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The Correspondent, July 1989

Page 11

COVER STORY short a time. Widespread loss of confidence

in

the

goodwill of Chinese leaders confronts all those with political responsibili-

Hong Kong. As I tried

PRODUCT 0F A MAGIC

Kong of the future." As I sat and listened, these were heartwarming moments before the douche of cold water, from government and opposition spokesmen.

honour and constitutional obligation, it is also in Britain's interest to support Hong Kong. What has been built in Hong Kong, from the magic mix of British administration and Chinese entrepreneurial energy

SENSE

0F

HUMILTATION:

But

I

also

situation in which we find ourselves. Apart from lunatics, condemned pris-

my meetings in London last week, the basic problem, and it

oners and small children, Hong Kong people must be the only people in the world who seem to have no right to decide their own fate. As I listened to the elegant phrases of patrician voices in the Palace of 'Westminster philosophising, at times pontificating, on Hong Kong's present and future needs, I felt a sense of humiliation that our future and our fate should be decided by a parliament in which Hong Kong has no representative, some 8,000 miles away from home. It is there that Hong Kong British subjects lost

urgent

problem, is how to energise and a

deeply anxious

community to commit themselves to work for Hong Kong's future and the political arrangements for

their rights of British citizenship. It is there that the commitment was made to

1997 and beyond. It will not be easy. I read

withdraw British protection from the

recently that a famous Chinese ne\¡/spaper columnist who died last year wrote about Hong Kong, in one of his last pieces, these words:

"This is the only Chinese society that for a brief span of less than 100

years lived through an ideal never realised at any other time in the history

of Chinese societies. A time when no man had to live in fear of the midnight knock on the door." It is not just the sight of a bloody con-

frontation between demonstrating students and workers and a ruthless army that has hit home. In a community which takes freedom for granted, I think that it is just as much what has come later that has created anxieties - the daily reports of reprisals; the blatant use of propaganda in place of truth; the calls for citizens

to report their neighbours; the indoctrination of school children; the ease with which dissent has been stilled by fear. I believe that what is wanted now from

people, the Basic Law and nationalifi there was a need for Britain to do more, not less, to demonstrate its commitment to Hong Kong. My final words were: "Britain must make people here believe

that their future is secure because Britain is determined to make it so."

That is sadly even more true today. For one who is so often accused of being shy of media attention I felt positively ashamed to be chasing after the London media last week...The main purpose of the trip, as you know, was to get across to the British public - not just the politicians Hong Kong's case for a - resort home of last at least for Hong Kong British subjects.

I'm very grateful to all the friends of Hong Kong who helped Allen Lee and me do so much in IJNGMNG AND PERPLEXED:

so short a time. Iæading articles in lead-

ing British papers have

thundered strongly for us. But far more than that

Britain are not words...but some farreaching measures that will put new

of MPs in marginal constitutencies in

heart into people here, boost their confi-

parliamentary mid-term crisis, not to

dence and transform the situation.

mention the steely minds in the Foreign and Commonwealth Offices. I must say that I found the British Government most ungiving and perplexed. But my

I gave evidence to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee in April, I sought to make the point that in BRITAIN'S ROLE:\Mhen

stil1 needs to be done to move the hearts a

these times of transition in areas such as

meeting with the prime minister was more productive. She sees clearly the

civil service morale, Vietnamese boat

seriousness of the situation and the need

2O rrrB coRRESPONDENTJULY

who would otherwise make the Hong

reflected on the extraordinary political

to make clear in

motivate

depend.

A

ty for

is an

uncertainty, disillusion, emigration or pre occupation with emigration of the people

1989

for action now, not words.

Omelco is determined to see this through because we believe that the restoration of right of abode in Britain is the surest and the easiest way for Britain, at a stroke, to boostthe conidence ofthe peo ple of Hong Kong so that they may have faith in their future here and the will to work for it.

During my week in London, I was able to attend the House of l¡rds debate on Hong Kong. People always remark, quite rightly, on the high standard of debate there and this was no exception.

A MEM0RABIE SPEECH:An unknown peer

with an

unforgettable name, Lord

Willoughby de Brok, made a memorable maiden speech. He thought that speedier progress to democratic government, even a Bill of Rights, would be icing, but not the cake. I agree with him. But he went on: "There can be no substitute for the fundamental need for an ultimate sanctuary." He said: "Paradoxically, the assurance that people could leave would have the effect of encouraging them to stay. For a prison to which you have the

ing the responsibility of internal

cessful as Hong Kong, how much more unfair it seems, when - as Frank Frame pointed out in his excellent speech last month - Parliament

well used to coping with risks

DUNN:

I

suspect we shall know very

soon with the publication of the Foreign

Affairs Select Committee Report. As far as we are concerned, I told the British Government, together with Allen tæe, that they certainly have the power to offer whatever package they see fit, but we shall continue to press. It is very diffic:rlJt to hazard a guess at what they can give. I do not see the case to refuse to give the right of abode to all British subjects, particularþ as I am very sure that with that insurance, most of us wouldn't QUESIION: You said at the þress conference before yow left for London - if þassþorts are not giuen, Briti,sh administration here will fi,nd it diff,.cult to do its job. Could you sþell out what you mean by that?

- just

and

swings of fortune, and bouncing back from setbacks. Hong Kong is our home

it has already voted by a large majoriresists our calls when

ty to allow 200

million

Europeans the right to live and work in Britain, including some who live 40 miles away, across the Pearl Estuary - in Macau.

Hong Kong is only looking for an insurance policy - for Hong Kong is our home. No one insures his home because he thinks it will burn down; but just in case it should. And no insur-

ance company works on the basis that every home is bound

to burn

down. Hong Kong

British subjects are still entitled to the governance and protection of their sovereign, which is

vtlw

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FJUYüTCUJSTVE R rES.

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Conl¡n€nlol don't lry to be lhs very cheopesl cor renlol compony on lhe mork€l Wo core loo much oboul dep6ndob¡llty. 8ul, wllh lower oveñeods ond promollonol costs thon the glonls, we or€ oble to ofler exceptlonolly good volus, Ihe rotes wg odverllse ore lully lncluslva: lhol m€ons lncluslve ol l5I volus odded tox (VAl), comprehenslve insuroncs, colllslon domo9ê wolvor, AA roodsld€ osslslonco ond unllmltod mlleoge, No unsxpecled exfo chorges when the llmg com€s lo poy. ll's os slmpl€ os thol

for us too. He feared that without the

all the citizens of a dependency with a finite life, we speak of the moral responsibility of those on whose power and word we all

Whsn lt comes to soMcs w€le stlll smoll €nough for €vêry lndMduol cuslom€r lo count And ol

"through

of abode is too difrt-

what do you think they realistically can do?

positive note. \Me all know that Hong Kong people are resilient, pragmatic,

tutional responsibility. And for

I quote:

If the right

for the British Gouernment to giue,

want to exercise that right.

pRsoflAt stRl/1tr AflD DFfilf)t8tuTT

be liable to fail, and

cult

I do not think by them-

why we speak of Britain's consti-

the whole enterprise of Hong Kong would

QUESIION:

I fear that without assurances of a home of last resort, this community will lose the will to make a success of Hong Kong in the '90s and there will be a loss of talent overseas to match the loss of spirit at home. In that scenario, democracy and legislation for human rights will

A MATTER 0F HONOUR: [æt me end on a

a

courageous decision on the part of the British Government to close this chapter on their imperial history with honour.

auto-

the seeds of democracy to Hong Kong. And if that seems unfair, particularly suc-

determination, I feel sure that support

for Hong Kong will grow It requires

of abode for British subjects.

count for little.

us.

Once long term anxieties are set at rest, this community can buckle down to the tasks it faces over the next decade with self-confidence and self-assurance. If we go on pressing our case with dignity and

nomous self-government. Like many in Hong Kong, I see a case for increasing the number of direct elected seats in 1991. I see the case for a Bill of Rights. But it is all too easy for the British Government to offer these instead of facing up to the demands in the right

selves they will be enough to keep the people of Hong Kong committed to their future here.

for a society as sophisticated and

Our needs are becoming clear to

and flair, is a unique society. Surely it is a matter of pride that Britain should wish to leave Hong Kong in good shape come 1997, with a community gradually assum-

key is no longer the prison." And I¡rd Maclehose spoke up bravely

restoration of rights of entry and abode,

MD( Iæaving aside

British subjects in 1997.

And, it is there too that decisions were taken in the past to ensure that the wind of change in the '60s did not blow

and for most of us, this is where we want to stay. The recent weeks have given the community a new-found sense of unity.

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THE CORRESPONDENT JULY 1939

21


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