan,POL1032022021ENGLISH.pdf.International,Rep.egypt/.30,Rep.morsi-execution-death-sentence-egypt.Row.”Kingsley,voanews.com/a/middle-east_egypt-third-population-lives-poverty/6172941.html.https://www.Patrick.“HowMohamedMorsi,Egypt'sFirstElectedPresident,EndeduponDeathTheGuardian,June1,2015.https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/jun/01/mohamed-2020CountryReportsonHumanRightsPractices:Egypt.U.S.DepartmentofState,March2021.https://www.state.gov/reports/2020-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/AmnestyInternationalReport2020/21:TheStateoftheWorld'sHumanRights.AmnestyApril7,2021.https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Magdy,andDeclanWalsh.“EgyptDeclaresStateofEmergency,asAttacksPromiseofSecurity.”NYTimes.TheNewYorkTimes,April9,2017.https://www.SaraTonsy,andAlyel-Raggal.“HowDidSisiReproduceAuthoritarianisminEgypt?”RowaqCairoInstituteforHumanRightsStudies,May20,2021.https://rowaq.cihrs.org/how-did-
Dialogue,Yovanoff,feature/2015/11/20/morocco-to-make-history-with-first-of-its-kind-solar-plant.Bank.Worldecuador-seeks-19-billion-private-power-generation-investment-2021-09-20/.Reuters.Valencia,news/2021/01/19/el-aromo-solar-project-sets-precedent-renewable-energy-ecuador.NACLA.Partridge,InternationalJebari,Renovables.“ElDevelopment),“Ecuadorend-violent-protests.14,Arnold,blogs/2021/09/chinas-renewable-energy-investment-in-latin-america/.TheAlbe,energy.https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20211115-how-morocco-led-the-world-on-clean-solar-2021.Ignacio,andSarahPhillips.“China'sRenewableEnergyInvestmentinLatinAmerica.”Dialogue.Inter-AmericanDialogue,September8,2021.https://www.thedialogue.org/Chris.“EcuadorReachesFuelSubsidyDealtoEndViolentProtests.”NPR.NPR,October2019.https://www.npr.org/2019/10/14/770104729/ecuador-reaches-fuel-subsidy-deal-to-EnergySectorAssessment.”USAID(UnitedStatesAgencyforInternationalMay2020.https://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PA00WQNF.pdf.Aromo-ProyectoFotovoltaico.”Proyectos.MinistriadeEnergiayRecursosNaturalesNoAccessedMarch29,2022.https://proyectos.recursosyenergia.gob.ec/aromo.php.Idriss.“PopulistLimitstoSubsidyReformsinMorocco.”CarnegieEndowmentforPeace,September16,2016.https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/64557.Tristan.“ElAromoSolarProjectSetsPrecedentforRenewableEnergyinEcuador.”NorthAmericanCongressonLatinAmerica,January19,2021.https://nacla.org/Alexandria.“EcuadorSeeks$1.9BillioninPrivatePowerGenerationInvestment.”ThomsonReuters,September20,2021.https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/BankGroup.“MoroccotoMakeHistorywithFirst-of-Its-KindSolarPlant.”WorldWorldBankGroup,November24,2015.https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/Jason.“China-LatinAmericaFinanceDatabases.”TheDialogue.Inter-AmericanMay6,2021.https://www.thedialogue.org/map_list/.“BlueSolarPanel.”Photograph.Piqsels.AccessedApril7,2022.https://www.piqsels.com/en/public-domain-photo-fespr.Horrell,Mark.“ChimborazofromtheSummitofCarihuairazo.”Photograph.Flickr.September22,2017.https://www.flickr.com/photos/markhorrell/37618925541.“MoroccoAfricaVillage.”Photograph.Pixabay.AccessedApril7,2022.https://pixabay.com/photos/morocco-africa-village-mountains-4030733/.June 2017.
RECKONING WITH A HISTORY OF CULTURAL APPROPRIATION Apstein, Stephanie. “Why Does MLB Still Allow Synchronized, Team-Sanctioned Racism in Atlanta?” Sports Illustrated. October 28, 2021. https://www.si.com/mlb/2021/10/28/atlanta“Atlantabraves-tomahawk-chop-daily-cover.BravesandtheNativeAmerican Community,” Braves.com. Accessed March 22, 2022. was-about-time-the-braves-axed-the-tomahawk-chop/SKbBW32Yf0VdP5EhTTeQXK/.AtlantaTorpy,1mo60fr4xcba3.sportingnews.com/us/mlb/news/tomahawk-chop-braves-chant-explained/1gnqgfc79vserBaseballSutelan,https://www.nytimes.com/1986/01/19/sports/sports-people-mascot-won-t-return.html.“SPORTSbetter/2021/10/15/0460719e-2d34-11ec-b17d-985c186de338_story.html.https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/letters-to-the-editor/the-braves-can-do-Guttman,chant-disappointing-disrespectful/article_4150156e-89ae-5e55-8e0d-7936eeef8ded.html.com/sports/baseball/professional/birdland/cardinals-rookie-helsley-calls-atlanta-s-chop-‘Disappointing,Gould,talks-braves-baseball-and-tomahawk/.November“Formernative-tribes-call-tomahawk-chop-inappropriate/7SHzrtpEHXuPdOP03xpz1N/.TheEdwards,https://www.mlb.com/braves/community/native-american-community.Johnny.“ChiefsofGeorgiaNativeTribesCallTomahawkChop‘Inappropriate.’”AtlantaJournal-Constitution.October13,2019.https://www.ajc.com/news/chiefs-georgia-ChiefNoc-A-HomaMascottalksBravesBaseballandTomahawk,”Archysport.13,2021.https://www.archysport.com/2021/11/former-chief-noc-a-homa-mascot-Derrick.“Cards'Helsley,aMemberofCherokeeNation,Calls‘Chop’ChantDisrespectful.’”St.LouisPost-Dispatch.October5,2019.https://www.stltoday.Alan.“Opinion:TheBravesCandoBetter.”WashingtonPost.October17,2021.PEOPLE;MascotWon'tReturn.”NewYorkTimes.January19,1986.Edward.“Braves'TomahawkChop,Explained:HowChantStartedandtheEfforttoRidof'Racist'Stereotypes,”TheSportingNews.October29,2021.https://www.Bill.“TorpyatLarge:WhyI’mNotSeeingRedAboutAxingtheTomahawkChop.”TheJournal-Constitution,October11,2019.https://www.ajc.com/news/local/torpy-largeText Citations “Axe.” Digital Image. Flaticon. Accessed April 7, 2022. https://www.flaticon.com/free-icon/ Newton,axe_1083303?related_id=1083303&origin=search.Jonathan.“AmericanIndiansProtestingthe Atlanta Braves.” Photograph. Georgia State University Library. April 1993. https://digitalcollections.library.gsu.edu/digital/collection/ajc/ Vilimek,id/182. Adam. “Baseball Stadium Under Roof View Fans.” Digital Image. Shutterstock. Accessed April 7, 2022. view-fans-476504581.https://www.shutterstock.com/image-illustration/baseball-stadium-under-roofImage Citations 49
0e82-402f-ac48-cc0206f1c923/files/59508a46-5ef3-40a7-ac7b-fbdf02147108.N.d.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2017/07/12/the-cfa-franc-french-monetary-imperialism-in-africa/.“Thenow-be-delayed-by-five-years.html.SeptemberSmith,france-backed-african-cfa-franc-works-as-an-enabler-and-barrier-to-development/.Development.”Signé,fr/mav/158/A/58507.“Opérationorg/10.6084/M9.FIGSHARE.12808835.V3.CrisisSovereignty.Nzaou-Kongo,2022.“Nigeriae5bn-to-bceao-as-part-of-cfa-franc-reform/.AfricaMieu,https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-41094094.Konkobo,the-eco-when-the-e-naira-and-e-cedi-launch/.DigitalKobo,central-africa-colonialism-monetary-policy-bitcoin/.AugustKeita,publications/wp/2019/f-vrier/france-still-exploiting-africa.“IsLeave?”Giles,JuneFeffer,issafrica.org/iss-today/economics-alone-isnt-holding-back-west-africas-eco.“Economicssymbolic-change-economist.RFI.Bagnetto,years-of-west-africa-cfa//.https://www.africanews.com/2020/05/21/france-ratifies-law-officially-ending-75-LauraAngela.“EndofCFAFrancinWestAfricaOnlya‘SymbolicChange’:Economist.”December22,2019.https://www.rfi.fr/en/africa/20191222-end-cfa-franc-west-africa-only-AloneIsn’tHoldingBackWestAfrica’sEco.”ISSAfrica.November20,2020.https://John,andKhadijaSharife.“ProppingupAfrica’sDictators-FPIF.”ForeignPolicyInFocus.22,2009.https://fpif.org/propping_up_africas_dictators/.Christopher,andJackGoodman.“AfricanMigration:IstheCFAFrancForcingPeopletoBBCNews,January25,2019.https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-46960532.FranceStillExploitingAfrica?”n.d.Ieri.Be.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://www.ieri.be/en/Mohamed,andAlexGladstein.“MacronIsn’tsoPost-ColonialafterAll.”ForeignPolicy.3,2021.https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/08/03/macron-france-cfa-franc-eco-west-Kingsley.“HopesforaWestAfricanSingleCurrencyFadeasGhanaandNigeriaLaunchMoney.”Quartz.December30,2021.https://qz.com/africa/2108317/what-happens-to-Lamine.“AfricanProtestsovertheCFA‘ColonialCurrency.’”BBCNews,August30,2017.Baudelaire.“FranceBeginsTransferof€5bntoBCEAOasPartofCFAFrancReform.”TheReport.May5,2021.https://www.theafricareport.com/85566/france-begins-transfer-of-IsOilDependent,NotOilRich.”n.d.CouncilonForeignRelations.AccessedMarch20,https://www.cfr.org/blog/nigeria-oil-dependent-not-oil-rich.Aubin,andMarceleauBiankola-Biankola.“InternationalLawandMonetaryTheCurrentProblemsoftheInternationalMasteryoftheCFAFrancandtheofSovereignEquality.”AfricanReviewofLawandCriticalThinking.figshare.https://doi.«Persil».”LeMondediplomatique.April1,2018.https://www.monde-diplomatique.Landry.“HowtheFrance-BackedAfricanCFAFrancWorksasanEnablerandBarriertoBrookings.December7,2019.https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/how-the-Elliot.“WestAfrica’sNewCurrencyCouldNowBeDelayedbyFiveYears.”CNBC.29,2020.https://www.cnbc.com/2020/09/29/west-africas-new-currency-could-CFAFranc:FrenchMonetaryImperialisminAfrica|.”AfricaatLSE.July12,2017.https://blogs.Gouv.Fr.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://www.tresor.economie.gouv.fr/Articles/06d54ebb-
Went Big on
Energy.” BBC Future. BBC, November 18,
7, 2017. https://
THE FUTURE OF THE CFA FRANC SIGHTING SOLAR YEMEN'S FOREVER CRISIS “Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi.” Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. September 4, 2017. Modified by Elena Gregory. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:AbdelFattah_Elsisi.jpg Image Citations Text Citations AfricaNews. “France Ratifies Law Officially Ending 75 Years of West Africa CFA.” Africanews. May 21, 2020.
“Egypt President Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi: Ruler with an Iron Grip.” BBC, 2020.
July 30, 2019.
Text Citations
“Ahmed Sékou Touré.” Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. “Flag-Mapwikimedia.org/wiki/File:Ahmed_S%C3%A9kou_Tour%C3%A9_1962.jpg.ofWestAfricanCFA.”DigitalImage.WikimediaCommons.May vecteezy.com/vector-art/1268023-gold-coins-explosion.“Goldcommons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Flag-map_of_West_African_CFA_franc.svg.CoinsExplosion.”DigitalImage.Vecteezy.com.AccessedApril8,2022.https://www. Aida. “How Morocco Solar
Image Citations Text Citations Alami,
December 1,
November 20, 1962. https://commons.
https://pomed.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Ashraf_QA_FINAL.pdf.
Barrasso, Justin. “Matt Barnes Opens up about Racism, Donald Sterling Scandal.” Sports Illustrated. Sports Illustrated, May 17, 2020. https://www.si.com/nba/2020/05/17/matt-barnes-donald-sterling“Insideblackballed.theHectic Hours around a Historic NBA Boycott.” ESPN. ESPN Internet Ventures, August 27, 2020.
Text ImageCitationsCitations Lawver, Kevin. “Jittery Joe’s Mirror.” Photograph. Openverse. Accessed April 7, 2022. https://wordpress. Shibbia.org/openverse/image/a30bd0e6-cfa9-480c-b684-8e69d8cf48cb.“JeffMangum.”Photograph.Openverse.AccessedApril7,2022. https://wordpress.org/ openverse/image/6f95b332-a07b-48b1-a2a0-b03d8adfa481/. Text ImageCitationsCitations “Scheme of Basketball Game on Chalkboard.” Digital Image. Shutterstock. Accessed April 7, 2022. shutterstock.com/image-vector/vector-illustration-basketball-team-41739715.“Vectorbackground-1290406435.https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/scheme-basketball-game-on-chalkboard-IllustrationBasketballTeam.”DigitalImage.Shutterstock.AccessedApril7,2022.https://www. NONAME
Text Citations “American Football Field.” Digital Image. Shutterstock. Accessed April 7, 2022. https://www.shutterstock. id=2971979&origin=search.icon/rugby-ball_2971979?term=football&page=1&position=28&page=1&position=28&related_“Rugby“Createcom/image-photo/american-football-field-grass-493321462.aPieChart.”Meta-Chart.AccessedApril7,2022.https://www.meta-chart.com/pie#/display.Ball.”DigitalImage.Flaticon.AccessedApril7,2022.https://www.flaticon.com/freeImage Citations LIVE AT JITTERY JOE'S THE DONALD STERLING SCANDAL Clark, T. Jeff Mangum, the Salinger of indie rock. Slate Magazine, February 26, 2008. https://slate. Clark,com/culture/2008/02/jeff-mangum-the-salinger-of-indie-rock.htmlT.NeutralMilkHotel'sonAveryIslandat25:WhyI'mgladJeffMangum disappeared. Consequence, March 25, 2021. https://consequence.net/2021/03/neutral-milk-hotels-on-averyJeffisland-at-25/Mangum Live at Jittery Joe's, by Jeff Mangum. Orange Twin Records. Retrieved March 20, 2022.
THE LEAGUE'S WORST KEPT SECRET Bell, J. Jon “Gruden Rule? NFL Makes Changes to Rooney Rule in Light of Raiders' Process.” USA Today. December 13, 2018.
clippers-owner-donald-sterling-banned-for-life-from-nba-for-racist-remarks.BleacherZucker,boycotts%20and,game%20against%20the%20Orlando%20Magic.basketball/nba-boycott-bucks-magic-blake-shooting.html#:~:text=The%20wave%20of%20Times.Stein,owner-black-people-racist-audio-magic-johnson/.MagicStaff,when-donald-sterling-saga-rocked-nba-changed-forever.ESPN.Shelburne,milwaukee-bucks-boycott-nba-playoff-game-orlando-magic-jacob-blake.Guardian“NBAtimeline-of-the-donald-sterling-saga/371868/.Company,Mosendz,html.YorkMorales,45c4dffb85a6_story.html.changes-to-los-angeles-basketball-and-the-nba/2014/04/30/ac546e94-d0a0-11e3-a6b1-washingtonpost.com/sports/wizards/over-four-days-the-donald-sterling-story-led-to-seismic-BasketballMaese,https://www.espn.com/nba/story/_/id/29750724/inside-hectic-hours-historic-nba-boycott.Rick.“OverFourDays,theDonaldSterlingStoryLedtoSeismicChangestoLosAngelesandtheNBA.”TheWashingtonPost.WPCompany,April30,2014.https://www.Christina.“WhatWeKnowabouttheShootingofJacobBlake.”TheNewYorkTimes.TheNewTimes,September10,2020.https://www.nytimes.com/article/jacob-blake-shooting-kenosha.Polly.“ACompleteTimelineoftheDonaldSterlingSaga.”TheAtlantic.AtlanticMediaMay30,2014.https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2014/05/a-complete-JoinedbyMLBTeamsinBoycotttoProtestPoliceShootingofJacobBlake.”TheGuardian.NewsandMedia,August27,2020.https://www.theguardian.com/sport/2020/aug/26/Ramona.“WhentheDonaldSterlingSagaRockedtheNBA--andChangedItForever.”ESPNInternetVentures,August20,2019.https://www.espn.com/nba/story/_/id/27414482/TMZ.“ClippersOwnerDonaldSterlingtoGF--Don'tBringBlackPeopletoMyGames...IncludingJohnson.”TMZ.TMZ,May13,2019.https://www.tmz.com/2014/04/26/donald-sterling-clippers-Marc.“LedbyN.B.A.,BoycottsDisruptproSportsinWakeofBlakeShooting.”TheNewYorkTheNewYorkTimes,August26,2020.https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/26/sports/Joseph.“ClippersOwnerDonaldSterlingBannedforLifefromNBAforRacistRemarks.”Report.BleacherReport,September26,2017.https://bleacherreport.com/articles/2042902-Coleman, C. Vernon. “Noname
Says She Won't Keep Performing for Predominantly White Crowds, Will Quit Rap.” XXL Mag. November 30, 2019. https://www.xxlmag.com/noname-white“Digitalcrowds-quit-rap/.Commons - Wayne State University.” Wayne State University Dissertations. January 1, 2014. Twitter.https://genius.com/Noname-casket-pretty-lyrics.“Noname“Nasmusic-black-culture-appropriation.html.NewMorris,https://genius.com/Kendrick-lamar-maad-city-lyrics.“Kendrick22,“Kendrickhttps://genius.com/Kanye-west-gorgeous-lyrics.“KanyeGenius.“Hi-Tekmodern-america-ethnicity/.EthnicityGötting,https://digitalcommons.wayne.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2112&context=oa_dissertations.MarieCharlotte.“PublicOpiniononMusicGenresWhichRepresentAmericaTodayby2018.”Statista.March14,2022.https://www.statista.com/statistics/864610/music-genre-(Ft.BustaRhymes,Common,JDilla,MarshaAmbrosius&Nas)–MusicforLife.”AccessedMarch20,2022.https://genius.com/Hi-tek-music-for-life-lyrics.West(Ft.KidCudi&Raekwon)–Gorgeous.”Genius.AccessedMarch20,2022.LamarStopsWhiteFanUsingN-WordonStageatConcert.”BBCNews.BBC,May2018.https://www.bbc.com/news/newsbeat-44209141.Lamar(Ft.MCEiht)–M.A.A.DCity.”Genius.AccessedMarch20,2022.Wesley.“WhyIsEveryoneAlwaysStealingBlackMusic?”TheNewYorkTimes.TheYorkTimes,August14,2019.https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/08/14/magazine/–Represent.”Genius.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://genius.com/Nas-represent-lyrics.–CasketPretty.”Genius.AccessedMarch20,2022.AccessedMarch20,2022.https://twitter.com/noname. Text Citations Citations in this issue 50 COVER “Torn Paper.” Digital Image. Stockvault. February 15, 2017. https://www.stockvault.net/photo/222781/ Universitytorn-paper#.System of Georgia. Twitter Post. May 14, 2019, https://twitter.com/BORUSG/status/1128371171412652033?s=20&t=VqqIZ_f_tcznb9RJS74jWw.2:47pm.
miamiherald.com/sports/nfl/miami-dolphins/article257961213.htmlRivera,in-2021com/changing-america/respect/diversity-inclusion/584291-wnba-earns-high-marks-for-diversity-Migdon,com/nfl/story/_/id/27964505/the-nfl-racial-gender-report-cardLapchick,rule-hiring-jon-gruden-head-coach2018.Gutierrez,naH0wqM_B_zqKZ-An-ZeOk9DLvWiTmhKRKJ2Ib7g5iID52yE5QF-UgpsLlUDX7-zSELf787KjMNlmBfyLcZOwIraVPC4l5wet1KDnY78Fz7Ooue0eyKL9kw5DVaJDBs1yvBQNLtA4rqpTdEE9W6dv28referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAErXrVpOzVwo-LJZnvndbaddressing-brian-flores-lawsuit-there-is-much-work-to-do-162144805.html?guccounter=1&guce_Do'.”Cwik,minority-coaches-oakland-raiders-jon-gruden/2291764002/https://www.usatoday.com/story/sports/nfl/2018/12/12/nfl-rooney-rule-C.“RogerGoodellSendsMemoAddressingBrianFloreslawsuit:'ThereisMuchWorktoYahoo!Sports.February5,2022.https://sports.yahoo.com/roger-goodell-sends-memo-P.John“WootenDecriesNFL'sRulingthatRaidershonoredRooneyRule.”ESPN.January19,https://www.espn.com/nfl/story/_/id/22154540/nfl-says-oakland-raiders-complied-rooney-R.“TheNFLRacialandGenderReportCard.”ESPN.October30,2019.https://www.espn.B.“WNBAEarnsHighMarksforDiversityin2021.”TheHill.December3,2021.https://thehill.J.“Lawyersaysthere’s‘CorroboratingEvidence’Dolphins.”February1,2022.https://www.gave-indie-music-a-new-voice-in-in-the-aeroplane-over-the-seaReviews,Yadav,https://www.avclub.com/how-did-the-neutral-milk-hotel-legend-get-so-out-of-han-1798247155Winkie,aeroplane-over-the-sea-became-a-polarizing-cult-classic/Pitchfork,Richardson,allmusic.com/album/live-at-jittery-joes-mw0000012865Livelive-at-jittery-joes/LeMay,https://orangetwinrecords.bandcamp.com/album/jeff-mangum-live-at-jittery-joesM.LiveatJitteryJoe's.Pitchfork,June9,2021.https://pitchfork.com/reviews/albums/5070-atJitteryJoe's-JeffMangum:Songs,reviews,credits.AllMusic,December31,1969.https://www.M.Howneutralmilkhotel'sintheaeroplaneovertheseabecameapolarizingcultclassic.February15,2018.https://pitchfork.com/features/article/how-neutral-milk-hotels-in-the-L.Howdidtheneutralmilkhotellegendgetsooutofhand?TheA.V.Club,May11,2016.D.NeutralMilkHotelgaveindiemusicanewvoicein"intheaeroplaneoverthesea".ImmortalDecember17,2017.http://www.immortalreviews.com/home/2017/12/7/neutral-milk-hotel-
www.spia.uga.edu Political IScience nternational Affairs Public Administration and Policy
This is oxford.uga.eduUGA ® Junemester,FacultyOxfordFall,Spring,&Summer FinancialExistingUseAid TutorialUniqueOxfordClasses In-StateTuitionBelong to anOverCollegeOxford100Courses CreditUGA
