Landmarks 2025

CoverArtbyMioSugiura

Thecoverartforthisissueisinspiredbyitsthreeorganizingthemes.Featuringacollection ofhandswhichtogetherformtheoutlineofthephysicallandof“NorthAmerica”,thepiece speakstothearbitrarynatureofbordersandchallengesthedisconnectionbetweenland andculturewhichbordersoftencreate.ThehandsarealsointendedtohonourIndigenous lifewaysandknowledgethroughrepresentingtheinseparableandindivisiblerelationship betweenlandandpeople(asapartofland),andrecognitionoflandasaliveratherthanas resource.Thehandsthemselvesalsoseektoreflectthephysicalgeographyofthelandina waydi!erentthanintraditionalmaps:knucklesfortheRockies,flatpalmsfortheplains, andacuppedhandforHudsonBay.

Landmarks

TheJournalofUndergraduateGeography

Volume10(2025)

ManagingEditor

JaneYearwood

Editors-in-Chief

JaniceWalder

Youjia(Avila)Zhang

EditorialBoard

SnehaBansal

TaliaFrockt

MuznaMian

MargadSukhbaatar

IsabelThompson

LeilaVessey

VanessaWiltshire

Contributors

AnnaAngelIzemengia

NiamhEllwood

NatalieHeiChingChan

SandraGlozshtein

PolinaGorn

EmmanuelPasternak

LukaPilasanovic

JaniceWalder

VanessaWiltshire

KaedanYu

SpecialThanksTo

ProfessorPaulHess

TheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS)

Editors’Notes

JaniceWalder,JaneYearwood,andYoujia(Avila)Zhang

DemonizationandDispossession:Anti-IndigenousSpiritualNarrativesin 17thCenturyVirginia

TourismandtheColonialImaginary:IndigenousDispossessioninMuskoka

Land,Sovereignty,andFrontier:HowtheLouisianaPurchaseCatalyzed ManifestDestinyandIndigenousDispossession

TheImpactsofRiver/LakeIceontheCanadianArctic KaedanYu

TheSvalbardGlobalSeedVault:A‘Noah’sArk,’orSomethingMore Sinister?

Bikes,Weather,andtheCity:AStudyofToronto’sBikeShareRidership Patterns

WhyThereAreNoFeralCatsinT¨urkiye:CaseStudyofIstanbul

PolinaGorn

APrisonWithoutWalls:TheGeographyofTimeandtheImmobilization ofBlackMen

AnnaAngelIzemengia 85

NavigatingMisogynoirThroughEmotionalandEmbodiedKnowledge

VanessaWiltshire

Editors’Notes

TheEditorialBoardisproudtopresentthetenthvolumeof Landmarks:JournalofUndergraduateGeography.Thisyear’sissueemergesintheshadowofmountingglobalprecarity: theviolentdisplacementofPalestiniansinGaza;sweepingbillsacrossCanada,including BillC-5andC-2;massdeportationsacrosstheborder;escalatingclimatecrises;andthe riseofauthoritarianisminmanycornersoftheworld.Inthefaceofthesecompounding crises,geographyo!erstoolsnotonlytotracesystemsofpowerbuttoenvisionalternatives. Geographyo!ersalensthroughwhichtoimaginetheworldotherwise.

Thisyear’scontributionscoalescearoundthreeinterrelatedthemes:“Indigenous‘North America’”,“ThinkingwithLandscape,”and“MovingthroughtheCity”.Acrossthisvolume’spages,authorsinterrogatelandrights,landscapes,andmobilitytoo!ernewmapsof understandingthatarerootedinjustice,resistance,andhope.

Indigenous“NorthAmerica”

ThreearticlesinthissectionchallengethecolonialconstructionsofIndigenouslandsas spirituallyvacant,legallytransferable,andeconomicallyripeforexploitation.Oneexamines how17th-centuryEnglishcolonistsinVirginiausedreligiousrhetorictoportrayIndigenous spiritualpracticesasdemonic,fuellinganarrativethatlegitimizedviolentexpansion.Another traceshowtheriseofMuskoka’stourismindustry—alandscapefamiliartomanyOntarians—transformedAnishinaabeghomelandsintosettlerplaygrounds,framedasuntouched despitelonghistoriesofmigrationandstewardship.AthirdreadstheLouisianaPurchase notmerelyasalanddeal,butasalegalandideologicalactthatenabledManifestDestinyby erasingIndigenousgovernancefromthegeopoliticalrecord.Together,thesepiecesshowhow settlernarrativesworknotonlytoseizelandbutalsotoattempttooverwritetheworlds alreadypresent.

ThinkingwithLandscape

Thissectionexamineshowhumansocietiesshapeandareshapedbytheenvironmentsthey inhabit.OnearticleanalyzesriverandlakeicedynamicsintheCanadianArcticinthe contextofworseningclimatechangeandanthropogenicpressures.Anotherinterrogatesthe GlobalSeedVaultinSvalbardasanimaginarygeography:lessavaultofsalvationandmore atechnocraticmonumenttohighmodernism.AthirdrevisitsIreland’sbogs,exploringhow theseecologieshavebeenracialized,romanticized,andrenderedprofitablethroughcolonial histories.Together,thesearticlesunsettletheviewoflandscapesaspassiveorahistorical

andinsteadtracehowpower,memory,andideologyareembeddedinlanditself.

MovingThroughtheCity

Thisfinalsectionexploreshowurbanmovement,bothhumanandmore-than-human,is shapedbyinfrastructure:howitisallowed,controlled,limited,expanded,communal,and individual.OnearticleexaminesToronto’sBikeSharesystem,showinghowdi!erentfactors ofweather,geography,andaccessa!ectpatternsofmobility.Anotherfollowsthestreetlife offeralcatsinIstanbultochallengeassumptionsofdomesticationandcohabitation.And twopiecesreflectonhowrace,gender,andincarcerationlimitorimmobilizethemovement ofBlackbodiesacrossspaceandtime,throughpersonalreflectionandhistoricalanalysis.

Wehopethisissuechallenges,provokes,andinspires,andthatitreflectsthecommitment, creativity,andcourageofundergraduategeographersattheUniversityofToronto.

Workingonthisissuehasbeenadeeplycollaborativeandrewardingprocess.AsCo-Editors andManagingEditor,wearegratefulfortheintellectualgenerosityshownbyourediting teamandfortheauthorswhoentrusteduswiththeirwork.Specialthankstoourfaculty advisor,ProfessorPaulHess,andtheTorontoUndergraduateGeographySociety(TUGS) fortheirongoingsupport.Andmostimportantly,thankstotheDepartmentofGeography andPlanningattheUniversityofToronto,whichmadethisjournalpossible.

Sincerely,

JaniceWalder,JaneYearwood,andYoujia(Avila)Zhang (Alphabeticalbysurname)

Indigenous“NorthAmerica”

DemonizationandDispossession:Anti-Indigenous

SpiritualNarrativesin17thCenturyVirginia

EmmanuelPasternak

ThedemonizationofIndigenousbeliefsystemsbyEnglishcolonistsin17th-centuryVirginia wasakeydrivingforcebehindtheprocessesofIndigenousdispossessionanddislocation. ThisarticleexplorescolonialmethodsofdispossessioninVirginia,focusingonhowAngloSaxonreligiousstructuresinteractedwithIndigenousspiritualitytocreatenarrativesthat servedastoolsoflandseizureandculturalerasure.Byconsideringbothprimarysources fromtheaccountsofVirginiancolonialforcesandsecondarysourcestocontextualizethe historicalcircumstancesofcolonialproceedings,thisarticlearguesthatEnglishcolonists framedIndigenousspiritualityas‘immoral’and‘satanic’,fuelingthewidespreaddisplacement ofNortheastWoodlandtribes.ThesenarrativesbecameacentralfeatureofEnglishcolonial ideology,enablingsettlerexpansionandreducingIndigenouspeopleto‘satanicsavages’or ‘helpless’subjectsinneedofChristianguidance.Thearticlealsoinvitesreflectiononhowsuch narratives,whicharerootedinEnglishcolonialthought,continuetoinformourpresent-day understandingofreligionandspirituality,ultimatelyactingasmechanismsofdispossession.

Keywords: colonialism,dispossession,demonization,spirituality,religion,Anglo-Saxon, ColonyofVirginia,NortheastWoodlands,PowhatanConfederacy

Introduction

ThedemonizationofIndigenousbeliefsystemswasusedasatoolofdispossessionin 17th-centuryVirginia.Throughnarratives thatframedIndigenousspiritualityasinferiororsatanic,Englishcolonistsreinforced Anglo-SaxonChristiansuperiority,justifyingandpropellingaviolentcolonialexpansion.Theanti-Indigenoussentimentthat developedinthecolonyfueledthestrategiesofphysicalviolenceandreligiousas-

similationthatguidedEnglishcolonialefforts(Hixson,2013).Thesestrategieswere soonextrapolatedascolonialsettlements expandedacrosstheeasterncoastline,makingVirginiaalaboratoryforanti-Indigenous colonialthought(Hixson,2013).Colonial accountsdescribedasatanicmysticismassociatedwithIndigenousspiritualpractices, acommonperceptionamongstcolonistsin theregion(Beverley,1855).Asearlyas 1610,colonialwritingsenshrinedtheseideas,

withprominentcolonialfiguresclaiming thattight-knitconnectionsexistedbetween IndigenouscommunitiesandtheChristian devil(Beverley,1855).

ThispaperexaminesthecontextofAngloIndigenousrelationsintheBritishcolony ofVirginia,exploringthedispossessionof Indigenouslandandviolenceperpetrated againstIndigenouscommunitiestobuilda historicalunderstandingoftheseprocesses. ItwillthenfocusondescriptorsofIndigenousspiritualpracticesfromcolonialaccountstoidentifyrhetoricalpatternsincolonialdiscourse.Thesenarrativesarefurther analyzedinrelationtothejustificationpracticesofEnglishcolonistsinVirginia,highlightingthecentralroleofreligiousframing inthebroaderstrategytodisplaceIndigenouspeoplesfromtheirlandintheNortheastWoodlands.

Anglo-IndigenousRelationsand ColonialDispossessionin

17th-CenturyVirginia

Incontemporarygeographicconversations surroundingthehistoricaltrendsinIndigenousdispossession,itisessentialtocontinue toconsiderhownarrativesbuiltintothe foundationofcolonialsocietiesshapeour understandingsofIndigenouscommunities’ historicalandcurrentrelationshiptotheir lands.Fromthere,theseconsiderationscan determinepathwaystowardreconciliation. WithinthehistoryoftheColonyofVirginia, thedispossessionprocesswasconsistentlyvi-

olent.TacticssuchasattacksonIndigenous infrastructurewereusedtoassertastate ofEnglishpoliticalandculturaldominance. ColonialactionwascloselytiedtothedemonizationofIndigenousspiritualbeliefsystems,utilizingtheideathatIndigenoussocietypossessedanultimatemoralshortcomingtojustifyandpropelEnglishaggression.InPeoplefromtheUnknownWorld, WalterHixson(2013)writesaboutAngloIndigenousrelationshipsinVirginia,noting thatIndigenousgroupswithintheNortheastWoodlands—mostfallingunderthe PowhatanConfederacy,whichencompassed over30Indigenoustribes—providedEnglish populationswithcrucialfoodandsupport duringtheearlycolonialperiod.Captain JohnSmith’s1606MapoftheChesapeake region(Figure1)illustratestheprominence ofthePowhatan,withhisgeologicrecords demonstratingtheirpoliticalandterritorial significanceinthearea.AsEnglishpopulationsgrewdependentonassistancefrom Indigenouspeoples,thispowerimbalance sparkedresentmentandhostilityagainstIndigenouspopulations,inlargepartdueto theirviewofIndigenousspiritualotherness andtheircolonialcategorizationas“heathens,”devoidofwhattheyconsidereda properoradequatespiritualsystem(Hixson,2013,p.30).

Figure1.A17th-centurycolonial“MapofVirginia,” designedbyEnglishCaptainJohnSmithin1606 andpublishedinLondonin1624,highlightsthe presenceoftheIndigenousPowhatanConfederacy intheChesapeakeRegion.

The1606settlementofJamestownwas oneofNorthAmerica’sfirstlong-termEnglishcolonialventures,wherecolonistscompiledlegalchartersthatdevelopedinto foundationalelementsofcolonialsocieties (Howard,2007).Shortlyafter,in1609,the firstAnglo-PowhatanWarbrokeout,duringwhichEnglishcolonistsattackedIndigenoushomesandcropfields(Hixon,2013). SuchattacksdestabilizedIndigenouspopulations,promptingretaliatione!orts,includingorganizedresistanceledbyOpechancanoughofthePowhatanConfederacyin both1622and1644(Hixson,2013).In 1676,NathanielBacon,aprominentplantationowner,launchedattacksonIndigenouspopulatedareasacrossVirginia,characterizingIndigenousgroupsas“delinquents”as hebelievedthattheBritishCrownwas showingtoomuchfavourtowardsIndigenoustribesovermattersoflanddisputes (Hixson,2013,p.31).Bythispoint,In-

digenouspeopleswithintheVirginiacolony hadalreadysu!eredsignificantlossesof landandpopulationthroughoutthe17th centuryduetoarmedconflictandtheonslaughtofdiseasebroughtonbyEnglish colonials.Still,Bacon’sRebellionsought todiminishIndigenousinfluenceandpresenceinVirginia(Hixson,2013).Thisact ofviolenceshowcaseshowthecolonization ofIndigenousspaceshouldbehistorically analyzed,notonlythroughstatepolicybut alsothroughcivil-leddispossessionmeasures. NealSalisbury(2003),inhisarticle,EmbracingAmbiguity:NativePeoplesandChristianityinSeventeenth-CenturyNorthAmerica,explainshowsignificantactsofviolence againstIndigenouspeoplesresultedintheir forcedmigrationanddisplacement,allowing Englishcoloniststosecureanupperhand inAnglo-Indigenousdisputesandbeginto establishingcolonialinfrastructureandculturalinstitutionsinVirginia.

Itisimportanttonotethatthedispossession ofIndigenouspeopleinVirginiainvolvednot justphysicalviolenceandforcedmovement butalsotheattemptederasureofIndigenouscultureandsocietalsystems.Inan analysisofthegoalsofEnglishcolonistsin Virginia,Nash(1979)explainsthattheEnglishsoughttoconvertIndigenouspeople toChristianity,whichwaspositedbythe EnglishCrownasanactofliberation,based onthebeliefthatIndigenouspeoplewere inastateofmiseryduetotheirspirituality. DrivenbyanideologicalviewofIndigenous

peoplesaslackingaChristianGod,thishistoryofAnglo-Indigenousrelationsinthe 17thcenturyandgeneralanti-Indigenous rhetoriccontextualizesthestrategiesofcolonialdispossessionemployedascolonistsattemptedtoimposetheirsocietalstructures ontoIndigenousterritories.

TheNarrativeofIndigenous Spiritual“Immorality”among ColonistsinVirginia

Colonialrhetoricalstrategiesdemonstrate thatAnglo-Saxonreligiousandculturalsuperiorityplayedacentralroleinjustifying thedispossessionofIndigenouspeoplesin Virginia.Inhisbook,TheHistoryofVirginia,RobertBeverley(1855)illuminates therhetoricusedamongstcoloniststodescribeIndigenouspopulations.Whilethe bookwasinitiallypublishedinLondonin 1705,aversionwasrepublishedbyJ.W.Randolphin1855,basedonBeverley’saccounts of17th-centuryAnglo-Indigenousrelations. LouisB.Wright(1944),inhisexamination ofBeverley’shistoricalwork,highlightsthe popularityofBeverley’sHistory,especially atthebeginningofthe18thcentury,dueto itsengagingwritingstyleanddetailedaccountsofcoloniallifeandIndigenoussociety. InrecountinganencounterwithanIndigenousmanwhomhehadmetduringhistravelsthroughoutthecolony,Beverleystates thathetoldthemanthat,tohisknowledge, Indigenouspeopleworshipthe“devil,”(Beverley,1855,p.170)andfurtherquestioned themanonwhythatis).Thisencounter

shedslightonBeverley’sthoughtsonIndigenousspirituality,withBeverleyposinghis commentasanexchangeofbeliefs,asopposedtoacalculatedculturalattack.While Beverleywasattimessympathetictowards topicsrelatedtoIndigenouslife,theassociationshedrewwithSatanismandIndigenous peopleswerenonethelesspresent(Wright, 1944).Thishighlightstheregion’sstandard colonialrhetoric.WhileBeverley’shistorical accountsoftenaimedawayfromconstant attacksonIndigenousbeliefstructures,with atruerinterestingainingsocialknowledge ofIndigenouscustoms,hisunderlyingassumptionsofsatanicIndigenousassociation areinfusedinhisscholarlyinquiriesand presentedasafact.

TheBritishcrownreinforcedthenarrativeofIndigenouspeoplesasconnected totheChristianDevil,developinginto awidespreadsentimentamongBritish colonists,whichdroveIndigenouslanddispossessioninVirginia.Atthestartofthe 17thcentury,thegovernorsandcouncillors ofthecolonypublishedATrueandSincereDeclarationofthePurposeandends oftheplantationbeguninVirginia(1610). TheyclaimedthatIndigenouspeopleneeded Christianitytosavethemfromthegraspof theDevil,contributingtothenarrativeof Indigenousspiritualityassatanic(Colony ofVirginia,1610)(Figure2).Aprominent aspectofdispossessionisidentifiedinthis narrative,asitnotonlycontributestothe generaldemonizationofIndigenoustribesin

theVirginiacolonybutalsotothepractice ofEnglish-ledattemptstodissolveIndigenousculturalidentity.Byreconstructing IndigenoussocietyaroundtheChristianreligion,colonistssoughttoestablishanAngloSaxonclaimtotheland,showcasinghow tacticsofdispossessionandIndigenousdisplacementwerealsoenactedatacultural scale.

Figure2.Anexcerptfromthefirsttwopagesof“A trueandsinceredeclarationofthepurpose&ends ofthePlantationbeguninVirginia,”publishedin 1610.

TheJustificationandUseof ChristianityasaNarrativein DispossessionProcesses

Anti-IndigenousrhetoricbasedonthespiritualbeliefsystemsofIndigenoustribesin theNortheasternWoodlandsishistorically observedonbothcivilandsystemiclevels.Englishcolonizersemployedinaccurate andhostiledescriptionsofIndigenousspiritualpracticeastoolstojustifydispossession. PhoebeDufrene(1991)examinestheactualitiesofIndigenous,specificallyPowhatan, beliefsandspirituallife.Sheexplainshow thetribesofthePowhatanConfederacyreg-

ularlyengagedinritualsofartandmusic,suchasceremoniesthathighlightedthe deeplyinterconnectednatureofIndigenous lifewiththenaturalworld.Artoftenshaped spiritualexpressionforPowhatancommunities,whoengagedinpracticessuchassculptingandweaving(Dufrene,1991).

Incontrast,Europeansheldbeliefsaligned withtheChurchofEngland,whichemphasizedtheworshipofasingularentity.

G.W.Bernard(1990)highlightsthefactors shapingtheChurchofEngland,whichwas centralinformingcolonialreligiousstructuresamongstVirginiansettlers.Whileinternaldivisionswerefrequentintheideologicalalignmentsanddirectionofthe church,EnglishChristiansbelievedinone god(Bernard,1990).Atthestartofthe 17thcentury,manyemphasizedtheconcept ofPredestination,claimingthattheirGod wouldselectonlysomemenwhocouldbe sparedfrometernaldamnationwhilethe restwouldsu!er(Bernard,1990).ThroughoutperiodsofreligiousunrestoverthedirectionofChristianthought,theconcepts ofasingularhighpower,damnation,and thedevilwereprevalentanddefiningfor colonialstrainsofChristianity.

MarkCharles(2016)acknowledgestheDoctrineofDiscovery,acolonialtoolconstructedinthe15thcenturythatemphasizedEuropeanstandardsofa“civilized” societyandopposedIndigenouswaysoflife. Charles(2016)relatesthisdoctrinedirectly tocolonialprojectsinAmerica,explaining

thedoctrine’sbasisforjustifyingChristian superiority.Thedoctrineguidedcoloniststo Virginia,andthesoon-establishedEnglish narrativessurroundingIndigenouspeoples as“enemiesofChrist”allowedcoloniststo enactdispossessionprocesses,buildingupon idealsofinherentChristianrightswithin newlands(Charles,2016,p.149).While Charlesmakesitclearthatmuchcolonial justificationrestsupontheDoctrineofDiscovery,theutilizationofdemonizingnarratives,entanglingIndigenouspeoplewiththe ChristianDevil,positionsIndigenouspeopleasnotonlyinferiorduetotheirlackof Christianity,butalsoasdirectlyopposedto thevaluesoftheEnglish.

ChristiansettlersframedIndigenouspeoples as“ignorant”tojustifytheforcefulimpositionofAnglo-Saxoncolonialprojectson Indigenousland(ColonyofVirginia,1610, p.2).Apaternalnarrativewasprominent amongcolonialforces.TheBritishcrown notonlyshamedIndigenousspiritualityover afabricatedassociationwiththeDevil,but alsourgedcoloniststoaidIndigenouspopulationsinescapingthe“[arms]ofthe[Devil]” andastateof“invincibleignorance”(Colony ofVirginia,1610,p.2).Thecombination ofpaternalismanddemonizationcreateda formulaofIndigenousdispossessioninVirginia,whichjustifiedviolenceasawayof displacingIndigenouspeoples,asseenin theAnglo-PowhatanWarandBacon’sRebellion.Thisprocesssoughttodissolveany culturaltieswhichIndigenouspeopleheldto

theareathroughconversiontoChristianity.

Conclusion

In17th-centuryVirginia,Englishcolonial processesofdispossessionprofoundlydisruptedthelives,lands,andbeliefsystems ofNortheastWoodlandstribes.Colonialists usednarrativeswhichfocusedonpresentingIndigenousspiritualpracticesasbeingin closerelationwithEnglishnotionsofsatanic ritual.Adualstrategycombiningphysical violencewithculturalerasureformedacohesivesystemofdispossessionaimedatboth removingIndigenouspresenceanderadicatingtheirspiritualworldviews.

Byrecognizingtacticsofdemonization,this researchfurtherallowsscholarstoaddress howsystemicinequalitiesfacingIndigenous groupsincontemporaryNorthAmericacan beconnectedbacktothesecolonialfoundations.Furtherresearchmayconsiderthe Indigenouspopulation’spositionininvoluntaryservitudeinVirginiaduringtheperiod ofplantationfarming,examininghowtherelationshipbetweenIndigenouspeoplesand landdispossessionevolvedduringthisprocess.

References

Bernard,G.W.(1990).TheChurchofEnglandc.1529–c.1642. History,75 (244), (pp.183–206).

Beverley,R.(1855).Concerningthereligion, worship,andsuperstitiouscustomsof theindians.In TheHistoryofVirginia (pp.152–172).J.W.Randolph. ColonyofVirginia.(1610). Atrueand sinceredeclarationofthepurposeand endsoftheplantationbeguninVirginia. London.

Charles,M.(2016).TheDoctrineofDiscovery,War,andtheMythofAmerica. Leaven,24 (3),(pp.148–154).

Dufrene,P.(1991).Contemporary PowhatanArtandCulture:ItsLink withTraditionandImplicationsforthe Future. AlgonquianPapers-Archive,22, (pp.125-136).

Howard,A.E.D.(2007).TheBridgeat Jamestown:TheVirginiaCharterof 1606andConstitutionalismintheModernWorld. UniversityofRichmondLaw

Review,42 (1),(pp.9–36).

Hixson,W.L.(2013).“Peoplefromthe UnknownWorld”:TheColonialEncounterandtheAccelerationofViolence. In AmericanSettlerColonialism (pp. 23–44).PalgraveMacmillan.

Nash,G.B.(1979).PerspectivesontheHistoryofSeventeenth-CenturyMissionary ActivityinColonialAmerica.In Terrae Incognitae,(pp.19–27).

Salisbury,N.(2003).EmbracingAmbiguity:NativePeoplesandChristianity inSeventeenth-CenturyNorthAmerica. Ethnohistory,50 (2),(pp.247–259).

Smith,J.(1624).MapofVirginia,17th century,DiscoveredandDiscribed(sic) byCaptaynJohnSmith1606Gravenby WilliamHole. TheGenerallHistorieof Virginia,NewEngland,andtheSummer Isles. map,London.

Wright,L.B.(1944).Beverley’sHistory... ofVirginia(1705):ANeglectedClassic. TheWilliamandMaryQuarterly,1 (1), (pp.49–64).

Indigenous“NorthAmerica”

TourismandtheColonialImaginary:Indigenous DispossessioninMuskoka

SandraGlozshtein

TourisminMuskoka,Ontarioisconsideredinthisresearchreportasacasestudyfor Indigenousdispossessionandtheproductionofacolonialidentityrelatedtorace,nature, andproperty.Twoprimarysources—an1899mapandchartoftheMuskokalakesanda 1909advertisementforMuskokatourism—areanalyzedtointerprethowthetourismindustry wasco-producedwithIndigenousdispossessionandEuropeancolonialimposition.Thisreport findsthattheMuskokaLakestourismindustryperpetuatedEuropeancolonialismthroughthree mainavenues:theerasureofAnishinaabegpresenceintheregion,theexploitationofnature, andtheuseandpromotionofthe“civilizedversuswild”colonialnarrative.Additionally,the inventionoftherailwayandthetelegraphescalatedcolonialexpansiononthecontinentatan unprecedentedpace,providingafoundationfromwhichtourismcouldemerge.Settlerssawin tourismanopportunitytoprofitfromthelandscapeinspiteofitsconditionsasinhospitable toagriculture.Atthestartofthe20thcentury,seasonaltourismgaveMuskokaitscurrent demographics,landscape,andplaceinpublicconsciousness.

Keywords: Muskoka,colonization,tourism,nature,wilderness,cartography

Introduction

ThecolonizationofNorthAmericaunfolded throughfrontierexpansionintoterritories Europeansimaginedasuntamedwilderness. DespitesustainedresistancefromIndigenouspeoples,manyoftheirlandsandresourceswereappropriated,aprocessfurther acceleratedbytechnologicaldevelopments, suchasthetelegraphandrailwaysystem (Blackhawk,2023;Jasen,1995).Whilesettlercolonizationadvancedthroughmaterial violence,itwasalsorootedinpsychological

andculturalnarrativesthathelpedjustify domination.Apowerfulexampleofthis dynamicistheemergenceofthetourism industryinMuskoka,Canada,cultivated throughsettlers’romanticizationof“unfamiliar”landsandracializedportrayalsof Indigenouspeoplesas“wild”(Watson,2017; Grandin,2019,p.117).Settlerscommodifiedthelakesandforeststhaturbanization hadnotyettouched,transformingtheidea ofan“authentic”Indigenouslandscapeinto aconsumableproductforEuropeantourists.

Thispaperarguesthat,bytheearly20th century,Europeancolonialismpersistedin Muskokathroughthreeprincipleforces:the erasureofIndigenouspresence,theexploitationofnatureforEuropeanprofit,andthe reinforcementofthe“civilizedversuswild” colonialbinary.Todemonstratethis,I drawontwoprimarysources:a1899map andchartoftheMuskokalakes(Figure 1),anda1909tourismadvertisementfor LakeRosseau(Figure2).Together,these sourcesconstructasettler-orientedvisionof MuskokadesignedtoattractEuropeanvisitorsandrevealculturalmarkersdeeplyentrenchedincolonialnarratives—illustrating theentanglementofcapitalismandcolonialismintheregion.

DispossessionandErasure

DispossessioninCanadaconsistedofthe coercedremovalofIndigenouspeoplesfrom theirterritoriestoenableEuropeansettlement(Daschuk,2013).Thedispossession andattemptedgenocideofIndigenouspeopleswereenactedmateriallythroughEuropeandiseases,bladesandguns(Merbs, 1992).Thisviolencewasunderpinnedby theliethatthelandwasunoccupiedbeforeEuropeanarrival,aconcepttermed “terranullius”(Joseph,2016).Europeans believedthatmuchofthelandwasbeing “wasted”,andwhicheverpartswereclearly usedbyIndigenouspeoplesweredeemed notuptoa“civilized”standard(Harris, 2004,“ThePowertoDispossess”section, para.7).Indigenouslandswereremapped

andre-envisionedforsettleruse,withIndigenouspeoplesbeingforciblyconfinedto smallplotsoflandcalledreserves,which werelegallymanagedbyEuropeans(Harris, 2004).Throughsystemsofaccounting,colonialadministratorsrecordedandregulated consequencestoIndigenouspeople’sbehaviours.Forexample,BritishColumbia’s reservecommissionersdocumentedwhich familiessentchildrentoresidentialschools orhowmuch“cultivable”landbelonged toanIndigenousband(Harris,2004,“The ManagementofDispossession”section,para. 5).

Inthelatenineteenthcentury,theimpositionoftelegraphandrailwaysystems onthelandscapeenabledtransportation andcommunicationacrossvastdistances (Cowen,2020,“Empire’sInfrastructure”section,paras.5,9-10).Thiscreatedanationalcommercialnetworkandstrengthened colonialadministrativepracticesandsettlerexpansion(Harris,2004,“TheManagementofDispossession”section,para. 6;Cowen,2020,“Empire’sInfrastructure” section,para.9).AstheCanadianPacificRailwayexpandedintotheMuskokaregion,newsettlementsdisplacedIndigenous communities(Watson,2022).Bythemidnineteenthcentury,thisdisplacementparticularlya!ectedtheAnishinaabeg,followed byasmallernumberofMohawkfamilies beginningin1881(Jenness,1935;Watson, 2014).

Figure1.MapoftheMuskokaLakes,including LakesRosseau,JosephandMuskoka.Cottagepropertiesarelisted,andthereisapastedadvertisement forsuppliesfromMichieandCompany.

Thesedevelopments—settlerdisplacement, seasonallandusedisruption,andrailwayexpansion—arevisuallyreflectedinhistorical cartography.Onesuchartifactisan1899 mapandchartoftheMuskokaLakes,which embedsbothsettlerinfrastructureandcommercialadvertising.Atthebottomofthe Muskokamap(Figure1),alistoftelegraph andexpresso”cessignalsthisinfrastructuretransformationandMuskoka’sgrowing integrationintocolonialtransportationnetworks.

Asshownonthetoprightofthemap,anadvertisementfromaToronto-basedgroceryestablishmenta”rmsthereachofurbancommercialnetworks,whilearegistrationstamp

atthebottommostconfirmsthemap’sofficialentryintoanOttawao”ce.These elementsdocumentMuskoka’splaceina nationalinfrastructurethatfurthermaterializedEuropeanimperialism(Cowen,2020). Themapnotonlychartedgeographybut alsoencodedsettlerclaims,infrastructure, andcommerce,visuallyreinforcingcolonial occupationandtheerasureofIndigenous presence.

Figure2.PrintedadvertisementfortheRoyal MuskokaHotel,PublicDomain.

WhilethemapdocumentsthephysicalembeddingofsettlerinfrastructureinMuskoka, promotionalmaterialsfromthesameperiodreflecttheideologicalsellingoftheregiontourbanelites.Thesecondprimary source—anadvertisementfortheRoyal MuskokaHotel(Figure2)—framesLake Rosseauasbothluxuriousandeasilyaccessiblebyrail.Itemphasizesa“magnificenttrainserviceonthreelines,”reinforcing theconnectionbetweentourism,infrastructure,andthecommodificationofIndigenous lands.

RailwaycompaniesportrayedMuskokaas deceptivelyclosetomanymajorcitiestoattracttourists(Kuhlberg,2022,p.105).Industrialization,particularlytheconstruction ofrailroadsandtelegraphlines,wasviewed asanextensionoftheEuropean“civilizing”projectacrossthecontinent.Oncethis projectreachedMuskokainthe19thcentury, theAnishinaabegresistedandnavigatedincreasinglimitationsontheirmigrationsand lifeways(Watson,2022,pp.55-63).InWild Things,oneoftheearliestbooksexamining theimperialandculturalcontextofOntario’stourism,Jasen(1995)commentsthat “...aseriesofmajorlandsurrendershad largelyremovedthisandadjacentregions fromOjibwaycontrol,preparingtheway forimmigrantsandtourists,”(p.117).By 1850,Indigenouscommunitiesintheregion werelargelyconfinedtoreserves(Watson, 2022,p.63).Soonafterthat,thegovernmentlimitedtheiraccesstofisheriesnear thereservesbyplacingrestrictionsonIndigenousfishingrightsundertheguiseofa “civilizingmission”(Watson,2022,pp.6364),whilesimultaneouslyestablishingalicensingsystemtobroadensettler-controlled commercialfishing.

ThefirstplotsoflandinMuskokawere madeavailabletosettlersin1859,following townshipsurveysandtheconstructionof theMuskokaRoad(Watson,2017,p.201).

Tosurvivethesettlereconomy,theAnishinaabegbegansellingtheircraftsorworking astouristandhuntingguides,drawingon

theirextensiveknowledgeoftheland(Watson,2022,p.6).Asenvironmentalhistorian Watson(2022)statesinMakingMuskoka, “Whereassettlersemployedtheiracquired knowledgeoftheShieldtoaligntheirrural identitywiththeseasonalcycleoftourism, theAnishinaabegrepurposedtheirknowledgeinthecontextoftourism.”ThisgeographicfamiliarityhelpedIndigenousguides directsettlerswhilefinanciallysupporting themselvesandtheirfamilies.

Yet,MichieandCompany’sadvertisement ontheMuskokamap(Figure1)invitesenquiriesfrompotentialvisitorsandclaims expertiseinoutfitting“Camping,Fishing, andShootingparties,”basedon“64yearsin business.”Thispromotionalcopyomitsany referencetoIndigenousguidanceof“surveyors,settlers,andtourists”(Jasen,1995,p. 118).Nordoesitacknowledgewherelater settlerguides—whoultimatelyreplacedIndigenousonesbythe21stcentury—obtained theirknowledge(LawsonCousineau,2017, para.13;Watson,2022,p.168).Theseerasuresarepartofthebroaderterranullius mentalitythatdeemedthecontinentvacant andripeforsettlement.

Similarly,Indigenouspresenceisabsent fromtheMuskokamap(Figure1),which includesanindextosummercottageslisted underEuropeannames.AssigningEuropeanownershipovertraditionallyAnishinaabegterritoriesdeniesrecognitionoftheir forcedremoval.Indigenousplace-namesfor thelakesarealsoreplaced,suchasthecase

of“LakeJoseph”,whichwasrenamedafterEuropeansettlerJosephDennis(Mason, 1957).Thisshowcasesthecolonialpracticeofassertinghumandominationovernatureandtheindividualisticclaimingofland. Muskoka’s“ColonizationRoad”,pavedin the1860sandjustnorthofthemap’scuto!, furtherexemplifieshowcartographyandrenamingservedastoolsofsettlerpowerto eraseIndigenouspresence(MuskokaAreaIndigenousLeadershipTable,2025;Kuhlberg, 2022,p.104;LawsonCousineau,2017, para.7).Throughtheseacts,Europeans subordinatedbothIndigenousagencyand thenaturallandscapetotheirdesiredreorganizationoftheappropriatedland.

ExploitationofNature

ThephilosophythatnatureshouldbedominatedandexploitedforthebenefitofEuropeansettlersurvivalwascentraltothe economythatdevelopedinMuskoka’searly settlements.Incontrast,asAnishinaabeauthorCaryMiller(2010)explains,anAnishinaabegcosmologyattributesequalagency andlife-forcetohumans,plants,andanimals.Historically,thetraditionalsubsistencepracticesoftheAnishinaabegin Muskokaweretiedtoseasonalpatterns (Watson,2014,pp.142-143).Theycyclicallymigratedbetweendi!erentlocations thatprovidedsustenanceandresourcesfor tradeanddailylife(Allen,2002).According toWatson’s(2014)dissertationonMuskoka between1850and1920,theeconomicandsocialactivitiesofIndigenousgroupswerenot

alwaysenvironmentallyneutral.Still,the MuskokaWatershedCouncil(2012)reports thattheoverallimpactofIndigenousland usewasminimallydestabilizing(pp.10, 16).TheAnishinaabegpeoplescoordinated band-a”liatedhuntinggroundsthat“[structured]amoresustainableaccesstoscarce resources”(Watson,2022,pp.53–55).This generationalsystemenableda“balanced” reproductionofresources,inwhichfishand gamewouldreplenishpredictably(Thoms, 2004,p.68).Altogether,Indigenouspeoplesintheregionmaintainedaneutralor evenbeneficialrelationshipwiththeenvironment.

TheprogressionofEuropeansettlements, however,dramaticallytransformedtheimpactofhumansonMuskoka’secosystems. Capitalismdirectedthegrowthoftheresourceextractionindustrythatbecameintegraltotheeventualtourismindustry (MuskokaWatershedCouncil,2012,pp. 10-15).InNorthAmerica,capitalismcoevolvedwiththedispossessionofIndigenous landandtheimportofenslavedlabourto produceprofitforEuropeancolonists(Dorriesetal.,2022,paras.7-9).Labourwasunderpaidandlandwasextractedtomaximize wealthforslave-ownersandcapitalists(Robbinsetal.,2014,p.101).Overtime,this accumulationofcapitalbyaselectfewreinforcedaneconomiclogicofcompetitionand individualism,wheresurvivalisinseparable fromfinancialstability,theimpoverishment ofnatureandracializedothers.

Muskoka’sthin,acidicsoilslimitedsettlers’ attemptstoestablishagriculturallivelihoodsfollowingthefirstsettlementsin1859 (Watson,2017,pp.269,274).Manyfamiliesabandonedtheregionuponfailureto makethelandproductivethroughfarming (Watson,2017,p.275).Eventually,settlersdiscoveredthattheprofitpotentialof Muskoka’slandscapelaymoreintheforests andtheirappealtotourists.Theimageryof vacationinginwilderness—farfromeverydayurbanlife—establishedwhatJasencalls a“wildernessholiday”(Jasen,1995,p.116). Thoughsomehouseholdscontinuedfarming, manyturnedtosummertourismandlogging forgreaterincome(Watson,2017,p.281). LoggingpracticesledtofurtherdisplacementofIndigenouscommunities(Watson, 2014,p.191),andtheresultingdebrispollutedwaterways.Theeventualdepletionof theforesthabitatrenderedloggingnolonger fruitful(MuskokaWatershedCouncil,2012, p.16;Watson,2017,p.273).

TheadvertisementfortheRoyalMuskoka Hotel(Figure2)describestheregionas “Lakesofbluesetwithislesofemerald”. Thiscomparisonofnaturalfeaturestogemstonesrevealsthatnature’sappealwasincreasinglyaestheticizedandcommodified tosignalluxury.Thevery“islesofemerald”referencedwerethesameforestsbeing overexploitedbyloggers(Kuhlberg,2022,p. 101).Soprizedwasthecultivatedillusionof untouchedwildernessthatsettlersresisted naturalecologicalprocessesthatthreatened it(Kuhlberg,2022).WhenthenativehemlocklooperbugfeastedonMuskoka’spine needlesandturnedothersbrownin1929, settlerslobbiedtheOntariogovernmentto indiscriminately“carpetbomb”theforest withtoxicpesticides(Kuhlberg,2022,p. 101).Accompanyingthatwasthetoxic wastefromthetanningindustrythatgrew togetherwithlogging,whichspreadtoxins intoriversandfurtherdegradedtheforests (Watson,2022,p.126).Touristambitions hadevenledtoriverdammingandlake draininginpursuitofacharmingcottage landscape(Kuhlberg,2022,p.130).Despite theseharmfulpractices,Muskoka’sreputationasapristinenaturaldestinationpersisted—maintainedthroughaestheticcurationandenvironmentalerasure(Kuhlberg, 2022.p.112).

TheMuskokamap(Figure1)reinforces theseextractivepatterns.Itshowsthesectioningo! oflandforsummerlotsandcottageproperties,emphasizingprivatization andcompetitionforresources.Onthetop rightoftheMuskokaLakesmap(Figure1), theheadofadeerisdrawninfrontofagun, sword,andoar—symbolsthatgesturetothe leisureactivitiesmarketedtosettlers,includingshootingparties.Thesevisualsreflect thecolonialworldviewthatpositionednatureasinferiorandconsumable.Asaresult, overfishingandoverhuntingwereconsidered acceptablerecreationalpractices,regardless ofenvironmentaldamage(Jasen,1995,pp. 147-148).Moreover,settlersdeniedrespon-

sibilityfordecreasesin“fishandgame”, oftenblamingthisonIndigenouspeoples, whosefishingmethodswereviewedasmore e!ectiveandthusdeemed“‘lazy’and‘unsportsmanlike’”(Jasen,1995,p.148;Blair, 2008,ascitedinWatson,2022,p.64).This racializedscapegoatingjustifiednewlaws thatrequiredIndigenouspeoplestoobtain leasesandlicensesfromtheCrowntoaccesstheirtraditionalfoodsources(Watson, 2014,pp.166).TheseexploitativepatternsdemonstratehowMuskoka’senvironmentwasnotincidentaltocolonization—it wasacentralfeatureofthesettlereconomy, whereinnatureitselfbecamearesourceto beconsumedandmarketed.

“Civilized”versus“Wild”

Thecommunionwithnatureembeddedin Indigenouslifewayswasreinterpretedbysettlersthroughacoloniallensthatportrayed Indigenouspeopleasbiologically“closerto nature”andhence“savage”andinferior(NiigaaniinMacNeill,2022;Grandin,2019,p. 118).Thesenotionsjustifiedtheviolence andsubjugationfoundationaltosettlerexpansion(Grandin,2019,p.118).Thepresenceofboththeswordandgunonthe1899 Muskokamap(Figure1)areproductsofthe normalizationofviolencethatwasinherent inthecolonialfrontier.

The“savage”colonialnarrativealsocontributedtoMuskoka’s“exotic”appealfor settlers:asJasen(1995)describes,“Tourists enjoyedbelievingthatherewasatrue

primevalwilderness,notfarfromcivilization butveryrealnonetheless...[Indigenous guides’]utilitylaynotonlyintheirpracticalexpertisebutalsointheirimaginative appeal”(p.119).Theterm‘exotic’relies onthepowertopositionwhiteEuropean cultureascentralandnormative,whilecastingIndigenouspeoplesastheoppositional unfamiliar‘Other’.Throughthisdynamic, Indigenouslandswerereimaginedassitesof wonder—openforobservation,consumption, andcontrolbyEuropeansettlers.Muskoka wasmarketedasalocationwheresettlers couldexperiencewildernesswithoutrelinquishingtheirauthorityoverit.

By1909,oneoftheprominenthospitality businessesonLakeRosseauwastheRoyal MuskokaHotel,alargewhitestructureamid theforestandfeaturedinthevintageadvertisement(Figure2).Thechoiceofthe nameof“Royal”invokedassociationswith Britishmonarchy,appealingtoitssettler audience’saspirationstowardclassandcivility.Inthisfashion,itechoedbroader imperialarchitecturalstylessuchasthose ondisplayatthe1893World’sColumbian ExpositioninChicago,where“TheWhite City”symbolizedthetriumphofWestern modernity(RudwickMeier,1965,p.354). ThechiefdesignerofTheWhiteCitywould laterbecomethecityplannerofBaguio—a colonialadministrativecentreinthePhilippines—followingAmerica’soccupationin 1898(Cody,2003,p.22).InFigure2, theRoyalHotel’sclassicalformcontrasts

againstthesupposedprimitivenessofthe surroundingnature,championingtheimageryofwilderness.Apromotionalbrochure publishedbytheGrandTrunkRailway (GTR)andMuskokaNavigationCompany insisted“Muskokaisnofakesummerresort” (GTRMuskokaNavigationCo.,1895,as citedinJasen,1995,p.116),exemplifying howtheindustryadvertisedan“outdoors” thatwasconvenientforurbansettlers.

Moreover,theadvertisement(Figure2)also conveysthistensionthroughvisualrepresentation.Awhitemanispicturedina white-collareddressshirtandtie,asopposedtoblue-collar(manuallabour)uniforms.Itimaginesanactivitywherethe whitesettlerscouldmaintaintheirseparationfromnature,theirpristinedress-shirt drydespitebeingonthewater.Inthisway, Muskokatourism’spromotionofa‘civilized’ engagementwithnature—clean,elevated, andaesthetic—therebysustainedthecolonialnarrativeofwhitedominanceoverland andpeople.

Conclusion

Asdemonstrated,thetwoprimarysources drawnuponinthispaper,includinga 1899mapandchartoftheMuskokalakes anda1909tourismadvertisementfor LakeRosseau,helpexhibithowMuskoka’s tourismindustryemergedfromandsustainedaprocessofEuropeansettlercolonialism.Itdidsothroughthreemainavenues: theerasureofAnishinaabegpresenceinthe

region,theexploitationofnature,andthe useandpromotionofthecivilizedversus wildnarrative.

OnceitbecameclearthatMuskoka’senvironmentwasnotconduciveto“capitalaccumulatingfarms”,settlersinsteaddevelopedthetourismindustry(Watson,2017, p.263).Buildingonearliersettlerpracticesofremapping,renaming,andresource extraction,thetourismindustryfurthersuppressedIndigenoushistoryandspatialrelationships.Throughpromotionalimagery andselectivestorytelling,settlerslaidclaim notonlytothelandbuttotheknowledge ofit—recastingIndigenouslandsassettler leisurespaces.Asthevisualmaterialsshow, thecolonialtourismindustryreliedontransformingviolenceanddisplacementintomarketabletranquility,obscuringtherealcost ofsettlementthroughidyllicscenesandromanticizedwilderness.

Muskoka’spast,then,isnotsimplyone ofsceniclandscapesandsummerretreats, butofdeeplyentangledcolonialrelations—relationsthatcontinuetoshapehow land,nature,andindigeneityareperceived today.

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Dispossession

LukaPilasanovic

TheLouisianaPurchaseof1803wasmorethanalandacquisition:itwasatransformative eventthatreshapedU.S.territorialexpansionandIndigenoussovereignty.Thispaperexamines howthePurchaseinstitutionalizedlegalframeworks,suchastheDoctrineofDiscovery, legitimizingsettlercolonialismandlayingthefoundationforManifestDestiny.Byanalyzing theLouisianaPurchaseTreatyandGratiot’s1837mapalongsidesecondarysources,thisstudy highlightshowterritorialexpansionwasframedasbothinevitableanddivinelysanctioned. Thetreaty’slanguageignoredIndigenousgovernance,reinforcingthenotionofterranullius andenablingtheU.S.tojustifydisplacement.France’sweaksovereigntyovertheMissouri watershedfurtherunderscoresthePurchase’slegalambiguities,asIndigenousnationslike theOsageandSiouxmaintainedcontroloftheselands.Additionally,thefortificationof thefrontier,facilitatedbyU.S.militaryinstallations,exemplifiedhowManifestDestinywas realizedthroughmilitarizationanddispossession.Economicandculturalerasurefollowed,as Indigenouscommunitieswerecoercedintolandcessionsandsubjectedtoassimilationpolicies. Ultimately,theLouisianaPurchasecatalyzedU.S.westwardexpansionwhileentrenching systemicIndigenousdispossession,alegacythatcontinuestoshapehistoricalnarrativesand contemporarydiscussionsonlandsovereignty.

Keywords: LouisianaPurchase,ManifestDestiny,Indigenousdispossession,settlercolonialism,DoctrineofDiscovery,terranullius,treaties,Indigenousresistance

Introduction

TheLouisianaPurchaseof1803wasamonumentalterritorialacquisitionthatdoubled theUnitedStates’ssizeandcatalyzedits westwardexpansionacrossthecontinent. Morethanalanddeal,itrepresentedalegalandideologicalshiftthatestablishedthe necessarymechanismsfordispossessingIndigenousnations.Atitscore,acquisition embeddedprinciplesliketheDoctrineof DiscoveryintoU.S.policyandsetthestage forManifestDestiny,reframingU.S.territorialexpansionasinevitableanddivinely sanctioned.

TheLouisianaPurchasenotonlyfacilitatedterritorialgrowthbutalsoperpetuatedthesystemicdispossessionandcultural erasureofIndigenouspeoples.Usingthe LouisianaPurchaseTreaty(1803)andGratiot’sMap(1837)asprimarysources,alongsideabreadthofsecondarysources,this essayexaminesthelegalambiguitiesand sovereigntyimplicationsoftheLouisiana Purchase;exploresitsimpactontheevolutionoftheideologicalframeworkofManifest Destiny;andanalyzesthepolitical,cultural, andfinancialimpactsithadonIndigenous Nationswithinthecededterritory.

LegalFoundations:TheTreaty, DoctrineofDiscovery,andTerra Nullius

TheDoctrineofDiscoverywasalegal andreligiousdoctrineoriginatingfroma seriesof15th-centurypapalbulls,which permittedChristianEuropeanpowersto claimsovereigntyoverlandsinhabitedby non-Christians(AssemblyofFirstNations, 2018).InthecontextofNorthAmerica,itprovidedthefoundationallegaland moraljustificationforcolonialexpansion andthedisregardofIndigenoussovereignty. Closelytiedtothiswastheconceptofterra nullius—aLatintermmeaning“nobody’s land”—whichpresumedthatlandnotcultivatedorclaimedaccordingtoEuropean normscouldbeseized,evenwhenlonginhabitedbyIndigenouspeoples(Assemblyof FirstNations,2018).

Figure1.FirstpageofLouisianaPurchaseTreaty. From TreatybetweentheUnitedStatesofAmericaandtheFrenchRepubliccedingtheprovince ofLouisianatotheUnitedStates,byU.S.Senate, 1803.

TheLouisianaPurchaseTreaty,asshownin Figure1above,reliedontheDoctrineofDiscovery,legitimizingEuropeansovereignty overunoccupiedorunusedIndigenouslands. ArticleIoftheLouisianaPurchaseTreaty codifiedthesettler-colonialassumptionthat imperialpowerscouldunilaterallytransfer Indigenousland.TheTreatystatesthat FrancecededtotheUnitedStates“thesaid territorywithallitsrightsandappurtenancesasfullyandinthesamemanner astheyhavebeenacquiredbytheFrench Republic,”(LouisianaPurchaseTreaty1803,

ArticleI)erasingIndigenoussovereigntyand legitimizingthetransferoflandFrancenever trulygoverned(LouisianaPurchaseTreaty, 1803).Thislegalmaneuverrestedonthe DoctrineofDiscovery,whichtreatedIndigenousnationsasmereoccupantswithout title,allowingsettlergovernmentstoabsorbterritorythroughimperialnegotiation (Miller,2011).France’ssaleofthelandto theUnitedStatesignoredthecontinuedpoliticalcontrolexercisedbynationssuchas theOsageandPawnee,enablingtheU.S. toclaimtheselandswithoutnegotiationor consent.

TheLouisianaPurchaseTreatyframesthe territoryasanobjectofimperialpossession,absentofIndigenousgovernance.ArticleIdescribesLouisianaas“theColony orProvinceofLouisianawiththesame extentthatitnowhasinthehandsof Spain,andthatithadwhenFrancepossessedit,”aformulationthatdefineslegitimacysolelyintermsofEuropeancontrol (LouisianaPurchaseTreaty,1803).ThislanguageomitsIndigenouspresenceentirely, reinforcingtheDoctrineofDiscovery’snotionthatonlyChristianEuropeanpowers couldexercisesovereignty.Italignswith theideaofterranullius,suggestingtheland waslegallyemptyandavailablefortransfer, despitethecontinuedpresenceandgovernanceofIndigenousnations(Miller,2011). ByfailingtoacknowledgeIndigenousclaims, theTreatylegallyjustifiedU.S.occupation andexpansionwhilerhetoricallyerasingIndigenouslife.

ContestingSovereignty:France, theU.S.,andIndigenousNations France’slackofdefactosovereigntyover theMissouriwatershedunderminesthelegallegitimacyoftheLouisianaPurchaseand U.S.claimstoIndigenouslands.Indigenous nations,notablytheOmaha,Sioux,and Osage,maintainedpoliticalandterritorial controlovertheselandsthroughcomplex tradenetworksandalliances(McNeil,2019). McNeil(2019)highlightshowFrance’snominalclaimstotheseterritorieswereneversolidifiedthroughgovernanceorenforcement. ThissituatestheU.S.acquisitionoftheterritoryasmoresymbolicthanpractical.

TheU.S.,however,usedtheTreatyasjustificationtoasserttheirterritorialambitions overIndigenouslands,ignoringtheactual sovereigntyofnationsliketheOsage,who resistedtheseclaims(Kastor,2008).This misrepresentationofterritorialsovereignty revealshowtheU.S.exploitedlegalambiguitiestolegitimizeitsexpansionistambitions (Kastor,2008).

Jefferson’sVisionandtheRiseof ManifestDestiny

ThomasJe!ersonframedtheLouisianaPurchaseascentraltohisvisionofan“Empire ofLiberty,”thatexpandingitsterritorywas integraltothesurvivaloftheburgeoning UnitedStates(Frentzos&Antonio,2015; LouisianaPurchaseTreaty,1803).Je!erson

treatedthelandacquisitionasamoralimperative,emphasizingtheroleofthisexpansioninspreadingdemocracyandsafeguardingAmericanideals(Frentzos&Antonio, 2015;LouisianaPurchaseTreaty,1803).

ThelegallanguageoftheTreatymirroredJe!erson’sdisregardforIndigenous politicalrealitybydefiningthepopulation oftheLouisianaTerritoryinvagueand settler-centricterms.ArticleIIIdeclares that“theinhabitantsofthecededterritory shallbeincorporatedintheUnionofthe UnitedStates...totheenjoymentofall theserights,advantagesandimmunities” (LouisianaPurchaseTreaty,1803).While theclausemayappearinclusive,itfailsto distinguishamongthediversepeoplesliving intheregion,e!ectivelycollapsingIndigenoussovereigntyintoagenericcategoryof “inhabitants.”ThisrhetoricalflatteningreinforcedJe!erson’sbeliefinexpansionas amoralandnationalimperative,ignoring Indigenouspoliticalsystemsandultimately justifyingtheirexclusionfromtherights promisedtofutureU.S.citizens(Frentzos &Antonio,2015;Richter,2003).

ManifestDestinyemergedfromideological rootsintheDoctrineofDiscoveryandwas facilitatedbytheLouisianaPurchase.Pratt (1927)describesManifestDestinyasthebeliefthattheU.S.wasdestinedbyProvidence toexpandacrossthecontinent,spreading libertyanddemocracy.ThisideologyprovidedamoraljustificationforthedispossessionofIndigenouspeoples,presenting

expansionbyanymeans,includingviolence, asnecessaryforthefulfillmentofAmerica’s destiny.

TheLouisianaPurchasewasaprecursorto thisdoctrine,establishingaframeworkfor viewingterritorialexpansionasintegralto nationalidentity.Byinstitutionalizingconceptsliketerranullius,theU.S.setaprecedentforfuturepoliciesprioritizingsettler claimsoverIndigenoussovereignty(Miller, 2011).Thephysicalacquisitionoflandby theTreatyprovidedthegeopoliticalmeans forManifestDestinytounfold.Withthe LouisianaPurchaseeliminatingthepolitical walltheU.S.facedtoitswestbefore1803, theU.S.couldexpandwestward,developing asanationbothcoloniallyandideologically. Thisvastterritorialgaindoubledthesize oftheUnitedStatesandcreatedthegeographicfoundationforexpansionistpolicies toflourish(Frentzos&Antonio,2015).The newlyacquiredlandsbecamethestagefor ManifestDestiny,enablingthemovement ofsettlerswestwardandcementingthebeliefthattheU.S.wasdestinedtospanthe continent.

ExpansionbyForce:Forts, Frontiers,andGratiot’sMap

Gratiot’s1837map(seeFigure2)illustrates howManifestDestinycreatedmilitaristic projectsoutofterritorialacquisitions,highlightingtheroleofexpansionistideologies inshapingU.S.policy.Themapdepictsa networkofU.S.forts,includingFortGibson

inpresent-dayOklahomaandFortLeavenworthinKansas,strategicallyplacedto protectnewsettlersandassertU.S.control overoccupiedIndigenousterritories(Gratiot,1837).Thesefortsservednotonlyas literalmilitaryinstallations,butalsoassymbolsofU.S.powerprojectionintheregion, showingtheUnitedStates’commitmentto westwardexpansionanditsmilitaristicattitudetowardstheIndigenouspeoplesalready ontheland.

Figure2.Mapshowingmilitaryinstallmentsacross theLouisianaTerritory.From Illustratingtheplan ofthedefencesoftheWestern&NorthWestern Frontier,byC.Gratiot,1837.

Fortsweremilitaryinstallationsandsafe spacesforcommerce,governance,andcommunication(McNeil,2019).Theywerenecessarytocreatethestableenvironments neededforpermanentandrobustsettlementsincontestedregionsliketheGreat PlainsandMissouriRiverBasin(McNeil, 2019).ThesettlerdevelopmentssystematicallyreducedIndigenousautonomyby cuttingo! mobilityandaccesstoresources whilealsocreatinglegitimacy—intheeyes ofWesternpowers—fortheUnitedStates’ territorialclaims(McNeil,2019).

Gratiot’smapalsohighlightstheweaponizationofcartographywithinthesettlercolonialprocess.AsRichter(2003)notes, theuseofcartographytominimizeorerase thetruenatureofIndigenouspresenceinthe territoryallowedsettlerstoreimaginethe frontierasawildernessripeforcultivation andsettlement.ByvisuallyassertingU.S. militarydominanceandunderratingIndige-

TheforwardpositioningofmilitaryinstallmentsacrossthefrontiershowstheU.S.’s deliberatestrategytoconsolidateterritorial claimsthrougharmedpresence.Theforts, LeavenworthandGibson,servedasstaginggroundsforexpansionsintoIndigenous lands,reinforcingtheperceptionofIndigenousnationsasobstaclestosettlercolonialismandU.S.expansionistprogress(Gratiot,1837;McNeil,2019).Theseaggressive powerprojectionsexemplifythemilitaristic qualitiesofManifestDestiny.Thedivine righttoexpandbyanymeansnecessarylogicallyvalidatestheuseofforcetoeliminate obstacles,includingIndigenouspeoples,to achieveU.S.goals.

nouspresence,themapencapsulatedthe intersectionofideological,infrastructural, andmilitarystrategiesemployedtofulfill ManifestDestiny.

FinancialCoercionandEconomic Dispossession

TheLouisianaPurchasedisguisedsystemic financialexploitation.Indigenousnations wereforcedtocedetheirlandsunderunfair conditions(Lee2017).Lee(2017)calculatesthattheU.S.compensatedIndigenous nationswithapproximately $2.6billion(adjustedforinflation)forlandcessions.He arguesthattheseagreementswereoftennegotiatedundercoercivecircumstances(Lee, 2017).

Anexampleofthiscoercioncanbeseen withtheOsage,whowerepressuredinto cedinglargeswathsoflandintheMissouri RiverBasinatmerefractionsoftheirvalue (McNeil,2019).ThisdisadvantagedtheOsage,asthecompensationtheyreceivedwas insu”cienttosustaintheircommunitiesand didnotreflectthevastvalueofthelands theywereforcedtocede,whichwerequickly absorbedintosettleragriculturalexpansion. The1808TreatyofFortClarkexemplifies theseinequitablearrangements,forcingthe Osagetorelinquishover52millionacresundertermsthat,asmentionedbefore,heavilyfavouredtheU.S.government(McNeil, 2019).

Thesecoercedlandcessionsmarkeda broadershiftinsovereigntywithinthe

Louisianaterritory.TheOsage,who hadmaintainedautonomyintheMissouri RiverBasinthroughalliancesandmilitary strengthduringSpanishandFrenchcolonial possession,couldnotsuccessfullyfacetheencroachmentfromU.S.militaryactions,such astheestablishmentofFortOsagein1817 (McNeil,2019).TheconsolidationofU.S. controlintheregionnormalizedIndigenous dispossessionandsetthestageforpolicies liketheIndianRemovalAct(Richter,2003).

CulturalErasureand

Assimilation

TheLouisianaPurchasesupportedcultural erasurebyframingIndigenousnationsas inferiorthroughpoliciesandlegallanguage, whichsupportedthedismantlingoftheir societalstructures.ManifestDestinyprovidedtheidealframeworkforthesee!orts, utilizingdiscriminatoryrhetoricandgeneral‘othering’toportrayIndigenousculturesasincompatibleandhostiletosettler progressandWesternsociety.ThisperspectiveunderpinnedpoliciestargetingIndigenoustraditions,language,religion,andgovernance,attemptingtosystematicallyerase theiridentity.Missionaryschools,mainly utilizedamongtheSiouxandPawneenations,werethedrivingmachinesforthis erasure.Inthe1820s,missionaryschools enforcedChristianityandEuro-American customsonIndigenouschildrenwhileforbiddingtheirnativelanguagesandcustoms entirely(Richter,2003).Pawneechildren wereremovedfromtheirfamiliesandco-

ercedintorenouncingtheirspiritualbeliefs andculturalpractices(Miller,2011).

WhilemuchfocuswasplacedonIndigenous youth,religiousconversioncampaignsextendedtoentirecommunitiesasawayof dismantlingtraditionalstructures.Among theSioux,missionariespromotedChristian convertsasleaders,underminingtraditional governancepracticesandsocialcohesion (Richter,2003).Thisweakeningofcultural autonomylefttheSiouxlessabletoresist settlerencroachment(Richter,2003).Simultaneously,settlernarrativesreframed theGreatPlainsasa“virginwilderness,” disregardingthedeeprelationshipsIndigenousnationshadcultivatedwiththeland forcenturies(Richter,2003).Byportraying thelandasuninhabitedandripeforsettlement,theseaccountsmarginalizedIndigenouspeoplesandjustifiedtheirexclusion fromtheexpandingsettlersociety.Like theaforementionedmissionarycampaigns, thesenarrativesalignedwithManifestDestinyideas,entrenchingsettlercolonialism andreinforcingcoercedassimilationasatool ofexpansion(Miller,2011;Richter,2003).

Conclusion

TheLouisianaPurchasewasaterritorialacquisitionandafoundationalmomentinU.S. settlercolonialism.ThroughtheLouisiana PurchaseTreaty,theUnitedStatesappropriatedIndigenoussovereigntybyregardingvastterritoriesasterranullius,legitimizedbytheDoctrineofDiscovery.The

legalframeworkintheTreatyitselfallowed theassertionofU.S.claimsintoIndigenous territory.Theideologicalandgeopolitical groundworklaidbythePurchasebecame centraltothedevelopmentofManifestDestiny,apillarofU.S.settlercolonialism.Gratiot’s1837mapexemplifieshowtheseideologiestranslatedintomilitarizede!orts onthefrontier,withfortsmanifestingU.S. powerprojectionandenablingsettlements toforminoccupiedIndigenouslands.Finally,theLouisianaPurchaseinstitutionalizedsystemicdispossessionandcultural erasurethroughinequitabletreatiesandassimilationpolicies,coercivelypushingIndigenouscommunitieso! oftheirlandsand attackingtheiridentity.Thisfoundational momentinU.S.expansionhasleftalegacy ofdisplacementandculturallossforIndigenouspeoples.

References

AssemblyofFirstNations.(2018). DismantlingtheDoctrineofDiscovery.

Frentzos,C.G,Antonio,A.S.(2015). The RoutledgehandbookofAmericanmilitary anddiplomatichistory:theColonialPeriodto1877 (1sted.).Routledge.

Gratiot,C.(1837). Illustratingtheplanof thedefencesoftheWesternNorthWesternFrontier.

Kastor,P.J.(2008). TheNation’sCrucible. YaleUniversityPress.

Lee,R.(2017).AccountingforConquest: ThePriceoftheLouisianaPurchaseof IndianCountry. TheJournalofAmericanHistory(Bloomington,Ind.),103(4), 921–942.

McNeil,K.(2019).TheLouisianaPurchase: IndianandAmericanSovereigntyinthe

MissouriWatershed. TheWesternHistoricalQuarterly,50 (1),17–42.

Miller,R.J.(2011). AmericanIndians, theDoctrineofDiscovery,andManifest Destiny.WyomingLawReview,11 (2), 329–349.

NationalArchivesandRecordsAdministration.(1803,April30). Treaty betweentheUnitedStatesofAmericaandtheFrenchRepubliccedingthe provinceofLouisianatotheUnited States [Treatydocument].General RecordsoftheUnitedStatesGovernment,RecordGroup11.

Pratt,J.W.(1927).TheOriginof“ManifestDestiny.” TheAmericanHistorical Review,32 (4),795–798.

Richter,D.K.(2003).FacingEastfrom IndianCountry.In HarvardUniversity PresseBooks.HarvardUniversityPress.

ThinkingwithLandscape

TheImpactsofRiver/LakeIceontheCanadianArctic

KaedanYu

ThispaperprovidesananalysisoflakeandrivericeintheCanadianArctic.Theformation andnaturalcyclesofthisicecontextualizesitsimportancetotheregionanditsinhabitants. AchangingclimatedisruptsthedelicatebalanceoftheArcticcryosphere,especiallyasArctic amplificationexacerbatesthee!ectsofwarming.Lakeandrivericeissubjecttoearlier melting,andlaterfreezing,withanoverallshorterdurationobservedeachsubsequentwinter inmanyareas.Thispaperexplorestheroleoflakeandrivericeinsupportingbothecosystems andhumansintheArctic,andhowitsessentialfunctionisbeingjeopardized,leadingto profoundimpactsontheclimateandhabitability.Itconcludesthatbothadaptationand mitigationstrategiesarenecessarytosupportthefuturesofIndigenousandotherArctic communities,aswellastheregion’swildlifeandthenaturalenvironment.

Keywords: lakeandriverice,freshwaterice,CanadianArctic,climatechange,Indigenous communities,mining

TheFormationofRiverandLake

IceintheCanadianArctic

Canadaisthecountrywiththemostlakesin theentireworld,with879,900lakesintotal (WorldPopulationReview,2024).Given thatmanyoftheselakesfreezeoverinthe winter,freshwatericehasasignificantimpactontheCanadiancryosphere.Justas important,riversflowingintotheArctic Oceanrepresentover10%ofglobalriver discharge,despitethisoceanonlycomprising1%oftheglobaloceanvolume(Aagaard andCarmack,1989;McClellandetal.,2012). Riverandlakeiceareuniquecryospheric features,astheyarealmostexclusivelycom-

posedoffreshwater,asopposedtosalinesea ice(Bringetal.,2016).Freshwatericeis extremelyrelevantintheCanadiancontext, asmostCanadianlakeandriversystems haveseasonalicecover(Bringetal.,2016). ThoughlakeandrivericeismainlyassociatedwiththeArcticduetoitscoldertemperaturesandseaice,eventheGreatLakes freezeoverannually(UnitedStatesEnvironmentalProtectionAgency,2024).However, therearedrasticseasonaldi!erencesinhow muchofthelakefreezes,varyingbetween ¡20%to¿90%icecoverasseeninFigure 1(UnitedStatesEnvironmentalProtection Agency,2024).

Figure1.AmapoftheArcticshowingtheboundariesofareaswithicecoverbythenumberofdays peryear.FromBatesBilello,1966.

Datafrom1966indicatesNorthernCanada waterwayshavingbeenunnavigablefor180 daysoftheyear,whilenearlytheentiretyof CanadaandalargeproportionoftheUSA wasunnavigablefor100daysoftheyear (BatesBilello,1966).Thenumberofunnavigabledayshassincedecreaseddueto climaticwarming(InuitTapiriitKanatami, 2018).However,thisopensupeconomic opportunitiesinNortherncoldwaterports, increasingseafaringaccessalongwaterways (InuitTapiriitKanatami,2018).Multiple riversflowintotheArcticocean,notably theMackenzieandLena,whichhavesprawlingdeltasharbouringecologiesandcommunities,deeplytiedtopatternsofriverice (L¨utjenetal.,2024;MarshPiper,2024). Smalllakesaremorecommonlysubjectto freezing,astheyonlytakeacoupleofweeks tofreezeover(Bringetal.,2016).Larger

lakes,ontheotherhand,cantakemonths, ormaynotevenfreezeovercompletely,especiallyinthecaseoftheGreatLakesand Canada’sothermassivelakes(Bringetal., 2016).Rivers,ontheotherhand,freezelater oninthecolderseasonsandbreakupearlier,leadingtoashorteroveralltimefrozen comparedtolakes,butalsogreatlydi!ering basedonthelength/sizeoftheriver(Bring etal.,2016).Thereasonsforthisaredue tothewayinwhichriverandlakeiceforms andmeltsannually.

Anannualcyclecomprisingthreecomponentsdefinesfreshwaterice:freeze-up, growth,andbreak-up(Bringetal.,2016). However,duetothelargeinfluenceofclimateandotherexternalfactorsapartfrom thehydrologicalsystem,theamountand thicknessoficeoneachwaterbodydi!ers drasticallyeachseason.Theformationof thistypeoficeoccursdi!erentlydepending onifitformsoveracalmbodyofwater (usuallylakes),oraturbulentbody(usually rivers)(Bringetal.,2016).Forcalmwater bodies,iceisformedwhenthesurfacewater coolsto4°C(thetemperatureatwhichwateristhemostdense)whichresultsinthat watersinking,andbringingupcolderwater fromdeeperareas(Bringetal.,2016).This wateristoocoldtocontinuethiscirculation, thereforeitremainsatthesurfaceandcools belowfreezingpoint,icingover(Bringet al.,2016).Intermsofmoreturbulentwaterbodies,waterisconstantlymixingandis generallyshallower,sothewatercoolsatthe

sameratethroughout(Bringetal.,2016).

Inthiscase,thefreeze-upoccurswhentypes oficeparticlescalledfrazilbuilduponce thewaterreaches0°C(Bringetal.,2016).

Theicegrowthstageisespeciallynotable forturbulentwaters,astheiceaccumulates acrossthewidthoftheriver,beforegrowing downwards(i.e.stretchingdeeper)(Bring etal.,2016).Thebuild-upandgrowthis greatlyinfluencedbyexternalvariablessuch aswindandsnowcoverontopoftheice, specificallythedensityofthesnow(Bring etal.,2016).RivericebreakupisasignificantspringeventinNorthernCanada,as icejamsoftenoccurduetotheinfluxof waterthroughsnowmeltandruno!,unique torivers(Bringetal.,2016).Thisresults infloodswhicharefarmoreimpactfulthan summerflooding(Bringetal.,2016).

Overlyingsnowhasuniqueimpactsonlake ice,includingcausingthespatialandtemporalvariabilityoficethicknessandpresence oficeacrossasinglelakethroughtheinsulatingcharacteristicsofsnow(Brown,2024). Notalllakeiceisthesame:thedi!erent typeshavedi!erentimpactsonthemicroclimateofthelake,andareimpactedbyoverlyingsnowindi!erentways.Blackiceappearsclear,andhasicecrystalswhichgrow downwardtothebottomofthelakeina columnarfashion(Brown,2024).Itsgrowth isslowedbysnowcoverduetothesnow’s insulatinge!ects(Brown,2024).Whiteice istranslucent,andisformedfromslushrefreezingfromtheweightofoverlyingsnow

(Brown,2024).Whiteicehasaloweralbedo (50%ofblackice),asthebubblesandice crystals,whichcomefromthewaytheice isformed,refractslightintoitself(Brown, 2024).Multi-yearicealsodrasticallya!ects lakeconditions,preventingwaterfrommixingastheiceshieldsitfromthewindyear round(Brown,2024).Theuniquelightconditionsfromconstanticecoveralsocreates auniqueecosystemoflakespecies(Brown, 2024).

TheImportanceofRiverand LakeIcetoIndustryand IndigenousCommunities

Theimpactsofriverandlakeicecandirectlybeseenonsurroundingenvironments, andviceversa.InNorthernQu´ebec,around 10%ofriverdischargecanbeattributed tosnowfalldepressingtheice,pushingout morewaterduetotheincreasedpressure (Bringetal.,2016).Theiceisbeneficial inmanywaysforecosystems,servingfunctionssuchasprotectingfishfromlandpredators,whilemitigatingcoolinge!ectsbyinsulatingtheunderlyingwater(Bringetal., 2016).Forhumans,theiceactuallyopens upawholemodeoftransportation:winter andiceroads(Bringetal.,2016).Winter roadsaremorecommon,astheyareroads whichrunoverlakes,rivers,andlandinterchangeably,whileiceroadsarepredominantlyoverbodiesofwater(Barrette,2015). TheNorthwestTerritoriesisthehubofwinterandiceroads,withtheirroadsystem nearlydoublingeachwinter(Prowse,2009).

Theterritoryharboursthelongesticeroad intheworld:theTibbitttoContwoytowinterroad,seeninFigure2(NorthSlaveIce Roads,n.d.).

Figure2.FromTibbitttoContwoytoWinterRoad [Photograph],byJointVentureTibbitttoContwoytoWinterRoad,n.d. JVTCWRwebsite.

The600km-longroadis85%frozenlakes and15%portageoverland,andisoperated byseveralminingcompanies(Bringetal., 2016;BurgundyDiamondMinesLtd,2023). Itmustberebuilteveryyearbyfloodingcertainareastoensuresafeicethickness(BurgundyDiamondMinesLtd,2023).Thefact thelongestwinterroadisaprivateroadfor theminingindustryindicatestheArctic’s economicimportance,andhowfreshwater iceisessentialtothisindustry.WhilewinterroadsareessentialfortheArcticmining industry,theyalsoserveasavitallifelinefor IndigenouscommunitiesintheArcticduring wintermonths,allowingforthetransportof essentialservicesandsupplies(Indigenous ServicesCanada,2024).Thatsaid,more generally,theactivitiesofminingcompanies areofteninconflictwiththoseofIndigenous communities,withtheneedsandrightsof

communitiesbeinginfringedupon,asminingcanputthetraditionalwayoflifeof Indigenouscommunitiesatrisk.Oneunfortunatelycommonexampleisintheleaching ofmercuryintoculturally-significantwaterways,leadingtothecommunitiesbeingunabletosafelyfish,andseverethreatsto humanhealthandsafety(IsumaTV,2010). Inanotherexample,miningvesselsoften dumpballastwaterintotheArcticOcean tomakeroomforores,whichcanincrease invasivespeciesintheregion,disturbingthe ecosystembalancewhichInuitrelyonfor food(InuitTapiriitKanatami,2018).Overall,itisclearthatlakeandrivericeisvital toNortherncommunitiesandindustriesin theCanadianArctic,asdireconsequences wouldbefeltbytheregionwithanabsence ofthisice.

ImpactofRiverandLakeIceon ClimateChange

TheArcticfacesanexacerbatedclimatecrisis,knownasArcticamplification(Serreze &Barry,2011).TheArcticiswarming atapacetwotofourtimesasfastasthe restoftheworld(Bringetal.,2016).This ispartiallyduetopositivefeedbackloops, suchaswhenrisingtemperaturesfromclimatechangemeltice,exposemoreopen water,andlowertheoverallalbedointhe area,causingmoreenergytobeabsorbed andthushighertemperatures(Bringetal., 2016).Cryosphericfeatureslikelakeand riverice,therefore,areimperativetounderstandingourchangingclimate(Bringetal.,

2016).MultiplefactorsintheArcticcompoundtoexacerbatethee!ectsofglobal warmingoncryosphericsystemslikerivers andlakes(Brown,2024).Forexample,climatechangecausesacceleratedsnowmelt, whichfloodsrivers,whilerisingtemperaturessimultaneouslyspeedupicebreakup inrivers,allcoalescingintogreater,warmer waterinputintolakes(Brown,2024).Due toanincreasedfrequencyanddurationof winterwarmspellsasaconsequenceofclimatechange,riverandlakeiceisfreezing significantlylaterintheyearandbreaking upearlier(Bringetal.,2016).Thismeans thereisalongeropenwaterseason,when icedoesnotexistforaslongandhasless timetobuildup.

Warmertemperatures,especiallyintheArctic,generallyresultinriver/lakeicefreezing lateronintheseasoninNorthAmerica; however,thisvariesgreatlyseasonallyand regionally(Brown&Duguay,2022).Arctic icebreakupalreadyoccurredtwoweeksearlieronaveragefrom1846-1945,andcould occur15-35daysearlierbytheendofthe century(Bringetal.,2016).Thoughclimate changehasresultedinmoreicebreakup thanfreezingoverthepastcentury,the lastthirtyyearshasseenmoresignificant changesinfreeze-up,happening1.6days earlierperdecade(Bringetal.,2016).The issueisalsofurtherexacerbatedinhigher latitudes,withlakesintheHighArcticlosingicecoveratarateover4.5timesfaster thantherateoflakesinSouthernCanada (Bringetal.,2016).Thisbeingsaid,atrend towardsthereductionoficecoverinthe GreatLakesisstilloccurring,withLake Superiorbeinghitespeciallyhardasthe furthestNorth,largest,anddeepestofthe group(UnitedStatesEnvironmentalProtectionAgency,2024).

Thisreductionintheamountofoveralllake andrivericeintheCanadianArcticdue towarmingtemperatureswillhaveother detrimentale!ectsontheclimate.Tobegin, therewillbeagreaterreleaseinamountsof greenhousegasesintotheatmosphere,becauseriverandlakeicesequesterscarbon andmethane(Bringetal.,2016).Thisreleaseofgasescontributestothepositive feedbackloopofclimatechange,whichis keytoArcticamplification(Serreze&Barry, 2011).Further,reductioninicewilllimit theice’sabilitiestoenableheatstorage andwilldampenthestabilizatione!ects inregardstoevaporationandsensibleheat whichfreshwatericemaintains(Bringetal., 2016).Evaporativee!ectsarealreadycausinglakestobecomesalineorcompletelydry out;smallerlakesareespeciallysusceptible (Bringetal.,2016).Thelackoflakeice alsocausesgreatermixingoflakewater,as iceservesasashieldfromwind,somixingcausesextremeimpactsonthechemistryoflakewater(Cavaliereetal.,2021). Theconstanttumultfromwindalsolimits theamountoflightthatpenetrateslakewater,reducingtheactivityofvitalprimary producerslikephytoplankton(Cavaliereet

al.,2021).However,climatechangecanincreaseproductivityinlakeecosystems:for example,increasedtemperaturesandsolar radiationyieldgreateramountsofzooplankton(Cavaliereetal.,2021).Thishasa bottom-uptrophiccascadee!ect,allowing otherorganismsintheecosystemtothrive (Cavaliereetal.,2021).Climatechangeis alsocausingmoreextremeseasonalvariation (Bringetal.,2016).Theincreaseinsealevel iscausingfloodingfurtherupstreamfrom thebreak-upofriverice,disruptingecosystemsandimpactingcommunities,notably intheMackenzieRiverDelta(Bringetal., 2016).Ontheotherhand,lessicecanresult inlessdramaticbreak-ups,whichdriesout basinsandimpactsentireecosystems(Bring etal.,2016).

ImpactofMeltingLakeand RiverIceonCommunities

Themeltingoflakeandrivericenotonly hasdrastice!ectsonecosystemsandthe environment,butalsoonhumancommunities.Justlikethenaturalenvironment, thereisaspectrumofpositiveandnegative e!ectsofclimatechangefordi!erentgroups intheCanadianArctic.ManyNorthern communitiesareestablishedattheconfluenceofrivers,orwhenriversflowintolakes; areaswhichareespeciallyatriskforice jams(Bringetal.,2016).Whenthesejams break,acatastrophicinfluxofwaterengulfs downstreamcommunities(UnitedStatesEnvironmentalProtectionAgency,2024).Ice jamfloodsareprominentintheNorthwest

TerritoriesalongtheMackenzieRiverand itstributaries,particularlytheLiardRiver (EnvironmentandClimateChangeCanada, 2010).FortLiardandHayRiveraretwo notableicejamflood-pronecommunities intheNorthwestTerritories,astheirrespectiveriversarefedbyglaciersofthe RockyMountains,whichexperienceacceleratedmeltingduetoclimatechange,seenin Figure3(EnvironmentandClimateChange Canada,2010).

Figure3. FloodingofK´at!l’odeecheFirstNation homesatHayRiver. From Whywasthisyear’sHay Riverfloodsobad? [Photograph],byO.Williams, 2022, CabinRadio.

Dynamicrivericebreak-upscouldalso threatenhydroelectricfacilities,avitalenergysupplyforsomecommunities,anda revenuesourceforthegovernmentandcompanies(Bringetal.,2016).AsCanada’s Arctichasanactiveindustry,companies willalsofacechallengesindealingwiththe e!ectsofclimatechangeonlakeandriverice. Thisiceisessentialforthecontinuedsafeuse ofwinterroadsintheNorthwestTerritories, whichisbeingjeopardizedbyunpredictable andshorterwinters,andwarmertemper-

aturesmeltingvitalice(KleanIndustries, 2024).Companiesandproducerswhorely onwinterroadsforthetransportofgoods willloseaccesstostretchesofroad,and willneedtodomoremaintenanceonwinter roads(Bringetal.,2016).Inthewordsof thedirectoroftheTibbitttoContwoyto WinterRoad:“Iftherewasnowinterroad, therewouldbenodiamondmines”(Blake, 2022).InManitobaalone,winterroadscost thefederalgovernment $4.5millionannually, anumberwhichisonlyincreasing(Klean Industries,2024).Thealternativetomaintenanceisreplacingwinterroadswithall seasonroads,whichisestimatedtocostthe NorthwestTerritories $2billionover20years (KleanIndustries,2024).Itispredictedthat halfofCanada’siceroadswillbeunusable by2050,andeventuallynonewillbeby2080 (KleanIndustries,2024).

Theclosureofwinterroadsdoesnotonly impactindustryandthetownscentered aroundthesemines,butthemanyIndigenouscommunitieswhichrelyonthemfor goods(KleanIndustries,2024).Freshproducecanbeupto175%moreexpensivefor communitiesrelyingonwinterroads,exacerbatingthefoodinsecuritycrisisforArcticIndigenouscommunities(KleanIndustries,2024).Icefishingisimportantinmany NorthernIndigenouscultures,beingaprimaryfoodsourceformany,meaningicemelt couldfurtherexacerbateissuesoffoodinsecurityandjeopardizeacentralaspectofIndigenoustradition(IsumaTV,2010).Other

Canadianswhopartakeinrecreationalactivitiesonice,suchasskatingoricefishing,will seetheseactivitiesbeimpactedbymelting lake/riverice(UnitedStatesEnvironmental ProtectionAgency,2024).

MitigationandAdaptation Strategies

Thoughclimatechangeyieldsanuncertain futureforCanada’sArctic,therearestrategiestocurbclimatechange’simpactson lakeandriverice.TraditionalIndigenous knowledgemustbecentraltoanysolutions, especiallythoseproposedbygovernment institutionsandcorporations(VogelBullock,2020).Ashasbeendemonstrated,in notmeaningfullyengagingIndigenoustraditionalknowledge,adaptationisinhibited (Fordetal.,2015).Anexampleofapositive andcollaborativeadaptatione!ortledby Indigenouspeopleswasthe2016relocation ofanadministrativecentreintheNorthwest TerritoriesfromAklaviktoInuvik(Bring etal.,2016).Inuvikisfurthernorth,away fromthefloodingwhichishappeningfurtherupstreamontheMackenzieRiverdue toclimatechange(Bringetal.,2016).Institutionalbarrierswhichpreventsuchactions fromtakingplacemustbechallenged.As ofnow,therehavebeennosuccessfulrelocationsofcommunities,despitecallsfrom Indigenousgovernmentstodoso(Fordet al.,2015).

Whilerelocationisapotentiallastresort, governmentfundsshouldbeprimarilyallo-

catedtodisasterpreventionandmitigation ratherthanrebuilding,whichisthecurrentfocus(Fordetal.,2015).Duetothe impactofclimatechangeonwinterroads, investmentinotherformsoftransportation shouldbeconsidered,suchaswaterways leadingintotheNorthwestPassage,which isopeningupduetothemeltingofsea ice(InuitTapiriitKanatami,2018).The passagecouldeconomicallysupportNortherncommunitiesaswellasfurthergrowing industry(InuitTapiriitKanatami,2018). SomeIndigenouspeoplesacknowledgethe importanceofshipping,andhowthepassage willimproveaccesstogoodsformanycommunities(InuitTapiriitKanatami,2018). Cheaperthanplanetransport,moreregular shippingwouldlowerfoodcostsforcommunities(InuitTapiriitKanatami,2018).LookingtotheNorthwestpassageisanimportant adaptatione!orttoconsider,especiallyfor communities.Thatsaid,mitigatione!orts shouldbeprioritizedasiceroadsarestillimperativeforindustrieslikediamondmining (Blake,2022).

Conclusion

Riverandlakeiceareimportantcryospheric featuresinCanada’sArctic.Theexacerbatede!ectofclimatechangebyArcticamplificationiscausingreducedfreshwaterice cover,whichdirectlyimpactscommunities andcompanieswhorelyonvitaliceroadsas aconnectiontotherestofCanada.Inthe Arctic’srapidlychanginglandscape,climate changehasuniquee!ectsonriverandlake ice,whichinturnhasimplicationsforkey Arcticgroups.Negativeimpactsmustbe urgentlyaddressed,utilizingthesolutions presented,andinconsultationwithIndigenousinhabitants.

Newtechnologymustbeusedtomonitor lakeandriverice,sothatcommunitiescan predictandprepareforthefuture.However,thesetechnologiesareoftenexpensive, sofundingfromdi!erentlevelsofgovernmentisrequired(Brown,2024).Lakeand rivericeisextremelydi”culttomonitor, asitisoftenremoteandconstantlychangingovershortperiodsoftime,andbylocation(sometimesevenwithinthesamelake) (Brown,2024).Cameraimageryshould keepbeingusedfortimelapsesasitissimpleandinexpensive,thoughitisunsuitableforextremelyremotelocations(Brown, 2024).Manualmeasurementisalsoanoption—althoughthisrequiresalargerteam, itcanprovidemoreaccurateresultsforice thickness(Brown,2024).Relativelynew technologysuchastheShallowWaterIce Profiler(SWIP)isanotheroption.Though somewhatexpensive,itisextremelye”cient andlowmaintenance,andhascontributed todevelopmentsinunderstandingoffrazilin riverice,andslushandthermalice(Brown, 2024;Buermansetal.,2011).Itise!ectiveinmeasuringlakeandriverice,though multipleSWIPsmaybeneededasdatacan beinaccuratefromasingleinstrumentas oneSWIPonlycapturesdataforasingular pointofthewaterbody(Brown,2024).

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Barrette,P.D.(2015).AreviewofguidelinesoniceroadsinCanada:Determinationofbearingcapacity.In National ResearchCouncil.

Blake,E.(2022,November17). Limitedtransportationinfrastructurefacing threatsintheNorth. CBC.

Bring,A.,Fedorova,I.,Dibike,Y.,Hinzman, L.,M˚ard,J.,Mernild,S.H.,Prowse, T.,Semenova,O.,Stuefer,S.L.,Woo, M.(2016).Arcticterrestrialhydrology:Asynthesisofprocesses,regional e!ects,andresearchchallenges. Journal ofGeophysicalResearchBiogeosciences, 121 (3),621–649.

Brown,L.C.(2024).GGR308–Week8 –ArcticHydrology[PowerpointSlides]. Quercus.

Brown,L.C.,Duguay,C.R.(2022)Lake Ice.ArcticReportCard2022.

Buermans,J.,Fissel,D.B.,Kanwar,A. (2011). SevenYearsofSWIPSMeasurements,ApplicationsandDevelopment: Where,HowandWhatCantheTechnologyDoforUs. ASLEnvironmental SciencesInc. BurgundyDiamondMinesLtd.(2023). The TibbitttoContwoytoWinterRoad,an essentialtransportationlifelineforEkati DiamondMine.

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ThinkingwithLandscape

TheSvalbardGlobalSeedVault:A‘Noah’sArk,’ orSomethingMoreSinister?

JaniceWalder

TheSvalbardGlobalSeedVaultisalong-term,secureseedstoragefacilityontheislandof Spitsbergen,Norway.Thefacilityisdesignedtoprotecttheworld’scropdiversityinthe faceofthreatssuchasseedmismanagement,fundingcuts,naturaldisasters,disease,war, and,increasingly,climatechange.However,concernshavebeenraisedaboutthee!ectiveness ofthisendeavour,aswellasitsideologicalunderpinnings.ThispaperanalysestheSeed Vaultasasociallyproducedlandscape,examiningthemultiplemeaningsembeddedwithin thisspace.ItarguesthattheSeedVaultrevealsa‘highmodernist’ambitiontosolvethe crisisoffoodinsecurity—anapproachgroundedintheseparationofhumansandnature,the needforsimplificationandspatialordering,andarelianceontheauthorityofplannersor scientists.Yetthisalsoleavesoutimportantdynamics,includingtheWhitesaviourtrope, theinterdependencebetweenhumansandnature,andtheexistenceofalternativewaysof knowing.

Keywords: landscape,highmodernism,foodjustice,SvalbardGlobalSeedVault

Introduction

Asthepressuresofclimatechangeandpoliticalinstabilityrise,theSvalbardGlobal SeedVaultisoftenportrayedasasafety netor‘Noah’sArk’thathasthepotential tosavehumanityfromimpendingdisaster. Establishedin2008,theSeedVaultaimsto providelong-term,securestorageforseed duplicatesfromgenebanksaroundtheworld (Charles,2006).Thisisseenascrucialinthe contextofwars,poverty,agriculturalmismanagement,disease,andenvironmental disaster(Cockrall-King,2020),allofwhich increasinglythreatenfoodsecurity.

ThispapersituatestheSeedVaultaspart ofthe‘highmodernist’ambitiontosolve societalproblems.Highmodernism,asdefinedbyScott(1998),involvesabeliefin humanmasteryovernature,aconfidence inthepowerofscienceandtechnologyto addresssocialissues,thesimplificationof complexenvironments,andadisregardfor specifichistoricalandgeographicalcontexts. Additionally,buildingonLefebvre’snotion ofspaceasasocialproduct,thispaperexaminestheSeedVaultasasociallyproduced

space,usingphotographs,journalisticdiscussions,touristmaterials,andscholarly sourcestosupportitsarguments.

Thispaperbeginsbyanalysingnarratives surroundingthelocationandexteriorof theSeedVault,revealingthemesofhumannatureseparation,spatialordering,andan acceptanceofWesternscientificauthority.It thenturnstotheinteriorofthevault,identifyingsimilartendenciesofcategorization, surveillance,andprivatisedseedownership, aswellasthesystem’svulnerabilitiesinthe faceofclimatechange.Finally,theSeed Vault’shighmodernistlogicisbrieflycomparedtoalternative,morelocalisedforms ofknowledge,governance,andecological interdependence.

LocationandExterior

ThissectionanalysesthelocationandexteriorassociatedwiththeSvalbardSeed Vault.AsarguedbyLefebvre(1991),space isasocialproductthatisshapedandreshapedbysocietalvalues.Thiscanbeseen inthevisualaspectsofthebuilding,suchas itsutilitarianandaustereshape,itssharp angles,anditsconcretewalls,allofwhich reflectahighmodernistwayofthinkingthat seekstosimplifynaturethroughspatialordering.Thebuildinghasbeendescribed asan“architecturallyinnovativestoragefacility”(Breen,2015,p.43),whichechoes highmodernistnotionsofsolvingproblems throughobjectivity,rationality,centralised power,andtheunquestionedexpertiseof

thescientificplanner.

Figure1belowdepictstheSeedVaulton asnowywinter’snight.Thejuxtaposition ofthesmall,green,artificiallightofthe buildingagainsttheexpansivedarknessof thesurroundingnaturallandscapecreates anarrativeoflightanddark,ofhumans conqueringaseeminglyuntameablenature. Similarperspectiveshavebeeno!eredby touriststothestoragefacility,oneofwhom describesthebuildingasbeing“onanisland thatis60percentglaciersand100percentin themiddleofnowhere,”andsurroundedby “mangySvalbardreindeerpawingattheice andsnow”(Cockrall-King,2020,n.pag.). ThisseparationofthenaturalandmanmadereflectsbroaderWesterntendencies toseehumansasdistinctfromnature.As such,thisactsasafurtherwayinwhichthe productionofspacereflectssocietalvalues.

Figure1.TheSeedVaultlituponawinternight, contrastingmanmadelightwithArcticdarkness.

Furthermore,thevisionofSvalbardasa dark,coldislandfilledwithglaciersand reindeerservestodistanceitfromhuman civilisationandthereforepoliticalquestions.

ThiscanbeseenmoregenerallyinthenotionofNordicexceptionalism,whichcreates theideathatNordiccountrieswereperipheraltothehistoryofEuropeancolonialism, andthatinthecontextoftoday’sglobal geopoliticallandscape,theyaremodelsof stability,diplomacy,andcapitalismdone right(Loftsd´ottir&Jensen,2012).This narrativecanbeseeninthecreationofthe SeedVault,withNorwaybeingchosenas theappropriatesiteduetoits“neutralinternationalreputation”(Cockrall-King,2020). Bycontrast,countriesintheGlobalSouth areconceptualisedasvictimsoftheirwarm, unfavourableenvironments,fightingmeaninglesswars,andplaguedbypovertyand disease(Adichie,2009).Inthiscontext,the ‘chaos’ofthesecountriesislikenedtothe ‘chaos’ofnature,withtheSeedVault,and Norwaybyextension,beingseenastheonly institutionsthatcanprovidetheneededorder,safety,andprotection.

TheInternalLandscape

Theinternalandexternallandscapesofthe SeedVaultareinextricablylinked.Theinteriorofthebuilding,depictedinFigure2,representsasimilarly‘conquered’nature,with seedshavingbeenharvested,transported acrosstheworld,putintoneat,orderlyrows, andidentifiedasthedistinctpropertyofone grouporanother(Breen,2015).Thishas alsobeenreflectedintouristaccounts,with Cockrall-King(2020)likeningthebuilding’s interiortoa“well-orderedgarage”filled with“utilitarianwire-rackshelvesfilledwith

plasticbins,woodencratesandcardboard boxes,”(n.pag.)allclearlylabelledby country.

Figure2.TheinterioroftheSeedVaultwithlabeledseedcontainersandshelvingunits.

Muchlikethehighmodernistarchitecture oftheexterior,theinteriorofthefacility revealsaneedtosimplify,order,categorise, andsurveil.TheSeedVaultdrawsonthe discourseofseedsbeingthe“commonheritageofhumankind”tojustifyandlegitimise theprivatisationofcropsandthestorageof seedsinsecure,inaccessiblelocations(Wincott,2018,p.647).Assuch,theSeedVault representsacentralisationofpowerinthe foodsystem,whichdeprivespeople,mostly intheGlobalSouth,offullcontroloverthe abilitytosustainandnourishthemselves.

Thisprocessleadstoconsequencesinherent tocentralisedsystems.AsoutlinedbyScott (1998),highmodernistplanningishierarchicalinnature,andenforceslegibilitybysimplifyingcomplexenvironmentsandreducing variedinformationtodiscrete,understandablemetrics,orotherwisecreatinga“synopticview.”TheSeedVaultgoesonestepfur-

ther,usingthelogicofhighmodernismand centralisationtosolveproblemsthathave beencreatedbytheseprocessesinthefirst place.Forexample,theissueoffoodproduction,whichtheSeedVaultaimstoaddress, arelinkedtothereductionofforeststotheir timbervalue(Scott,1998,pp.27–39),the enormoussizeofmonocultureplantations, andtheclaimingofseedpropertyrightsby largecompanies(Cockrall-King,2020).All ofthesestemfromthetendencyofstates andcorporationstosimplifyandrendercomplexenvironmentslegibleinordertoexert centralisedcontroloverthem(Scott,1998). Similarly,broaderenvironmentalandgeopoliticalcrisescanbeexplainedasproducts ofcompetitionbetweenstatesandcorporationstocreateinfinitewealthonafinite planet(Kocsis,2018).

Thevulnerabilitiesofthishighmodernist logicareintheSeedVaultitself.Some yearsago,theentranceofthebuildingwas floodedandblockedduetotheunexpected meltingofpermafrost(Carrington,2017a). Thesituationwasworsenedbythebuilding’s downwardslopingtunnel,whichprovided littleresistancetofloodwatersandwassubsequentlycriticisedasa“stupid”engineeringmistake(Carrington,2017b).Although noseedswerelost,theeventcalledinto questionthewisdomofkeepingsuchalarge numberofseedstogetherinasingle,supposedlysafelocation(Carrington,2017a).As Carrington(2017a)notes,“thebreachhas questionedtheabilityofthevaulttosur-

viveasalifelineforhumanityifcatastrophe strikes”(para.5).Thisgesturesatalarger problem:Norway’sperceivedcold,isolation andstabilitydonotprotectitfromclimate change;infact,polarregionssuchasSvalbardandotherregionsintheGlobalNorth arewarmingfasterthantheglobalaverage duetopolaramplification(Pierrehumbert, 2010).

Inresponsetothisfailure,theSeedVault hasleanedevenmoreheavilyonhighmodernistlogic.Itsoperationnowdependson continuoussurveillance,includingtwentyfour-hourtemperaturemonitoringtoensure thattheinteriorremainsbelow–18℃ (Carrington,2017b).Thus,ratherthanchallengingthelimitationsofsimplificationand control,theSeedVaultdoublesdownon them—furtherreinforcingtheverysystem thatproducedthevulnerabilitiesitnowtries todefendagainst.

IsThereanAlternative?

Theproblemsofsimplification,legibility, andspatialorderingalsoextendtobroader discussionsofknowledgesystems.Here,the contrastbetweentechneandmetis,asdescribedbyScott(1998,pp.346–379),is paramount.Metisishighlyspecific,localisedknowledgethatadaptsconstantly tochangingcircumstances;itisdi”cultto gainunlessonepartakesintheactivityoneself.Bycontrast,techneisobjective,universalknowledgethatcanbedecomposed, organisedintosmallcomponents,andheld

withoutpracticalorcontextualapplication. ThisisreflectedbytheGlobalSeedVault, whereseedsarestoredasindividualbiologicalunits,whiletheecological,cultural,and practicalknowledgeattachedtothem—the metis—isundervaluedorexcluded.

ManyIndigenousgroupsremaincautious aboutcontributingtotheSeedVault.Althoughsomegroups,suchastheCherokee Nation,haveparticipatedinseeddeposits (GrrlScientist,2020),othersarehesitantor reluctanttodosoduetolonghistoriesof deception,dispossession,andbetrayalby governments(Breen,2015).Infact,the verylogicofstate-ledenvironmentalismand conservationpolicieshavehistoricallybeen appropriatedtojustifytheremovalofIndigenouspeoplesfromtheirlands,despite theirdeeplyreciprocalrelationshipswith theland(Spence,1999).Asaresult,many Indigenouscommunitiestendtopreferin situconservationthatsupportslocalautonomyanddecision-making,andthesharing ofecologicalknowledgeacrossgenerations (Breen,2015).Morebroadly,theseinitiativescanworktogethertobuildupanalternativefoodsystemrootedinbothsocial andenvironmentaljustice.

Conclusion

TheSvalbardGlobalSeedVaulthaswidely beenportrayedasasymbolofinternational cooperation,orasamodern-day‘Noah’s Ark’thatcansavehumanityfromimpendingcatastrophe.However,thisframingob-

scuresthepowerdynamicsthatshapethe SeedVaultasaculturalandpoliticallandscape.TheconceptualisationofSvalbardas aremote,apoliticalplaceimmunetoglobal crises;theconfidenceintheexpertiseof rationalplannersandscientists;andthereductionofcomplexknowledgeintodiscrete, legibledata—allacttogethertopresentthe SeedVaultasanobjective‘good,’andanecessarysolutiontoanumberofmodern-day crises.

Yetthisnarrativeconcealsotherrealities,includingNorway’sownpartinracistandcolonialactivities;thevulnerabilityoftheSeed Vaulttochangingenvironmentalanddesign failure;andtheexistenceofdecentralised, localmethodsanddiscoursesaroundconservation.Inaneramarkedbyecological uncertaintyandgeopoliticaltension,itisnot enoughtocelebratetechnocraticsolutions withoutalsoscrutinizingtheirassumptions, omissions,andexclusions.

References

Adichie,C.N.(2009). Thedangerofasinglestory.TEDGlobal.

Breen,S.(2015). Seedsandsovereignty: Theglobalseedvaultandthepoliticsof foodsecurity.GlobalEnvironmentalPolitics,15(1),41–60.

Carrington,D.(2017a).Arcticstronghold ofworld’sseedsfloodedafterpermafrost melts. TheGuardian

Carrington,D.(2017b).SvalbardGlobal SeedVaulttobeupgradedafterflooding. TheGuardian.

Charles,D.(2006). Norway’s”Doomsday Vault”toprotectseeds.NPR.

Cockrall-King,J.(2020). Foodsecurityand theSeedVault.Blogpost.

GrrlScientist.(2020). CherokeeNationfirst U.S.tribetodepositseedsinglobalseed vault.Forbes.

Kocsis,T.(2018). Limitstogrowthrevis-

ited:Areview.EcologicalEconomics, 146,265–272.

Lefebvre,H.(1991). Theproductionofspace. Blackwell.

Loftsd´ottir,K.,&Jensen,L.(2012). WhitenessandpostcolonialismintheNordic region.Ashgate.

Pierrehumbert,R.T.(2010). Principlesof planetaryclimate.CambridgeUniversityPress.

Scott,J.C.(1998). Seeinglikeastate:How certainschemestoimprovethehuman conditionhavefailed.YaleUniversity Press.

Spence,M.D.(1999). Dispossessingthe wilderness:Indianremovalandthemakingofthenationalparks.OxfordUniversityPress.

Wincott,D.(2018). Seedsovereigntyand legalpower.JournalofLawandSociety, 45(4),647–667.

ThinkingwithLandscape

BoggedDown:Ireland’sColonialPastandEco-Modern Future

NiamhEllwood

ThispaperarguesthattheIrishsemi-stateownedcompanyBordnaM´onareproducescolonial rhetoricsandlegaciesinitsplantobuilddatacentersontopofIreland’sclimate-critical peatlands.Thispaper,thinkingwithJodiMelamedandWalterMignolo,exploreshowcolonial eraideasofmasteryoverthenaturallandscape—inthiscase,thebog—havecontrolledthe wayIrelandenvisionsitsgreenfutureandmodernity.Usingahistoricalandtheoretical analysisofrhetoricsurroundingthebogasalandscape,thispaperassertsthattheplacing datacentersinIreland’swreckedbogsrecreatesnarrativesofthebogasaspacethatisin needofindustrializationandproduction.ThispaperlooksatlandedestatesthroughJodi Melamed’sunderstandingofracialcapitalismandclassstrugglesthatoccurredinandaround thebog.ItthendrawsonWalterMignolo’sunderstandingofcolonialcontrolovernaturein analyzingtheRoyalDublinSociety,whichwascreatedduringEngland’scolonialruleover Ireland,andwhichpopularizedthenotionofIreland’sbogsascreatingalazypeoplewho requireIndustrialization.

Keywords: colonization,capitalism,racialization,Ireland,bog

IntroducingPeat,BordNaM´ona, andtheColonizationofIreland

Whenlookingacrossthemidlandlandscapes ofIreland,thecasualviewerwouldsee rollinggreensandbrownsdottedwithwindmillsandfarmland,aperfectpictureofIrish pastoralsimplicitypepperedwithdepictions ofaneco-consciousmodernitythatmarksa pleasantandprosperousfirstworldnation. Whatthecasualviewerwouldnotseeisthat theenvironmenttheyareviewingissteeped inlayersofscientificallyextraordinarybog-

landsandresourcefullyintegralpeatthat hasbeendestroyedbycapitalist‘development,’aprocessshapedbycoloniallogicsto transformIrelandintoa“developed”modernnation.

Thispaperexploreshow“development”and theboghavehistoricallyintersectedinIreland—firstthroughaBritishcolonialproject andlaterpursueddomesticallyasanationbuildingprojectbythesemi-stateowned companyBordnaM´ona.Thelandscapeof

thebogcanbeseenasanintegralspace inIrishculture,identity,andenvironment. Guidedbygeographicalanalysesofracial capitalism,coloniality,andmodernity,this articleweavesathreadofhistoricalcontinuitythroughtheIrishlandscapes—political, economic,andphysical.Itshowshow16thcenturycoloniallogicsoflandandpeople hangoverIreland’sdrivetogreenmodernity inthe21stcentury.Thispaperexploresthe relationshipbetweenIrishracialcapitalism, coloniality,andmodernity;andthesecolonialrhetoricsastheymanifestinanarrative of“greening”Ireland.

ThinkingwithJodiMelamedandWalter Mignolo,keytheoristsofunderstandinghow raceandcapitalisminteractandimpact boththesocialandnaturalworld,thispaperwillinvestigatetherelationshipbetween theIrishandtheirbogsinahistoricalcontext,andwilldemonstratehowinternalizedcolonialideasofmasteryovernature haveshapedthewayIrelandengagesthe landscapeinthiscontemporarymoment. Throughinvestigatingtheracializationof theIrishCatholicpeopleandtheroleof landedestatesasaspaceofunequalcapital accumulationthroughinequality,thispaper lookstoanswerthequestion:inIreland’s e!orttoembrace‘green’modernitybycontinuingthedevelopmentofthebogs,isthe stateembodyingrhetoricsofcolonisation theBritishutilizedtosubjugatetheIrish duringthe17thto20thcenturies?

TheBog:ItsPropertiesandUses

Thelandscapeoftheundisturbedbogis onethatisvisuallyunassumingandoften depictedwithinIrishliteratureasmystical, creepy,orunsettling.Thisispartlydueto thescientificnatureofthebogs.Bogsare madeofpeat,organicmattermadefrom hundredsoflayersofdecomposednatural fibersthatisperpetuallywet,makingthem appeartobedank,damp,andlackingin biodiversity(Willsonetal.,2011,p.11).

However,theyaresomeofthemostbiodiverseecosystemsontheplanet,being hometoamultitudeofmosses,flowers,and grasses(Willsonetal.,2011,p.11).The peatandmossesthatmakeupthebogsact asacarbonsink,meaningthattheboginits undisturbedstateisoneofthemostimportantresourcesforcombatingclimatechange (Willsonetal.,2011,p.12).Peatalsomakes excellentfuelforburning,andmaterialfor horticulture(Willsonetal.,2011,p.12). Peatlandshavebeenutilizedbyhumansfor centuriesindi!erentkindsoflandusestrategies.Historicalevidence,intheformoflaw texts,showsthatIrelandhasbeenutilizingpeatasafuelsourcesincetheseventh andeighthcenturies,whenthispracticewas widespreadandregulated(Clarke,2010,p. 9).Thebogswereheldincommon,wherein anylandthatwasconsidered‘unproductive’ wasshared.

Inthe13thand14thcenturies,turfwas cutawayaroundDublinonasmallscale

tobeusedasfarmland(Clarke,2010,p. 9).However,followingthecompletionof thecolonizationprojectofIrelandwiththe Cromwelliansettlementofthe1660’s,aclear andlong-lastingpatternoflandownership wasdeveloped,redistributingthelandsfrom pastoralcommunityholdingsheldbythe IrishCatholicmajorityintoestateplotsheld bytheProtestantminoritythatlasteduntilthe20thcentury(Clarke,2010,p.16).

Intheyearspost-emancipationin1922and intothe21stcentury,thesepatternsofland ownershipandthecapitalisticdrivefordevelopmentenabledanationalisticindustrializationofthebogs,whichhascausedirreversibleenvironmentaldamagetothebog landscape(BresnihanBrodie,2023).In 1932,theTurfDevelopmentBoardwasestablishedinordertoimprovetheturfindustryandtheeconomicconditionsofthe IrishMidlandsthroughthedraininganddevelopmentofthebogs(Clarke,2010,p.9).

TheTurfDevelopmentBoardchangedits nametoBordnaM´ona,meaning“ThePeat Board”inEnglish,in1946undertheTurf DevelopmentActof1946(Clarke,2010,p. 9).In1932,thefirstManagingDirector oftheTurfDevelopmentBoard,C.S.Andrewswasappointedtothetaskofassessing Ireland’sbogsfordevelopmentandimprovement(Clarke,2010,p.15).C.S.Andrews tookhisjobofassessingthelandveryseriously,ashebelievedthat“‘theveryexistenceofthewasteboglandswasana!rontto our[Ireland’s]nationalpride’”(Clarke,2010, p.10).Thissentimentwascarriedintothe

late1960s,withtheMinisterofTransportin 1968professingadmirationforthemission ofBordNaM´ona,saying“[BordNaM´ona’s] jobreallyisacreativeone.Inthecourse ofitsworkitisreclaiminglandthatwas hithertouselessandinduetimetheresidual land,levelledanddrained,willbereadyfor agriculturalandotheruses”(Clarke,2010, p64).Bythemid21stcenturyBordNa M´onawasawell-establishedenterprisethat wasoneofthemostimportantdevelopment forcesintheIrishMidlands(Clarke,2010, p.10).Itnotonlyemployedwhatwasseen asthemostimpoverishedregion,butwas responsibleforbuildingschools,roads,and housing(BrenishenBrodie,2023).ItpartneredwiththenationalElectricitySupply Boardandhelpedbuildpeat-burningelectricitygenerationplantsacrossthecounty (BresnihanBrodie,2023).BordNaM´ona industrializedturfcutting,turningwhatwas onceaculturallysignificantpracticedonein commonandbyhandintoasurplus-creating capitalistinvestmentendeavor,partiallyresponsibleforthedevelopmentofIreland.

BordNaM´onaisnowasemi-state ownedcompanyresponsibleforover80,000 hectaresofland,makingitoneofthecountry’slargestlandholders(BresnihanBrodie, 2023).Bythe1990s,peatcuttingandits useasafuelwasatanall-timelow,soinresponse,in2018BordNaM´onaimplemented anew“green”developmentpolicy.InMay of2021itannounceditssuccessfultransition intoa“climatesolutionscompany”(Bresni-

hanBrodie,2023).Itsprimaryeconomic anddevelopmentstrategywasdependenton utilizingthebogasaspaceforbuildingwind turbines,hostingdatacenters,andbuilding wasteandrecyclingfacilitiesintheMidlands(BresnihanBrodie,2023).Despite thebogsandpeatactingasnaturalcarbon sinks,theboghasonceagainbeenputinto whatmodernitydeterminestobeproductive use,whichthispaperwillanalyzeasbeing indicativeoflastingrhetoricandideologies fromthecolonisationofIreland.

Capitalism:TheRacializationof theIrishPeople

JodiMelamed(2015)explainsthatallcapitalismisracial,andfundamentallybasedon thepracticeofotheringgroupsofpeoplein ordertodispossessthemoftheirlandand labourtocreatesurplus.Sheexplainsthat capitalcanonlyaccumulatewhenmoving throughunequalpowerrelationsandsevere inequality.Accumulationitselfrequiresthat peoplebedispossessed,removed,andunequallyvalued—thusenshrininginequalities thatallowforthesystemtoperpetuateitself (Melamed,2015,p.77).Capitalismasan economicsystemdependedonthecreation andmaintenanceofsevereinequalitybythe processof‘othering’.Asasystem,capitalismbegantodevelopinEnglandalongside theEnlightenmenteraandtheIndustrial revolution.InIreland,itmanifesteditself intheCromwellianplantationsofthe17th centuryandthelandedestatesofthe18th and19thcenturies.Theseplantationsand

estateswerespacesofeconomicandagriculturaldevelopmentforIreland,becoming thebackboneoftheeconomyintothe19th century.Theyprovidedfoodforexportinto theEmpireandfedtheworkingclassof theboomingIndustrialRevolutionwhile creatingasurpluswithinIrelandthatwas concentratedinthehandsoftheveryfew (Campbell,2009,pp.16–17).Thegeographyofthelandedestateisindicativeof racialcapitalismasMelamedconceptualizes it.

Thelandedestateownerstendedtobepart oftheAnglo-Irishupperclass,descendants ofProtestantEnglishandScottishimmigrantswhoweresentbyEnglandtosettle Ireland(Du!y,2005,p.19).Theytended tobeindividualswhohadclosetiesandconnectionswiththeAnglicanChurch,British Army,ortheParliamentinDublin(which atthetimedidnotallowCatholicstoparticipate)(Du!y,2005,p.19).TheyotheredtheIrishCatholicpeasantry,viewing themassimultaneouslylazyanddangerous. IrishCatholicswellintothe19thcentury werecharacterizedas“ill-disposed”,“slothful”,“wild”,“wily”,“cunning”,and“feckless”(Du!y,2005,p.23).Thisallowedfor thejustificationofthelandedIrish-Anglo Protestantminoritygentryholdingpower overtheIrishCatholicmajority.Inthe 1770s,95%ofIrelandlandandresources wereownedbyabout5000landedgentries (Du!y,2005,p.24).Powerwasestablished andlordedoverthepeasantryinamulti-

tudeofways.Forexample,EvelynandJohn Shirlyoptedtohostannualmealsintheir mansionandlecturedonfrugalityandthe valueofhardworkandindustrytothose tenantswhowerebestowedwithaninvitation,whiletheDukeofLeinsterensured thathistenantslinedthestreetsandbowed tohimonhiswaytochurch(Du!y,2005, p.19).Throughcorrespondencebetween landowners,evidenceof‘othering’rhetoric wasinuseinreferencetothetenantclass: forexample,in1850,LordShirlywroteto LordWiberton“...vigorousmeasuresto obtainrent...areabsolutelynecessaryin dealingwiththe‘CeltsofFamey’,mostof whomonlypaybycompulsion...Thepeopleareveryquickandcunning...manyof thetenantsareidleandrecklessandinsome instancesneglectallimprovement”(Du!y, 2019,p.24).TheIrishCatholicpeoplewho camefromtheboggylandscapeswereseen bythelandedgentryasunproductivepeoplewhoselandsanddispositionsrequired industryandimprovement(Du!y,2019,p. 25).Inthe17thto19thcenturiesthecolonialParliamentofIrelandpassedmultiple actsinane!orttoencouragethereclamationofthe“wasteland”(Clarke,2010,p. 12).Itwasthelandedestatesofthe18th and19thcenturiesthatansweredthecallof reclamation.

K.H.Connell(1950)describestheprojectof landreclamationthatwastakenupbythe landlordsoftheseestates.Thelandlords, ofcourse,werenottodothelabourthem-

selvesbutinsteadincentivizedtheirtenant peasantrytodrainandreclaimthebogsas tillablesoilforincreasedagriculture.One strategyindoingsowastopushthepeasantstostartutilizingthesmallparcelof theirrentedland,whichtheyusedforpersonalpotatocrop,forthecorncropofthe estateinstead(Connell,1950,p.51).They werethenforcedbynecessitytomovefurtherintothe‘wasteland’oftheboginorder todrainandtillitfortheirpotatocropused assustenance.Thesenewlydrainedpieces ofboglandwerethencountedandcharged astillableland,forcingthepeasanttoplant cornonthatplotinordertopaytherent andthenmoveevenfurtherintothebogin ordertoplanttheirpersonalpotatocrop, repeatingthisprocessofreclaimingtheland (Connell,1950,p.53).Inordertodevelop thebogs,societyinIrelandhadtobedriven byacapitalisticincentivetodevelop.This incentive,accordingtoMelamed’swork,requiredapowerimbalancecreatedbyan inequalitybetweenhumangroups,perpetuatedbyrhetoricof‘othering’.Thetenant wasconsideredthe‘othered’class,inapositionoflabourthat(re)producedsurplus capital.

Thedevelopmentofacapitalisticsystem ofsurplusproductioninIrelandreliedon thecolonialgovernmentcreatingaclassof peoplewhoweregivenmorerightsandopportunitiestogeneratewealth,throughthe perpetuationofrhetoricandmythstoplace theothergroupofpeopleinastateofsub-

ordinationandexploitation.Thisinequality ofpowerallowedthelandedgentryclassto utilizewhatevermeanspossibletoforcethe peasantclasstoreclaimthebogs,putting boththe‘unruly’Irishpeasantandthe‘unruly’Irishlandscapeintocapitalistproduction.Despiteemancipationin1922,capitalismhaditsclawsinIrelandandthis economicsystemcontinued,ensuringthat theboglandwasmade‘productive’andthat developmenttowardsmodernitycontinued.

ModernityandColoniality:The PursuitofControlOverNature

WalterMignolo(2011)discussestheepistemologicaltransformationdevelopedand disseminatedbyEuropeansduringtheScientificRevolutionoftheEnlightenmentera. Mignolo(2011)assertsthattheScientific Revolutionwasapivotalmomentindevelopingtheideologiesutilizedinthejustification andperpetuationofthecolonizationofthe NewWorld.Thisrhetoricincludedanunderstandingofnatureasnotonlyseparate fromhumankind,butalsoasanobstacleto overcomeandmasterbywayofsignaling acertainlevelofintelligenceanddevelopment(Mignolo,2011,p.2).Wecanseethe rhetoricofnatureasanobstacleandunruly beingtakenasindicativeofapeople’sintelligenceanddevelopmentwhenweanalyzethe discussionsandtheoriesthatemergedfrom theDublinSociety.TheDublinSociety,now knownastheRoyalDublinSociety,wasan all-malegroupfoundedduringtheEnlightenmentera,whichfocusedonphilosophy

andscience.ItwasestablishedbyWilliam Molyneux,whowaspartoftheuppercrust ofProtestantIrishsociety,havingstudied atTrinityCollegeinDublinandbeingconnectedwiththeRoyalSociety,aBritish scienceandphilosophicalgroup(Hoppen, 2009,p.5).

OneearlymemberandanAnglo-Irishman, WilliamKing,wroteapamphletcalled“Of theBogs,andLoughsofIrelandbyMr. WilliamKing,FellowoftheDublinSociety,asItwasPresentedtoThatSociety.”AccordingtoKing,everycountrythat hadbogswas“barbarousandill-inhabited” (King,1685,p.948).Healsomaintained thepositionthatthebogwasindesperate needofindustryinordertonotonlyproducecapital,butalsotoimprovetheIrish environmentandlandscape,andthusturn themintoacivilizedandproductivegroup ofpeople.Kingdescribedthebogsassmelly andcorrupting,alongwithbeingagreatinconvenience(King,1685,p.953).Hewrote, “TheinconveniencesoftheirBogsarevery great;aconsiderablepartoftheKingdom beingrendereduselessbythem;theykeep Peopleatadistancefromoneanother,and consequentlyhinderthemintheira!airs, andweakenthem...thereforeitweregood forIreland,theBogsweresunkintheSea, sotheirgoodlandwereallcontiguous;but itisfurtherobservablehere,thatgenerally theland,whichshouldbeourmeadows,and finestevenplains,arecoveredwithBogs” (King,1685,p.952).Herewecanseecolo-

nialrhetoric,astheKingprofessedthenecessitytodestroythenaturalworldinordertoputlandandpeopleintoastateof production.Themodern-dayinsistenceby BordNaM´onatobuildwindturbinesand datacentresonthebogmakesitclearthat thisrhetorichaspersisted.Thebogisstill seenasaspaceinneedofproductiveuse, andisstuckinperpetualdevelopment.Itis clearthatthecoloniallogicsofnatureand productivityhungoverthedevelopmentof Irelandpostemancipationandcontributed, andcontinuetocontributetothedecimation ofthenaturalenvironmentofthebogs.

ConcludingThoughtsandBord

NaM´ona:ClimateSolutionsand

Modernity

UnderstandingthedevelopmentandmodernityofIrelandrequiresunderstandingthe historyofcolonialityandcapitalism.In thinkingwithWalterMingolo,itisclear thatintheshadowofmodernitylurksa coloniallogicthatdependsonEnlightenmenteraideasofhumanmasteryovernature.Theexploitationofnaturalresources forcapitalisticprofitcontinuestobelinked withthecreationofproductiveandcivilized man(Mignolo,2011,p.14).Therhetorics ofWilliamKingandthevariouslandowners ofthe18thand19thcenturiesalsoexemplifyhowthedevelopmentofIreland’sbogs dependedonthecreationofunequalrelationshipsofpowerbasedinthe‘othering’a groupofpeople;aprocessofracialcapitalismwhere,asJodiMelamedconceptualizes

withinIreland,the“other”wastheCatholic population,whowasdispossessedoftheir landinandlabourinordertocreatesurplus andincentivefortheCatholicpeasantryto developthebogsintoproductivelands.

Wecanseetheseideasofdevelopmentand masteryovernaturewhenlookingatthe historicalbeginningsofBordNaM´onaand thecontemporarymomentwithBordNa M´ona’srecentdevelopmentasa‘climatesolutionscompany’withamissiontobuild windturbinesanddatacentersonthebogs insteadofallowingthemtoactascarbon sinks.Amodernobsessionwithputtingthe landintousethroughdatacentersfailsto trulyliberateIrelandfromitscolonialpast. Inactuality,itperpetuatestheattitudes andideasthatfacilitateditscolonization. Thisfurtherentrenchestheseideasintothe Irishnation-buildingprojectbyusingasemistateownedcompanylikeBordNaM´onato developitsnationalstatehoodthroughthe commercialandindustrializedexploitation ofpeat.ThisdoesnottrulyallowIreland todevelopalongeco-friendlyvalues,butinsteadtransformsoneexploitationofthebog intoadi!erent,newerformofexploitation.

References

Bresnihan,P.,Brodie,P.(2023).Data sinks,carbonservices:Waste,storageandenergyculturesonIreland’s peatbogs. NewMediaSociety,25 (2), 361–383.

Campbell,F.(2009).Land.In TheIrish Establishment1879-1914 (pp.15–52). OxfordUniversityPress.

Clarke,D.(2010). BrownGold:AHistory ofBordNaMonaandtheIrishPeatIndustry. GillMacmillan.Dublin.

Connell,K.H.(1950).Thecolonizationof wastelandinIreland,1780-1845. The EconomicHistoryReview,3 (1),44–71.

Du!y,P.,Proudfoot,L.J.,Roche,M.M. (2005).ColonialSpacesandSitesofResistance:LandedEstatesin19thCenturyIreland.In (Dis)PlacingEmpire (1sted.,pp.15–40).Routledge.

Hoppen,K.T.(2009). Thecommonscientistintheseventeenthcentury:A

studyoftheDublinPhilosophicalSociety, 1683-1708. Routledge.

IrishPeatlandConservationCouncil.(n.d.) BlanketBogs [Photograph].Retrieved May9,2025.

King,W.(1685). OftheBogs,andLoughs ofIrelandbyMr.WilliamKing,Fellow oftheDublinSociety,asItwasPresented toThatSociety. PhilosophicalTransactions(RoyalSociety(GreatBritain): 1683),12(170),948-960.

Melamed,J.(2015).RacialCapitalism. CriticalEthnicStudies,1 (1),76–85.

Mignolo,W.(2011).Introduction:Coloniality:TheDarkerSideofWesternModernity. ThedarkersideofWesternmodernity:Globalfutures,DecolonialOptions. DukeUniversityPress.

Willson,F.R.,Bolger,T.,Bullock,C.,Convery,F.,Curry,J.,Ward,S.,Wilson,D., Muller,C.(2011). BOGLAND:SustainableManagementofPeatlandsinIreland. EnvironmentalProtectionAgency.

Bikes,Weather,andtheCity:AStudyofToronto’sBike ShareRidershipPatterns

NatalieHeiChingChan

Bike-shareprogramsareessentialinpromotingactivetransportationandsustainableurban mobility.ThisstudyexaminestherelationshipbetweenweatherconditionsandBikeShare Torontoridership,analysinghowtemperature,precipitation,andseasonaltrendsinfluence cyclingbehaviour.Using2023ridershipdatafromtheTorontoOpenDataportalandweather recordsfromEnvironmentCanada,thisresearchidentifieskeypatternsinbikeshareusage. Findingsrevealanon-linearrelationshipbetweentemperatureandridership,withpeakusage occurringatmoderatetemperatures(20–25°C)anddeclininginextremecoldorheat.Precipitationsignificantlysuppressesridership,withheavyrainfallreducingtripsbyover30% comparedtodrydays.Spatialanalysishighlightsdi!erencesinridershipacrossToronto,with high-densitycommutercorridorsshowingresilienceduringadverseweather,whilerecreational areasexperiencegreaterfluctuations.Thestudy’sinsightsinformurbanplanningandpolicy interventions,andhelpimprovebike-transitintegration.

Keywords: sharedbike,activetransportation,Toronto,weatherpatterns,urbanmobility

Introduction

Inrecentdecades,activetransportationhas emergedasaformofsustainableurbanmobility.Definedashuman-poweredmovement,includingwalking,cycling,andother non-motorisedmodes,ithelpsreducetra”c congestion,loweremissions,andimprove publichealth(InfrastructureCanada,2021). Cyclingisane”cientalternativetomotorisedtravelindenseareas(Tightetal., 2011).Bikeshareprogramsenhanceaccessibility,allowingresidentstoengageinactive transportationwithoutowningbikes.

Figure1.TorontoBikeShareStationsandBike Lanes(Chan,2024a).

TheBikeShareTorontoprogram,managed bytheTorontoParkingAuthority,o!ers ana!ordableandflexibletransportation optionforshorttripswithintheGreater

TorontoArea(GTA).Sinceitsinceptionin 2011,thesystemnowoperatesmorethan 9,000bikesand800stations(BikeShare Toronto,2024).TheseBikeSharestations arespreadacrosstheregion,includingthe CityofToronto,EastYork,Scarborough, NorthYork,York,andEtobicoke(Figure 1).Theprogram’sgoalsaligncloselywith thebroaderurbanplanningprioritiesofthe city:reducingvehiculartra”c,improving first-mileandlast-mileconnectivitytopublictransit,andpromotingphysicalactivity (Lad,2018;Guoetal.,2022).BikeShare Torontohassuccessfullybeenintegratedas apartoftheGTAtransportationecosystem,withridershipreachingrecordhighsin recentyears(Figure2).

Figure2.RidershipofBikeShareTorontofrom 2015to2023(Chan,2024b).

Weatherconditionssuchastemperature, precipitation,andwindsignificantlyinfluencecyclingbehaviour(Helbichetal., 2014).Ridershiptypicallyincreaseswith temperatureuptoapoint,whilerain andextremeweatherreducecyclingrates (NosalMiranda-Moreno,2014;Lietal., 2018).IntheCityofToronto,withits coldwintersandvariablesummerconditions,

thesee!ectsareespeciallypronounced.By analysing2023ridershipdataandweather records,thisstudyo!ersinsightsforcity plannersandpolicymakerstooptimizeoperationsandensurethelong-termsustainabilityofbikingintheGTA.

LiteratureReview

Numerousstudiesconfirmthatweatherconditionssignificantlyinfluencecyclingbehaviour,a!ectingbothindividualchoices andaggregateridershiplevels.Nosaland Miranda-Moreno(2014)foundthata10% increaseintemperatureabovethemean boostsridershipby3.4%atutilitarianareasand9.6%atrecreationalsites,showingthatrecreationalcyclingismoresensitivetowarmerweather.Thisisthecasein manyothermajorcitiesaswell:forexample,inLondonandMelbourne,cyclingincreasesduringthespringandsummerdueto favourabletemperaturesandculturalevents featuringoutdooractivities(Morton,2020; Ahmedetal.,2013).SomewhatofanexceptionhoweveristheNetherlands:astudy intheGreaterRotterdamareafoundthat downtowncyclingactivitiesmaintainedrelativelyhighridershipduringadverseweather duetotheirproximitytoemploymentcentres,whilesuburbanstationsexperienced declines(Helbichetal.,2014).Precipitationcanreduceweekdaycyclingatutilitariansitesby13–47%andweekendcycling by7–23%,whilerecreationallocationsexperiencedeclinesofupto70%(Anetal., 2019).InthecaseoftheGTA,precipitation

consistentlya!ectscyclingnegatively,but itsimpactvarieswithintensity,duration, andtiming.

Whileasubstantialbodyofresearchexists ontheimpactofweatheroncycling,much ofitfocusesongeneralcyclingactivities ratherthanbikesharesystemsspecifically. Bikesharesystems,aspubliclymanagedprograms,exhibitdistinctusagepatternsdue totheiraccessibility,integrationwithpublic transit,andsuitabilityforshorttrips(Kong etal.,2020).Thisleavesacriticalgapinunderstandinghowbikesharesystemsrespond toweathervariability,particularlyinurban contexts.Further,theCOVID-19pandemic significantlyalteredmobilitypatterns,with morepeopleshiftingtocyclingandother activetransportationmodesasalternatives topublictransit(Lietal.,2022)Fewstudies haveexaminedhowtheseshiftshavepersistedorevolvedintheyearsfollowingthe pandemic.Thisarticleseekstorespondto thisgapbyfocusingonresearchconducted in2023,therebycapturingacriticalphase intherecoveryofurbanmobility.

DataandMethods

KeydatasetsforthisstudyincludetriplevelridershipdatafromBikeShareToronto anddailyweatherrecords(meantemperatureandtotalprecipitation)fromthe TORONTOCITYCENTREstation(WMO ID:71265)(TorontoParkingAuthority, 2024;GovernmentofCanada,2024).Each tripwasassignedtoaspecificcalendarday

basedonitsstarttime,allowingfortheaggregationofdailyridershiptrends.Weather datawasmeticulouslycleanedbyaddressing missingorincompleteentriesthroughlinear interpolationbasedonadjacentdays’values. Oncecleaned,thedatasetsweremergedby date,ensuringaccuratealignmentbetween ridershipanddailyweatherconditions.For example,thecoldestdayoftheyear(Feb 3,2023,at-17.4°C)andthehottestday (July5,2023,at25.8°C)wereisolatedto studytemperatureextremes.Theclearday waschosenforitsridershipcountclosest tothemeanofallcleardays(16,765trips), ensuringitrepresentedtypicalconditions.

FindingsandAnalysis

Seasonaltrends

Figure3.BikeShareTorontoMonthlyRidershipin 2023(Chan,2024c).

Figure4.BikeShareTorontoDailyRidershipin 2023(Chan,2024d).

TheMonthlyRidershipo!ersamacroview ofhowridershipevolvesovertime,andthe influenceofseasonalpatternsonbikeshare use(Figure3).Weekdaysconsistentlyshow noticeablepeaks,particularlyonMondays andFridays,whenridershipishighest(Figure4).Incontrast,weekendsdisplayasharp declineinridership.Thisdropsuggests reduceddemandforpublictransitduring o!-peakhours,asmanyresidentsandvisitorsaremorelikelytooptforalternative modesoftransportationorengageinactivitiesclosertohome.Notablepeaksoccur duringthesummermonths,particularlyin July(663,596rides),August(760,110rides), andSeptember(756,188rides).Thissummersurgereflectsthecombinede!ectsof favourableweather,extendeddaylighthours, andanuptickinrecreationalandtouristactivities.Conversely,thewintermonthsshow asignificantdeclineinridership.January andFebruary,thecoldestmonthsoftheyear, recordedthelowestridershipat179,468and 172,779tripsrespectively.Thesewinterdips reflectthechallengesposedbyfreezingtemperatures,snow,andshorterdaylighthours, whichdiscourageoutdooractivitiesandreducetheappealofcyclingasatransportationmode.

Impactofweathervariables

Ridershipincreasesastemperaturesrise fromfreezingwintermonthsintospringand summer(Fig.5).Ridershippeaksduring summermonthswhenaveragetemperatures arearound20°Cto25°C.However,beyond

25°C,ridershipplateausandevendeclines slightlyonparticularlyhotdays,suggesting thatextremeheatmaydetercyclistsdue todiscomfort.Duringwintermonths,when temperaturesdropbelow0°C,ridershipis significantlysuppressed,withdailyusageoftenfallingbelow10,000trips.Thisindicates reluctancetocycleinfreezingtemperatures duetosafetyconcernsandreducedcomfort.

Figure5.DailyRidershipofBikeShareToronto andDailymeantemperaturein2023(Chan,2024e).

Spatialanalysis:comparingcoldestvs hottestdays

Figure6.RidershipDensityof5thJuly,2023 (hottestdayoftheyear)(Chan,2024f).

OnJuly5th,withameantemperatureof 25.8°C,Torontoexperiencedwidespreadand vibrantbikeshareactivity.Thedensitymap illustratesadiverserangeoftriporiginsand destinations,withhigh-densityclusterscon-

centratedinkeyareasacrossthecity(Figure 6).Notably,CollegeStreetandBayStreet emergedassignificanthubs,likelydueto theirproximitytoo”ces,retailoutlets,and transitconnections,cateringtocommuters, shoppers,andevent-goers.Similarly,Bloor StreetandYongeStreetdisplayedheavyridershipduetotheirroleasbustlingcorridors forretail,commuting,andsummeractivities. Thehighdensityreflectstheimportanceof theseareasforbothintercitycommutersand summertourists.Recreationaldestinations suchasFortYorkBoulevardandtheHarbourfrontalsosawelevatedridership,likely duetotheirproximitytoparks,waterfront attractions,andculturallandmarksthat drawvisitorsduringwarmweather.The widespreaddistributionoftripshighlights theflexibilityandaccessibilityofthebike sharesystemduringoptimalweatherconditions.

Figure7.RidershipDensityof3rdFebruary2023 (coldestdayoftheyear)(Chan,2024g).

Incontrast,February3rd,thecoldestday oftheyearwithameantemperatureof -17.4°C,showedamorelocalisedandsubduedpatternofbikeshareusage.Thekernel densitymapshowsasignificantreduction

inoverallridershipandamoreconcentrated distributionoftrips(Figure7).Activity wasprimarilyconfinedtoessentialtravel, withhigh-densityclustersaroundkeylocations.YongeStreetandDundasStreet showednotableridership,likelyduetotheir proximitytoshoppingcentresandindoor attractionso!eringshelterfromthecold. TheUniversityofTorontocampusexhibited consistentactivity,likelyfromtheessentialtravelneedsofstudentsandsta!,as adistinctclusterisseenintheareaofthe university.Ridershipinresidentialneighbourhoodsandnon-centralareaswassparse, suggestingreluctanceorinabilitytocycle infreezingtemperaturesfornon-essential purposes.

Warmertemperaturesfosteramixoffunctionalandrecreationaltrips,promoting widespreadactivityacrossdiverselocations. Incontrast,extremecoldconfinesbikeshare usagetoessentialtrips,withridershipconcentratedincoreareassuchastransithubs anduniversitycampuses.

Spatialanalysis:comparingprecipitation andcleardayridershippatterns

Figure8.DailyRidershipofBikeShareToronto andDailyPrecipitationin2023(Chan,2024h).

(12thJune,43.8mm)(Chan,2024i).

Ridershipandprecipitationshowanegativerelationshipasincreasedrainfallcorrespondstosignificantdropsincyclingactivity(Figure8).Dayswithprecipitation above5mmsawadeclineinridership,oftenby20-30%comparedtodrydays.On dayswithextremerainfall(over20mm), ridershipisparticularlylow,indicatingthat sustainedorheavyrainisamajordeterrent.Dryperiodsduringspringandsummershowconsistentlyhighridershiplevels. Conversely,rainydaysduringpeakcycling months(JuneandJuly)resultintemporary dipsinridership.Thehighestridershipoccurredonwarm,drydaysinsummer,with temperaturesrangingfrom20°Cto25°Cand minimalprecipitation.Theseobservations suggestthatwhiletemperatureprovidesa generaltrend,precipitationservesasacriticalshort-termdisruptor.

June12thsawthehighestrecordedprecipitationof43.8mm,whichsignificantly reducedoverallbikeshareridership,with only8,584tripsrecorded.Despitethe adverseweather,high-densityclustersremainedconcentratedwithbikersincentral, well-connectedareas(Figure9).Keyhubs includeUnionStation,theFinancialDistrict,andthestretchbetweenBloor-Yonge andLakeshore,formingahigh-densitybelt whereworkcommutesandnecessarytravel persistdespiteheavyrain.Thespatial patternsuggeststhatshelteredandhightra”careas,suchastransithubsand commercialdistricts,aremoreresilientto weather-relateddisruptions.Overall,the mapdemonstrateshowprecipitationreduces thespatialspreadofbikesharetrips,limitingactivitytoessentialtravelwithincentral areas.

Figure9.BikeShareRidershiponRainiestDay

Figure10.BikeShareRidershiponClearDay(15th November,0mmPrecipitation)(Chan,2024j).

November15th,acleardaywithnoprecipitation,exhibitsamoreevenlydistributed patternofridershipacrossthecity(Figure10).With16,765tripsrecorded,this dayrepresentstypicalusagepatternsunderfavourableweatherconditions.Highdensityclustersareconcentratedaroundkey intersectionssuchasCollege/Yonge,BloorYonge,andUnionStation,whichserveas importantcommercialandtransportation hubs.Unliketherainyday,ridershipon thecleardayextendsbeyondcentralareas,reachingresidentialneighbourhoods andparklands,indicatingamixofcommuting,leisure,andrecreationaltrips.The broadergeographicdistributionhighlights thegreateraccessibilityandappealofbike shareservicesduringfavourableweather, whencyclistsarelessdeterredbyenvironmentalfactors.

Discussion

Thedataanalysisundertakeninthispaper alignswithexistingliteratureontheimpactofweatheroncyclingbehaviour,while alsoo!eringspecificinsightsintoBikeShare Toronto.Thereisanon-linearrelationship

betweentemperatureandridership,witha peakatmoderatetemperaturesanddecline inextremeheat.Similarly,significantreductionsinridershipoccuronrainydays, withprecipitationconsistentlyidentifiedas adeterrenttocycling.Thespatialanalysis alsorevealshowtheutilityofbikeshare systemsforcommuterstravellingforboth workandrecreationcreatesdistinctusage patternsundervaryingweatherconditions.

ImplicationsforOperationsand Policy

Implementingdynamicpricingcouldboost ridershipduringo!-peakseasonsandadverseweather.Forexample,o!eringdiscountsorloyaltyrewardsonrainydayscould incentiviseusageamongcommuterswho mayotherwiseswitchtoalternativemodes oftransportation(Sch¨utze,2023).Similarly, seasonalsubscriptionpackagestailoredfor winterriderscouldpromoteconsistentridershipduringcoldermonths.Installingcoveredorsheltereddockingstationsinhighdemandareascouldalsoprovidebikeswith protectionfromrainandsnow,makingthem easiertoaccess,andtherebyrenderingbike shareusagemoreappealingduringadverse conditions.

Additionally,improvingbikelanemaintenanceinthewinter,suchasbyprioritisingsnowclearanceonkeycommuterroutes, couldaddresssafetyconcernsandencouragecyclingyear-round.Thishasbeen implementedwithgreatsuccessinmany

cities,suchasOulu,FinlandandX(Ives, 2023).Additionally,theresilienceoftransitadjacentstationsduringextremeweather providespotentialbenefitsforstrengthening theintegrationbetweenBikeShareToronto andthecity’spublictransitnetwork.Expandingbikesharedockingstationsnear subwayandbusstopscouldenhancefirstmileandlast-mileconnectivity,particularly inneighbourhoodswithlimitedtransitaccess(Lad,2018).IntegratingBikeShare TorontointoOntario’spublictransportation OneFareProgram,whichallowsseamless farepaymentacrosstransitandbike-sharing services,couldalsoencouragemoretransit usersfromdi!erentregionstochoosebicyclesastheirpreferredmodeoftransportationwhentravellingdowntown.

BalancingEquityandEfficiency

Equityconsiderationsmustremaincentral toanypolicyoroperationalchangesinformedbythisresearch.Expandingstation coveragetounderservedneighbourhoods, particularlythosewithlimitedpublictransitaccess,canhelptoensurethatthebenefitsofbikesharesystemsaredistributed equitably.Atthesametime,operational e”ciencyshouldnotbeoverlooked:implementingcost-e!ectivemeasures,suchasprioritisingsnowclearanceorinstallingmodularsheltersatkeystations,canenhance systemresiliencewithoutimposingundue financialburdensonbikeshareusers.

Conclusion

Thisstudyexaminedtheinfluenceof weatheronBikeShareTorontoridership, consideringenvironmentalfactors,seasonal trends,andurbanmobility.Thisanalysisrevealednon-linearrelationshipsbetweentemperatureandridership,withoptimalconditionsaround25°C.Adverseweather,such asheavyrainorextremeheat,significantly reducescycling,highlightingthesensitivityofbikesharesystemstoweathervariability.SpatialanalysisshowedBikeShare Toronto’sdualuseforcommutingandrecreation,withhigh-densityridershipnearcommuterhubsandrecreationalareas.These variationssuggestopportunitiesfortailored interventions,suchaswintermaintenance onkeycommuterroutesorsheltereddocking stationsnearrecreationalhubs.

Thisresearchcontributestothediscourse onsustainableurbanmobility,emphasizing adaptabilityinthefaceofdailyweather fluctuationsandlong-termclimatechange. Ascitiesfacerisingtemperaturesandmore extremeweather,understandinghowthese changesimpactactivetransportationiscrucialforfosteringfunctioningandequitable urbanenvironments.Byaligninginfrastructureinvestmentsandpolicieswithweatherresponsiveinsights,BikeShareTorontocan betterintegratecyclingintourbanlifeand promoteanenvironmentallyconsciouscity.

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Chan,H.(2024a). TorontoBikeShareStationsandBikeLanes [Map].ArcGIS Pro.

Chan,H.(2024b). RidershipofBikeShare Torontofrom2015to2023 [Chart]. DatasourcedfromTorontoParkingAuthority.

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Chan,H.(2024d). BikeShareTorontoDaily Ridershipin2023 [Chart].Datasourced fromTorontoParkingAuthority.

Chan,H.(2024e). DailyRidershipofBike ShareTorontoandDailyMeanTemperaturein2023 [Chart].Datasourcedfrom GovernmentofCanada.

Chan,H.(2024f). RidershipDensityof 5thJuly,2023(hottestdayoftheyear) [Map].DatasourcedfromTorontoParkingAuthority.CreatedusingArcGIS Pro.

Chan,H.(2024g). RidershipDensityof3rd February2023(coldestdayoftheyear) [Map].DatasourcedfromTorontoParkingAuthority.CreatedusingArcGIS Pro.

Chan,H.(2024h). DailyRidershipofBike ShareTorontoandDailyPrecipitation in2023 [Chart].Datasourcedfrom TorontoParkingAuthorityandGovernmentofCanada.

Chan.H.(2024i). BikeShareRidership onRainiestDay(12thJune,43.8mm) [Map].DatasourcedfromTorontoParkingAuthority.CreatedusingArcGIS Pro.

Chan.H.(2024j). BikeShareRidershipon ClearDay(15thNovember,0mmPrecipitation) [Map].Datasourcedfrom TorontoParkingAuthority.CreatedusingArcGISPro.

GovernmentofCanada.(2024). DailyData ReportforJanuary2023. Historical Data.

Guo,Y.,Yang,L.,Chen,Y.(2022).Bike shareusageandthebuiltenvironment: areview. Frontiersinpublichealth,10, 848169.

Helbich,M.,B¨ocker,L.,Dijst,M.(2014). Geographicheterogeneityincyclingundervariousweatherconditions:EvidencefromGreaterRotterdam. Journal ofTransportGeography,38,38-47.

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Kong,H.,Jin,S.T.,Sui,D.Z.(2020).Decipheringtherelationshipbetweenbikesharingandpublictransit:Modalsubstitution,integration,andcomplementation. TransportationResearchPartD: TransportandEnvironment,85,102392.

Lad,A.(2018). PlanningfortheFirstMile LastMileintheGreaterTorontoand HamiltonArea.YorkUniversity.

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temperatureandheatwavesinOntario, Canada. TheoreticalandAppliedClimatology,132,1029-1038.

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WhyThereAreNoFeralCatsinT¨urkiye: ACaseStudyofIstanbul

PolinaGorn

ThisarticlechallengestheWesternbinaryofdomesticatedandferalanimalsbyexploring whytheconceptofferalcatsdoesnotexistinT¨urkiye.Thearticleappliestheconceptsof socionaturesandgovernancetothecasestudyofIstanbultoexaminehuman-catrelationsin thecity.Fromthesocionaturesperspective,thehistoricalroleofcatsasrodentcontrollers andtheirculturalsignificanceasveneratedanimalsinIslamledtoahuman-catrelationship, wherecatsareperceivedasequalstohumans.Thegovernancelenscontextualizesthestruggle betweenIstanbuliteswhopracticecommunalgovernanceandtheTurkishgovernmentthat imposesWesternpetownershiplawsasoneofthemeasurestobecomepartoftheEU.So far,theanimalrightsactivistshavesucceededinamendingthelawtomaintaintheTurkish human-catrelations.However,withtheincreasingEuropeaninfluenceovertheregion,the futureoffree-roamingcatsofIstanbulisuncertain.

Keywords: governance,socionatures,cats,T¨urkiye,Istanbul,animalrights

Introduction

TheWesternworldviewacceptsthenotions offeralanddomesticatedcatsasagiven. Byandlarge,Westernthoughtunderstands feralcatsaspredatoryfelinesthat:1)do notinteractwithhumans;2)donotdependonhumanprovisioning;3)moveand reproducewithouthumancontrol;and4) socializebetweenoneanother(Jaroˇs,2021, p.4).Basedonthesequalities,feralcats areusuallypresentedinoppositiontodomesticatedcats,whicha!ectshumanattitudestowardsferalcatsanddictatesthe catmanagementpolicies(Jaroˇs,2021,p.

4).Interestinglyenough,theseideasare notuniversal:T¨urkiye,forinstance,does nothavethenotionofferalcats.Peoplein T¨urkiye,especiallyinIstanbul,donotperceivecatsthroughtheferal/domesticated binary,whichcreatesauniquecaseforsocionaturesandgovernancedynamicsthat wouldbeimpossibleinaEuropeanorNorth Americanmetropolitancity.

Thisessayexploreswhythecategoryof “feralcats”doesnotfullyapplyinthe contextofTurkishculture,byfocusingon human-catrelationsinIstanbul.Usingthe

socionaturesandgovernanceframeworks,I arguethatthegeographicalandcultural historiesofIstanbulhaveshapedatraditionofcommunalstreetcatcarethatpersistsdespitetheglobaltendenciestowards Westernnormsofprivateownershipand animaldomestication.Thesocionatures lensrevealshowhuman-catrelationships areco-producedintheurbanfabricofIstanbul,whilethegovernancelensexplains thelogicofcommunity-basedcare.This paperalsoconsidersthefrictionsbetween IstanbulitesandtheTurkishgovernment, asEuropean-styleanimalpoliciesbeginto infringeuponlocalvalues.Afterthat,this essaywillconcludewithadiscussionofthe futuresofhuman-catrelationsinIstanbul amidT¨urkiye’spoliticalturntowardWesternization.

Socionatures:TheInvisible CulturalHeritageofIstanbulite

Cats

Figure1.From Kedi,byC.Torun,2016,IMDb. © TermiteFilms.

Istanbulhashistoricallyhadgeographicand builtenvironmentfactorsconducivetoan abundanceofcats,withhistoricalrecords ofcatslivinginthestreetsofIstanbulgoing backtothe16thcentury(“Adventuresof BaronWenceslasWratislaw,ofMitrowitz”, 1862).Locatedatandseparatedbythe BosporusStrait,Istanbulisaninternational portcitywhichwelcomeshundredsofships onadailybasis(VesselFinder,n.d.).Historically,shipswouldhavecatsonboardas maritimecompanionswhoprotectedcargo frommiceandrats.Assuch,catswould occasionallycomeo!shoreandchooseto stayinIstanbul.Citydwellerswouldaccept incomingcats,astheyperformedcrucialsocialrolesofmanagingtherodentpopulation bothonthemainlandandonlocalships.In theiconicdocumentaryaboutcatsinIstanbul,Kedi,arestaurantsta! membersays howonestreetcathuntsmiceinthevicinityoftherestauranteventhoughnobody forceshimto:“He’sassumeditashisduty” (Swain,2020,p.105).CombinedwithcenturiesofIslamicinfluencethatvenerates catsascleananimals,asopposedtodogs thatareconsidereddirty,catshavebeen acceptedasanintrinsicpartofIstanbul’s socialfabric(Hart,2019,p.450).These long-standingdynamicshavecreatedanintangibleculturalheritagethatguideshumans’socialmemoriesofhowtheyperceive andtreatcatsinIstanbul.

Surroundedbycatsandacceptingthemas crucialactorsincontrollingtheurbanmice population,Istanbulitescouldnothelpbut formspecialinterspeciesinteractionswith them.Theseinteractionsincludefeeding cats,takingthemtothevet,orbuildinga

wintershelterforstreetcatstouse.Interestingly,Istanbulitesdonotdomesticatecats throughtheseinteractions;rather,theyare opentohelpinganyfree-roamingcatthat needshelp.Forexample,themovieKedi (Figure1)portraysthereciprocalrelationshipbetweenthemanErdo˘ganand“his” cats,i.e.theonesthatchosetoregularly returntohim.Erdoganreceivespsychologicalrelieffromhistraumabycaringforthe catsandfeedingthem(C¸ etin,2020,p.54). Thisexampleshowsthathavingacatwillfullyreturntoapersonisahighlyvaluable experiencefortheIstanbulite,perhapseven moresothanadoptingananimalandhaving controloverit.

Overall,thesesocio-historicalconditions haveledpeopletoperceivecatsasrightful dwellersofIstanbul.Catshaveexistedin Istanbulforcenturiesandlivedthroughmultiplewars,aswellaspoliticalandreligious regimes.AsSwainputsit,“whileIstanbul existsinconstantflux,catsareitsoneconstant”(Swain,2020,p.106).Becomingthe symbolofunwaveringresistancetosocial turmoil,catsareveneratedandevenputon apedestalcomparedtootheranimals.The importanceofcatsformodern-dayIstanbulitesisvisibleinthewaytheyreactedwhen amankilledacatbykickingittodeathin Januaryof2024.Thousandsofpeoplewent toprotestandforcedthejudicialsystem tosentencehimtotwoyearsinjail(“Two years’jailforkillingcatinIstanbul”,2024).

GiventherelationshipsbetweenIstanbu-

litesandfree-roamingcats,thereisnoroom fortheferal/domesticateddichotomyofthe Westernworldview.Thelinesbetweena feralcatandadomesticcataresoblurred astoinmanywaysbenonexistent.Returningtothedefinitionofaferalcatcited earlier,catsinIstanbulhavesignificantindependenceinmovementandactivity,but thestrongconnectiontoandconsistentinteractionwithhumansstripsthemo! the wildernessinherenttoferalcats.Inother words,thesocioculturalhistoriesofT¨urkiye madeitimpossibleforthenotionofferal catstoexist.

Governance:TheTensions

BetweentheCommunityandthe Government

Thesocialmemoriesdevelopedthrough constantcat-humaninteractionsinIstanbulalsoinfluencegovernancediscourseon cats.Istanbulitesseestreetcatmanagementasacommunalresponsibility.People o!eraccommodationsiftheyseethatacat needshelpandiftheyhavetheresources tohelpananimal(Swain,2020).Forinstance,KathyHamilton—areporterforCihanNewsAgencywholivedinIstanbulfor 20years—writesabouthownormalizeditis toseebowlsoffoodandfreshwateroutside apartmentdoorwaysandinpublicparks. Thejournalistherselfmakescardboardshelterstosavecatsfromthecold,whichshe calls“KittyCondos”(Figure2)andshares tutorialsonhowtocreateone(Hamilton, 2012).ThedocumentaryKediexpandson

communalactionsbyshowinghowcommunitieshaverunningtabsatvetclinicsand hownormalitisforpeopletoasktheir neighbourstocoverthevetchargesfora catiftheydonothavethemoneytodo sothemselves(Swain,2020,p.104).Overall,Istanbulitesfollowtheideathathumans aresupposedtocoexistwithcatsandrealizearesponsibilityofstewardshiptowards them(Hart,2019).Eventhoughthecommunitymanagementofstreetanimalsexists inWesterncommunities,dominantWesternworldviewsaboutpropertyrightswould neverallowthesepracticestoexistinlarge, metropolitancities(Swain,2020).

Figure2.From KediEvleriIstanbul[KittyCondosofIstanbul] byR.Ries,2019-2022,RaoulRies. RaoulRiesPhotographer.

However,theWesternizationthatT¨urkiye hasbeensubjecttosincethe19thcentury hasinterferedwiththetraditionalcommunalmanagementofstreetcats.Recently, withT¨urkiyeattemptingtoentertheEuropeanUnionsince2005,thegovernmenthas introducedEuropeanlawsthatarefounded onthenotionofpetownership,whichis alientothenormsofIstanbulcatmanagement.Europeanlawdoesnotdi!erentiatebetweenfree-roamingandferalcatsand

theanimalmanagementpoliciesareapplied tothetwocategoriesequally(Jaroˇs,2021). InFrance,forexample,theRuralCodeof 1999statesthatanycatordogfoundin thestreetsistakentoashelterandifaftereightdaysnoownershowsupforthe animal,theanimalbecomestheproperty oftheshelterandcanevenbe“destroyed” (Natolietal.,2019,p.41).IntheTurkish context,thiswouldhaveledtoanexterminationofthestreetanimalpopulation. Nevertheless,T¨urkiyedidpasstheAnimal ProtectionLawthat,inaccordancewith theWesternworldview,definesanimalsas “commodities”(Webber,2021).

Turkishanimalloversandanimalrightsactivistshavebeentryingtoaddresstheseunwelcomechangesbyprotestingagainstthe jurisdictionalWesternizationofT¨urkiye.In mimickingtheEuropeanConventionlaws, T¨urkiyehasintroducedapolicyonneuteringandvaccinatingallstreetdogsinIstanbul—butnotcats,duetothepublicobjectiontospayingthem(Hart,2019).In2012, morethantenthousandpeoplemarched throughIstanbultoexpresstheirprotest againsttheamendmenttoAnimalProtectionLawNo.5199.Theamendmentwould haveallowedforanimaltesting,euthanizing,andstrayanimalisolationat“natural life”parks(“Controversialamendmentto T¨urkiye’sanimalprotectionlawwithdrawn”, 2012,para.8).In2021,theactivistssucceededinadvocatingforanewanimalrights bill,whichchangedthelegaldefinitionof

animalsfrom“commodities”to“livingbeings”.Thischangemeantthatanytorture orkillingofananimalisnowpersecuted asacriminalo!ensewithapotentialjail timerangingfromsixmonthstofouryears; beforethatanyanimalabusecouldonlybe punishedwithafine(“T¨urkiyepassesnew lawtoprotectanimals”,2021).Notbeing abletoreversetheWesternizationofthe country,Turkishanimalrightsactiviststry torecovertheirinvisibleheritageinalanguagethatislegibletothemodernstate andaccessibletotheWesterninternational arena.

ConcludingThoughts:The FutureofCatsinIstanbul

WiththeEuropeaninfluenceontheTurkish governmentsostrong,thequestionofthe futureofcommunalfree-roamingcatsisever present.Willthereevercomeatimewhen evenIstanbulitesstartthinkingaboutcats aseitherferalordomesticated?Hart(2019, p.457)positsthatcitiesarebecomingincreasinglymorehostiletostreetanimalsdue tothedominationofcapitalismandWestern ideasofneoliberalurbanism,andthateven animalactivistseventuallystartconsidering catdomesticationastheonlyviablesolutiontosavingthecatpopulationofIstanbul. UnlessT¨urkiyedecidestode-Europeanize itspoliticaldiscourse,thelandmarkofIstanbul—itsfree-roamingcats—maybecome arelicofthepast.

Limitations

Thiscasestudydoesnotaimtorepresent thesocio-culturalcontextoftheentirecoun-

Inansweringthequestionofwhythereare noferalcatsinT¨urkiyethroughthecase ofIstanbul,Ishowhowtheretrospective socionaturesapproachtotheemergenceof human-catrelationsinIstanbulunderpins thelocalunderstandingofcatgovernance. Thesocionaturesframeworkillustrateshow uniqueIstanbul’shuman-catrelationsare. BeingaportcitywithastrongMusliminfluenceandaneedforrodentmanagement,the influxofcatsinIstanbulhasalwaysbeen welcome,withfelinesquicklybecomingan intrinsicpartofthecity.Theabundance ofcatsandtheirsocialimportancewere conducivetomeaningfulinterspeciesinteractions,where,incaringforcats,people couldfindemotionalreliefandconnection. Theselarge-andsmall-scaledynamicsled toIstanbulitesveneratingcatsandrealizing acommunalresponsibilityovertheanimals. Theethosofstewardshipthatstemsfrom theinvisibleheritageofsocionaturerelationshipsiswhatpushesIstanbulitestoresist theWesternizedanimalprotectionlawsimposedbythepro-EuropeanTurkishgovernment.Withthepro-EuropeanagendaoverpoweringtraditionalTurkishvalues,animal activiststrytoreframethelawtoallowfor amoresocionatures-orientedframeworkof managingstreetanimals,whichhasrecently beenrealizedinredefininganimalsas“living beings”insteadof“commodities”(“T¨urkiye passesnewlawtoprotectanimals”,2021).

try.ResearchonotherTurkishcities—such asMersin(DailySabah,2017)—couldenrich theexistingliteratureando!erbroaderinsightintothenationalhistoryofhuman-cat relations.Moreover,therelianceonEnglishlanguagesourcesmayexcludevaluableperspectivesfoundwithinTurkish-language scholarship.Despitetheselimitations,this paperprovidesanuancedandmulti-faceted perspectiveonthephenomenonofstreet catsinIstanbulando!ersasolidfoundationforfutureresearchinthisarea.

References

AdventuresofBaronWenceslasWratislaw, ofMitrowitz:whathesawintheTurkish MetropolisConstantinople,experienced inhisCaptivity,andafterhishappyReturntohisCountrycommittedtowritingintheYearofOurLord1599.(1862). TheAthenaeum,(1819),298-301.

C¸ etin,O.(2020).WhenYouLovethe StrayAnimalsasMuchasYourOwn Pets:Thecaseofcompanionanimalsin T¨urkiye.InBesson,F.(Ed.).(2021). Readingcatsanddogs:companionanimalsinworldliterature.Lexington Books.FortressAcademic.

ControversialamendmenttoT¨urkiye’sanimalprotectionlawwithdrawn.(2012, Oct03). BBCMonitoring.European.

DailySabah.(2017,Oct23). Whenthe cat’saway:ParkinMersino!ersgood timeforfelines.

Hamilton,K.(2012,Dec15). Sheltersfor thestreetcats.CihanNewsAgency.

Hart,K.(2019).Istanbul’sintangibleculturalheritageasembodiedbystreetanimals. HistoryandAnthropology,30 (4), 448–459.

Jaros,F.(2021).Thecohabitationofhumansandurbancatsintheanthro-

pocene:Theclashofwelfareconcepts. Animals(Basel),11 (3),1–14.

Natoli,E.,Ziegler,N.,Dufau,A.,Pinto Teixeira,M.(2019).UnownedFreeRoamingDomesticCats:Reflectionof AnimalWelfareandEthicalAspectsin AnimalLawsinSixEuropeanCountries. JournalofAppliedAnimalEthicsResearch,2 (1),38–56.

Ries,R.(2019–2022). KediEvleriIstanbul [KittyCondosofIstanbul].RaoulRies.

Swain,S.(2020).FeralHospitality:ThinkingOutsidetheHouseWithKedi. Public(Toronto),31 (61),90–173.

Torun,C.(Director).(2016). Kedi [Film]. TermiteFilms.

Twoyears’jailforkillingcatinIstanbul. (2024,Mar15). CapeTimes.

T¨urkiyepassesnewlawtoprotectanimals. (2021,Jul04). IANSEnglish.

VesselFinder.(n.d.). Istanbul,T¨urkiye (Trist). RetrievedApril11,2024.

Webber,J.(2021,July4). Turkeynolonger classifiesanimalsas‘commodities’after animalrightsbillispassed. PlantBased News.

MovingThroughtheCity

APrisonWithoutWalls: TheGeographyofTimeandthe ImmobilizationofBlackMen

AnnaAngelIzemengia

ThispaperexaminesthespatiotemporaldimensionsofincarcerationinBlackChicago,arguing thattheimmobilizationofBlackmenextendsbeyondphysicalprisonwallsintothegeographies oftheirlives.ThinkingprimarilywithRashadShabazz’sSpatializingBlackness,theanalysis exploreshowcarceralpowermanifeststhroughthreechronologicaltemporalities—whatwas, whatis,andwhatwillbe—throughsituatingthekitchenette,theprison,andpost-incarceration barriersaskeysitesofconfinement.Thekitchenette,aproductofracializedhousingpolicies, operatedasanearlyformofcarceralcontrol,mirroringthelogicofsurveillanceandconstraint foundinmodernpolicing.Theprison,asbothaphysicalandideologicalinstitution,constructs andmaintainsBlackmasculinityascriminalized,reinforcingcyclesofincarcerationthat sustainWhitesupremacy.Finally,post-incarcerationrealities,includingdisenfranchisement andeconomicexclusion,perpetuatesystemicimmobilization,denyingBlackmentherightto thecityandfullparticipationinurbanlife.Thisstudyscrutinizeshowthegeographyoftime structuresthecontainmentofBlackmen,renderingtheirexistencea‘prisonwithoutwalls’.

Keywords: carceralgeography,immobilization,confinement,BlackMasculinity,environmentaldeterminism,WhiteSupremacy

Introduction

Racism,asastructuralforce,intersectswith othersocialdynamicstocreateenvironmentsthatconfineandcontroltheBlack body.InSpatializingBlackness,Rashad Shabazz(2015)arguesthatthegeography ofBlackChicagoservesasatoolofenvironmentaldeterminism.Throughaspatialanalysisofthekitchenette,theprison,andpost-

incarcerationgeographies,Shabazz(2015) exploreshowBlackmasculinityisshaped andconstrainedbycarceralpoweracross time.Themateriality,temporality,andspatialityoftheprisonareenvironmentsthat determinetheincarcerationofBlackmen. Designedbypowerfulactors,theenvironmentconstrainsthemobilityofBlackpeople, embeddingaracializedidentitythatextends beyondprisonwalls.

Environmentaldeterminism,theideathat thephysicalenvironmentinfluencesandlimitshumanbehavior,isnotmerelyatheoreticalconcept,butatangibleforceinthe carcerallandscapesofBlackChicago.The veryexistenceoftheprisonrestrictsBlack masculinitythroughthecyclicale!ectsof whatwas,whatisandwhatwillbe.This analysisconstructsatemporalmapthrough Shabazz’sSpatializingBlackness,framing thecarceralexperienceacrossthreephases: ‘whatwas,’representedbythefoundational spatiallogicofthekitchenette;‘whatis,’ representedbytheprisonasthepresentsite offormalizedconfinementandstatecontrol;and‘whatwillbe,’characterizedby post-incarcerationdisenfranchisementand immobilization.Theprison’sspatialand temporalpowerproducesincarceratedBlack menthroughthehistoricalconfinementof thekitchenettetothepresentcarceralexperienceofimprisonment,andultimatelyto post-incarcerationimmobilizationthrough disenfranchisementandlimitedopportunities.This,inturn,reinforcesthehierarchicalpowerstructuresthatsustainthedisparityofBlackChicago.Thegeographyof incarcerationdeterminesBlackmasculinity acrossthetemporallandscapeoftheirlives, manifestingaprisonwithoutwalls.

WhatWas

Thekitchenette,asmallandovercrowded housingunit,becameadefiningfeature ofChicago’sBlackBelt.ThispredominatelyAfricanAmericancommunityon thecity’ssouthside,wasmarkedbyconditionsthatsymbolizedconfinementand surveillancewithinanurbancarceralsystem.Formedthroughredlining,restrictive covenants,andracialsegregation,theBlack BeltwasanarrowstripoflandwhereBlack residentswereforciblyconcentratedamid discriminatoryhousingpolicies(Shabazz, 2015).Kitchenettes,aproductofthesubdivisionofoncehigh-qualityhomes,were transformedintotiny,overcrowdedspaces toaccommodateBlackmigrantsduringthe GreatMigration(Shabazz,2015,p.10). Landlordsbuiltkitchenettestomaximize profits,attheexpenseoftenants’health, safetyandwellness.TheseconditionsconfinedBlackresidentstocrampedquarters,

BeginningwiththeGreatMigration, Shabazz(2015)describeshowspacesdesignedforBlackmigrants,fromkitchenettes topublichousingprojectsliketheRobert TaylorHomes,becameintegralpartsofa systemofconfinement.Theopeningchapter exploreshowFrederickHo!man’sracisttheoriesofBlackcriminalityinfluencedurban policiesthatjustifiedsegregationandthe expansionofpolicing,situatingBlacknessas inherentlycriminalanddeviant.Through achronologicalexaminationoftheriseof Blackstreetgangs,massincarceration,and thespreadofHIV/AIDS,Shabazz(2015) revealshowstate-sanctionedcontainment intertwinedwiththelivedrealitiesofBlack Chicagoansandinturnshapedtheirmasculinity.

creatingwhatShabazzdescribesasa“claustrophobic,carceralspacethatrestrictedmobility,”reflectingthesystemicracialbarriers immobilizingBlacklifeinChicago(Shabazz, 2015,p.52).

Thisimmobilizationwasintensifiedbyomnipresentsurveillance.Internally,thedense proximityofresidentswithinthekitchenette fosteredalackofprivacy,subjectingindividualstoconstantinformalsurveillanceby theirneighbors.Shabazz(2015)describes itasaspacethatfosterstension,violence, andcontrol“withitscrowdedroomsandincessantbedlam”(p.53).Externally,lawenforcementreinforcedthisdynamicthrough heavypolicingoftheBlackBelt,brandingtheseneighborhoodsassitesofcrime anddisorder.Shabazznotesthat“crimein thekitchenettewasadirectconsequenceof carceralpower”(p.53),thuslinkingthe police’sterritorialcontroltosystemicsegregationandBlackcontainment.

Furthermore,thekitchenette’sarchitecture mirrorsFoucault’sPanopticon,atheoretical prisondesignwhereacentraltowerallows asingleguardtoobserveallinmateswithoutbeingseen,creatingasystemofpower throughthemerepossibilityofsurveillance (Foucault,1975).LikethePanopticon’scentraltower,thekitchenette’sdesigncreates afeelingofomnipresence,makingeveryresidentbothanobserverandasubjectofobservation.Foucaultarguesthat“themajor e!ectofthePanopticonistoinduceinthe inmateastateofconsciousandpermanent

visibilitythatassurestheautomaticfunctioningofpower”(Foucault,1975,p.201). Theomnipresenceofsurveillance,whether internal(i.e.byneighbours)orexternal (i.e.throughlawenforcement),createsa Foucauldiandynamicthatsustainscontrol andconfinementthroughtheverydesign ofthespace,dictatinghowitsinhabitants dwellwithinit.ThesestrategiesdemonstrateZendel’s(2024)assertionthatthepoliceareurbanplannerswhoactivelyshape anddefinespacesthroughsurveillanceand containmentpractices.

Zendel(2024)furtherarguesthattheact ofpolicing“referstopracticesaimedatthe regulationandcontrolofasocietyandits members,”andthatthepolice,asagentsof thestate,e!ectivelyproduceurbanspaces throughtheiractions(DictionaryofHuman Geography,2009,p.544,ascitedinZendel, 2024).Byimposingno-goareasorheavilypolicedanti-policeareas,lawenforcementdefinesandenforcesspatialboundaries (Keith,1993,ascitedinHerbert,1997).The kitchenette,asasimilarlyheavilysurveilled urbanenvironment,exemplifiesthisphenomenon.Thepresenceoflawenforcement intheBlackBeltmarkedtheseneighborhoodsasareasrequiringconstantoversight, withcoercivepowerbeingusedtomaintain racializedboundariesandreinforcesegregation.

Theomnipresenceoflawenforcementin thekitchenettesofBlackChicagoandthe BlackBeltechoesthe18th-centuryracist

LanternLawsofNewYork.ThisrepetitionofhistoryconstraintsBlacklifeinto aspaceofconstantsurveillance.Lantern LawsforcedBlackpeople,whetherfreeor enslaved,tocarryalanternatalltimesto maketheirBlacknessvisible(Browne,2015).

LanternLawswereaprosthetictechnology ofcontroldesignedtokeeptheBlackbody “illuminatedfromdusktodawn”—always visible,alwayslocatable,andalwayscontainedwithinthecity(Browne,2015).Today,strategiesliketheNYPD’s“Omnipresence”replicatethishistoricalcontrolby usingfloodlightsinBronxneighborhoods undertheguiseofsafety(Hallgren,2021). Scannell(2018)notesthatsuchtacticsare notjustaboutsafety,butareaboutknowingwhenandwherepeopleofcolourmove, markingtheirexistenceassuspect.Inthis sense,modernsurveillancetacticsareadirectlineageofLanternLaws,ensuringthat Blackbodiesremainmarked,immobile,and underconstantscrutiny,revealingacyclical repetitionofspatialoppressionandcontrol. Thisgeographyoftime,wherehistoryrepeatsthroughmodernizedformsofcontrol, bindstheBlackbodyinastateofperpetual confinement.

Thepoliceasurbanplannersproducespaces ofcontainmentandcontrolthroughomnipresentpractices.Thesespacesarenot merelysitesofhistoricalconfinementbut alsophysicalmanifestationsofaracialized urbanorder,perpetuatedthroughsurveillanceandterritorialpolicing.Byshaping

thespatialityoftheBlackBelt,lawenforcementrestrictsBlackmobility,a”rmingit asathreattoWhitesupremacyandthus somethingtobetightlycontrolled.

Inboththekitchenetteandmodernurban spaces,theomnipresenceoflawenforcement reflectsacontinuedcarcerallogic.Policingactivelyconstructsurbanenvironments, reinforcinginequality,immobilization,and surveillance(Zendel,2024).Thekitchenette, theformativespaceofBlackmen’schildhood,markedahistoricmomentofimmobilization—wherethespacestheyfirstinhabitedlaidthegroundworkforatrajectory towardincarceration.

WhatIs

Theprisonisnotjustaphysicalspaceofconfinement:itisaprofoundmarkerofBlack masculinity;akeysitewherethecriminalizationofBlackmenisinstitutionalized;and wheretheiridentityisshaped,confined,and immobilized.The‘whatis’ofBlackmasculinitytodayisinextricablylinkedtothe prisonsystem,whichenforcesacarceralexperiencethatnotonlylimitstheirfreedom butalsoactivelyconstructsandmaintains Blackmen’ssocialandpoliticalinvisibility.AsShabazz(2015)asserts,theprison servesasacriticalmodeofsurveillanceand dehumanization;onewhereBlackmenare continuouslymarkedascriminalsandwhere theirfuturesarelargelypredeterminedby theirconfinement(p.108).Thiscarceral experiencegoesbeyondthephysicalbarsof

aprison;itworksthroughsocietalsystems thatdefineBlackmenbytheircriminality. Inthisway,theprisonbecomesthecentralmechanismofimmobilizingBlackmasculinity,ensuringitscontinuedsubjugation withinaracializedsocialorder.

ThisimmobilizationisnotapassivebyproductbutadeliberateandnecessaryfunctiontoupholdthestatusquoofWhite supremacy.ThecriminalizationofBlack men,bothasasocialidentityandthrough physicalincarceration,playsanessential roleinthemaintenanceofwhitenesswithin Americanurbanspaces.InChicago,the BlackBeltwashistoricallydesignedtosegregateandrestrictBlackpeople,reinforcing theirphysicalconfinementandsocialinferioritythroughanurbanlandscapeintentionallyconstructedtoperpetuateinequality andsustainmarginalization,particularlyvia policingandincarceration(Shabazz,2015,p. 125).Astheprisonsystemexpanded,itbecamethemodusoperandiforimmobilizing Blackmasculinity.Thiswasnotmerelyaresultofpersonalactionsordecision;rather,it wasanecessaryconsequenceofmaintaining Whitesupremacy.BytrappingBlackmen incyclesofcriminalityandincarceration, urbanplannersandpolicymakerse!ectively upholdasystemwherethepoweranddominanceofwhitenessisrea”rmed,ensuring thecontinuationofthisracialhierarchy.

Shabazz’s(2015)analysisofthewaron drugsanditsracializedimpactonBlack communities,particularlythedi!erential legaltreatmentofcrackcocaineversuspowdercocaine,illustrateshowthesystemic factorsembeddedwithinurbanplanning andthecriminaljusticesystemworktosustainthiscycleofincarceration.CrackcocaineinmarginalizedBlackneighborhoods furtherstigmatizedBlacknesswithininnercitycommunities.Thedrugwasassociated withpoverty,criminality,andBlackness,furtherreinforcingnegativestereotypesand justifyingsystemicdiscrimination.Crack cocaineo!enceswerepunishedfarmore harshlythanpowdercocaine,whichwas linkedtowealthierwhitecommunities.As Shabazz(2015)notes,“crackcocainewasa felony,whilecocainewasamisdemeanor,” (p.121)facilitatingthedisproportionate targetingandincarcerationofBlackcommunities.Thisselectiveenforcementpreserved aracializedsystemofsurveillance,ensuring thatBlackmenwerebothphysicallyand symbolicallymarkedbytheirassociation withcriminality.Thisdisparityshowshow urbanspacesandthepoliciesthatgovern themaredesignedtochannelBlackbodies intoprison,reinforcingtheracializedpower dynamicsthatsustainwhitesupremacy.

Theprison,asacriticaltoolofstate-ledoppression,playsacentralroleintheexploitationofBlackbodies.ItensuresthatBlack men,throughsystemicracism,faceaheightenedriskofearlydeath,whetherthrough theviolenceofincarceration,exposureto disease,orthesocio-economicconsequences ofbeingcriminalized.Thecarceralexperi-

enceextendsbeyondthewallsoftheprison toshapethetrajectoryofBlackmen’slives, sealingtheirfatesinaracializedsystem thatleavesthemvulnerabletobothliteral andsymbolicdeath.ThisdynamicisilluminatedinChapterFive,withadiscussionof theHIVepidemic,whichdisproportionately a!ectedBlackmeninChicagowhowere alreadyburdenedbythewarondrugsand massincarceration.Prisons,withtheirovercrowdedandunsanitaryconditions,became breedinggroundsforHIV.Shabazz(2015) emphasizesthat“sexbetweenmen...needlesharing,andtattooingaretheprimary riskfactorsforthespreadofthediseasein prison”(p.104).Thesefactorsproduce riskbecausemoststateandfederalprisons, aswellasjailsandjuvenilefacilities,ban condoms,makingsafesexinprisonimpossible.Theyalsobanthedistributionofclean needles.Consequently,menenteringprison aremorelikelytocontractthevirus,which theylaterspreaduponreleaseintotheircommunities,exacerbatingtheepidemicamong Blackpopulations,alreadydisproportionatelya!ected.

TheHIVepidemicinBlackChicagodirectly tiesintoRuthGilmore’sdefinitionofracism, whichshearguesis“thestate-sanctionedor extralegalproductionandexploitationof group-di!erentiatedvulnerabilitytoprematuredeath”(Gilmore,2006,p.28).In thiscase,theprisonsystemnotonlyconfinesBlackmenphysicallybutalsoexposes themtoconditionsthatheightentheirvul-

nerabilitytoearlydeath,bothfromdisease andfromthestructuralviolenceembedded withintheprison-industrialcomplex.

Thisdynamicalsomirrorsthe“BeGay, DoCrime”slogan,whichcritiqueshow marginalizedgroups,particularlyqueerpeople,arecriminalizedfortheirexistenceand survivalstrategies(Hudson,2018).Just asqueernesshashistoricallybeenlinkedto criminality,Blacknessinurbanspaceslike Chicagoisalsoequatedwithcrime,reinforcingtheideathatBlackmen’slivesand destiniesarepredeterminedbytheircriminalization.Theprison,asasiteofsocial andlegalsurveillance,functionsasa“rite ofpassage”(p.112)forBlackmen,where theveryactofbeingBlackincertainsocioeconomiccontextssubjectsthemtoasystem thatcriminalizestheiridentityfrombirth (Shabazz,2015,p.112).Thiscriminalization,whetherthroughlaws,socialstigma, orphysicalincarceration,marksBlackmen asinherentlyunlawful,ensuringtheircontinueddisenfranchisement.Theroleofthe prisonisnotmerelytoconfinethesemen buttoensuretheircontinuedsocialexclusionandimmobility,contributingtotheir earlydeathbothmetaphoricallythrough marginalizationandliterallythroughexposuretoviolence,disease,andsystemicneglect.Thisprocessisdeliberate,servingthe interestsofwhitesupremacybymaintainingthesocialandeconomicstructuresthat privilegewhiteness.

Inthisway,thestate-sanctionedvulnerabil-

ityofBlackmentoprematuredeathencapsulatesthe‘whatis’ofBlackmasculinity todayasanidentitythatisdefined,confined,andimmobilizedbytheforcesofwhite supremacy.Thecriminalization,incarceration,andstructuralviolencethatfollow ensurethatBlackmen’slivesandfutures arepredetermined,reinforcingaracialorder designedtoupholdandsustainwhiteness. Throughthecontinuedcriminalizationof BlackmasculinityandthephysicalandsymbolicconfinementofBlackmen,theyare leftvulnerabletoafatedictatedbythevery structuresthatrelyontheiroppression.

WhatWillBe

Shabazzemphasizeshowpost-incarceration realities,suchasbarrierstoemployment, housing,voting,andhealthcare,function asmechanismsthatextendcarceralgeographiesintoeverydaylife,erodingtheagency andmobilityofBlackmen.Theenduring e!ectsofincarcerationextendfarbeyond theprisonwalls,shapingthelivesofBlack menthroughsystematicdisenfranchisement, andperpetuatingcyclesofimmobilization. Themarkofincarcerationisnotmerelya temporarypunishment,butalsoalifelong barrierthatsystematicallydeniesBlackmen accesstothetoolsnecessaryforreintegration.ThisphenomenonalignswithDavid Harvey’s(2012)notionofthe‘righttothe city’,highlightinghowmarginalizedcommunitiesaredeprivedoftheabilitytoshape theirenvironmentsandfullyparticipatein urbanlife.Blackmen,post-incarceration,

aretrappedwithinasystemthatlimitstheir opportunitiesanddeniesthemtheirright tothecity—thusreflectinghowtheenvironmentshapesindividuals,andindividuals,in turn,shapethemselvesthroughthespaces theyoccupy.

Individualswithfelonyconvictionsareoftenbarredfromreceivingwelfare,public housing,orstudentloans,andfacepermanentdisenfranchisementfromvoting.Todd Clear’s(2007)ImprisoningCommunities scrutinizesthestructuralbarriersfacedby formerlyincarceratedindividuals,emphasizingtheirexclusionfromsocietalparticipation.Clearproclaims:“An18-year-old withafirst-timefelonyconvictionfordrug possessionnowmaybebarredfromreceivingwelfareforlife,prohibitedfromliving inpublichousing,deniedstudentloansto attendcollege,permanentlyexcludedfrom voting,andifnotacitizen,bedeported” (Clear,2007,p.68).Thesepoliciesstripindividualsofessentialresources,makingreintegrationnearlyimpossible.Clearfurther highlightshowemploymentrestrictionsexacerbatethesechallenges,withfelonyconvictionsbarringindividualsfromprofessional licensesorrolesinindustries,suchastransportationandbeauty.Forinstance,inNew York,individualswithpriorfelonyconvictionsarebarredfrom283typesofjobs,significantlylimitingtheiremploymentopportunitiesandworseningtheircircumstances (Clear,2007,p.68).Shabazzextendsthis argument,demonstratinghowstigmaand

systemicbarriersimmobilizereturningprisoners,perpetuatingcyclesofpovertyand exclusion.

Thisimmobilizationhasprofoundspatial consequences.Shabazz(2015,p.102) notesthatformerlyincarceratedindividualsdisproportionatelyreturntoimpoverishedneighborhoodsonChicago’sSouthand WestSides—areasalreadydestabilizedby systemicneglect,redlining,andthecarceral cycle.ThisconcentrationofreturningresidentscreateswhatClear(2007)calls“coercivemobility,”adynamicinwhichthe constantmovementbetweenprisonandcommunitydisruptssocialnetworks,erodesinformalsocialcontrols,anddeepenscyclesof poverty.Asaresult,familiesareforcedto liveinconditionsthatreproduceincarceration,separatingthemfromthemenintheir livesandperpetuatingintergenerationalinstability.

Anothercriticaldimensionofpostincarcerationdisenfranchisementistheloss ofcivicrights.ManyBlackmenarestripped oftheirrighttovote,silencingtheirpoliticalvoicesanddiminishingtheirability toinfluencestructuralchange.Shabazz’s (2015)analysisalignswithMichelleAlexander’s(2010)critiqueinTheNewJimCrow, whichframesfelonydisenfranchisement asacontemporaryformofracialcontrol. Exclusionfromtheballotbox—combined withsystemicbarrierstoemploymentand housing—e!ectivelydeniesBlackmentheir “righttothecity”(Harvey,2012),ensuring

theircontinuedmarginalizationfromjust andinclusiveurbanlife.

Shabazz’sworkpointstotheneedfor transformativestrategiestodismantlethese carceralgeographiesandtheirenduringeffects.Urbanplanners,policymakers,andactivistsmustprioritizeequitableresourcedistribution,a!ordablehousing,andjobtrainingprogramstobreakcyclesofdisenfranchisement.Moreover,restoringvotingrights andexpandingaccesstohealthcarearecriticalstepstowardempoweringformerlyincarceratedindividualstoreclaimtheiragency andsalvagetheirfuture.Withoutsuchinterventions,Shabazz(2015)warns,thespatial andtemporalreachofthecarceralstatewill continuetoreproduceinequality,ensuring thatBlackfuturesremaintetheredtosystemsofcontrolandexclusion.

Conclusion

CarceralgeographyinBlackChicagooperatesthroughitstemporality,emergingas anactiveforceinshapingBlackmasculinityandconstructingalifelonglandscape thatfunctionsasaprisonwithoutwalls. SarahAhmed(2006)proclaimsthat“weare shapedbyourdwellingandtakeshapeby dwelling”.Thistruthreflectshowurban planning,asaninstitutionalizedpractice, hugelyimpactsthelivesofthosewhoinhabititsspaces(Zendel,2024).Whencities areconstructed,sotooaretheidentities, opportunities,andconstraintsoftheirresidents.InSpatializingBlackness,planning

isconsideredasamechanismofcontrol,embeddingstructuralinequalitiesintothedevelopmentofurbanspaces.Thecreationof confinedlivingenvironmentslikethekitchenette,theprison,andthespatialrestrictionsimposedbypolicingandincarceration demonstrateshowBlackChicago,asadeterminant,becomesatoolofconfinement. Thisinstitutionalizedpracticeensuresthat thespacesinwhichBlackmendwellactively shapetheirexperiences,reinforcingcyclesof surveillance,marginalization,andcriminalization.Thecarcerallandscape,sustained bythegeographyoftime,doesnotendwith imprisonment;itextendsintothestreets, homes,anddailylivesofthosewhoinhabit theseracializedspaces.

References

Ahmed,S.(2006). Queerphenomenology: Orientations,objects,others. DukeUniversityPress.

Alexander,M.(2010). ThenewJimCrow: Massincarcerationintheageofcolorblindness. TheNewPress.

Browne,S.(2015). Darkmatters:Onthe surveillanceofblackness. DukeUniversityPress.

Clear,T.R.(2007). Imprisoningcommunities:Howmassincarcerationmakes disadvantagedneighborhoodsworse. OxfordUniversityPress.

DictionaryofHumanGeography.(2009). Dictionaryofhumangeography (5thed., p.544).Wiley-Blackwell.

Foucault,M.(1975). Disciplineandpunish:Thebirthoftheprison (A.Sheridan, Trans.).VintageBooks.(Originalwork published1975) Gilmore,R.(2006). Goldengulag:Prisons, surplus,crisis,andoppositioninglobalizingCalifornia. UniversityofCalifornia Press.

Harvey,D.(2012).Therighttothecity.In Rebelcities:Fromtherighttothecityto theurbanrevolution (pp.1-16).Verso.

Hallgren,N.(Director).(2021). Omnipresence [Film].

Herbert,S.(1997).Policingcontestedspace: OnpatrolatSmileyandHauser.InN. R.Fyfe(Ed.), Imagesofthestreet:Planning,identity,andcontrolinpublicspace (pp.219–231).Routledge.

Hudson,D.(2018,August10). Whatdoes “BeGay,DoCrime”mean? GayStar News.

Scannell,R.J.(2018). Electriclight:Automatingthecarceralstateduringthe quantificationofeverything (Doctoral dissertation,TheGraduateCenter,City UniversityofNewYork).CUNYAcademicWorks.

Shabazz,R.(2015). Spatializingblackness: Architecturesofconfinementandblack masculinityinChicago. Universityof IllinoisPress.

Zendel,A.(2024). TheSecureCity. GGR217UrbanLandscapesPlanning.

NavigatingMisogynoirThrough EmotionalandEmbodiedKnowledge

VanessaWiltshire

BuildingoninsightsfromBlackandcriticalfeministscholarship,thisautoethnographyuses feministtheorytoexaminetherelationshipbetweenracialandgenderidentityandpublicspace intheproductionofemotionalandembodiedknowledge.Iidentify“badfeelings”(Ahmed, 2014)offear,shame,andanxietyaskeydriversofmya!ectiveresponsetopeopleand places;andinturn,thesefeelingsshapehowInavigateandexperiencetheworld.Specifically, thispaperexploresthea!ectivedimensionsofanti-Blackmisogynybyexamininghowmy identitymediatesmyinteractionsinpublicspaceandinformsmyspatialpractices.Through theuseofembodimentasamethodologicalapproach,Iaimto(a)contributetotheworkof feministgeographersinlegitimizingemotions,feelings,andphysicalsensationsasvalidsocial ontologiesforunderstandingourexperienceofplace;(b)presentanalternativerepresentation ofBlackwomanhoodthata”rmsourhumanityandchallengesdominantnarratives;and(c) questiontheepistemicsignificanceofemotionsasasourceofknowledgeintheproductionof BlackgeographiesandindeepeningourunderstandingofBlackwomen’slivedexperiences.

Keywords: a!ect,Blackfeminism,embodiment,emotionalgeographies,gender,misogynoir

Introduction

Existinginpublicspacesexhaustsme.I feelbothinvisibleandhyper-visible,disregardedanddesired,dependingonthesocial andphysicalcontext.Iamawarethatmy presenceinthesespaceshasthepotentialto beweaponized,madetorepresentwomen withwhomIshareskintone,butnotnecessarilylivedexperience.Toavoidfeelings ofshamerelatedtomyBlackness,Ihave learnedtomakemyselfsmall—totakeup aslittlespaceaspossible.Ifeelsafestwhen

Iamalone;whenthetensioninmybody isreleasedandIcansimplyexist.Myintersectionalandoverlappingidentitiesmean thatIamconstantly“renegotiatingsocial relations”(Davidsonetal.,2016,p.4)in thecontextofracism,sexism,andableism; stigmatizingattitudesandstereotypesthat havematerialandemotionalconsequences inmyeverydaylife.Thearticulationofthe persistentdiscomfortandexhaustionIcarry withinmybodyreflectsthegenderedand racializeddimensionsofembodimentasa

discursivepractice(Mehta&Bondi,1999, pp.68–69).Overtime,Ihavedeveloped repetitivebodilystrategies—habitual,often unconsciousactsofself-preservationsuchas avoidingcertainspaces,smilingandlaughingthroughpublicdiscomfort,andfreezing inplacewhenthreatened.Thesepractices exemplifywhatMehtaandBondi(1999)describeas“less-than-consciousexpression[s]” (p.68)throughwhichpowerrelationsare communicatedandreproduced,contributingtotheproductionofembodiedknowledge.Bycentringrelationalidentitiesand thehegemonicdiscoursesthatshapethem, emotionalgeographiesandembodimentofferaframeworkforbetterunderstanding howparticularplacesareexperienced,includingasenseoffeeling‘outofplace.’

Asthesmallestspatialunit(Campbell,2016, p.23),thebodyhasbeendescribedasthe “mostimmediateandintimately‘felt’geography”,reinforcingtheideathatour“unique personalgeographies”havematerialimpacts onourlivesthatarenot“simplymetaphorical”(Davidson&Milligan,2004,p.523). Theseincludementalillhealth,vulnerabilitytosexualviolence,andtheadoptionof spatialpracticessuchasavoidanceandretreatinginwardintotheself.Buildingon thenotionofanemotio-spatialhermeneutic, whichemphasizesthatouremotionsarelegibleonlywithinparticulargeographies,this autoethnographyexamineshowmyidentitymediatesmya!ectiverelationshipwith peopleandplaceswhilemovingbetweenvar-

iousspatialscales—‘outward’fromthebody toincludethecommunity,theinstitution, andthecity(Davidson&Milligan,2004, p.524).Throughemotiveanda!ective responsesdrivenbyfear,shame,andanxiety,Iexplorethespatialityofanti-Black misogynyanditsimpactonmysenseof selfandidentity.Moreover,byconnecting “theexperientialgeographiesofthehuman psycheandphysiquewithinbroadersocial geographiesofplace”(Davidson&Milligan, 2004,p.524),Iaimtocontributetothe workoffeministscholarswhohighlightthe significanceofemotionsinhumanizingand legitimizingwomen’sexperiencesandfor makingsenseoftheworldaroundus.

GeographiesofFear

Feministgeographershavewrittenextensivelyaboutthepublic-privatesphereand therelationshipbetweenwomen’sfearof streetviolenceandrestrictionsonmobility (seeMehta&Bondi,1999;Pain,1999;Rose, 1993).Ithasbeenarguedthatwomenare e!ectively“punished”(Davis,1994,p.142) fortransgressingthisboundarybecausewe areseenasbelongingtothedomesticsphere (Rose,1993,p.35).Furthermore,women’s associationofpublicspace,fear,andgenderedviolencehasbeendescribedas“paradoxical”and“irrational”,giventhatwomen areatgreaterriskofassaultin“private space”bysomeonethattheyknow(Mehta &Bondi,1999,p.67).Despitethis,street harassmentandgenderedviolencefunction asspatialmechanismsofcontrolandcon-

straint,contributingtoasenseofexclusion anddangerwhennavigatingpublicspace.

Thiscomplexitydeepenswhenconsidering howa!ectivefamiliaritywithincommunitiescanblurthelinebetweenpublicand privatedomains,manifestingaswhatDavis (1994)terms“intraracialstreetharassment” (p.172).Withina!ectivespace,described as“thespaceinwhichweareemotionally intouch[and]opentotheworld”(Simonsen,2007,p.176),anassumedcultural oridentity-basedconnectioncancreatea falseintimacythattraversesspatialboundaries.Thesepresumedconnectionscreatea uniquelychallengingdynamicforthosewith intersectingmarginalizedidentities,andIoftenfeelatremendousamountofanxietyand uneaseasaBlackwomaninurbanspace. Streetharassmentinthecityisfrequently centredaroundmyBlacknessandIfeeluncomfortableandunsafenavigatingcertain spaces,especiallywhenalone.Ilearnedata youngagethatmyBlacknessrendersmevulnerabletoparticularformsofobjectification andunwantedattention.Hearingcatcalls of“Blackqueen”,“sista”,“brownin’”,and, mostrecently,“darky”—aliteralracistepithet—doesnotmakemewanttoengage withstrangemeninthestreet.

Davisarguesthatstreetharassmentperpetuatesmalesupremacyandfemalesubordinationby“genderizing”thestreet(1994, p.136).Thisisdonebycreatingahostileenvironmentwhichimplicitlysignalsto thetargetsoftheirharassmentthatthey

arenotwelcomeinthespace.Additionally, theseactsofharassmentinformwomenthat theymustbe“whollyaccessible”tomen iftheyareto“participate”inthepublic sphere(Davis,1994,p.143).AsIhave experiencedtimeandtimeagain,ignoringa man’sattentioninpublicoftenleadstoan insultoradmonishment.Ihavebeengroped, followed,andverballyassaultedonpublic transitbyamanwhowasangrythathis attentionwasnotreciprocated;screamed atinchesawayfrommyfacewhilebeing physicallythreatened.Notasingleperson steppedintodefendme.Theserepeated actsofharassmentandintimidationarenot isolatedincidents;theyaccumulatethrough thecorporealform,producingwhatMehta &Bondi(1999)describeas‘practicalknowledge’—anon-linguistic,instinctualunderstandingoftheworldgainedthroughembodieddiscourse(p.69).Fromthisperspective, ‘phobicgeographies’ofpanicandavoidance (Davidson,2017)arenotirrational.Instead, theyareformsofembodiedandemotional knowledgethatreflectexposuretogendered andracializedspatialviolence.

Embodiedknowledgealsoinformsspatial practicesthroughtacticsthatwomenadopt tosafelynavigatespace.Theseinclude strategiessuchasavoidinggoingoutintothe streetafteracertaintimeofnight,choosing alternateroutestomovearoundthecityor takingalternativemethodsoftransportation,andmodifyingtheirdressorbehaviour incertainspacestoavoidunwantedatten-

tion(L.March,personalcommunication, 2023).Yearsago,IcompletelystoppedvisitingKensingtonMarketduetophysical andverbalharassmentIexperiencedfroma shopkeeper.Atthetime,Iwasahighschool studentstrugglingwithdepressionfollowing thelossofmygrandmother,andKensington Marketandallitseccentricitieshadbecome anescapefromtheoverwhelmingsadness thatgrippedme.Iwouldtellmymother thatIwasgoingtoschoolbutinsteadtake thesubwaydowntownandwanderthemarketforhours—itwasduringthistimethat Idiscoveredthisshopandbecamefriendly withtheowner.

Eventually,hefeltcomfortableenoughwith mycontinuedpresencetobeginmakingsexuallysuggestivecomments.Hewouldshare explicitstoriesaboutgirlswhohebought giftsforandtookonexpensivetrips.IrecallhimtellingmethatIneededto“grow up”,“stopbeingsoshy”,and“findareal man”whowould“takecareofme”.Atsome pointthereafter,hepropositionedmefora sexualrelationship.WhenIdeclined,he forcedhimselfontomeandtriedtokissme. Ipushedhimawayandlaughednervously, butIwashorrifiedandafraid.Notknowing howtoleavetheshopsafely,Iawkwardly lingeredarounduntilImadeupanexcuse abouthavingtogohome.Ineverreturned. Laterthatyear,whilevisitingthemarket withfriendsonabusysummerweekend,he spottedmeandyelledmynamefromacross thestreet.Thisofcoursedrewalotofun-

wantedattention,andIimmediatelyfeltsick withnauseafromanxiety.Myfriendswere incrediblyconfused,butIsimplyincreased mypaceandtoldthemtoignorehimand keepwalking.Iavoidedthatpartofthe Marketforsixyears,demonstratingthe“extenttowhichfearplaceslimitsonmobility” (Davidson&Milligan,2004,p.526).

Througha!ectivedimensions,thisperson wasabletoreachacrossspacebyviolating mine—illustratinghow“spatialrelationsbetweensubjectsandothers...areproduced throughactionsthatmakesomeobjects reachableandothersbeyondreach”(Simonsen&Koefoed,2020,p.1).Emotions, then,actasamediumthroughwhichboth psycho-socialandmaterialboundariescan betransgressed,underliningtheprocesses involvedintheproductionofsocialspace (Davidsonetal.,2016,p.7).

GeographiesofShame

Sexualizedattentionfrommen,harassment orotherwise,isoftenacatalystforfeelings ofshameandembarrassmentasIparticipate inpublicspace.Whetherbeingchastised byastrangerforwearingasportsbrawhile cyclingorbeingquestionedaboutthetype ofclothingIwearatthegym,theseexperiencesdemonstratehowphysicalexercise becomesmorethanjustbodilyengagement withtheenvironment.AsSimonsennotes, theambiguityofmyfemininebodyasboth subjectandobjectkeepsme“inmyplace” by“influencing[my]mannerofmovement,

[my]relationshipto[my]surroundings,and [my]appropriationofspace”(2007,p.175). Publicspaces,suchasparksandrecreational areas,seemtoimplyfreedomofmovement, butoftenbecomesiteswherethesedynamics playout.Whileexercisingatalocalpark, aplacethathadbecomemyrefugeduringpandemiclockdowns,Iwasapproached byamanwhoinitiallycomplimentedmy bodyandathleticismbeforeabruptlycommenting,“noneofmyfriendsdateBlack girls.”Whatbeganascasualconversation quicklydevolvedintoadefenseofmyidentityagainstracialstereotypesandassumptionsaboutattraction,asmysanctuaryfor physicalexercisewastransformedintocontestedterrain.Inthatmoment,mybody wassuddenlyreducedfromsubject(exercisingformyownwellbeing)toobject(of racializedsexualevaluation).

Throughthisexchange,myfeelingsofshame collapsedmyspatialexperience;starting atanexternal,socialscaleinwardtothe body.ThisshiftofspatialscalesisarticulatedinAhmed’sdiscussiononthelived experiencesofshame:“Shamefeelslikean exposure—anotherseeswhatIhavedone thatisbadandhenceshameful—butitalso involvesanattempttohide,ahidingthatrequiresthesubjectturnawayfromtheother andtowardsitself”(Ahmed,2014,p.103). This“re-forming”ofsocialspace(Ahmed, 2014,p.103)ishurtfulanddeeplypersonal. Theaboveexperiencedemonstrateshowour personalgeographies,orworlds,can“ex-

pandorcontract”inemotionalresponseto events(Davidson&Milligan,2004,p.524), destabilizingone’ssenseofplace—fromsafe spacetohostilespace.Likewise,shameas anemotionhasthepowertotransgressspatialandtemporalboundaries:“itextends beyondasingleincidentandbecomesan evaluationoftheself”(Harris-Perry,2011, p.104).

‘Misrecognition’inpublicspacethrough myths,racializedstereotypes,andstigma canalsohavea“profoundimpactontheprivateself”(Harris-Perry,2011,pp.38–40). Throughwhatareknownascontrollingimages,Blackwomenarelabelledunattractive, hard-headed,high-maintenance,anddi”culttoplease(Collins,2000,p.5).This discoursewasreiteratedduringmyconversationwiththemanatthepark,anditis circulatedthroughvariousformsofmedia: realityTVshows,mainstreammusic,and socialmediaallcontributetothenegative perceptionofBlackwomen.BlackfeministscholarDr.PatriciaHillCollins(2000) describescontrollingimagesasthedetrimentalstereotypesaboutBlackwomanhood disseminatedandupheldbysociety’sdominantinstitutions.Theseportrayalsinclude (a)theJezebel,whoissexuallyaggressive (andthusmasculinized);(b)theMammy, anasexual,mother-likefigurewithcharacteristicallyAfricanfeatures(andtherefore unattractive);and(c)theWelfareQueen, whoislazy,irresponsible,anddependenton governmentassistance.Harris-Perry(2011)

addsthatevenBlackwomenwho“escape stigmatizedidentitiesandlifecircumstances” (e.g.undereducated,underemployed,single motherhood,etc.)muststillcontendwith thesedamagingracialandgenderstereotypes(pp.106–107).

Dr.MoyaBailey,professoratNorthwestern University,coinedtheterm‘misogynoir’in 2008todescribetheintersectionofracism andsexismexperiencedbyBlackwomen. MisogynoirinfluenceshowBlackwomen bothexperienceemotionsandperceivethose ofothers;inotherwords,anti-Blackmisogynyshapesandproducesone’sownemotionalknowledge.Furtherillustratingthis, Harris-Perry(2011)writesthefollowingon feelingsofembarrassmenttiedtodesirability,lowself-worth,andpoorself-image:

Skincolorandhairtexture,forexample,havebothbeenfoundtoevoke asenseofshamethata!ectsblack women’sfeelingsofattractiveness,inflectsfamilialrelationships,shapesexpectationsforromanticpartnerships andeconomicsuccess,andmanifests indisorderedeating.Inthissense, shameisthepsychologicalandphysicale!ectofrepeatedactsofmisrecognition(p.107).

Bothdesirabilityandattractionaredeeply impactedbymisogynoir.Inasocietythatoftenimposesnarrow,Eurocentricstandards ofbeautyandfemininityontowomen,the pressuretoconformtotheseidealscan

beoverwhelming,especiallyforwomenof colour.ForBlackwomeninparticular, misogynoirandcontrollingimagesfunction asanoppressiveforcethatinfluenceshow peopleinteractwithusinvarioussocialsettingsandcanimpactourfreedomofmovementorcomfortwithinpublicspaces.If Blackwomenarecontinuallyperceivedas beingtough,resilient,andindependent,we aresimultaneouslyseenasnotneedingor deservingofprotection,support,orlove.

AnxiousGeographies

Repeatedactsofmisrecognitionhavehad significantconsequencesinmylife.Iam notafighter,andIdonotwanttobecalled strong.Iwanttobeallowedtobesoftand vulnerableanddelicate;toknowwhatit feelsliketobeprotectedandcherished.I resentthatthroughoutmylife,Ihavebeen madetofeellikeafailureorburdenforneedinghelp—orthatafterexperiencingtraumaticlifeevents,supportwasnevero!ered. Thisexpectationofstereotypicalresilience wasmadeexplicittomethrougharacialized andgenderedencounteratapublicschool boardmeeting.

Iwasnearingtheendofmyfinalyearofhigh schoolattheCityAdultLearningCentre, sevenyearsafterIhadfirststarted.FollowingacancerdiagnosisinGrade11andmy grandmother’sdeaththefollowingyear,my mentalhealthhadspiraledoutofcontrol andinthreeyearsIhadonlypassedasingle course,promptingmydeparturefromthe

traditionalsecondaryschoolsystem.Once themeetingended,Iwasapproachedby awhiteschooldistrictsuperintendentwho waseagertohearmoreaboutmystory,and IbrieflyexplainedhowIhadendedupatan alternativehighschool.Heshookhishead sympathetically.“Youaresuchastrong Blackwoman,”hesaid,asifitwereacompliment.ButIhadn’tbeenstrong.Ihad simplysurvived.

ThetropeoftheStrongBlackWomanhas beendiscussedinbothacademicliterature andpopularmediasincethe1980s(Gillespie,1982;HillCollins,2000).Forinstance, HillCollins(2000)explorestheconceptof “strongBlackidentities”throughdepictions ofBlackmotherhoodandmatriarchy,arguingthatthiscontrollingimagepraisesBlack mothersfortheirdevotiontotheirfamilies andresiliencyinthefaceofadversity,but attheexpenseoftheirownunmetemotionalandsocialneeds(p.174).Similarly, Bailey(2021)claimsthatthetropeismisogynoiristicandhas“materialconsequences” forBlackwomen(p.2).Onesuchexample isexploredinKellyetal.’s(2020)reporton domesticviolencewithinBlackheterosexual couples.Theyarguethatthearchetypeof theStrongBlackWomanactsasabarrier forvictimstoseekoutformalsupportinthe formofmentalhealthresourcesandpreventativecare.Failuretomeetthesecultural expectationscanevokefeelingsofshame orguiltamongstBlackwomen,whilealso increasingtheirlikelihoodofpsychological distress,includingdepressionandanxiety (Castelin&White,2022,p.197).

Theseemotionsmanifestasspatiallyarticulatedexperiencesinmyownlife.In theiranalysisofpanicandanxietydisorders,Davidson(2017)claimsthatforsome individuals,theconceptualizationofspace as“hostile”isduetothe“disablingproximitywithothers”withinpublicspaceand islargelydrivenbytheexpectationofperformancewithinsocialsettings(pp.21–23). Theschool,asa“partialinstitution”withits ownsetofnormsandexpectations(Davidson&Milligan,2004,p.526),becamea sourceofimmenseemotionaldistressfollowingmycancerdiagnosis,thepassingofmy grandmother,andmysubsequentinability tomeetacademicexpectations.Ibegan su!eringfromrecurrentpanicattacksand soonthereafterstoppedattendingclassaltogether.Apanicattackisadeeplyembodied experience,whichDavidson(2017)argues createsa“senseofseparatenessfromone’s body”throughwhatisahighlya!ective state(p.15).Thisreshapingofanindividual’spersonalgeographythroughvisible changestoone’s“internalspacesoftheir bodies”,suchasblushing,trembling,and sweating,createsasenseofvulnerability fortheimpactedperson;a“weakeningof boundaries”inwhichothersareperceived tobeuncomfortablyclose(Davidson,2017, pp.22–23).

UsingthecontrollingimageoftheStrong BlackWomantobetterunderstandthelack

ofsupportIreceivedfrommyhighschool demonstratesthepowerthatstereotypes haveinshapingmaterialrealities.Inthe monthsfollowingmydiagnosisandloss,I wastoldthatIwasa“fighter”whojust neededto“hanginthere”andpersevere,yet Iwaso!erednomentalhealthsupportor academicaccommodation.Withinmyprivatelife,Ifeltcompelledtoputonabrave face,particularlyformymotherwhowas alsogrieving.Ultimately,myinabilitytoattendclass,completecoursework,andadhere tosocialnormsbyrestrainingmyemotions wastransgressive,anditdidnottakelong forthethinveneerof“support”frommy schooltodisappearasmymentalhealth deteriorated.My“failure”toabidebyinstitutionalexpectationsnotonlyreshapedmy emotionalexperienceofschoolasana!ectivespacebuthadtangibleimpactsonmy lifethroughdelayededucationalattainment, decliningmentalhealth,anddamagetomy self-worth.Withinamonthofstartinguniversity,Iwasclinicallydiagnosedwithpanic disorderandagoraphobia.

Conclusion

Byengagingwithgeographiesofemotion andembodiment,Ihaveexploredhowfeelingsofshame,fear,andanxietyhaveshaped myrelationshipwithvariousspaces,revealingthespatialdimensionsofmisogynoir. Throughthiswork,Ihavecometounderstandthatmyembodiedexperiencesasa Blackwomanareconnectedtobroaderpatternsofsocialexclusionandoppression.Yet

ratherthanshyawayfrom“badfeelings”, Iacknowledgemydiscomfortandunease inspaceswhereIhaveencounteredvarious formsoftrauma.AsAhmednotes,“ifbad feelingisalsoane!ectofinjustice,thento overcomebadfeelingcanalsobetoerase thesignsofinjustice”(2014,p.197).I viewthisacknowledgementasanactofresistanceagainststereotypesandculturalexpectationsthatdemandIquietlyendureand remainstoicanduna!ected.

Asafeministframework,emotionalknowledgeassertsthatfeelingsandemotionshave aprofoundinfluenceonhowweunderstand theworld.Myemotionsdonotexistinisolation.Rather,theyshapeandareshapedby thespacesIencounter,guidingmethrough thesociallandscape.Thisautoethnography contributestoourunderstandingofhow intersectingoppressionsmanifestineverydayspatialpracticesandlivedexperiences. Byexaminingtheseconnectionsbetween emotion,space,andidentity,wecanbegin toimaginenewgeographieswhereBlack women’sfullhumanityandautonomyisrecognizedandrespected.

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CoverImageReferences

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