FIAT-IFTA IAFM Heritage Report 2014

THE WORLD ORGANIZATION OF FUNERAL OPERATIVES

IAFM INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF FUNERAL MUSEUMS

Funeral Heritage Report 2014

Fédération Internationale des Associations de Thanatoloques International Federation of Thanatologists Associations

Colofon

Biannual publication of FIAT-IFTA and IAFM EDITORIAL OFFICE FIAT-IFTA Secretariat Melkpad 23 1217 KA Hilversum NL info@thanos.org LAYOUT & DESIGN IDIOT Creative Concepts Mr. Albert van Vuure idiotcreativeconcepts.nl PRINTING Drukwerkconsultancy info@drukwerkconsultancy.nl

Copyright © 2014 FIAT-IFTA

THE WORLD ORGANIZATION OF FUNERAL OPERATIVES

THE WORLD ORGANIZATION OF FUNERAL OPERATIVES

IAFM

THE WORLD ORGANIZATION OF FUNERAL OPERATIVES

INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF FUNERAL MUSEUMS

Table of Contents 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

Introduction

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Page 4

Henry J. Keizer - Chair FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Steering Committee

Unesco

Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage

Music: Funeral Heritage in Latin America

Page 6

Teresa Saavedra - President of ALPAR, Bolivia

Traditional Funeral Music

Page 12

Anna and Jacek Borowik - Agencja Muzyczna Adagio, Poland

History of Funeral Biscuits

Page 18

Carla Valentine - Pathology Museum, Curator & Conservator, UK

Carved Grave Markers - Hungarian Symbols

Page 22

KĂĄroly Balogh - OTEI - Hungarian Funeral Directors Association, Hungary

Mongolian Open Air Sacrificial Burial

Page 26

Heike Michel - Goethe Institut, Ulan Bator, Mongolia

Restoration of the Coffin Fittings Works

Page 32

Birmingham Conservation Trust, UK

Historical Funeral Practices And Rites

Page 36

San Francisco - Green Street Mortuary Band

Page 44

Anna and Jacek Borowik - Agencja Muzyczna Adagio, Poland Chinese Historical Society Of America, USA

The Jazz Funeral

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Hubert Gauthier, USA

Dogon Culture: Ritual Funeral Music

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Anthony Braxton - Composer, Tri-centric Foundation, USA

Professional Mourning Katherine Ashenburg - The Mourner’s Dance, New York, USA

Feasts: Funeral Heritage In Latin America Teresa Saavedra in cooperation with Ministry of Culture, Bolivia and Conaculta, Mexico

Charter

Page 64

FIAT-IFTA Charter of Global Funeral Heritage

Survey

of Funeral Museums and Collections

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FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014

Dear reader, Since our Heritage Committee was installed, during the 2008 FIAT IFTA Convention in Barcelona, many positive developments can be noted.

Our Committee draws attention to the many impressive traditions, historical buildings and artifacts that still exist today in relation to death, funerals and bereavement. They are worth preserving and we are very pleased that our Committee has now been acknowledged by the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Committee.

Our cooperation with the UNESCO provides us with impressive opportunities to create the necessary focus and attention within the international community of governments.

In the past years our Committee participated, often by organizing seminars and expert meetings, at several international conferences all over the world. Dusseldorf, Paris, Bogota and Perth are just a view examples of this participation.

With the recent appointment of Mr Wang Jisheng from the P.R. of China to our Committee we can safely say that all corners of the world are represented. The contributions from all over the world in this third report underscore our global focus and the truly international activity of our Committee and FIAT IFTA. You will find many different topics in this report. We are very grateful to the many members that have made a contribution.

Over the past years we have been supported by many active FIAT IFTA members that have dedicated much time and effort to the work of our Committee. Not in the least we are very thankful for the support that has been provided to us by the FIAT IFTA Secretariat. A special word of thanks is due to FIAT-IFTA Vice President Mrs. Teresa Saavedra for her relentless efforts in securing our relationship with UNESCO. We hope that you will enjoy the content of this report. Our Committee is always available to answer your questions or listen to your comments.

Henry J. Keizer, Chairman FIAT IFTA Heritage Steering Committee President International Association of Funeral Museums, Amsterdam

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UNESCO

Operational Directives for the Implementation of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage 4 Intangible Cultural Heritage, as defined in the Convention is manifested inter alia in the following domains: • Oral Traditions and Expressions, incl. language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage • Performing Arts • Social Practices, Rituals and Festive Events • Knowledge and Practices concerning nature and universe • Traditional Craftsmanship

A. CRITERIA FOR INSCRIPTION ON THE LIST OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE IN NEED OF URGENT SAFEGUARDING • The element constitutes intangible cultural heritage as defined in Article 2 of the Convention.

• The element is in urgent need of safeguarding because its viability is at risk despite the efforts of the community, group or, if applicable, individuals and State(s) Party(ies) concerned.

• The element is in extremely urgent need of safeguarding because it is facing grave threats as a result of which it cannot be expected to survive without immediate safeguarding.

• Safeguarding measures are elaborated that may enable the community, group or, if applicable, individuals concerned to continue the practice and transmission of the element.

• The element has been nominated following the widest possible participation of the community, group or, if applicable, individuals concerned and with their free, prior and informed consent.

• The element is included in an inventory of the intangible cultural heritage present in the territory(ies) of the submitting State(s)Party(ies), as defined in Articles 11 and 12 of the Convention.

• In cases of extreme urgency, the State(s) Party(ies) concerned has(have) been duly consulted regarding inscription of the element in conformity with Article 17.3 of the Convention.

FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014

B. CRITERIA FOR INSCRIPTION ON THE REPRESENTATIVE LIST OF THE INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF HUMANITY In nomination files, the submitting State(s) Party(ies) is (are) requested to demonstrate that an element proposed for inscription on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity satisfies all of the following criteria: • The element constitutes intangible cultural heritage as defined in Article 2 of the Convention.

• Inscription of the element will contribute to ensuring visibility and awareness of the significance of the intangible cultural heritage and to encouraging dialogue, thus reflecting cultural diversity worldwide and testifying to human creativity.

• Safeguarding measures are elaborated that may protect and promote the element.

• The element has been nominated following the widest possible participation of the community, group or, if applicable, individuals concerned and with their free, prior and informed consent.

• The element is included in an inventory of the intangible cultural heritage present in the territory(ies) of the submitting State(s)Party(ies), as defined in Articles 11 and 12 of the Convention.

C. CRITERIA FOR SELECTION OF PROGRAMS, PROJECTS AND ACTIVITIES THAT BEST REFLECT THE PRINCIPLES AND OBJECTIVES OF THE CONVENTION States Parties are encouraged to propose national, sub regional or regional programs, projects and activities for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage to the Committee for selection and promotion as best reflecting the principles and objectives of the Convention. At each session the Committee may explicitly call for proposals characterized by international cooperation, as mentioned in Article 19 of the Convention, and/or focusing on specific priority aspects of safeguarding.

Such programs, projects and activities may be completed or in progress at the time they are proposed to the Committee for selection and promotion.In its selection and promotion of safeguarding programs, projects and activities, the Committee shall pay special attention to the needs of developing countries and to the principle of equitable geographic distribution, while strengthening South-South and North-SouthSouth cooperation.

From among the programs, projects or activities proposed to it, the Committee shall select those that best satisfy all of the following criteria: • The program, project or activity involves safeguarding, as defined in Article 2.3 of the Convention.

• The program, project or activity promotes the coordination of efforts for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage on regional, sub regional and/or international levels.

• The program, project or activity reflects the principles and objectives of the Convention.

• The program, project or activity has demonstrated effectiveness in contributing to the viability of the intangible cultural heritage concerned.

• The program, project or activity is or has been implemented with the participation of the community, group or, if applicable, individuals concerned and with their free, prior and informed consent.

• The program, project or activity may serve as a sub regional, regional or international model, as the case may be, for safeguarding activities.

• The submitting State(s) Party(ies), implementing body(ies), and community, group or, if applicable, individuals concerned are willing to cooperate in the dissemination of best practices, if their program, project or activity is selected.

• The program, project or activity features experiences that are susceptible to an assessment of their results.

• The program, project or activity is primarily applicable to the particular needs of developing countries.

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MUSIC: FUNERAL HERITAGE

LATIN AMERICA

6 It is said, that throughout time man has always surrounded his many fears, beliefs or accomplishments with rituals that would leave him or the “gods” satisfied. Many components are part of these rituals, but perhaps elements like music and food have implied strong feelings of respect and love.

To better understand music in this context it is best to note that we can identify three main categories: • Ritual Music - used in different ceremonies like birth, marriages, sacrifices and funerals • War Music - chants and dances which were played before and after battles.

• Recreational Music - mainly played during public or social gatherings and dances.

In early periods and until today for this same purpose we can also identify percussion, wind and string musical instruments. In Pre-hispanic times, in accordance to the “cosmovision” of the Andean People of South America, the departed were part of the cycle of life; therefore, they also took part in certain celebrations.

In many regions, the remains (skeletons and skulls) were carefully adorned and taken on processions. These rituals were celebrated with dances, feasts, drinks and music.

With the arrival of the Spanish, the clash of cultures, a model of syncretism of andean and catholic customs followed. The similarites of rituals between the new and old continent in regard to the respect given to the departed are part of the evidence shown on written chronicles of the 16th century by the Spanish and Portuguese, where funeral rituals are portrayed with dances to the rythm of drums and “cantos lamentosos” (sad hymns).In Mexixo, music is associated with wakes or the festivity of “Dia de Muertos”, a practice that dates all the way back to ancient civilizations like the Olmecas and Teotihuacanos.

In these Pre-columbian civilizations, death was a true celebration, with odes, poems and the rythm of traditional funeral music. These people possesed a mystical concept about life and death; knowledge that going to the afterlife was a journey towards a paradise where the body is at rest and enjoys the pleasures des-

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tined to the Gods. Once again, after the Spanish Conquest, all these beliefs and traditions collided with the Catholic Religion and many changes came about; nevertheless, micegenation renovated new ways of music.

In homes they play in the altars made for the loved ones and in the cemeteries in the “mesas” (tables prepared with special foods for the ocassion) for all the departed.

It is also known that during this time, in Mexico and Peru (the main territories of the Aztec, Maya and Inca Civilizations), musical and poetry schools were established. Special professors, “Tzapotlateohuatzin”. were dedicated to teach these and other arts to the members of the royal family or nobles. Thus, our ancestors, blended the european music, sounds and rythms with their own, constantly and mutually evolving into music of today.

One of Mexico’s most important celebration is to pay tribute to the departed. This festivity starts on November 1st to honor the departed childrend-little angels and on the next day they will honor all other departed who have not gone to “limbo”. Both of these rituals will be filled with music to bring the joy of death-life.

The music of many Indegenous Groups are usually played by three musicians using different musical instruments. Perhaps the most outstanding example is a variable to this music, known as “vinuetes”, also played with three musical instruments and with the influence of the minue. Music to all was a way to communicate feelings between those departed and those alive or to express the joy of life’s well lived. Unique musical instruments were used to accompany songs as part of funeral or festive rituals. The “sonajas/bules” (rattles), had the special characteristic that they were filled with seeds, rocks or other objects and that upon movement it would create a musical tone as part of the harmony base for songs.

The sound of the rattle along with the song formed a particular musical tone that in the funeral ritual would precisely aid the departed to the other life. The following examples clearly show how distintictive musical genre was created:

Incas In the Andean Region there are many musical instruments but only one is recognized as capable of communicating the alive with the departed. The “pinkillo”, an 80 cm flute with 6 air conducts, originally made from bambu is a wind musical instrument of the Inca civilization which extended to the actual regions of Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Argentina.

Bands play “pinkillo” while visiting the families who have lost a loved one during the past or present year. This instrument is also played by the Aymara communities which live near Lake Titicaca in Bolivia specifically on the Festivity of “Dia de Muertos” or while celebrating the 1st year anniversary of the deceased. This instrument is not played in any other circumstance but death. The bands play with two or three sizes of “pinkillos”, the musicians are considered to be at the service of the souls…they welcome them on their Day, “Dia de Muertos” starting November 1 and they honor them the following day and then, they play for their farewell on November 3.

Mexico

Cucapás Are considered a binational Indigenous Group due to the fact that their original territory lays today in parts of Mexico and the United States (Arizona). In the old days, when a loved one passed away the custom was to incinerate them along with their belongings for they believed

FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014

that the untouched flesh would not allow them to find eternal peace. Today, due to exisiting regulations, cremation is held at the cemetery and the ashes are buried. It is during this ritual that the community gathers and songs are chanted with the “maracas”. If the loved one was a woman, they will sing from sunset to sunset while if it is a man they will sing from dawn to the afternoon. This ceremony is repeated only by the close family at the 1st year anniversary. The Cucapás do not celebrate the “Dia de Muertos” like the rest of the people in Mexico.

Popolucas

Nahuas

The People of this Group are settled in the state of Oaxaca. “Toxo’ó” (Dance of the Departed) is a dance ritual to receive the deceased on their day, All Saints, who come from the other world to share with their families, bond with all those alive and together celebrate. Musicians will dance and interpret songs from home to home, receiving food, liquor and coffee; it is a ritual to ask the deceased to look upon those alive and to forgive past trespasses.

On October 30 and 31 each home receives the “angelitos” (deceased children and unmarried adults) and November 1 and 2, all reunite; therefore, each home prepares offerings, so that the departed and the alive may enjoy. On November 2, at midnight, the deceased return to the other world, and those alive request with tears and prayers that they may guard them, that they may give them health, family union and work because they are closer to the Gods.

One of the territories of this Indigeneous Group is located in Pajapan, Veracruz. In this area there are more that 40 “sones” (sounds) offered to the deceased during his funeral, in the company of musicians playing the harp and the “bandola”. This is the only identified group according to investigation that play music that resembles European Renaissance Music.

jacaltecos They are well known for their traditional music allusive to the “Dia de Muertos”, they live in Chiapas and are considered binational because their roots are in Mexico and Guatemala. On the dawn of October 31st, people with a loss request that the musicians, usually a group of 8, play the traditional “sones” (sounds), which the deceased liked, while the family prepares the altar of the dead. If other music is played the soul of the deceased is offended, the traditional rythms are intertwined with the identiy and the sense of belonging.

Today, many cemeteries have a central square for the band to play all day long during the festivity of the Day of the Dead. The music leads/traces the road that the souls must take to reach their resting place.

Come from the region of Veracruz, they are identified for the music they play to show the way to the souls during the “ Danza del Muerto” (Dance for the Deceased).Many musical tones are played for the departed, some are special for children or men or women. Each tone is meant to purify or help the soul overcome obstacles in its transit to the other world.

This dance is performed from the 9th to the 40th days upon the passing of the loved one.

Mazatecos

Tzeltales Their origins traces them to the region of Chiapas. Special people are selected to be in charge of the funeral ritual which needs to be celebrated in peace and order. The musicians may be as many as 75 to accompany the deceased and it is the only community that will allow women to participate.

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Tarabuco musicians in a Bolivian village playing pinkillo

FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014

Nahuas This Group belongs to the area of San Luís Potosí. The ceremonial music that is played in this region is the “vinuetes” that is associated to honor death and it is to be played during the rituales of the wake of the angel, the wake of the cross and during “Xantolo”. The first one is played when a child passes away and it will accompany throughout the wake and internment of the body, which is considered to be an angel because it has not sinned.

The wake of the Cross is celebrated on the 9th day after the passing because they believe that the shadow of the departed remains amongst this world unconcious of its death. This ritual allows the shadow to enter the world of the departed. The ceremony of “Xantolo” is celebrated every year and it coincides with the Catholic festivity of All Saints Day. During this time the blessed sould return to the homes of their loved ones to enjoy the offerings on the special altars that were built for this ocassion.

The “vinuetes” accompany with their musical tones the communication between the de-

parted and their loved ones. The trio which is composed by the three musical instruments: violin, “jarana and huapanguera” are unique to interpret this special music.

Beyond the strict definition of music, it is wise to broaden our perspective and to think that since the beginning of mankind, we have been surrounded by the sounds of nature. Perhaps, this has inspired us; nevertheles, I do share in the perspective of the ethnomusicologist, Philip Bohlman, when he states that “music represents who we are”.

At a glance throughout history we have been able to admire, to live, to share, respect and love music, so I strongly think that we and our departed express feelings thru and with music.

May we continue to embrace such a way to connect amongst individuals, collectively or beyond, in our permanent quest to value our identity.

Teresa Saavedra, President ALPAR Bolivia

Bibliography: • Thesis by Diego Machicao Arauco, UMSA, Bolivia • Documents of the Mexican Cultural Ministry, Conaculta, Music and Color of the Dia de Muertos.

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TRADITIONAL

FUNERAL MUSIC

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MUSIC, AFTER ARCHITECTURE, IS THE MOST IMPORTANT OF THE FINE ARTS One of the reasons for acknowledging the predominance of architecture over the remaining fine arts is its omnipresence in the urbanised surroundings of people. As opposed to architecture and other fine arts, music is an independent art. It does not constitute a part of another work which belongs to different a domain of fine arts.

For example, a fresco (mural painting) exists only as a decoration of a building which is a work of architecture. Easel painting serves the interior design. Sculpture is an element of architecture (monuments, grave sculptures), interior design (figurines on furniture) or landscape architecture (free-standing garden sculptures).

Music exists only in the time and place when it is performed and played. Since the beginning of the humankind it accompanies people in the moments of great significance for them.

Music is an element of broadly defined communication, expressing and evoking certain moods. It may bring about different mental states: happiness, pleasure, fear, enthusiasm, depression, sadness – as well as their combinations. It may boost or damage morale.

The sole occasion for a person to deal with music performed exclusively for the sake of being listened to is a concert which is a form of public presentation of music. Another similar occasion when a person can listen to music is an intentional playing (reproducing) music by means of various technical devices.

In any other situation when people hear music performed by musicians it constitutes a component of an event, which is not music itself. Such situations include all kinds of ceremonies: from dances, through performances, national and family ceremonies, to religious events. It may be confidently stated that the music used for religious ceremonies and different forms of cult is as old as the music per-

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Chopin Monument, Lazienski Par, Warsaw

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formed for entertainment purposes.

One of the exceptional events which has special meaning for both, an individual and entire society, is a funeral. This ceremony has public and family character. It means that it is celebrated by family but also by members of the communities the deceased had belonged to, as his or her family members do, therefore, in the description of traditional funeral music of our culture we should not omit the communities of different denominations.

The only known fact about music of primeval Church community is that people used to sing psalms, hymns and other songs. The aim of the church songs is to attract the attention of believers to the aspects that belong to the domain of faith. Everything in the Church, including songs, should serve the „building”, „filling with the Spirit” and mutual communication of Its members.

Singing is supposed to make the Word of Christ „dwell” in us, to help us follow His teachings, which results from both the original apostolic teachings and the teachings of present-day Church included in the Constitution of the Sacred Liturgy (112).

Information about verbal aspects of the Christian songs from the apostolic times may be obtained from the Book of Psalms and other writings of the Old Covenant. First Marian songs and songs about saints were written in the post-apostolic times.

As regards history, and not only that concerning music but the history of the humankind in general, a division line is sometimes drawn between the past events that are presented according to written sources and those based on examination of early objects. The history of Church, attested by written texts, lasts from the apostolic times – which is evidenced by the Scriptures of the New Covenant. The history of church music, however, creates serious dif-

ficulties – there are no notations which could be a premise for forming valuable historical opinions. On the other hand, it is the missionary character of the Church which made It so eager to use written forms. It also pertains to the songs’ lyrics which carry the content of religious message. The music we hear in temples is – similarly to other activities of the Church – subject to the Christian mission. Music has become extremely useful in the mission of the Church, as the melody and accompanying rhythm are the factors facilitating the memorization of the song’s lyrics – hence, the old custom of singing the Creed. The substance of Christian teaching could by memorized better and disseminated through songs. Songs happened to be the source of theological reflection. They were also used as a propaganda measure popular since the antiquity.

Since the main fuel of every religion is the fear of death and the desire to fight it, music, as a carrier of religious message, has become in our culture a completely indispensable part of the funeral ceremonies. The music during funeral ceremony is peaceful, with slow pace – it enables to sink into meditation and encourages reflection. Therapeutic role of music, which in the circumstances of tribute/funeral ceremony is supposed to alleviate pain after the loss of a relative, is also worth emphasizing.

If the performed music is to relieve pain of the family after the loss of one of its members, it should be carefully selected. It pertains to both, music performed in a church and at the grave in a cemetery.

Usually a church funeral liturgy begins with a piece of music. Most frequently it is a song performed in compliance with the Rite.

Before the song, when the participants of the ceremony are gathering in a chapel, gentle classical music is played. It is not church, liturgi-

FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014

cal music or funeral folk music, but classical one known around the world. Soothing and atmospheric. Often the climate of the entire service depends on the mood created by that music. Carefully selected music should not build up an atmosphere of tension. If everyone is experiencing deep despondency, pain and inconsolable grief, the music should be delicate, „pastel”, soothing, so that it would not become additional reason of sorrow. Musicians playing during a funeral select the pieces of classical music on the basis of their experience which suggests a repertoire „funeral canon” of chamber and opera music, characterised by soft and gentle sound. A good example of such piece of music is Largo from the Xerxes opera by G.F. Haendel – a composition appropriate for a funeral ceremony as regards its lyrics and neutral, serene melody. Ave Maria is of similar nature – the ones that are played during a wedding ceremony. Most frequently they are performed by a singer with instrumental accompaniment.

Singing voice is an instrument (οργανον − i.e.: organon; cf: vocal organ) with the greatest means of expression. Moreover, it makes the performance of most pieces of music possible.

At the same time, singing is the most eagerly performed form of musical realization. Sung music may be listened to the longest without the feeling of tiredness, it may raise our spirits most effectively.

Considerable effort should be put in to avoid the conflict between the liturgy and music. Such situation takes place when the music obviously does not match the particular parts of the ceremony because the lyrics or composer’s intention for the musical composition clash with the liturgical meaning of the moment of the unfortunate performance (examples: performance of Ave verum corpus for the opening of the service, performance of the Adagio in G-minor by T. Albinoni during the communion etc.).

When taking out a coffin or ashes from the church after the completion of a memorial service the Funeral March from the B-minor Sonata by F. Chopin is frequently played. This music composition is extremely depressing and – since it had been written for the piano – it sounds exceptionally badly on the organ.

In my opinion, considering the mental state of funeral participants, this piece of music should not be performed at funerals and in the church. Adagio in G-minor by T. Albinoni, which is performed as often, sounds much better. Another beautiful and grief-alleviating musical composition is Largo in E-major from the fourth part (Winter) of the Four Seasons by Antonio Vivaldi.

Musical compositions performed during a church ceremony should not consist of more than four instruments. A trio, which includes three instruments: violin, organ and cello, sounds especially well.

By filling the inside of a musical tissue, achieved by polyphonic instrument, listeners have the impression that more than three musicians are playing. Too many instruments give the feeling of „overload”, which may be received positively during a cheerful wedding ceremony, whereas during a funeral (except for well attended funerals of widely known people) is too absorbing.

Our tradition allows us to perform the music of a funeral ceremony not only in the church, but also at the cemetery – on the way to a grave and at the grave itself. The distance between the church and a grave is covered to the sounds of marches played by orchestras (most frequently at military funerals). They are cheerful and raise the spirits of funeral participants. At the tomb, when a coffin or an urn is placed in a grave, Nino Celeste’s Silence is played most often in a solo performance on a trumpet. Other compositions are played as well, predominantly

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Haendel Sculpture

by Louis Franรงois Roubiliac, 1738

FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014

jazz and other standards which sound well performed solo on a trumpet. If a trumpeter plays more than three musical pieces at the grave it creates anxiety and, as a result, the music may be perceived as importunate. It is because a trumpet is a considerably stimulating instrument – and it is this feature that ensured inalienable place in the history of war and broadly defined military music. A trumpet creates and emphasises a solemn moment – and it is achieved only by its short use. Funeral music should predominately be serene, soothing.

This is a list of the most frequently performed musical compositions at funeral ceremonies: Aria in D-major from the III Suite by J.S. Bach (baroque D-major Adagio in G-minor T. Albinoni (baroque) G-minor Prelude in C-minor by F. Chopin (romanticism) C-minor Funeral March from Sonata in B-minor by F. Chopin (romanticism) B-minor Lascha chio Pianga by G.F. Haendel (baroque) D-major Dream by F. Schumann (romanticism) F-major Serenade in D- minor by F. Schubert (romanticism) D-minor Ave Maria by J.S. Bach Ch. Gounod (baroque-romanticism C-major Ave Maria by F. Schubert (romanticism) B-major Le Cigne by K. Saint-Saens (neo romanticism) C-major Prelude C-major by J.S. Bach (baroque) C-major Silence by N. Celeste B-major Amazing Grace traditional Irish melody C-major

Unquestionable value of the compositions presented above is the fact that they may be played in various instrumental or vocal versions, even with limited financial means. This allows the funeral parlours’ representatives to propose freely the musical setting and be flexible about it. It is worth becoming familiar with those pieces of music to be able to suggest something when a family asks about most appropriate music. The presented compositions belong to the canon of traditional funeral music. It is easy to hum each of them. It is recommended to distinguish two most popular melodies of Ave Maria. Competent suggestion with regard to funeral music will create a positive image of the funeral parlour in the eyes of its clients.

Summary Music, which is one of the oldest forms of human activity, accompanies people during important moments, including funerals.

At times music becomes an integral part of a funeral, even though particular pieces of music were not composed with the intention to be played at funerals. Considering the aforementioned, as well as the character of the ceremony itself, the musical setting should be carefully matched to the ceremony so that it could become a source of consolation for the relatives of a person which we say goodbye to.

Anna and Jacek Borowik

Agencja Muzyczna Adagio s.c. Borowik Anna Borowik Jacek, Warsaw, Poland

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HISTORY OF FUNERAL BISCUITS 18 Long before Jesus of Nazareth reputedly said the words, “Take, Eat: Do this in remembrance of me,” the passing of the flesh from this world into the next was already being memorialized with an edible ceremony or custom.

Paleolithic humans, better known as cave-men, indulged in the ritual cannibalism of their dearly departed kinsmen. They were the first humans to attribute some higher meaning to death, and to ceremoniously prepare their dead. Part of these rites involved the consumption of the corpse to return their essence or spirit to the tribe. Sometimes this was done with only a representative portion of the flesh, but often it involved most, or all of, the cadaver. Pieces of the body were apportioned to different members of the family or tribe to consume according to traditional cultural rules, and sometimes even the bones were macerated and devoured with honey. This is called Endo-Cannibalism and is the consumption of members of one’s own society. There are certain isolated tribes, such as the Korowai in Papua New Guinea, who were still practicing this form of Endo-Cannibalism well into the 1960’s. However, the practice did have deadly repercussions. It was discovered that many of the tribes people were suffering from a fatal

disease believed by scientists to be related to their cannibalistic activities. It was called Kuru and was a variant of CJD or ‘Mad Cow Disease’.

The spread of this disease only began to diminish when the practice of cannibalism decreased but there are still isolated pockets of cannibal activity taking place and I found a news item about it as I was researching for this article: So how did most humans move on from this grisly tradition to the delightful sounding custom of ‘funeral biscuits’? It seems that it’s not only Madonna who has the ability to adapt and transform; customs and rituals also need to move with the times and are subject to change with new influences and different zeitgeists.

Throughout The Middle Ages (c.1600) in Europe there was a tradition of consuming a ‘Corpse-Cake’ which was a symbolic version of the cannibalism previously described. After the body had been washed and wrapped in clean linen, the woman of the house (typical!) would

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prepare some dough and leave it to rise on the chest of the cadaver, during the wake. The dough was believed to “absorb” the positive qualities of the deceased which would in turn be absorbed by the family once the dough was baked, shared and eaten. (This was repeated in many different cultures, sometimes by leaving other items such as tobacco on the body which would be pinched and ‘snuffed’ by the mourners.) But at some point this honorable act then became the tradition of “sin-eating” during the 17th and 18th centuries in England, Scotland and Wales. In an exact reversal of the corpse-cake custom, the food purposely left on, or near, the departed was now said to contain their sins. Food may be placed directly onto the corpse, or into a Mazer Bowl in order for the loved one to be able to enter heaven, the job of consuming this ‘sin’ was not the family’s but a specific person who was paid a pittance for the privilege: the ‘Sin-Eater’. This was usually a reviled person from the very lowest echelon of social class; something like the Untouchables of India).

They would live on the outskirts of the village in total solitude until a time when they were summoned to the coffin-side of the latest to depart, and asked to once again carry out their rather unusual vocation. After being given their measly amount of money for being a modern version of the Hebrew ‘scape-goat’, they were sometimes even beaten, kicked and spat on as they tried to escape the gathering, presumably taking the sins and various crumbs with them.

In true Victorian style there was a metamorphosis of all these initially gruesome customs into one which involved a lot more restraint and grace on the surface: The Funeral Biscuit.

They were in part derived also from the Dutch tradition of “ doot coekjes” or Death Cook-

ies which were as large as saucers and were designed to be dipped into hot, spiced wine and they became Dead Cakes over in Colonial America. These probably seemed like a far more civilized option than beating the crap out of the local outcast.

Recipes differ from county to county. As well as the saucer sized death cookies of the Dutch, there were also biscuits which were soft and resembled ‘lady fingers’, ones which were spongy and round, and others which were harder like shortbread or oatcakes. Commonly they were flavored with caraway seeds which, in herbology, are reputed to ward off evil and protect from illness and harm.

It’s not surprising as they appeal to the eye as well as the stomach. Traditionally they tended to have motifs stamped into them, sometimes in the form of a heart to symbolize love for the departed, but also commonly there were skulls, cherubs and crosses in that dramatic, morbid style the Victorians relished. They’d be wrapped in white paper and sealed with a black wax stamp, and this gradually became a whole mourning poem with the details of the funeral and the Undertaker’s advertisements. They were handed out at to the mourners present to eat there or at home, and also sent to those who were too far away to attend the funeral, as a sort of death notice with a consolation prize.

Like all things, such as wedding cakes and hotcross buns, the funeral biscuits became increasingly commercial and popular, but by the First World War they had died out. The custom was replaced by our more familiar tradition of eating food after the funeral, at a gathering with the rest of the mourners.

Perhaps we just got greedier and a single biscuit wasn’t enough anymore – soon only

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little sausage rolls and bowls of crisps and mini quiche could fill the hole? Or perhaps after a war, when so many people had lost their lives, the general population stopped wanting to be reminded of their mortality. It wasn’t only Funeral Biscuits that waned in popularity at this time – eventually the grand Victorian Art of Mourning gave way to a more relaxed way of honoring the dead.

But with a recent increase in the popularity of home-baking and vintage past-times having a renaissance, perhaps it’s high time we brought back the funeral biscuit..?

Carla Valentine

Curator and conservator Pathology Museum, United Kingdom

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Satmarcseke Cemeter y, Hungar y

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C A RV ED G R AV E M A R K E R S

HUNGARIAN SYMBOLS

These carved grave markers, called “kopjafa” in Hungarian, are memorial columns generally carved from wood, or sometimes from stone, and were originally used by Secler of Székely people (a fairly large group of the Hungarian minority living in today’s Romania) to mark the individual graves in cemeteries. Usually, they have had commemorative functions, or served as works of popular art in gardens. Often, they are as tall as a man, and feature easily identifiable, harmonious sets of shapes, forms.

They are carved by non-professional folk artists who mostly follow arbitrary rules of creation. The evolvement of these pieces has been backed by a Romantic approach to Hungarian folk art. At burials, the coffin used to be taken to the cemetery on two poles called “kopjafa”, and then they were stuck down at the two ends of the sepulchral mound. The tradition of erecting carved grave markers goes back to the early 19th century. Abundantly decorated, wooden poles were once Protestant grave markers only used in cemeteries, but over time they have become Hungarian national symbols on their own, independent from religious denominations, and earned an important place in

the lives of Hungarians residing in the territory Hungary and the neighbouring countries.

Beyond Székely (Secler) Land, these carved grave markers can be found in several locations of the present-day territory of Hungary and South Slovakia also inhabited by Hungarians.

They have turned into significant means of expressing Hungarian national identity. In the third-quarter of the 20th century, they started to appear outside cemeteries with increasing frequency, as monuments and commemorative signs in deviation from their original functions.

After the change of the political regime in Hungary, the erection of such monuments

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became highly popular, and the occasions at which carved grave markers were inaugurated seemed to be broadly varied. Primarily, carved grave markers were erected to commemorate the Revolution of 1956 across Hungary.

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In Hajdúböszörmény (15 km from the city of Debrecen), an entire section of the local cemetery was dedicated to graves with carved and boat-shaped grave markers. A visit to the former graveyard of the Reformed denomination, lined with typical grave markers from the 19th century promises quite a special experience to those interested in sacral monuments. The size, decoration, shape of the wooden, carved and veered grave marker refer to the age, sex and even wealth of the deceased.

Boat-shaped headboard ancient monument cemetery In East Hungary, the village of Szatmárcseke shows an extremely interesting example for Hungarian burial practices. In the Reformed cemetery populated by the boat-shaped grave markers of folk art, the nearly 600 man-sized, dark-toned grave markers featuring stylized human heads and human bodies lying in boats offer a really unique spectacle. So far, no authentic explanation has been found for the origins of the boat-shaped grave markers.

There are some who think that they are the last mementos of an ancient Ugrian burial tradition involving the use of boats, but it rather seems to be a Romantic misbelief. Others are convinced that the reason for the given practice of burials was that the village was surrounded by River Tisza, and it was the only way to take the deceased to the cemetery.

The cemetery is full of dark headstones which look like about 600 human-sized stylized human heads or dark headstones symbolizing people who lie in a boat has a spectacular view.

The formation of the black wooden crosses which are reminiscent of human profile is unique. In Cseke – apart from the few marble sepulchers of Kölcsey family – there are only wooden “headstones” and artificial stone headstones are unknown. It is due to ancient monument protection (the Calvinist cemetery became protected in 1973), because only traditional “headboard” burials are allowed by authorities. The headstones which are made of oak, are one and a half, two-meter high are put in line with their inscription towards the west without differentiation among sexes, ages or social places. Carving was done by local specialists, carpenters or wheelwrights. They did not ask any money for it, relatives compensated their work with some kind of product (bacon, sausage and the important brandy (pálinka).

The boat-shaped headboard cemetery of Szatmárcseke is considered to be a place of pilgrimage, too. The cemetery, which is in the possession of the Calvinist Church of Szatmárcseke, but in the management of Szatmárcseke’s Self-Government, it was possible to be renovated in 2010, in the frame of the subsidy of the New Rural Hungary Development Program to preserve rural heritage. With the help of the about 27 million Forint subsidy the restoration of the boat-shaped headboards, the establishment of a rest place, building of a fence, partial accessibility and landscaping took place.

Károly Balogh OTEI - Hungarian Funeral Directors Association

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OPEN AIR

SACRIFICIAL BURIAL

OF THE MONGOLS

After the Revolution of 1921 Mongolians started to change their burial rites. Atheists like Süxbaatar and other representatives of the Communist Party, scientists and “heroes” of the new generation were buried in a cemetery named altan ölgiï (golden cradle) in the northeastern part of Ulaanbaatar. After the revolution, especially in the 30s, a strong campaign against traditional beliefs and superstition was started. I couldn’t find a decree, a law or anything similar which prohibited the traditional so-called “open-air” burial, but it wasn’t permitted. Only very old people, mostly in the countryside, were secretly buried the traditional way until the late 60s.

Step by step, European funeral practices were introduced, a process accelerated by Soviet influence.

One effect of the change to socialism was a really serious intrusion in nomadic life. The settled form of existence became more and more important, and relatively large towns were established in the steppe.

This is one of the main reasons why many nomadic traditions were lost, among others the open-air sacrificial burial.

The open-air burial or “casting-out” burial is a very ancient custom among the nomads of Asia; it was already in use, several centuries before our era. Apart from the open-air burial there were other funeral

practices in Mongolia like cremation, embalming and the “water-burial”, another form of open-air burial. Choosing one of these funeral practices depended primarily on social standing, the cause of death and geographical location. Mainly people known as “Reincarnations of Buddha” and other dignitaries of the Lamaistic Church were embalmed.

Such bodies were normally buried in coffins in a sitting position as if in prayer. Nobles were also buried in coffins, but unlike Lamaistic dignitaries, these coffins were buried with additions like weapons, horses, food and other things, which were meant to help them in the next world - in Erlik-Khans kingdom. Erlik-Khan is the god of death. The location of

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a nobleman’s tomb was kept secret, to ensure that they rested in peace.

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When people died from infectious diseases, they were cremated to reduce the danger of an epidemic.

Sometimes the corpses of Lamas were also cremated to allow their spirit to rise directly to heaven without any desecration of the spirit. This is because Mongolian people believe that fire cleanses everything. Mongolians have different customs to bury children under the age of 3, because their souls were regarded to be innocent and pure. Interesting is also the way they dealt with the bodies of executed people.

Casting-out or Open-air sacrificial Burial It isn’t easy to translate the Mongolian terminology into English, because we have neither the custom nor a suitable expression for it in Europe. In Mongolian there are many different designations for it, like for example “ilä orusiGulxu” in Inner Mongolia and “sul’a orusi Gulxu” in Outer Mongolia. According to European understanding “to bury” means to place the body into the ground, but this is not what Mongolians did nor what the Mongolian terms describe.

For example: “Ilä” or “sul’a” can mean open, free, unoccupied or visible. “Ködägäläkü”, another expression for the same procedure means “to deposit a corpse in the steppe”.

It is necessary to say that Mongolian burial rites were influenced by bloody shamanistic sacrifices like killing horses, animals and even people before putting them into the graves of noblemen. In the 16th century, when Altan Khan (1543-83) established the Lamaism in Mongolia as the official state religion, the following resolution (so called Ärdäniïn Tobci) was passed: “The former Mongolian state permitted the killing of widows, serfs, servants, horses and other animals. Now you should give such animals to needy people. Don’t end the life of other living beings when someone dies. If a person continues to kill people as before he should forfeit his own life. If a person continues killing horses and other animals, all his property should be confiscated”.

As A. Sárközi wrote “it was the lamas who directed these ceremonies, and without them such a ceremony was unimaginable”. Determining how many lamas were called to direct the burial depended on social standing. In other words, the wealthier the family, the more lamas it could afford. The first thing the lama had to do was to approve a suitable day and time for the burial. Such days were generally Monday, Wednesday and Friday. He also had to approve the direction in which the funeral procession should leave the yurt and from which direction it should return after depositing the corpse in the steppe. The lamas took this information from a special book named “Altan saw”. Mongolians believed that the soul of the deceased could return. So the lamas had the following tasks: to pray, to guide the spirit to heaven and to offer food (white or milkbased dishes and meat), burn incense and do other things to protect the remaining family from misfortune and disease which an impure spirit or other evil spirits could inflict upon the family.

Some Mongolians put blue stones in one or two places on the bed in which someone died and leave them there for three days in order to prevent evil spirits from haunting the bed. After death the face of the corpse was covered with a white khadak which is “a long piece of silk or other cloth especially made ... in commemoration for a special event”. The Mongolian proverb for this custom is “in life cover your private parts, in death your face” (amidaa nuucaa, öwäl nüürää). It wasn’t allowed to look upon or to uncover the face of the corpse, nor was it allowed to touch the corpse, especially the face of the corpse.

If the eyes or the mouth weren’t closed, only a close male relative or a lama was permitted to close them.

According to a very old tradition the corpse had to be unclothed to resemble the state of birth. The only person who was allowed to touch the corpse and prepare it for the burial was the “jasu bari cu”, the “undertaker”, one of the deceased person’s male children or a male relative who was born under the same sign of the 12-year-cycle. “He had to wear his hat backwards and fold his hat, his collar and his sleeves inwards. The seam of his deel had to be tucked into his belt. It was regarded as a sin for other people to wear clothes like this”. At first this

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person, so called “undertaker”, had to run his hand across the daceased’s shoulder blade before other male’s were allowed to help him. For women it was forbidden to assist in this work or to participate in the burial ceremony.

Male corpses were placed on the right side of the yurt, which is normally the women’s side, with their right hands underneath their heads. Female corpses were placed on the left side of the yurt, the men’s side, with their left hands under their heads. Mongolians believe that, in the next world, everything is reversed and that’s why they place corpses on the side of the yurt corresponding to the opposite sex. In the days before “casting out” the dead body, the bereaved family burned incense and butter lamps and watched over the corpse. More detailed information about these days, what happened and what the lamas were doing can be found in articles by, for example, Pozneev, Heissig, Haslund, Sárközi, Barthold and others.

In the days before depositing the corpse in the steppe, all the dogs in the neighbouring ails had to be “tied up to prevent them from falling upon the body till the right time” came. When the right time had come, the corpse was usually placed on a cart (tärgä) pulled by horse or cow. Then the bereaved men of the family followed the cart to the clan’s or family’s burial place, which was an uninhabited area separate from the areas used by the nomads. These places were sacred and only visited for funeralrelated events.

In other areas, especially in South Mongolia, the corpse was placed on a horse’s back and upon reaching the funeral site, the horse was urged to gallop until the corpse was thrown off. Some stones were put next to the head in order to recognize the burial site later. Then a fire was made to sacrifice the select pieces of (lamb) meat and white dishes (cagaan idää).

Depositing the corpse in the steppe was meant to sacrifice it to predatory animals. According to Mongolians this is the last virtous act a person can carry out. This idea is much older than Lamaism and exhibits a really strong shamanistic element of spiritual thought.

When animals like vultures and wild dogs ate the body, they didn’t eat other animals, which were able to live a little longer. When the animals ate the corpse very quickly, this meant that the soul was innocent and pure and had reached heaven from where it could be reborn. When the spirit quickly located a new body, the world of man remained pure and clean. That’s why the people had to reexamine the corpse after three days to check if the soul had risen to heaven. Other possible visiting days were the 7th, 14th, 21st and the 49th day after burial. If something was left of the corpse this meant that the soul had not been admitted to heaven, was still considered to be in the corpse, and therefore was unable to find a new body. This required the lama to return, to read more prayers for the dead and to show the spirit the way to heaven.

Burial Ceremony The burial ceremony had to take place early in the morning on the day approved by the lama.

According to Mongolian tradition it was not allowed to carry the body across the threshold of the yurt.

When the death of an old or ill person was expected, they brought him or her either to a “dobun gär” - a special yurt for dying or dead people - or a tent.

The threshold was believed to protect people, and so it was regarded as an obstacle for the spirit in leaving the yurt in order to reach the next world.

So Mongolians have had a very special tradition for carrying the corpses out of the yurt, not across the threshold. They lifted the latticed wall section to the right of the door of the yurt and brought the corpse out through the opening. If they lived in a house, they brought the corpse out through a window. If the windows were too high for this, as in modern buildings, they put small branches, for example willow twigs, on the threshold and carried the body over them. When they crossed over the twigs, they broke them so that the spirit could leave the house without any further obstacles.

The corpse was wrapped in white clothes, put on a cart and - followed by relatives, neighbours and friends - brought to it’s last destination. On the way the lama prayed. Upon reaching the “casting-out”

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place the “undertaker” and the lama lowered the corpse and laid it on the ground. The head had to point northwards, where Mongolians assumed the next world to be. This belief is much older than Lamaism and known from ancient Mongolian and other central Asian mythology. According to this belief the body was placed on it’s left side, with it’s left arm under it’s head and it’s right arm in front of it’s face, covering eyes, nose and mouth. This is called the “lion’s position” (arslangyn chewlelt), which is considered to be a good omen. All this is connected to the ancient belief that the right side of the body was black (bad or evil), and the left side white (good or beneficial).

According to another variation of the “lion’s position” the left arm was placed under the face , and the right arm under the posterior and the legs were bent at the knees. Sometimes the corpse was placed in a position similar to that of a baby prior to birth.

In some areas a stone was placed under the corpse’s head as a sort of a pillow.

“Casting-out” places were remote, uninhabited areas. The predatory animals of these areas were accustomed to these funeral rites. Haslund described this very vividly: “ ... birds of prey had gathered above our heads in flocks that grew thicker and

thicker, and the wild dogs had dared to approach to a distance of a few hundred yards, whence, with tongues hanging out, they attentively watched the course of preparations.” After depositing the corpse in the steppe the funeral procession returned home.

The funeral cart was not immediately brought back to the ail. It was left outside the ail, overturned and only after seven days brought back and used again.

The animal which pulled the cart was also not used for a week. When the funeral procession returned home, it had to walk between two fires, burning just opposite the entrance to the deceased’s yurt. These fires were believed to drive evil spirits away from the procession participants and their animals. If the fire cleansing rite wasn’t performed, Mongolians believed that epidemics and other misfortunes could result.

The old traditions and the Lamaistic religion have become very popular in Outer Mongolia in the last five years. I would say they have been revived. I don’t know how burial rites will develop in the future, but this is an important subject, and I intend to follow it closely.

Heike Michel

Goethe Institut, Ulan Bator, Mongolia

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RESTORATION

NEWMAN BROTHERS

COFFIN FITTINGS WORKS

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The restoration of the Newman Brothers Coffin Fittings Works in Fleet Street starts at the end of July 2013 and this Grade II* listed factory will be open to the public in the summer of 2014. The Coffin Works project focuses a historic coffin fittings factory with its “time-capsule� contents, and on the human stories behind the 100 years of operation, highlighting the industrial processes and the lives of the workers and owners.

From 1894 until 1999 Newman Brothers produced high quality coffin fittings in solid brass, stamped electro-brass, silver and nickel plate, and latterly in moulded resin. Additionally the company sold shrouds and coffin linings, which they manufactured at the factory from the mid C20. When Newman Brothers started Birmingham was at the centre of the trade, but by the time they ceased trading the company was one of only three such manufacturers in Britain, the trade having been hit by competition from the Far East and changing patterns of burials.

In their heyday Newman Brothers employed a workforce of over 100 people. They produced goods that were sent out across the world and adorned the coffins of the great and good, such as Joseph Chamberlain, Winston Churchill, the

Queen Mother and Princess Diana.

Located on the city centre edge of the historic Jewellery Quarter and built in 1894, the factory is a typical example of a late 19th century purpose built Jewellery Quarter manufactory.

It has a characteristic rectangular courtyard plan form and is of modest scale having been built on the site of former domestic housing.

It is three storeys high, built of red brick with slate roof and has high quality brick and stone dressings with lots of small paned cast irons windows to flood the buildings with light. It has two entrances separating the clean areas of work from the dirty industrial processes.

Customers and office staff would enter via the paneled double doors, whilst workers would go in through the big cart entrance.

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The 9 bay front range has a full length shroud room on the second floor, a warehouse room and two offices to first floor, and a tiled hallway, shelved stores and Post Room to the ground floor. To the rear on the south side of the courtyard is an original lower three storey range with central stairs. It houses the stamp room with all its original stamps and plating room to the ground floor, polishing, finishing and assembly rooms to first floor and two large rooms to the second floor, the handle assembly workshop and the 1960’s vacuum plating room for resin handle production. On the north side of the courtyard is a two storey 1960’s brick wing with flat roof of little architectural merit, which replaced a single storey lean-to that housed casting, polishing and japanning shops.

To the far end is an original basement containing important historic barreling equipment and shafting.

The courtyard is lined in blue brick except in the centre where a former “dippy shed” and coke store stood. To the far end of the courtyard is a pit that formerly contained a large gas turbine engine which powered the factory.

Apart from the new wing and the sheds in the middle of the courtyard the buildings remain remarkably in tact.

The buildings were carefully planned to facilitate the industrial processes they were to be used for – the courtyard being the area where the raw materials came in, where all the toxic, smelly and noisy activities (plating, casting, japanning, polishing and stamping) took place and where all the waste was gathered before removal. The courtyard was also the area by which the goods left the factory and the two rooms either side of the cart entrance have raised floors to better accommodate loading and unloading. The upper floors of the back ranges housed the slightly less dirty finishing

processes, such as piercing, grinding and bending and the assembly processes, such as putting together the handle sets, whilst the front range was for clean work only. On the ground floor finished items were wrapped and stored, on the first floor the orders were gathered together and office work undertaken and on the top floor all the shrouds and coffin linings were made and finished. The full height hoist in the front range meant goods could easily be transported between the floors.

When the factory was sold in 2003 all the contents were left in situ. This included large quantities of stock – handles, back plates, pins, screws, breast plates, crucifixes, shrouds and coffin linings of different designs and dates.

Much of the paper documentation was also left – sales ledgers, staff clock cards, photographs and catalogues. In addition a range of domestic and personal items remained – handbags, tea towels and tea making equipment, tins of soup and evidence of strong drinks in the director’s office! These items together with all the fittings – window benches with zinc covered tops, wooden shelves, office desks complete with drawers full of carbon paper and work benches with vices and fly presses – give an extraordinarily vivid sense of how the factory was when it was still working.

The Coffin Works is a Grade II* listed building and the only complete historic building remaining on Fleet Street. The factory is located within the Jewellery Quarter Conservation Area, which is recognised by English Heritage as being an area of international significance, and is being put forward for World Heritage status by the City Council. The importance of the building was established during English Heritage’s survey in 2000 when a full historic buildings report with detailed photographs, was produced by the National Monuments Record.

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Although undesignated the contents of the factory are a fundamental part of the heritage of the factory. They represent the equipment and production of over 100 years of manufacturing and offer a fascinating picture of life in a Victorian factory in Birmingham, which was consid-

ered the Workshop of the World during the 19th century. The contents have been full recorded and catalogued by IronBridge Archaeology.

Birmingham Conservation Trust United Kingdo

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Sudarium of Christ ŠPaul Badde

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HISTORICAL

FUNERAL

PRACTICES & RITES

When did the funeral appear in the history of custom? As early as in Paleolithic Age ceremonies accompanying funerals entailed the worship of the dead. Obviously, we cannot determine the character of those funeral rites because the only relics that survived from those days are tools from hewn stone; no stories, called (from the Greek language) histories, survived. Our idea about the life of those communities is completely based on prehistoric time i.e. before the invention of the writing system, which records the history.

The results of excavation research are insufficient to acquire knowledge about the earliest social relations and accompanying rituals. Therefore, we are not familiar with the customs connected with early funeral ceremonies. There is, however, a certain point of similarity resulting from the generally known cult of the dead – the concentration of the mourners on the person who died. Such concentration presumably coexisted with some kind of ceremony related to the local beliefs.

Similarity to present-day funeral ceremonies is revealed in the rituals of early people, who – as it is assessed by historians – while not abandoning the

rites connected to religous cults, in the event of the death of people of outstanding importance for the community, treated burying corpses as a moment of special last homage to the deceased, when in the presence of the entire community they could praise the wisdom of a leader, gallantry of a warrior or kindness and faithfulness of a woman… Those were the funerals the content and particular parts of which were dictated by the feelings toward the deceased, mixed with pious fear of what is Mighty, yet Unknown. Drums, clappers and pipes were repelling the powers of darkness and the deceased, equipped with everything he or she might need, was leaving his or her relatives for ever. People did without pro-

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tocols, scenarios and officially adopted rituals – they were introduced once the beliefs were transformed into religions and, simultaneously, philosophisal systems were developed. It was also at that time when first methods of recording current events were created and, consequently, the history – the account of past events.

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Examination of the history of the funeral in the antiquity reveals religion and philosophy which share the same point of reference – both in life and in death – namely, the human being in his or her earthly existence. This is what all history textbooks which trace the origin of the funeral to the ancient Egypt teach us. It was the time of evolving of the funeral pracitces the aim of which was to maintain the status quo of the deceased through the procedures of mumufication, which were supposed to preserve the body and, as a result, the soul of the dead. The body together with its soul was supposed to live in tomb which was the refelction of home where the deceased used to live – only more durable. For that reason, not only did the pyramids and fragments of temples survive from the time of ancient Egypt, but also, and primarily, tombs. The walls of temples and tombs were decorated by genre paintings related to the daily life of local community, and due to the private character of the particular tombs they were to provide a life of luxury for the deceased and, at the same time, be the reflection of the reality known to them. In those graves, inside the coffins, close to the deceased’s body, the copies of the Book of the Dead remained which contained both, prayers and the beliefs about the life after life (similarly to present-day prayer books put into the hands of dead members of the Catholic and Orthodox Church). Those papyri are the main source of knowledge about the ancient Egyptians’ rites. Their practices were also described by the ancient traveler and historiographer Herodotus. Herodotus was a Greek, representative of the people, who in consequence of the wars fought

by Aristotle’s disciple Alexander III, also known as the Great, conquered Persia and people previously defeated, creating his own empire.

After the death of Alexander III his empire fell apart but Hellenic culture originating from Greece, which

had influence on the Mediterranean countries, survived. It provided the foundations for our culture.

Over time Rome began to extend its territory. In its prime the New Empire took control of the whole Mediterranean Sea basin and many other European regions. Populations inhabiting those areas were still diversified ethnically and linguistcally, however, in spite of this fact, invidual regions were sucessfully united, at least administratively. The Roman Empire itself remained under the influence of the mentioned Hellenic culture.

Funeral rituals were developed within the Hellenic culture as well. Seeing how the funeral was conducted in the ancient Greece, we may notice how many of Greek rites have made their way to our ceremonies.

The deceased had their eyes and mouth closed, and then their head covered with a separate piece of cloth called σουδαριον − i.e. sudarium. (Such cloth is used to cover the face of a pope before he is placed in a coffin). The body was washed, anointed and dressed into possibly the best clothes, decorated with flowers.

After embalming the corpse was exposed to the public, an obol was put into the mouth as a payment for Charon – the ferryman who carried the souls across the river Styx. A cake for Cerberus, a three-headed dog guarding the entrance of the Underworld – Hades, was placed in the deceased’s hand.

In front of the house where the ceremony was held a bowl with water was placed in order for the visitors to perform their ablutions (a ritual purification – similarly to what we do today before the entrance to the church). The funeral was conducted the next day before the dawn so as not to fall into disfavour of Apollo and Helios. The corpse was carried on special strechers. Despite the early hour, the deceased was escorted by weepers walking in a cortege. During the funeral no sermons or speeches in remembrance of the dead were delivered, except if he or she had been a hero.

In the event of cremation, an urn with ashes and gifts, oil and wine were all placed in a grave and a burial mound was made. The corpse was put into

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sarcophagus made of cypress wood, clay and stone.

Small children were put in pitchers and buried in graves together with gifts and favourite toys. After the funeral family and friends gathered at funeral reception where a speech was given about the deceased.

The period of mourning lasted from 12 to 30 days – depending on the region (polis). Black clothes were worn everywhere apart from Argos where the mourners wore white. During the birthday and death anniversaries as well as holidays everyone gathered around the grave and made an offering of food. The offering included wine, milk, honey, cakes and fruits. Sometimes the sacrifice was bloody. If, for some reasons, an arrangement of formal funeral was impossible – a symbolic funeral was conducted by sprinkling the body with sand, which, according to the beliefs of ancient Greeks, allowed the deceased to enter Hades and the living to enjoy peace. After a funeral of a hero, if possible, sport competitions were organised. It is a known fact that through the Hellenic culture the Roman funeral ritual was culturally related to the Greek one. The City (Rome) was not so much the centre for philosophers or artists, but for clerks and politicians.

Ancient Rome, like contemporary world capitals, was a capital of global commerce and politics. It was also characterised by strong contrast in the standard of living of its residents. Such situation was reflected in the culture, including the domain related to funeral rituals.

There were two methods of conducting a funeral ceremony, and the choice depended on the financial means of the deceased’s family.

If the family was poor, it arranged simple funeral.

After a short ritual at home, which consisted in „taking the last breath of the dying person” by one of the relatives, home fire was extinguished and a short vigil began. In the morning, after washing the corpse, it was carried out of the house to the assigned cemetery and buried in a common grave.

If the family was wealthy, after completing first home rituals it reported the death in the office of libitinarius next to the Libitin’s Temple of Venus,

near the funeral parlours. When an administrative fee had been paid, the clerk wrote down the name of the deceased and the family could begin the activities related to the funeral in a chosen funeral parlour. The house of the dead person was visited by thanatopractors, who would anoint the body, cast a wax death mask and dress the deceased into a gown or a robe appropriate to his or her social status. An obol, similarly as in Greece, was put in the mouth of the dead person. The corpse prepared in this manner was exposed to the public (from three to seven days – like in the contemporary funerals of popes).

The corpse was surrounded by grave candles or slaves with torches.

In front of the house, for the passers-by’s information, pine or cypress branches were hung (those branches may be seen on present-day obituary notices which inform about the death and a funeral).

Then the deceased was carried outside and in accordance with the Law of the Twelve Tables (now Cemeteries and Burials Act is applicable) the remaining parts of the funeral ceremony were carried out.

According to the law you could not bury a person with golden teeth, and after performing a cremation you had to conduct another procession with an urn, but due to the costs over time that requirement was abolished. Many aspects of the funeral were subject to legal regulations. The authorities tried to control the number of wreaths and mourners, the total costs of a funeral, the course of ceremony itself as well as the manner of realization of its parts.

The order of the funeral procession was the following (during the most sumptuous funerals): 1. musicians playing flutes and drums 2. slaves carrying torches 3. weepers 4. lictors with attributes of power (a bunch of switches) if the deceased was a clerk 5. actors – telling stories about the life of the deceased 6. mimes made resemble the deceased 7. attributes of the deceased – war thropies, insignia of the held office etc.

8. special stretches with the deceased 9. family and friends, acquaintances and neighbours.

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Sometimes the funeral cortege stopped over the market where the speech was delivered, some recollections of the deceased were made, and scenes from his or her life were acted. If a cremation was to be performed, the procession would stop in front of a funeral pyre in order to place the stretches with the corpse on the top. If the body was to be buried in the ground or put into a sarcophagus, the procession would go to the cemetery, to catacombs or a mausolemu.

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At the grave a few more words were said to part with the deceased, like „May the earth rest lightly on you” – sit tibi terra levis… after which the mourners would go to the funeral reception.

After nine days of mourning the second funeral reception was organised and sometimes it included alms and making an offering of wine, oil and animals’ blood. Jews –whose religious practices, including funeral rites, mixed with rituals of other ancient communities, have become the groundwork for present funeral ceremonies – fell within the scope of Hellenic culture together with other nations first liberated from Persian domination and then enslaved by Alexander the Great.

Jews washed their deceased and occasionally exposed the body to the public. A funeral was conducted on the day of the death. The body was anointed and wrapped in cloth. The face was covered with sudarium (therefore, one of the Christian relics is the holy cloth – called sudarium – kept in the Cathedral of Oviedo). Then the body was carried to the place of burial. During this activity the family, as it is today, was accompanied by a cortege. The mourners would pray together. Jewish funerals were and are to this day characterised by simplicity.

It is difficult to find liturgical rituals in Jewish funerals. If the ceremony was lead by a rabbin his role was and still is only of the organizational character.

Then, within the Hellenic culture, among Jews, Christianity emerged. The first steps and teachings of this new at that time religious movement were perpetuated in the New Testament – written, as one may predict, in Greek. However, the main subject

of the Christian writings was the teachings of Jesus and not the history and rituals of the Church Community itself. For that reason, we will not find any descriptions of a funeral in the New Testament. The entire New Testament reports about – but does not describe – funerals of five people.

The early Christian non-biblical writings do not confirm the performance of funeral liturgy as well. It may be, therefore, assumed that Christian from the apostolic times, similarly to others, treated funerals as family and community ceremonies. Their strong and still new faith did not need – in the light of the promised imminent return of the Saviour – any special liturgical practices, which would ensure or facilitate the achievement of salvation for the deceased.

About one hundred years after the funeral of Jesus, when the countries of the Mediterranean Sea still constituted the major Christian centre, apart from the Jewish culture the shape of the Christian funeral practices was being more and more influenced by the culture of the remaining regions of the Mediterranean Sea basin – today called the Hellenic culture.

A funeral was and is a ceremony shared by people of all cultures, therefore its forms, at least in neighbouring areas, are similar. It may be confidently stated that with regard to funeral culture first Christians did not make any contribution to the Hellenism. Christians of the apostolic times did not as well adopt much from the Hellenic culture to their funeral practices. Therefore, there did not exist a ceremony we could refer to as a Christian funeral.

There was a Christian’s funeral – which would blend with the existing at that time and place funeral practices to a considerable extent.

What then formed the basis of such a rich and diverse funeral ritual we contributed to?

The sources of the Christian funeral liturgy may be located in private and personal adoption of some funeral rites practiced privately by representatives of other religions. Such rites included, for example, occasional alcohol drinking at the grave of the dead relative – a crucial element of the cemetery culture of that epoch. Christianity adopted an attachment

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to a grave in which the body of a dead relative was buried (typical of Romans) and the custom of having a feast (conviva) on the ninth day after the funeral.

Romans celebrated a holiday called dies parentales held from 13 to 21 of February. During these days wedding ceremonies were not allowed, and people would visit their parents’ graves.

Christians, similarly to their non-Christian neighbours, began to visit their relatives’ graves to make a Eucharistic feast in their vicinity. The oldest known document confirming this practice was written in the year 140 by Aristides.

Aristides wrote: „If one of the believers dies, we give our respects to him by celebrating the Eucharist and praying in the presence of his body” – as we can read in the book The Right to Funeral and Its Performance According to Canonical and Polish Law (Rzeszów 2004, p. 23) by Rev. Jan Gołąb who quotes the ancient writer.

The cult of martyrs had evolved even before the Edict of Milan (year 313) granting the citizenship to Christians in the Roman Empire. Initially it was practiced at their graves. The first reference to the cult of martyrs was made in the middle of the second century and it pertained to the martyrdom of Polycarp. Martyrdom of Polycarp is a story about the death of the martyr in a form of a letter. The document was edited by Marcion, who recalls: „His companions collected his remains, more valuable than precious stones and more expensive than gold, and placed them in an appropriate place to celebrate annualy, if God makes it possible, the day of his martyr’s birth”.

Christians did not begin to hold feasts (refigerios) until the second half of the third century, i.a. in honour of the Apostles, which is confirmed by graffiti on the walls of catacombs. The graffiti include words which are customarily directed to those who leave for a long journey: „petite, rogate, in mente habete” – intercede [for us], ask [for us], remember [about us] (own translation). Roman communion with the dead gave rise to the Christian „communion of saints”.

After the Edict of Milan special stands (mensae) ap-

peared at the martyrs’ graves for putting oil lamps – the counterpart of modern grave candles. Since the dawn of time fire was a symbol of respect and it was lit to honour somebody.

Over time, when Christianity had become the prevailing religion and an average Christian who was not a missionary did not die a martyr, the cult of dead martyrs transformed into a cult of ordinary dead believers, on the condition that they „had rested in the Lord”. The day of the death became „the day of the birth in heaven”. The belief that a deceased Christian „lives in the Lord and intercedes for other people” was becoming more and more popular. A mass for the dead did not gain popularity until the Middle Ages.

It may be, therefore, assumed that the liturgy of the funeral in the form we know today was developed out of the feeling of loss of the deceased who still participated in feasts (shared feast – cf. Lat. convictus – living together). The desire to overcome the results of the death led to the belief that the day of the death is the day of a new birth – birth in the invisible world.

In the light of the presented examples, the origin of the Christian liturgy of a funeral may be traced to the combination of the Christian ritual of the Eucharist with the practice of the feast during and after a funeral popular among representatives of other religions.

The liturgy of a Christian funeral has become the first act of mourning made public in the Christian community, which started to be practiced with a flourish many years after the death of those who had seen Jesus.

Over the centuries the liturgy of a Christian funeral has become multi-layered. It focused on itself the elements of the pre-Christian cultures, missiological elements – both of the intraecclesiastic and external character, and last but not least, the elements of the significant pastoral and psychological influence.

One of the characteristic aspects of the Christian funeral liturgy is bringing hope of the salvation. In

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Christian churches the funeral liturgy takes different forms. Its structure depends on the psychological and pastoral needs of particular religious communities. The differences in the liturgical practices result from the dogmatic differences adopted in individual Christian communities.

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Centuries of Christianity, which experienced numerous divisions within its structures, were followed by the ideological and economic division of particular parts of Europe. In the twentieth century, when the lamp of Christianity dimmed, the heritage of Hellenism (referred to by some people as the Latin civilisation) was slowly declining. Democracy was introduced. The nations under the rule of the all-powerful demos (also known as the dictatorship of the proletariat) gained such values as the sense of freedom, toleration, which made the religion a value extremely personal, almost intimate. This, as a result, caused the rise in the number of funerals… secular funerals. A funeral ceremony, which apart from the family and friends of the deceased gathered many people from the circles related to the dead person, was becoming treated more and more as an official ceremony, directed to the general public, while the religious ritual perceived as personal took place before or after the proper funeral and usually gathered people closest to the deceased. The emphasis on the „secular” character of this ceremonial has died out, instead people used the expressions like, „humanistic funeral”, „funeral oriented toward life” and – I must admit that our favourite expression and most eagerly used by us both as funeral directors – „tailor-made funeral”.

In view of the erosion of the former comprehension of the world new tendencies in the broadly defined funeral rituals, including religious, are also emerging. Some of them refer to pre-Christian rites, while others combine Christian motifs with secular elements. Sometimes it happens that the family

organising a funeral is divided as regards religion.

In such event the ceremony is conducted simultaneously by clergymen of different denominations.

A ritual compromise is reached. In spite of this fact the „secular” participants of such liturgy, even those with stronger religious needs, are satisfied as well. There are also times that a funeral which the relatives of the deceased expect to be of religious character is held by a secular funeral director. The director conducts then a religious funeral ceremony according to the scenario agreed upon with the family and does not perform the Eucharistic ritual. In such situation as well the relatives of the deceased do not feel discomfort related to the sense of not completing the rituals of funeral liturgy. Sometimes the family requests to have a secular funeral. Then it is carried out by a secular conductor who establishes the details of the planned ceremony individually with the family of the dead person.

This is how secular rituals came into being. Most frequently they draw on Epicureanism, one of the currents of the Hellenic philosophy, which does not perceive the death as „the beginning of a new life” but as the end of a certain person. A human being itself, his or her thoughts and acts constitute a value – and what about the death? It is the end of prospects, decay, nothingness. Therefore, it should not be feared. There is nothing afterwards – so it is important what had been before it! That way the Epicureanism came closer to what we recognise without any difficulties in modern secular funerals – our attention is drawn to human life without taking a stance on such issues as sin, salvation and eternal life.

Anna and Jacek Borowik

Agencja Muzyczna Adagio s.c. Borowik Anna Borowik Jacek, Warsaw, Poland

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Martyrdom of Polycarp

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GREEN STREET

MORTUARY BAND

SAN FRANCISCO

Chinatown in San Francisco is a cultural mélange where Eastern and Western traditions often overlap. Few places show the contrasts more than funerals. A typical funeral procession may look like a parade, starting with a full-size marching band playing Christian hymns and banging cymbals followed by participants tossing spirit money and paid mourners wailing.

For more than 50 years, the funeral musicians of choice have been the Green Street Mortuary Band. The group descended from a band started in 1911 called the Cathay Boys Band and has had several names. The group was originally composed of Chinatown residents who worked at other jobs during the week. Now many of the original members have moved to the suburbs and the band is a mix of ethnicities. They play hymns, dirges and traditional marches. Aside from 350 funerals a year, the band has played at nearly every major cultural event in the neighbourhood, from the opening of the Golden Gate Bridge in 1935 to every Chinese New Year celebration. When the novelist

Amy Tan’s mother died, there was no doubt the band would lead the funeral.

As the funeral procession marches through the neighbourhood, it escorts the coffin as well as a large picture of the deceased. People come out to see if it is someone they knew. The parade often stops at places familiar to the dead so that their spirits can make one last visit. Drums and cymbals scare away ghosts. The families of the dead make paper versions of everything the dead might need in the next world — a house, a car, food and even a VCR. When they are burned, tradition says the items cross over into the next world where they can be used.

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Clifford Yee, Formerly of the Mortuary “We were restricted to a 23-square-block area.

So what Chinatown did is they made all these different alleyways along the way to expand the area that we have ... There’s an old Chinese superstition that if the spirit is chasing us, we run down, make a sharp right or a sharp left, the spirit can’t follow us — only goes straight.”

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Linda Sun Crowder, Anthropologist “Sometimes they will actually pack real food in the casket and people will put in a mirror to show the way or flashlight. For instance, a blanket ceremony — placing blankets over the corpse as if for a last sleep. Or just personal items, a golf club. I’ve often seen people place a pre-1964 dime in the mouth to symbolize wealth and to pay their way through the spirit world. The reason they use a 1964 dime or earlier is because it has a higher silver content.”

Lawrence Ferlinghetti wrote a poem about them. Novelist Amy Tan’s mother was serenaded by them as she lay in state. Muckraker Jessica Mitford’s memorial procession was led by them. And more than 300 Chinese families a year hire the Green Street Mortuary Band to give their loved ones a proper and musical send-off through the streets of Chinatown.

In the 1940s, the San Francisco musicians’ Local 6 pressed the mortuaries to hire union musicians for the steady work the funeral processions provided. At the same time, the mortuaries of Chinatown began to close and the neighborhood began to take its funerals to Green Street, the Italian funeral parlor in North Beach. Today, the legendary Green Street Band continues to accompany the ritual funeral processions that snake through Chinatown, honoring the dead with Christian hymns, dirges and marches, scaring off evil spirits along the route with crashing cymbals and loud drums, helping families give their loved ones a noisy farewell.

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Lawrence Ferlinghetti’s poem about the Green Street Band The Green Street Mortuary Marching Band marches right down Green Street and turns into Columbus Avenue where all the café sitters at the sidewalk café tables sit talking and laughing and looking right through it as if it happened every day in little old wooden North Beach San Francisco but at the same time feeling thrilled by the stirring sound of the gallant marching band as if it were celebrating life and never heard of death And right behind it comes the open hearse with the closed casket and the big framed picture under glass propped up showing the patriarch who has just croaked And now all seven members of the Green Street Mortuary Marching Band with the faded gold braid on their beat-up captains’ hats raise their bent axes and start blowing all more or less together and out comes this Onward Christian Soldiers like you heard it once upon a time only much slower with a dead beat And now you see all the relatives behind the closed glass windows of the long black cars and their faces are all shiny like they been weeping with washcloths and all super serious like as if the bottom has just dropped out of their private markets and there’s the widow all in weeds, and the sister with the bent frame and the mad brother who never got through school and Uncle Louie with the wig and there they all are assembled together and facing each other maybe for the first time in a long time but their masks and public faces are all in place as they face outward behind the traveling corpse up ahead and oompah oompah goes the band very slow with the trombones and the tuba and the trumpets and the big bass drum and the corpse hears nothing or everything and it’s a glorious autumn day in old North Beach if only he could have lived to see it Only we wouldn’t have had the band who half an hour later can be seen straggling back silent along the sidewalks looking like hungover brokendown Irish bartenders dying for a drink or a last hurrah....

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JAZZ FUNERAL NEW ORLEANS 49 A symbol of life, a symbol of death and a symbol of re-birth, the New Orleans jazz funeral salutes a life well lived and the passage of a departed soul into a better world.

One of the more distinguished aspects of New Orleans culture is the jazz funeral. Architect Benjamin Henry Latrobe noted in 1819 that New Orleans jazz funerals were “peculiar to New Orleans alone among all American cities.”

The late jazzman Danny Barker, writing in his book Bourbon Street Black, noted the funeral is seen as “a major celebration. The roots of the jazz funeral date back to Africa. Four centuries ago, the Dahomeans of Benin and the Yoruba of Nigeria, West Africa were laying the foundation for one of today’s most novel social practices on the North American Continent, the jazz funeral.”

The secret societies of the Dahomeans and Yoruba people assured fellow tribesmen that a proper burial would be performed at the time of death. To accomplish this guarantee, resources were pooled to form what many have labelled an early form of insurance. When slaves were brought to America, the idea of providing a proper burial to your fellow brother or sister remained strong. As

time passed, these same concepts that were rooted in African ideology became one of the basic principles of the social and pleasure club.

As did many fraternal orders and lodges, the social and pleasure club guaranteed proper burial conditions to any member who passed.

These organizations were precursors to debit insurance companies and the concept of burial insurance.

The practice of having music during funeral processions, Danny Barker said, was added to the basic African pattern of celebration for most aspects of life, including death. As the brass band became increasingly popular during the early 18th century, they were frequently called on to play processional music. Eileen Southern in The Music of Black American wrote, “On the way to the cemetery it was customary to play very slowly and mournfully a dirge, or an ‘old Negro spiritual’ such as ‘Nearer My God to Thee,’ but on the return from the cemetery, the band would strike up a rousing, ‘When the Saints Go Marching In,’ or a rag-

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time song such as ‘Didn’t He Ramble.’ Sidney Bechet, the renowned New Orleans jazzman, after observing the celebrations of the jazz funeral, stated, “Music here is as much a part of death as it is of life.” The music and dancing of the jazz funeral were intended to both help the deceased find their way to heaven and to celebrate the final release from the bounds of earthly life, which had, in the past, included the release from slavery. The call-and-response style of music and chant, coupled with tambourines, drums, music and dancing were elements of African funeral ceremonies which crossed the seas with captive slaves.

Towards the middle of the 20th century, as the movement caught on more, social clubs and insurance policies arose to help the underprivileged afford these funerals, giving rise to the most celebrated of funerary jazz bands, the Dirty Dozen Brass Band. Over time, the jazz funeral tradition grew to become New Orleans’ most honoured of funeral ceremonies, with horse-drawn hearses and parades for fallen police officers, well-known musicians and other pillars of the community. In its final days, the traditional hymns, gospel, rock and R&B music of the jazz funeral began to fuse with influences from the funk and hip-hop world as street gangs and rappers adopted this style for honouring their dead.

Historically, the New Orleans jazz funeral could last up to a week and sometimes even included a parade. A typical funeral began with a slow march from the home of the deceased to the church or funeral home. During the

march, the coffin may have been carried by a horse-drawn hearse and was accompanied by a brass band playing somber dirges and hymns. After the memorial service, the march would proceed to the cemetery and the tone would remain somber until the coffin had been placed in the ground or until the group was out of sight of the church. People on the streets where the march passed were welcome to join in and go along with the mourners to the cemetery. This group was referred to as the “second line.“ The brass band would play a couple more hymns, though these were played with a swing beat, to alert mourners that the mood was about to change, then would launch into wilder music with tambourines and drums.

The music and dancing were both a cathartic release for mourners and a celebration of a life well lived. In this state of jubilation, the group would then march back to the location of their reception.

Carrying vestiges of African funeral rituals and originally intended to celebrate the new-found freedom of a departed slave, the jazz funerals of New Orleans evolved throughout the 20th century to come to be recognized as one of the most respected ways to exalt the life of a loved one. Musicians, police officers and AfricanAmericans in particular have been remembered by this style of funeral and finally, those many victims of Hurricane Katrina were paid high tribute as well, New Orleans style.

Hubert Gauthier New Orleans, USA

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Dogon Musical Instruments

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DOGON CULTURE:

RITUAL

FUNERAL MUSIC The subject of African ritual music as applied to funeral celebrations and ritual burial is a complex subject that is consistent with the composite nature of African creativity. The essence of African ritual structure seems to hint at a completely different model of cultural organization and ‘vibrational sensibility’ as well as interaction forms and gesture.

There are six categories of conceptualizing (and zones of reception) that can be sited as relevant to the inter-event/action space of African ritual music, that being: 1) music as narrative structure 2) music as a processional component 3) music for ritual functions and 4) music for transformation.

Music as narrative structure In the first example the concept of narrative logics in African music involves understanding the experiences of the particular individual and the role of ritual in ‘fulfilling’ (maintaining) culture. Narrative logics in this context then is the phenomenon of ‘action-reaction’ that informs the essence of human and cultural experience.

There are two aspects to this quality, a) experience as a context to transfer concepts (historical and/or specific encounters) and experience as manifested in the mythology of the culture.

It is in understanding this phenomenon where we can begin to gain insight into the essence of intention as a genesis component axiom of African music that lies at the heart of its postulation dynamics (ie. affinity nature). Narrative music’s experiences document everything in African culture in song form structure and acts as a kind of assessorial educational component that attends to the business of cultural life. The extended realization of this area of African music is the use of narrative postulation strategies as an integral component in the use of processional and shamanic music’s (and this relationship is directly connected to the aesthetic basis of the funeral music’s- that being; the taking on of the ancestor spirits and the use of ‘talking in tongues or the fulfilment of the connection between the living and the dead through the development of strategies that involve bringing the dead back to life (ie. zombies).

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Music as a processional component

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The use of music as a processional component in African music gives insight into the use of extended form in African ritual music. In seeking to understand this subject we are forced to look at the role of political and social dynamics as inter-active factors that affect the ‘balances’ of the composite society. The event-sequence nature of African ritual funeral ceremonies in this context involve the experiences of 1) isolated individuals 2) particular groups or local events and 3) trans-sector events that extend pass designated area-structures that mark off political area-space or royal governance sectors (turfs). In the first category the effective-operating space of the individual does not depend on any one factor but rather this aesthetic position allows for personal expression to be part of the component lining of ritual creativity. It is in looking at the individual where we are suddenly made aware of the insistence of creativity and the total acceptance of uniqueness – even when applied to the use of costumes and decorative ornaments of individual dress. The reality of African ritual structure presents the community with the use of 1) ‘tracing’ strategies that seek to retrace the path-particulars (structure/architecture) of the composite community’s land area-shape and/or ritual mythology and 2) connecting strategies that allow for recognition of group action and solidarity. By the term tracing strategy I am referring to the use of strategies that retrace the path a given individual and/or group has taken (or travelled) as a means to have a formal shape construct that serves as a genesis model for the sequence of the ritual. The concept of processional music’s that developed in Africa is consistent with the composite nature of the African sensibility. The emphasis tends to fall on strategies that rely on every sector in the

society- manifested in a parade like ceremonial structure that allows for both the king or royal family as well as the various inner independent social sectors to move throughout the space/ environment of the composite culture. That is; the phenomenon of the African ritual parade is a connecting logic structure that brings together the composite community. The backside of this formal states reveals a kind of ‘awareness of historical complexities’ that wants to avoid the danger that takes place when composite order breaks down. The phenomenon of acceptance in this context sheds light on a kind of feminine something that seeks to ‘keep the family together’ and that also knows the ‘experience’ of inter-war between families and/ or different parts of the tribal community. The form of the ritual occasions are ‘individual to community forms’ that transcend any given musical construct and instead gives insight into the social-psychological dimensions of ritual ceremony and of African culture.

Music for ritual functions African ritual music in this context find the principle master musician(s) as an actor in the action of the drama of the ritual. First he is listening to the praises of the diseased then he is egging some sector of the communityplaying one sector off the other. In seeking to understand this accompanying role-playing we are able to better sense the inner-camaraderie of the experience. Music in this context cannot really be talked of as separate from the composite lining of the ritual event. The ability to operate in trans-domain environments lies at the essence of African ritual music. There is the individual musician working and playing music in council with his given ensemble, there is the same musician as an individual having his own separate experience ( involving his own separate experiences in his inner-self as well as the

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particulars of given individual encounters with other individuals and/or groups (ie. targets and/or particulars) inside of the experience of functioning inside of the ensemble).

Music for transformation The second degree of this zone of experiences involve the inter-reality experiences of a given musical ensemble to other musical ensembles in the summation space of the ritual. This is so because the operating theatre of African ritual music is not a one dimensional environment that houses only one ensemble in the way Westerners think of ‘designated instrumental specifics’ but rather a given ceremony might have from two to twenty different musical ensembles playing in the ‘active-space’ of the ceremony. The net effect of this phenomenon is the arrival of a multi-dimensional sonic experience that allows for tri-centric experiences.

‘It and the Other becomes the same!” The concept of a trans-domain environment then can be viewed as the ‘community of formal’ experience. The form and the participation is both fixed and mutable where everyone experiences the same context but different actual individual experiences.

Dogon Funeral Music The form of funeral rites of the Dogon people from the southern-central region of Africa is: song, recitation. trumpet call, and bull-roarers.

It is possible to hear someone talk about the

life of the diseased and of an African Giot singing the praises of the dead man. It also reveals the use of call and response music strategies that balances the ‘vibrational flow’ of the experience from the speaker to the larger group.

The ‘screams’ coming from the background in the middle and end of the music can be looked at as ‘interjections’ that are part of the event.

The use of the staccato trumpet ‘reflective like’ statements gives insight into sequential forming strategies in a medium velocity time-field that is unique and interesting. Notice how closely the trumpet instruments sound like human voices in the second recorded example.

This is a very different concept of instrumental timbre. The use of repetition in this example shows a multi-linear ‘postulation’ that is not seeded in any one time and/or rhythmic gravity. The use of ‘bull-roarers’ brings a repetitive gradient sound strategy that sounds like some kind of ‘hulla hoop’ or something. All of these experiences derive meaning from real life. It’s almost as if the ‘bull-roarer’ horns are trying to ward off evil spirits and even the dogs seem frighten. This is a community that utilizes music drama ‘for symbolic intention’. It is this aspect of ritual burial ceremony which is highly interesting.

Anthony Braxton

Composer – Tri-Centric Foundation, USA

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PROFESSIONAL

MOURNING

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Professional mourners were widely used in ancient Greece, Rome, and the Middle East, and the practice held strong in many countries through the Middle Ages and, in some countries, even into the present day. Many saw professional mourners as a crucial part of the ceremony of loss. Like hired event planners, mourners applied their expertise to a practice that might otherwise fall into chaos.

Of course, the idea of paying for grief makes some people very uncomfortable. The institution of professional mourning was subject to accusations of opportunism, insincerity, and mercenary motives. In the 18th century, French explorers in Africa (completely unaware, it seems, of the prevalence of professional mourning in the supposed fount of Western culture) sneered: “In default of real grief, wealthy people have the tears and cries by means of hiring certain women for the role.”

But mourners in ancient Greece and Rome, in medieval Europe, and elsewhere heard the same objections from within their own cultures. The need, however, was strong enough to sustain the practice through much of the Middle Ages.

Professional mourning was so widespread in the 12th century that, in the poem cited above, El Cid assumes that mourners will be hired for him unless he specifically demands otherwise.

By the late Middle Ages, however, the church began to look down on the practice of demonstrative mourning in general (the thought of heaven should be sufficient to comfort the grieving parties, and dramatic lamentation implied a lack of belief in a happy afterlife), and professional mourning in particular. This was the case not only in Europe in the Christian church, but in the Islamic world as well: for instance, the regulations on custody in Islamic law link professional mourning with other “low trades” such as stealing and prostitution. Religious figures not only did away with

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Historical overview 6th century B.C.: 4th century B.C.: 4th century:

12th century:

17th century: 1800:

Greek legislator Solon institutes curbs against the use of professional mourners.

Plato forbids hired mourners in his Laws.

Saint John Chrysostom derides the use of “hired women… as mourners to make the mourning more intense, to fan the fires of grief.”

Epic about Spanish hero El Cid shows him requesting only unpaid grief: When I die, heed my advice: Hire no mourners to weep for me.

There is no need of buying tears; Those of Jimena will suffice.

Irish church forbids the hiring of professional mourners.

Archbishop of Cashel prohibits “all unnatural screams and shrieks, and fictitious, rueful cries and elegies, at wakes, together with the savage custom of howling and bawling at funerals.”

professional mourners -– they replaced them.

In the Christian world, priests would officiate at funerals, and in return, rich people often bequeathed money to orphanages and monasteries. In his comprehensive book Crying: The Natural and Cultural History of Tears, Tom Lutz writes: “Professional mourners have not so much disappeared over the last millennium; they have simply donned robes and stopped crying”.

Objections to demonstrative mourning, and to professional mourning particularly, were also related to the perception of grieving as a feminine activity. In ancient Greece, lamentations were traditionally performed by professional women and female family members. Later, the separate spheres of industry and domesticity ensured that death was largely the province of the women. Psychiatrist Barbara Dorian has suggested that women’s brains may be hardwired to feel loss and grief more strongly than men’s. Whatever your feelings on this sort of determinism, the assumption remains that florid displays of emotion are seen as quintes-

sentially feminine. Distaste for mourning and for hired mourners may be partly an effort to suppress this feminine emotion. Mourning in ancient Greece was one of the only ways in which women could wield public power, and theorists have argued that legislators, like Solon, who spoke out against professional mourning were trying to contain the subversive potential of the female voice.

Although professional mourning has largely disappeared from the consciousness of Western culture, it has left its mark on the language.

The word “placebo,” Latin for “I will please,” was used to refer to paid lamentations before it meant “non-active medication.” And “threnody” (sad song) comes from the Greek threnos -- the carefully constructed song of the professional mourner, as opposed to the disorganized weeping of family and friends.

Katherine Ashenburg

The Mourner’s Dance: What We Do When People Die. New York, USA

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FEAST:

FUNERAL HERITAGE 60

IN LATIN AMERICA

In the continuing perspective that our departed ones belong to the cycle of life, that our identity lies with our ancestors, it is only just to honor their presence in our lives by sharing with them foods and drinks as an extended expression of respect and love.

Music and food offerings have been elements of the funeral traditions that are practiced until today in Latin America.

During the Colonial Period funeral customs were practiced in accordance to the “Ley Nº 30 de Toro” (Law) which established all the necessary implements and banquets for a wake.

In many countries of Latin America, regional or typical food is presented by the mourning family.

For example: in Bolivia there are particular foods for this tradition like the Fideos uchú, jauri uchu (traditional noodles or maize soup).

Maize aize will play an important role in the food offering for it was considered the ritual or imperial grain on which the economies of great Civilizations like the Aztec, Maya, Inca were built upon. For many countries in the continent, the ritual of preparing an altar or table has transcendental significance during the festivity of All Saints and “Dia de Muertos” because it allows the encounter of the living and the departed.

In Bolivia, in the central part of the “altar”, the photograph of the loved one is placed along with abundant food, flowers, alcohol and coca leafs (also considered to be ritual element).

Other families will also include catholic elements like crosses and rosaries. The tradition tells us that the “ajayus” (spirit/soul/inner strength) come to feast on the food offerings that they enjoyed during their lifetime.

It is believed that the departed arrive the noon of November 1st, time in which the traditional “mesas” (tables) are prepared with all the pertaining detail to share with family and friends until the departed say farewell at the same time on November 2nd.

The main offerings are: “Tantawawas”, breads with the human shape and other baked goods like the bizcochuelos, kispiñas (quinoa cookies), “maicillos”; bread ladders to help the souls on their way back to the other world and

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Calavera

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catholic crosses or similar religious objects.

Coca, cigars, wine and refreshments, so that the spirit will feel satisfied. Sugar cane or “alma thuxru” is also served as the walking stick for the souls.

In Mexico, during the wake, the family will prepare typical dishes for all the mourners, with music and food they will ensemble the perfect scenario to honor and say farewell to the loved one. The “Dia de Muertos” of Mexico, declared Oral and Intagible Patrimony by the UNESCO, the departed return in spirit to mingle with their loved ones and enjoy their favorite meals.

To remember the departed, their families and friends put together the famous “altares” (altars) in homes, offices and public institutions.

The photograph and the personal belongings will be placed in the center with typical Mexican food like mole, tamales, enchiladas, caramelized fruit, pumpkin candy.

In some regions of Mexico, the orange-yellow foods or fruits like tangerines, oranges or maize will also be part of the ritual because it is also

believed that their intense color guides the souls on their way back to their homes.

Candies made with sugar that resemble little skulls, the traditional “pan de muertos” (bread of the departed) and water to calm thirst, salt to purify the soul are ceremonial elements typical of the funeral heritage of Mexico.

To bond, to care, to pay tribute, to pray, to accompany, to celebrate the life of our departed ones will still be a vital part of the ritual to follow in modern funeral traditions of Latin America.

Though traditions may vary from country to country…may we continue celebrating the life of those departed for they are always a part of our hearts, of our success, of our smiles and of our sorrow, of our tears and joy…. they are an indispensable part of our identity.

Teresa Saavedra, President ALPAR Bolivia

Bibliography: Many documents of books and web pages: Ministry of Culture-Bolivia, Conaculta-Mexico.

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CHARTER

of Global Funeral Heritage DEFINITION:

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Global Funeral Heritage consists of the expressions, customs, rituals, sites, buildings, constructions and instruments associated with death, loss and grief.

DECLARATION:

The preservation and protection of Global Funeral Heritage is the responsibility of families, local communities, religious institution and governments.

FIAT-IFTA affirms the importance and significance of Global Funeral Heritage for societies and individuals.

Funeral Heritage Association of FIAT-IFTA’s role is to inform all parties concerned and strives to work with local, national and international institutions to preserve and to protect Global Funeral Heritage for the future of humanity.

OBJECTIVES:

To support and endorse funeral museums and exhibitions worldwide To study and understand Global Funeral Heritage in order to preserve and protect it To promote understanding and appreciation of Global Funeral Heritage To promote publications and studies related to Global Funeral Heritage with respect to local and national concerns.

PRIMARY ACTIONS: 1. To cooperate with the UNESCO World Heritage Centre in order to establish and extend the presence of Funeral Heritage sites on the World Heritage List and to bring in expert knowledge 2. Establishment of the Funeral Heritage Expert Committee 3. Foundation of the Association of Funeral Museums and Collections.

Charter of Global Funeral Heritage (Adopted by the General Assembly of FIAT-IFTA, June 2008, Barcelone)

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SURVEY of Funeral Museums and Collections 65

AUSTRIA Bestattungsmuseum Wien Goldeggasse 19 1041 Vienna www.bestattungwien.at P.R. OF CHINA Shanghai Funeral Industry Museum Longhua Funeral Home 210 Caoxi Road., Xuhui District Shanghai Shanghai Humanism Memorial Museum Fu Shou Yuan Group No. 600, Lane 7270 Waiqingsong Road 201700 Shanghai FRANCE Musée Funéraire National (Museum to be established) 29, Square Saint Charles 75012 Paris www.museefuneraire.com GERMANY Zentralinstitut und Museum für Sepulkralkultur Weinbergstraße 25–27 D-34117 Kassel www.sepulkralmuseum.de Museum Ohlsdorfer Friedhof Fuhlsbüttler Straße 756 22337 Hamburg www.fof-ohlsdorf.de

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Survey of Funeral Museums and Collections HUNGARY The Kegyeleti Museum: Piety Museum Fiumei ut. 16.

1086 Budapest www.btirt.hu

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MEXICO Museo de la Muerte Plaza del Estudiante 1 Aguascalientes www.museonacionaldelamuerte.uaa.mx RUSSIA The Museum of World Funeral Culture Voenny Gorodok 96 630530 Kamenka – Novosibirsk SPAIN Museu de Carrosses Fúnebres C Sancho de Avila, 2 08018, Barcelona www.sfbsa.es SWITZERLAND Sammlung Friedhof am Hörnli Hörnliallee 70 CH - 4125 Riehen THE NETHERLANDS Nederlands Uitvaart Museum Tot Zover Kruislaan 124 1097 GA Amsterdam www.totzover.nl UNITED KINGDOM National Funeral Museum (Museum to be established) Victoria House, 10 Woolwich Manor Way, Beckton, London E6 5PA www.tcribb.co.uk The Albin Museum 52 Culling Road London SE16 2TN www.albins.co.uk

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Survey of Funeral Museums and Collections USA The National Museum of Funeral History 415 Barren Springs Drive Houston, Texas 77090 www.nmfh.org Museum of Funeral Customs (Museum temporarily closed) 1440 Monument Avenue Springfield, Illinois 62702 www.ifda.org

Private Funeral Collections accessible to the public CANADA Écomusée de l’Au-Delà C.P. 365, succ. C Montréal, H2L 4K3 www.ecomuseedelau-dela.net FRANCE Musée des Augustins, Collection Funéraire Gothique 21, Rue de Metz 31000 Toulouse www.augustins.org USA Ferguson Funeral Home Museum 105 Spring Street Scottdale, PA 15683 www.FergusonFunerals.com Herr Funeral Service Memorabilia 501 W. Main St. Collinsville IL www.herrfuneral.com Museum of Funeral Memorabilia Mr. Abb Dickson 168 North McDonough Street Jonesboro, GA 30236 www.popedickson.com

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THE WORLD ORGANIZATION OF FUNERAL OPERATIVES

IAFM INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF FUNERAL MUSEUMS

At the 9th FIAT-IFTA International Convention 2008, Barcelona Members have established the FIAT-IFTA Heritage Steering Committee. Its mission is formulated in the Charter of Global Funeral Heritage.

The first Heritage Report was published in 2010. The second Heritage Report in 2012. Both were realized in collaboration with Members of IAFM – International Association of Funeral Museums. With these publications FIAT-IFTA and IAFM aim to preserve and to safeguard the Global Funeral Heritage in joint effort with other organizations and to create international awareness.

The editorial staff gratefully thanks all contributors to this edition of FIAT-IFTA Funeral Heritage Report 2014. In particular memorable is the support of the FIAT-IFTA National Members.

Copyright © 2014 FIAT-IFTA