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JULY 1989

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JULY 1989





SHOP Complete

GONTENTS One more ngzagin Chinese politics 15 Deng Xaoping will stay in power until he dies

COVER Media and the China crisis

Several foreign journalists were beaten and/or arrested by the Chinese army during the June 3-4

human slaugher

horror of the massacre

its repercussions

were the topics of discussion at three professional luncheons at the Club last month. An 1&page section focuses on the China crisis.

China crisis: Witresses and

players 6

NBC News cameraman, Derek Williams \¡/as among the foreign journalists who witnessed the Beijing crackdown. He told former Time correspondent, Barry Kalb, his experience on the fateful night of June 3-4 when he was also arrested and held in custody for several hours.


and China will remain politically tight and uncreated, says acclaimed China watcher Ross all hell could break loose for the crisis of succession. And the crisis will be all the more serious because of what happened in May and June.

Terrill. After that,


Tienanmen square. The


The untold story behind the news 8 S4ren the momentous events in China took over the world stage the International Television Centre at Cable and Wireless was overwhelmed with requests for simultaneous transmission. Freelance journalst David Kerr talked to the technology experts at ITC about their marathon vigil and

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The time of g¡lory isn't too far off 12 The present rulers of China, says dissident journalist Liu Binyan, cannot solve the various crises facing the country. Moreover, the economic crisis can only worsen in the future. And with the Chinese people now showing the courage to challenge the leadership, the time of glory isn't too far off, says Liu.

territory's Executive Council, Dame Lydia Dunn, the territory is bound to feel the effects of the brain drain all the more acutely.

Hong Kong giroup launches Democracy in China Publication Fund 11 Journalists and eyewiûresses invited to give evidence for a fact-finding report L4



Editorial Supervision


Where are trhey now Crossword Cartoons

5 27

TheT-oo Stop Press

- Sinan Fisek, First Vice-Presidert - Paül Ba¡deld, Second rrespordent Member Governors - Anthony Dyson, Grahm Michael Shuttlevorth, David Thurston, Steven \lnes. JoúnÂlist Bob Davis, Kd Wilson Associafe Member Governore - Wendy Hughes,

Member Governors Brym Lloyd, Saul tockhrt, Doroúy Rym.

Wendy Hughes

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Publications Sub-Committee: Pauj Bayfield (Chùmm) David Thurston



A new literary magazine has entered the Asian publishing scene to fill the vacuum in weekend reading.




All about books

Editor P Viswa


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An open reply to Stanley Rich



Dear Stan:


Mea culþa! Mea





In the words of the late Fiorello La Guardia, whom you and I will remember, even if no one else does: "When I make a mistake, a





You may also recall the Japanese saying: "Even the master calligrapher Kobo some times makes a slþ of the brush, and the monkey sometimes tee!"

falls from the


am a very bruised mon-




no intention


depriving you of either credit for your accomplishments or

your association wifh L.Z. Yuan, whom I admire as much as you do. Yet how could I possibly do so? As Mr Sinatra might put it: "They can't take that away from you." I can only point out in exculpation that I read Ted Thomas's presenile meandering to mean that you had been theEditor of

the Honghong Standqrd,


proposition that your own evidence refutes. The masthead


in The Corres-

þondent lists L.Z. as Editor and you as Associate Editor.

big non-fiction report on all East Asia we've talked about.

Finally, my hlch regard for

you was, you may recall, expressed when I asked you to take over from me for Newsweek when we left for Germany in 1962. What greater compliment could


I can also totally


your tale of my approaching

you with trepidation in the


remain deeply

Moiraand, Egregiously,

Robert S. Blegant

television how they fled, leaving

the city to the "brave foreign correspondents": it's just not


One also said on television

cause, to bring the facts to the world in vivid coverage.

As reporters poked microphones into Deng Xaoping's

face during negotiations on the future of the territory, he reportedly said that if there was one thing to fear, it was the Hong Kong press.

Deng no longer has that fear. He knows when the Hong Kong press people will take to their heels. He has more than one tank!

that no story was worth risking one's life. No job, that is.

HenryM. Parwani

More than a job RECENT events in China have again proven to the world that journalists are notjust people who spend endless hours at

the bar talking about the big scoops they missed.

Every day, foreign correspondents are risking arrests


Are you in this leagueT Consider it.

yourself in lVashington. Be


forewarned, we plan to do so again when we're in town early next year to promote my new book Pøcific Destiny, the

events also highlighted the immaturity of the Hong Kong

Unit B, 14F, Harvard House, 105-111 Thomson Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong

understandable, but to return and explain in great detail on

The reporter deserves an


grateful for your kindness on that occasion and on the - Moira occasions when and I have moved in on Doris and

Yves Saint Laurent


on. One even went so far as to



ils a profession, maybe even a

To flee from danger

criticise a local newspaper for allowing its reporter to remain in Beijing as others headed for the charterflighthome.

to Doris and yourself from


times feel nowadays that it would be rather nice to be

rolled into Tiananmen.


happy to acknowledge your seniority to me. I should, of course, have written that you were the junior or the sec-

Unlike you, however, I some-

To those still in the field, journalism is more than a job;

there be?

I am, moreover, perfectþ

correspondent in the AP Bureau, rather than a junior AP correspondent.

the demonstrations, then fled en masse when the first tank

and their lives


to give


news-hungry world footage and reports, an alternative to the version given by CCTV. Unfortunatel¡ the same

press corps. Several hundreds

ATTENTION: Absent Members Planning a ûip to Hong Kong later this year?

Thinking of it? Try timing your trip to be in Hong Kong on October 13 and help the FCC celebrate its 40th birthday. More details later but markyour calendar NOW!

converged on Beijing during



CHINAÎODAY PeoPle's mY, acting on the


country's rulers,


men square to and other democratic





and rePort it live to tlr *'ätã-¡iïømv


of tha! incidenl' the ¡1"reated around the on HongKong¡' Chinese , were üre ÚoPics


rofessional C lastmonth. The s dissident



rsity, the Ross Terrill' r¡atcher accl¡aimed China


Nearþ a million people in Hong Kong úook to the streets on June 4 to denounce the Tienanmen massacre. FCC staff Qøft) joined in that protest march. Abouephotniownalist Hugþ Van Es photographing demonstrators laying wreaths at the Cenotaph in honour of the Beijing martyrs. Photos: Bob Davies

ches and an


lers i':*:'å:.1'"-'illl;li':l"tt:'t';f i1äìåiäi å:,il#.ËÍä3ðåf doused, were reinforcegly south more from the earlier ;ir;üí.ome --ÏI^. Thel Ãr"rins from the main ntrance of the Great Hall. frev fr9m ."t.ring Ëöp' !!9 -T,?L'''.1q1i::fjll'9',"*I3ll gunfire fixed. And with bzryonets ñ;ãñ.d i"to ihe- square €

l,äîïit""¿ off and on' By BarrY Idalb

Xiaoping, the mid-May Sino-Soviet summit was meant to demonstrate, to the world, communism's vitality. An end to 30 years of hostility between the two Marxist-læninist giants would be consecrated in Beijing, and it would be done by a new

All the more reason to expect the organisers to keep events under tight control. But as the CBS crew and hundreds of their colleagues watched, the script began to unravel long before the summit ever took place.

NüIHING UNUSUAI: Cameraman Derek left Hong Kong a month in advance of the

6 rrrp


begun to fade. "It basically turned into student story," \Milliams said.

story called for taping on both sides of the SinoSoviet border, where military battles had erupted during the height of the hostility: the story would show how relaxed the area has become today. The Soviets had cooperated, by granting the CBS crew visas to cross the border. The Chinese refused to let the journalists get close to the border, let alone across it.

SUMMIT OVERSHADOWED: By the time Gorbachev arrived on May 15, Williams and tæong had spent two weeks covering students and demonstrations. The crew was at the Beijing airport to tape the Soviet leader's arrival, then departed for Shanghai while their colleagues remained in Beijing to watch the demonstrators disrupt and upstage the summit. The crew had planned to cover Gorbacher/s visit to Shanghai on the 18th. But anti-government demonstrations and hunger strikes had also broken out there, and once again, the anticommunist story

A NBIV SIORÍ On April 28, Williams and

breed of communist leaders, men willing to sidestep ideology in the name of reform and modernisation.

Williams and technician Dexter læong

summit, to join other CBS crew in shoot-

ing background pieces that would air when Gorbachev reached China. One

Derek Williams


back from Beijing, at the main bar of the FCC. Photo; Robin Moyer, Time Maguine

læong flew to Beijing, to find the streets aswarm with students demanding faster and broader reforms. The crew had been summoned to the capital to discuss whether to try bluffing its way up to the border. But the decision was made to scrap the border story and concentrate on this unexpected challenge to the Chinese leadership; the Sino-Soviet story had already begun mutating into the China story, and the lustre on Deng's and Gorbachev's summit, still 17 days away, had


took precedence over the communist show. Gorbachev's arrival on the 18th? "We ignored him, because the hunger strikers had become the story," \Milliams said. 'The arrival was left to a pool."

Once Gorbachev left China, the story evolved into a twoweek st¿¡d-off between

the Chinese people and their masters. the communist leadership went

\{ïile into


cha¡acteristic freney of self-destruc-



COVER STORY tion behind characteristically

closed doors, the journalists staked out Tienanmen square, covered marches, saw how the rest of Beijing was reacting. Although there was tension as every-

one waited to see whether the party would move against the students,

Williams said there were remarkably few obstacles to covering the story during this period. The public, of course, was supportive: "Especially in Shanghai, people would line up and applaud you. You'd be in a small street trying to get a high shot, and people would say, 'Xie-tcie, xiexie' ('lhankyou, thank you')."

The authorities halted satellite transmissions from China to the outside world

after Gorbachev left Beijing but aside from that left the journalists pretty much alone. "Even when they decla¡ed martial law, it wasn't martial law," Williams said. In fact, there was little real contact with the police or security forces until the night of June 3-4, "although the Public Security Bureau had obviously been out on the streets. When we were picked up, one of the security people said to me, I've seen you. I know you." That changed with a vengeance once the party resolved its differences, and

demonstrated to the world that communist vitality still comes out of the barrel of a gun. Severaljournalists were beaten by the invading soldiers. BBC correspondent Brian Barron and his crew were arrested twice, held at gunpoint once. Williams and Richard Roth disappeared in rather dramatic fashion from Tienanmen square just as the massacre was taking place. What made their disappearance so drarnatic was, again, technology. When the shooting began, Roth dialled New York from the square on his hand-held telephone, and did a live, on-air report to CBS

anchorman Dan Rather. Then, as UPI

îhe untold story behind the news AVID MCDONALD, of Visnews London, watched the action at the International Tele-

vision Centre (ITC) at Cable and Wireless in

via the Indian Ocean satel-

lite to cover Mikhail Gorbachev's visit to

Beijing, in addition to its regular services to Europe, the US, Taiwan and

Hong Kongrs New Mercury House during the height of the China crisis and was impressed. "This is the untold story behind the news. These guys are great, they maintain a very positive attitude under very demanding

local television feeds. But it was the fatefr:l frst weekend in June when the momentous events in China took over the world stage, and ITC was overwhelmed

conditions," he said.


satellite dishes at the Stanley earth station, found that

neers, with the assistance

they were flooded with de-

He meant the

of the staff of


with requests for simultane

ous transmissions, Cable and Wireless, with its five

mands for extra service.

International Maintenance Centre, who had

To meet the requirements of the American

been undergoing a state of siege in the past couple of months. McDonald

news networks, ABC and



24-hour TV

transmission to the US via Intelsat, two 1.8-metre

transportable earth stations arrived on June 10 and were up and running byJune 12. The dishes belong to IDB, a US communications company that provides satellite coverage for outofthe-way, one-time location

satellite television news. They had been in Beijing for the Gorbachev visit so were readiþ available. Although 24-hour trans-

mission meant added work, especially at the earth station, it eased some of the pressure felt by reporters sending news

from China to the rest of the world and locally by

getting the world's response to the news back to Hong Kong.

According to l,ee I(am Biu, the earth station manager, the st¿tion normally transmits around ûve tele


vision programmes a day, but lately they have been sending more than 60 pro grammes a day to various countries, some of which use a different television


reception formal

Intelsat, the global satrecords for television transmissions for a single month, May; and single day records for both June 7 and 8 for occasional use television programmes. It seems likely that these numbers will be sur-

ellite system, cited


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David Kerr

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ITC continued to give it their best. Ho'Wai-ming, the assistant engineer, says that re-



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other great prizes Whichever way you look at it, the message is crystal clear

You'll find the card is convenient and simpJe to use, aìlowing you to call back to Hong Kong when you're overseas from your hotel, your clìent's ofhce, your friend's home o¡ even a phone box out in the street.

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services started to rise in

February, but it wasnrt until the Sino-Soviet summit that the workload dramatically increased. The ITC arranged for an extra relay service to the European Broadcasting Union



! 7't One of the two 1.8-metre transportable earth stations (øarf /o car) ased. for emergency broadcasting.

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COVER STORY Hong Kong group launches Democracy in China

Publication Fund

,I HONG prising A llandme planning to publish books and hold exhibitions focusing on democracy in China. In a statement issued last month, the group says that books

financed by the Democracy in China Publication Fund "should not be politically flavoured, representative of independent views, con-

with academic value, and

tributive to the positive thinking as the subjecf'.

The first publication to


brought out by the group, a book on the events leading up to the Jr¡ne 4Tienanman square incident and its long-term implications on democracy in China, is to be edited by the Hong Kong University research offcer, Thomas Chan.

Eyewiûresses at Tienanmen square

the O:dord University Press. Some of the illustrations and materials chosen for the book will be shov¿n at an exhibition at the Hong l{ong Arts Centre between Jrþ 22 and

Among the journalists who wiûressed the pro-democracy protest and tlte subsequent military crackdov¿n at Tienanmen square were: freelance photog¡apher Mary Beth Camp (lefi) on assignment for US News and World Reþorf,' freelance photographer John Giannini (aboue); NBC cameraman Garry Fatrman (right); Peter Charlesworth Çar right, toþ) of J.B. Pictures on assigpment for Time; and, Al Pessin of Voice of America and Pat Benic of Reuters (far ri,ght, bottom). Photos: Robin Moyer, Tinrc Magzine.

would report breathlessly from the US, Roth shouted, "Oh, no!" several times, there was the sound ofgunÍre phone went dead. NOT REALLY DRAMAIIC:


and the

It made for great

troops advanced on the square from the south, the lead ranks firing their rifles.

"They were corning straight at us," Williams said, "so we moved to the side of the Great Hall. I think they were doing crowd dispersal by fear

- I didn't see

television, and an entire anxious day went

anyone drop."

by without word of the men's fate. But according to Williams, it wasn't quite as

He did see quite a few badly wounded soldiers being carried past by their comrades, though, obviously injured in battles with the people as the troops fought their way towards the square. "It was the only time I dared use my lights," he said. At 4 a.m., all electric lights in the square were doused. The soldiers who had come from the south now moved in towards the obelisk. More troops emerged from the

dramatic as it seemed from outside. This is his descrþtion of what happened: Roth, Williams and læong were in the square around 1 a.m. on the 4th, when announcements came over the government loudspeakers warning foreign journalists to leave.

The crew could hear the gunfire of approaching troops. Mitch Farkas, son of FCC member Marvin Farkas and now working for Cable News Network, ran

past shouting that "They're shooting down near the Minzu Hotel." Tracer rounds began arcing over the vast square.

The CBS team moved towards the southwestern edge of the square, to



tage point near the Great Hall of the People. About 9 a.m., several thousand


main entrance of the Great Hall, and marched into the square with bayonets

fixed. Gunfre continued on and off. \Milliams, leaning against a railing and shooting as best he could, could see demonstrators being chased around the obelisk about 200 yards away Roth had finished his on-air report to Rather ard was continuing his description of events to l¿ne Venardos, CBS's head of special events. 'The âct is, his

JULY 1e89

27. The exhibition is held in memory of those who died in the Beijing rnassacre.

batteries (in the cellular phone) were going down, and he was trying to keep it going until it died," Williams said. It was approximately5:45 a-m. William's last shot was of APCs circling

the obelisk. "Then Dexter yelled out, 'I think they've seen us, you'd better get down!"' Too late: a detail of military security had come up on them from behind. "Three guys had the camera off my shoulder in a microsecond," Williams said. The troops also grabbed for læong's recorder; he allowed it to slip off his shoulder, and melted into the confusion around them, then made it to CBS's headquarters at the Shangri-la Hotel to report that Williams and Roth had been taken awa¡r

Roth was behind Williams when the troops moved in. He began to back away, and stumbled into "a sea of fallen bicycles;" the soldiers tried to pull him out, but he was trapped among the wheels. "He

got a kick or two for moving


will be publíshed in October by


Williams said. One of the soldiers tried to wrestle Roth's bag off his shoulder, but Roth's passport was inside, and he tried to hold on. "\Mhen he wouldn't let go, he got

alefthook, Williams said. "And he letgo." In New York, CBS went back on the air with a tape of Roth's final conversation with Venardos, the sound of gunf,re in the background, and what sounded like the correspondent's shouts of "Oh, no!" What had Roth really shouted? According to Williams, it was, "I'll go! I'll go!" Not as sexy a story, but anyone who has been in a situation [ke this knows ifs usually best to cooperate with the authorities - especially if they're armed.

Williams knows

it. Having lost


camera," he said, "I just put my hands up and surrendered meekly."

American woman studying music in Beijing, the l}yearold son of the Pakistani military attache, and a food writer for the Italian weekly magazine Esþresso. The only ones hurt were Roth, who had a black eye, and the Italian, who had suffered broken

fingers on both hands and bruised or cracked ribs when the troops moved into the square. "I was too fat to run," he told the others.

The detainees were treated well, allowed to use the toilets, buy cigarettes and - Williams's friends will be happy to hear - given a beer. Box lunches were brought over from one ofthe hotels. The

music student translated A SHORT-IMD

DETEI\"IION: They were

held for 40 minutes on the veranda of the Great Hall, out of sight of the action on the square. When the gunfire died down,

they were driven through the centre of the square into the Forbidden City, where they were held for the next 19 hours. During the course of the day, they were joined by several other detainees; three Swiss men, an American tourist couple

(the woman six months pregnant),



Chinese and English; Roth, who had been based in Rome, translated between English and Italian for the Esþresso correspondent. Firing continued outside throughout the day. The two American women occasionally became hysterical: "Theyrre going to shoot us!" Actually, Williams said, their captors wanted to let them go, but said they were holding them for their own safety: "The military said we were surrounded on

four sides by angry citizens." Around 7 p.m., they all signed "confessions" stating that they understood the stip ulations of martial law a¡rd recognised why they had been arrested. Several more

hours of waiting followed, until finally \Milliams and Roth decided to risk the wrath of the outraged citizenry.After much indecision, the rest decided to follow. At 1 a.m., they were allowed out of the Forbidden City and headed for the Palace

Hotel. Williams took point; Roth brought up the rear, supporting the injured Italian. At the Palace Hotel, NBC correspon-

dent Keith Miller offered Williams the use of his room. After "draining the minibar," Williams said, he called his wife, his colleagues at the Shangri-la Hotel, New York. Word went out that the group was safe. People around the FCC bar looked up briefly from their drinks to say they really hadn't been worried about an old pro like Williams anyway. China bled. And communism's image, it seems fair to conclude, had not been enhanced. Not exactly what Gorbachev and Deng had planned.




The tim isn't too AChinese dissidentþurnalist liu Birryan, who is nowa Nieman Fellow attlarvzrd University, says that China is heading

Jiang Chun-Nan,

I{ongJournalists' on June 21. The previous day, the two men had appeared at a panel conference to discuss the sifuation of the media in China" Excerpts of üu's luncheon speech: INCE June 4, China has entered


only responsibility is to make money and,

darkperiod. Perhaps itis notthe darkest moment in Chinese history, but certainly in the past 40 years. This dark period will not last very long - the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng and Yang Shangkun would not last more than two years. But the government that takes over after them will still not be a truly democratic governmenl but it will be a more moderate government. I fear it will be impossible for China to avoid entering a period ofchaos. For those ofus who are concerned about China, our task is to decide how to ensure that the barbaric government now in charge will

in any case, we don't have to worry about other things because if we don't do it, the

not last too long. Why I say this regime cannot last too

long is because this government cannot solve the va¡ious crises facing China. Deng Xiaoping carì use violence to put down the

people who oppose him and oppose his leading group, but that will not solve anything. Moreover, the economic crisis can only become more serious. And the worsening economic crisis is what this regime fears mosl So I hope that the governments of the world will institute the most rigorous economic sanctions against China.

Many people ask that if governments instihrte economic sanctions, won't that have a negative impact on the Chinese people?

Actually, the foreign credits and most

of the benefits from foreign trade have been received by the ruling group in China and not by the Chinese people. Even foreign aid to China for refugee assistance and disaster assistance, has, for the most part, gone into the pockets of Çommunist Party cadres. Many people in

the Chinese Government think that the

only thing to do is to make money - forour eign businessmen tend to think that




Japanese will.

very large mobile population, especially in the countryside. And these people who travel are a sort of human mass media.

PROffi, GREAIER RISI( If in the past, it was not easy for foreign businessmen to make money in China, in the future it will be even more difficult. A major problem is that more and more workers don't want to work, and especially for this government. So in time, it will not only become more difficult to make money for foreign businessmen, but their personal safety in China will become less and less certain. The crime rate is increasing by 40 per cent a year. Recently, we have seen the appearance of certain things we haven't seen before -

LIU: Students, except for the few that have already been arrested, have mostþ gone underground. They've gone into factories and onto the farms to continue organising. Regarding the government, there are two factors: one of them is international pressure. Deng Xiaoping, many people say, is very torrgh and that he will not change his

The best way to protect Hong Kong

during the Cultural Revolution he begged


such as kidnapping.

and to ensure the possibility of continued

business opportunities and profits in China is to bring an end to the barbaric regime in China. Finally, I'd like to say that this age is a very dark one, but also one ofgreathope. The fundamental reason is that the Chinese people have awakened. So I would like peo ple who are concerned about China not to be too sad and too pessimistic because the time of glory will not be too far off. QUFSIION: To what extent do you think the one billion þeoþle in China belieue the þroþaganda being þut out by the gouemment toda.y?

LIU: This is a contradictory matter. I think, in the past 20 years more and more people did not believe communist propaganda. But television propaganda showing people throwing stones, burning military vehicles etc, I think, many people will believe. There is at the same time, a very

interesting point. That is,there's now


QUESII0N:: What do you think the students in China will do next? And what do you think the gouernment will do in resþonse to the studenß'next moue?

arrested, others simply in hiding. A few may change their ideals in order to grasp

called up a journalist in Beijing and asked,

poweç but the important thing is to have a change of the governmental system.

world?" And the response was, 'You mean China still has an academic world?" All famous scholars, all scholars with influence, if they're not in hiding, have

QUESIION:: What is your best þosition on Wei




Sheng who was

jailed 10 years ago

first crackdown on democracy wall

in Peking?

LIU:: Perhaps first I'd like to say I greatþ

"What's the impact on the academic

fled the country. Peoþle's Daily andXin Hua news agency's editors are on strike or go slow Many magazines are unable to publish because no one will write articles.

admire Wei Jing Sheng because his awakening came much earlier than the rest of us. He will not be free until Deng dies and/or this government is overthrown.

QUESTION: Do yow exþect the democratic rnoaement to retnain þeaceful and essentially dernocratic? Or do yow thinh it's jwst a

Mao for forgiveness and he promised

QUESIION: You say that you tkink in two

yars tirue the growþ of Deng Xiaoþing

aduocating arms strwggle

never to make any more mistakes.

fall. But why should thE? ltrhy should we not see China deueloþ into a successful reþressiue regime on, the wtodel of South Korea or Taiwan in which there is ec0n07nic liberalisation and þolitical oþþression?

LIU:: In the future I feel the opposition will not take the form of demonstrations in the

opinion. But we should remember that

QUESTION:: As a Chinese journalist you know that journalists in China haue had a taste offreedan't, howeuer brief, Do you þredict the emergence of an undcrgroundmedia?

LlU::Underground newspapers and publications have already appeared in China and I think the government will adopt very strict measures against them.

QUESIION: Whø ani høt¡ dü lutr ouw disillusionnent with the Chinæe Gouernment begin?

son is that the vast portion of natural

think that by the time they haue the chance, they will subscri,be to the ideals for which

QUESII0N:: lVhat's the imþact of the current

friends. I'm afraid some have already been

cities, but rather will be in the form of workers going on strike or slowdowns; or in the countryside, farmers using violent methods to oppose tax collection and

in China. From the Cultural Revolution

resources, is all in the hands of the government, in the hands of a bureaucratic regime. I think this fact alone makes the situation completely different from that of Taiwan and South Korea.

LIU:: Yes, including many of my own



enforced purchase of their grain.

QUESIION:: We'ue seen this amazing moaement come uþ in China with these ideals that the whole world can look and sign on to. It will take many years before these þeo: þle haue a chance to run China. Do you

they demonstrated these þast two months?

a uoice will

LIU:: One reason is that during the past 20 years there have been many changes withthe people have achieved an understanding of the Communist Party. Another rea-

IJU: My complete disillusionment took place in 1984. The reason was, I saw that the party, although it had promised many times to cure corruption, had not done so and had become even more corrupt and showed no

strength, no ability or deslre to change the system and bring more democracy

crackdown on the intellectuals in China, and in þarticular on the acedemic scene?

LIU:: Recently someone in Hong Kong


nomic sanctions, where ß the roomfor hoþe?

UU:: I think that Deng Xiaoping, himself, perhaps to this day, still does not understand, still does not know how many people just how barbaric was the suppresdied sion. Of course ifs a fact that it was done on


his orders. Deng and the other old people surrounding him have a special characteris tic, in that they live in illusion and they live in the pasl

watershed and that


tion and if they reject the influence of

QUESIION: I'd like to thank you for giuing us the hoþe that Deng and his regime will be gone in two years'time. But if thq are willing to use such ircane methods to suþþress ffiosi-

So over the past 10 years, one mistake in policy after another has come for these reasons. The difference this time was that they realised that the very existence of their own ruling group's grip of power was in danger. So they were willing to use the

most drastic methods.

But I think it's very possible that, because of the economic crisis that will build up over a period of time, they will realise their political power is under threat f¡om that direction and they will be forced to turn to a more moderate faction to try to dealwith the problems. QUESTION: Does your oþtimism that they would turn to a moderate faction imþIy that the military would acceþt a mod¿rate leader? And do you see any diußion in the military?

LIU: One important point is that with the

student movement this time, the internal divisions within the party reached a higher level than ever before. In the past 40 years, no one has dared to oppose the decisions of the number one, whether it

was Mao or Deng. But this time Zhao Ziyang did dare to oppose. And this is not because Zhao is particularly brave, but



Journalists and eyewiûresses invited to $ve evidence for a fact-finding report


Á GROUP of Hong l(ong lI lanyers concerned about l, Ithe-recent bloodshed in

that he saw that there were many people within the Communist Party who shared his opinion. This is why, for more than a



has not

B€ifrrg is hunúirg a p,rojectto collect a¡rd compile direct and first-hand evidence of the inciderrt for intenrdional 4peal.

been possible to

announce what Zhao's crimes are


he has actually been pushed out -of the power circle. The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress originally

ness accounb ofthe er¡ents

was to be held on June 20, but was unable to because they couldn't count on having more than one haH of the votes. And this

is despite the fact that they have exerted the greatest effort.

The hoüine will be open until the end ofJuþ f989.


making basis.

all of them volunteers in



QUESIION: How exactly do you see Hong Kong's role in bringing down the regime in Beijing, and ifyou see it as being integral, where do ylu see the leadership in Hong Kong comingfrom?

LIU: Hong Kong is very important. It is fortunate for China that there is a Hong Kong and a Taiwan. I think there are

for appointnenL

The statement-collecting process, according to the group, will last for a further five weeks, In the event that any foreign correspondent who wiûressed the incident has already returned to the

about 5O solicitors, barristers and 2O law students -

inside China, whether it is the establishment of some kind of political group outside the party, or whether it is a liberal faction within the Communist Party which breaks away. It's hard to say and we don't know how long that would be. Secret organisations are relatively easy. I think that right now we've got more than one in existence, but public organising is much more difficult.


receive calls between 1O a"m.

and 5 p.m. from Monday to

The giroup comprises

organise an opposition group overseas. How much influence it would have in China is another question. If I wish to, I could form a political party tomorrow.

telephone hotline (5-

man rigþs bodies such as lhe United Nations' Human Rigfits Commite€ and füe European

ised oþþosition could be created outsi,de

It's more important what


Beijing to international hu-

it that an zrgan-

LIU:: It's a relatively easy matter

the hot-line to arrange for an interview when helshe

23l-2OB) has beeri set up to

Court of Human Rigþts.


near future, he/she may

they have seen.


The report will also be published on a non-profit

QUESIION: How likely is

In an appeal made last monfü, the group urged people who had witnessed the bloodshed and tlre events leading to it to come forn¿ard

to give a statement of what

Thqplanto submitaådfnding report on the eyewit-

home country but will be visiting Hong Kong in the

their personal capacþ

contact tlre group by calling

comes to Hong I(ong. Those who have no plans to visitHongKongin üre near future may send a signed statement to the group. As to the details ofûre signed statement which the group requires, please c¡ll üre hodine

for further information; or send the enquiries to the following and marked "Private and Confidential":

AGroup of Concerned l¿r¡yers (June 4th Incident), c/oRoom l(XlO, nince'sBddng Cenüzl, Hong Kong. Fa:<

No. : (852) 5-8450809


think that foreign tourists and trauellers should, staj a,u)ay from China now? If they go, how should

many things that Hong Kong could do that

it still has not begun to do. But if all the Hong Kong people leave, then this won't happen. I'm relatively optimistic for Hong

they behaae?

Kong's future. I don't believe that Deng Xiaoping will bring the PtA into Hong Kong. There a¡e two possibilities: one, if we do see the appearance of a relatively democratic central government in China then they will have no desire to enforce any great changes on Hong Kong. The second possibility is if there is a period of tremendous chaos within China, they won't be capable of even ruling there, and will even have less ability to do anything to

LIU:: If people go, I hope they will take

QIIESIION: Who do you belieue started all this uþset in China? Was it the students? Was it outside influence? And who will start the new reaolution that will toþþle the þresent regime?

LIU:: The real black hand behind the student movement v/as the Chinese people.

Students are relatively free of burdens and therefore can be more brave. So they are able to represent the people's will. You can see from the students at Tiananmen square, you can truly see, the anger and hate that is within the

QUESIION: What could Hong Kong do?

LIU: I have only recently begun to think of this question, but perhaps one step would be for Hong Kong to establish a very powerful radio station.

Chinese people.

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they should do. Benighted leaders giving instructions to people more educated than themselves. Authority and connections playing a big role in merit; a small

One more zigzagin Chinese politics

role in getting ahead. Women being treated less well than men. All these things are considered anti-democratic

ways by millions and millions of urban Chinese youth. So there is this battle for individualism with a fuzzy idea of democracy as its rough and ready banner. Let. me summarise a few opinions about the crisis and where it leaves'

Ross Terrill, biographer of Mao and Madame Mao, author of ttre book 800 Million arìd. many others, was in Beijing at the time of the Tienanmen crackdown. Arriving in the Chinese capital on the night of June 3, Terrill was at Tienanmen square until 4z3O next morning. Speaking at the FCC on June 27 he stressed that democracy is only a vague banner for the cry for individualism going up from a generation in China. Excerpts: HIS crisis in my view had six roots. The open policy; the success of the reforms in producing a new middle class; the failure of the reforms in throwing up inflation, and corruption in particular, that the government couldn't cope with; a basic, steadily growing contradiction between the whole idea of reform after revolution, the educational grievances; and, a vacuum ofvalues.

For a hundred years, they were alternatives in the history of socialism - the path of reform or the path of revolution, reform after revolution. Well, the contradiction is that revolution established a læninist political power and reform has tried to establish a partial reliance on the market, and as some of us have said for some years now, the two were bound not to mix. . .

Then, there was a political setting. Firstly, Deng had become a new Mao, despite being anti-Mao in his policies, purging to successes, as Mao purged. Secondl¡ a changed army with a lower status, with a lot of grievances of its own, and used to having a clear-cut enemy. Thirdly, the debate of last year at which the issue was whether the problems of reform require going ahead with further reform, as Zhao Zhiyang argued, or pausing for a while. And that opened up into political differences between Li Peng and

PRC, the slogan around was "Hello, Deng Xiaoping". In five years, his star had fallen; the open policy had produced some fruits.

The evening of June 3 is unforgettable. I arrived at Peking Airport at 9.00 pm on the 3rd and, driving in, I heard the announcement on the taxi

The extent to which

Deng's position had slipped by this year was summed up for me in a slogan and a photo. Some of you might have seen it since it was actually in the Chinese press "Hello, Democracy." And on May 16


as you may remember


1984 with the

rather than in theory.

Two things ended the eerie days of apparent paralysis in late May. Zhao

radio about the troops coming in and the

Zhiyang lost out in his struggle for policy

and the future of his own career. And then, and only then, did Deng Xiaoping give the order to shoot. When division in the party gave way to uniff for one side, the mass movement became fatally vul-

unforgettable courage of the young people, some of them students, some not; the agitation, anger and unity of the crowds all around the city that night; and the extraordinary cosmopolitanism where the foreigner was welcomed so

nerable. There's a pattern there.



turns out to be


The Chinese army

more ragged, uncertain,

less exalted outfit than


used to be.

Maybe the encounter with Vietnam in '79

was the turning point. Unused to city INDMDUALISM: The aims were diverse.

Few people had in mind to overthro'¡/ the Communist Party or change the socialist system. Until May 20, very few had in mind to call for the resignation or

the fall of an individual leader. But I

would just stress something very broad

about the aims: there

is a cry


individualism going up from a generation in China. Democracy is a very vague banner for this cry.

Six months or so ago

world view and NElry SL0GAN:

In many ways, it reminds us of 1976 when Chou Enlai, rather Hu Yaobang, was being mourned. And in a party, disagreement fed this year's crisis, but whereas in the spring of 1976 when the Gang of Four put Deng Xiaoping down, the party split was major and the popular movement was modest. This year, the party descent at the top was rather limited, but the popular movement was huge. Most of today's students in the movement think that the democracy-wall people of the late 70s were rather elitist. The strength this time was in organisation

warning not to go into the streets and particularly not to go to Tiananmen. So I immediately went and came back from the area 4:30 the next morning. The


talked to


class at Szechuan University about their

Zhao Zhiyang in particular.



much to what was going on.

celebration of the 35th anniversary of the


No 131 1/F


lot of propaganda with them.

Hong Kong.




asked them at one stage what foreign book had been mem-

orable to them. And one girl said, "Lee Iaccoca's autobiography, I like the capitalist spirit of it. As an individual he got up and did things so different from tradi-

tional ways in China." The ways of the ancestors - this phrase recurred that afternoon. Parents telling children what

clashes, some in discipline, some misunderstanding, the students joked to me about giving them wrong directions to Tiananmen itself and the soldiers being sent jogging off to the south when the square was to the north and so on. One leading participant in the movement whom I talked to many times told me of the army situation at his college. The army never left his college because the students successfully engaged them in conversation while also sabotaging them, a rather bizarre mixture, but a successful one. That unit never got to the Square and later on the officer told my student f:iend, "Thank you for stopping us from getting there, otherwise we would have participated in what happened."

May and June'of this year was, I sup pose, one more zigzag in Chinese poliguns, plus tics. But it's a new twist - described asa leadership that can only be

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anti its own youth given the actual words of Mr Deng and olhers. And this time it's not just a stall but a retreat. As with earli-


zigzags, something


always lost

when the game plan changes and people

once more don't quite know what to expect. It was a crisis that blended the old and the new in abizarre way. A very Chinese crisis, with the family networks.

Politics is theatre. Waving the red flag to oppose the red flag which is what Zhao Zhiyang did in praising Deng Xiaoping to the Russians. The blend was a paradox and I would sum it up in this phrase: The people underestimated old Deng Xiaoping, and Deng Xiaoping underestimated the people. Both points I think are true at different levels and over different time frames. Deng Xiaoping was preserving his power as everyone should have expected him to do if he felt it was threatened. He couldn't stand to be screwed around by a bunch of kids. In his last years, like the old Mao, he cares very much for history's verdict, and in his case, to be seen as strong, and to be seen as someone who passes on a strong China. In recent years, social forces and the ne'úr' economic forces, small business,

prosperous counties, entities with links to foreign business have grown at the expense ofthe authority ofthe State and the Party. And yet, on balance, the relation between society and the State hasn't ticked far enough yet to make it impossible for the State to repress. One day a rural uprising could be a much greater challenge to them. So a modernised force, strengthened by the reforms, came up against an authority whose poIMer base is essentially unmodernised - the

peasants and the military. As the dust settles,the problems that became acute in the summer of '88 at will come back with the dilemma that further loosening of the economy, especially price deregulation and steps to deregulate labour and capital market, requires a freer mental

and political environment - that will come back more acutely by the end of this year. Through this crisis we have learnt once more that communist authoritarianism is harder to change than noncommunist authoritarianism. Spain, Portugal, and in this part of the world, the Philippines, Taiwan, South Korea - have

all given us examples of a substantial

evolution from non-Leninist authoritarianism to political pluralism. We've never had such a case in læninist authoritarianism. The mixed economy which Deñg favoured, shall we say, is more possible

than a mixed political system which Sung Yat-sen and Deng both spoke for.




A couple of points about the flavour of the crackdown. Student friends of mine leaving Beijing were stopped at the train station and searched. One friend of mine was searched all the way from Beijing to Tiensin in the train. People just stopped talking to each other. Stopped telephoning each other certainly. Someone who'd been very bold said, around the second week of June, "We can still talk, but only in the swimming pool." Which is actually a very good place to talk. One friend of mine, a student of journalism, left for the south and she recalled a conversation we

had months ago about press freedom, and she'd asked me what news in the west? "Well," I said, "the news is what the government would rather wasn't published." And she said, "We11, that's quite different from in China: Here, the news is the tongue and throat ofthe Party and the people." After three days of press freedom in the middle of May, she came to me and said, "Well, I think you're right about the definition of news. People started to

drink and play mahjong with furious

intensity. And someone said to me, "you know why we like mahjong so much? Because in mafiong there are fixed rules and everyone starts equal. Those are the things we don't find in reality." There is resistance. There are people

who are communicating esoterically in the papers. A few days ago I noticed little signs in the buses, handwritten paper strips on the windscreen with the four Chinese characters, which meant "getting the buses through for the people". The word for people being used, was not

the communist word, Renmin,but a

grassroots term. A friend of mine who works in a goverment ministry told me

that the minister dragged his feet in approving martial law when other ministers had done so. Eventually a telephone call came from the State Council, why had the minister not made a statement endorsing martial law and praising the

army for coming into Beijing. And he made the statement the next day.

The government, I think, is engaged in an effort to regain legitimacy. It's said that you can't rule a hostile populace for long. The government is gambling that the populace will not remain hostile for very long. They may be right. A very militant student who spent six nights in Tiananmen said to me two days ago when he said goodbye: "Gobell said if you speak a lie a thousand times, it becomes a truth and that's what we're experiencing in China." $rtry do we have so many rumours?, the same person asked. "You get sick of a single note," he

said. "Rumours are also an avenue of

not have even one per cent bympathy for

hope. They give you a chance to talk about something thatyou hope could be true."

it. Unlike Zhao (Ziang) and Hu

There is a strong strain of fatalism still in China and the past couple of

opposition, tried to adjust and to compro-

weeks, one could easily notice that there are historical echoes of great antiquity used to having an offihere - A nation a people generally comfortcial ideology; able with authority; an elite that tends to view the citizenry as a kind of decoration

rather than as participants... Deng can't retire like the emperors, he will rule until he dies, or becomes totally incapacitated, or is utterþ denounced. There's no other way to leave the reins of power.

And China will remain politically tight and uncreated until then. After that, all hell could break loose for the crisis of succession and there's always a crisis of succession in a communist system. There's no such thing as arranging the succession; if only because politician's view of the man while he's living, is not the same as the view of the man when he has died. The succession crisis will be all the more serious because of what happened in May and June. QUESÏON: Machiauelli said that nobody is really eail; eaen the w't,ost euil rnan has something good in hi.mself. Is thi,s þresent regime in Chi,na really euil, or will son'tethi,ng come out of it which in the end will be better than what it seevns now?

I didn't say that I think it was evil. I think it is the Communist Party ruling China and, except for the guns in Tienanmen, most of it isn't terribly new. If those cameras that were in Beijing TERRILL:

after Gorbachev arrived and the ensuing weeks had been in certain selected spots in 1966 atd'67, the world would have seen worse things... I don't know about evil; it lost its legitimacy with certain key


of the modernised cutting

edge of the Chinese society. And that is going to make its problems overwhelming if Deng Xiaoping leaves the scene while it is still fresh in people's memory. QUESIION: Reþorts we'ue heard here were

that students had already decided that

fact, sonte of thern had already started leauing. Is it þossible that Deng Xiaoþing did not know that this was haþþening; þeoþle around hiw't, did not let him hnow this was haþþening? they're going to leaue and, in

TERRILL: Deng's June 9 speech made


pretty clear that he is prepared to treat


student-citizen, anti-government

movement as the enemy and he said so.

He said, very cruelly, that "We should


bang) who, when there was political mise, Deng has not done that. And because he has expressed these sentiments in such a broad way, I don't think it is lack of information. I can only say that what I saw, which was not shooting in Tienanmen square

area itself but a lot of shooting on the northeastern and southeastern fringes of Tienanmen square...People were shot in the front of the crowd just east of the square itself - northeast or southeast - for a long period of time. There was more shooting on June 4 midday and into the afternoon all over Beijing.

QUESTI0N:: If yow look fiae or 10 years into the futwre, do you think China will become democratic or will it continwe to be ruled by the cornrnwnist þarty? TERRILL: I think the latter; I don't think we will see a democratic China is the next five or 10 years. Some of the students are

talking about going to the countryside next time; some, I must say, are talking about giving up. I also heard a somewhat different view: that it was mistake not to leave the square on May 20 because that reflected a mistaken thinking that you could get democracy in one burst. This view says we should have left the square then, we should have accepted that we won an important victory, gone back to the campuses and come in for another

round some months later. This point of view says that expections got too high and hopes have been dashed now lower than they should have been. One promise of that view is that democracy will come after a whole round ofbattles and struggle in China, not just after one. Unless the party split to some degree, a popular movement, particularly a student movement, doesn't seem to have the window of opportunity at all.

This time, of course, there is a new factor, 61,000 students and scholars from PRC on American campuses now and tens of thousands elsewhere. They will keep the tourch alight until something else happens in China. Thafs a new complication that Beijing has not had to deal with before.

A new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong Anxiety in the extreme has gripped Hong Kong's five-and-a-half million predominantly Chinese population thathas so far enjoyed a life withoutthe fear of the midnightknock on the door, butis now destined to fall under Chinese sovereignty in less than eightyears. The cause for arxiety, says the senior member of Hong Kong's Executive Council, Dame Lydia Dunn, is not just the June 4 massacre atTienanmen square, but as much whathas come later- the daily reports of reprisals, the blatant use of propaganda in place of truth, the calls for Chinese citizens to report their neighbours, the indoctrination of school children, and the ease with which dissent has been stilled by fear. This situation, says Dunn, presents a new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong. She was speaking at an FCC professional luncheon onJune 30. Excerpts:

T ¡'I

ago that out into the streets and made the politispeak to cal scene here come alive overnight. The achievements of the Chinese us Club,

society. leadership over the past 10 years in wondered then what a professional, bringing the country to terms with the non-communicator like me would have to modern world were shattered in the say you a11... Little did I know that in course of only 10 days. For the first time certainly one of the pillars of our


those few weeks before today, so much could happen. Thanks to foreign correspondents and their cameramen, the world has been able to witness the historic protests for democracy and their grim outcome in Tiananmen square. And this brought the people of Hong Kong

since the Sino-British Declaration, there


widespread anxiety about Hong Kong's future. It is too earþ to tell what damage the events in China will do to Hong Kong's economy which has come to depend so much on the flow of capital, goods and services between Hong Kong

and the mainland. Inevitably, there are fears that more, who can, will leave the territory either in search of residential papers or for good. And since it is always the best qualified and the most adven-

turous who emigrate, Hong Kong is bound to feel the effects of the brain drain all the more acutely.

This is a new turning point for all those who care about Hong Kong, especially those of us who have put so much effort over the past five years into working for the success of the new arrange-

ments for this British colonial territory






Special Administrative

1997. No one can seriously

suppose that the transfer of sovereignty

will not take place because of the recent events. I do not think there is any realistic prospect of Britain and China sitting down to renegotiate their pact. Nor do I think that it would be in Hong Kong's interest to reopen what took two years of patient negotiation to put together. So the territorial side of the bargain must stand with the benefit of the promises spelt out in the Joint Declaration, guaranteeing the mainte-

nance of Hong Kong's systems and way of life. A CRISIS 0F CONFIDENCE: But the human

dimension has changed so much in so



COVER STORY short a time. Widespread loss of confidence



goodwill of Chinese leaders confronts all those with political responsibili-

Hong Kong. As I tried


Kong of the future." As I sat and listened, these were heartwarming moments before the douche of cold water, from government and opposition spokesmen.

honour and constitutional obligation, it is also in Britain's interest to support Hong Kong. What has been built in Hong Kong, from the magic mix of British administration and Chinese entrepreneurial energy







situation in which we find ourselves. Apart from lunatics, condemned pris-

my meetings in London last week, the basic problem, and it

oners and small children, Hong Kong people must be the only people in the world who seem to have no right to decide their own fate. As I listened to the elegant phrases of patrician voices in the Palace of 'Westminster philosophising, at times pontificating, on Hong Kong's present and future needs, I felt a sense of humiliation that our future and our fate should be decided by a parliament in which Hong Kong has no representative, some 8,000 miles away from home. It is there that Hong Kong British subjects lost


problem, is how to energise and a

deeply anxious

community to commit themselves to work for Hong Kong's future and the political arrangements for

their rights of British citizenship. It is there that the commitment was made to

1997 and beyond. It will not be easy. I read

withdraw British protection from the

recently that a famous Chinese ne\¡/spaper columnist who died last year wrote about Hong Kong, in one of his last pieces, these words:

"This is the only Chinese society that for a brief span of less than 100

years lived through an ideal never realised at any other time in the history

of Chinese societies. A time when no man had to live in fear of the midnight knock on the door." It is not just the sight of a bloody con-

frontation between demonstrating students and workers and a ruthless army that has hit home. In a community which takes freedom for granted, I think that it is just as much what has come later that has created anxieties - the daily reports of reprisals; the blatant use of propaganda in place of truth; the calls for citizens

to report their neighbours; the indoctrination of school children; the ease with which dissent has been stilled by fear. I believe that what is wanted now from

people, the Basic Law and nationalifi there was a need for Britain to do more, not less, to demonstrate its commitment to Hong Kong. My final words were: "Britain must make people here believe

that their future is secure because Britain is determined to make it so."

That is sadly even more true today. For one who is so often accused of being shy of media attention I felt positively ashamed to be chasing after the London media last week...The main purpose of the trip, as you know, was to get across to the British public - not just the politicians Hong Kong's case for a - resort home of last at least for Hong Kong British subjects.

I'm very grateful to all the friends of Hong Kong who helped Allen Lee and me do so much in IJNGMNG AND PERPLEXED:

so short a time. Iæading articles in lead-

ing British papers have

thundered strongly for us. But far more than that

Britain are not words...but some farreaching measures that will put new

of MPs in marginal constitutencies in

heart into people here, boost their confi-

parliamentary mid-term crisis, not to

dence and transform the situation.

mention the steely minds in the Foreign and Commonwealth Offices. I must say that I found the British Government most ungiving and perplexed. But my

I gave evidence to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee in April, I sought to make the point that in BRITAIN'S ROLE:\Mhen

stil1 needs to be done to move the hearts a

these times of transition in areas such as

meeting with the prime minister was more productive. She sees clearly the

civil service morale, Vietnamese boat

seriousness of the situation and the need


who would otherwise make the Hong

reflected on the extraordinary political

to make clear in




ty for

is an

uncertainty, disillusion, emigration or pre occupation with emigration of the people


for action now, not words.

Omelco is determined to see this through because we believe that the restoration of right of abode in Britain is the surest and the easiest way for Britain, at a stroke, to boostthe conidence ofthe peo ple of Hong Kong so that they may have faith in their future here and the will to work for it.

During my week in London, I was able to attend the House of l¡rds debate on Hong Kong. People always remark, quite rightly, on the high standard of debate there and this was no exception.

A MEM0RABIE SPEECH:An unknown peer

with an

unforgettable name, Lord

Willoughby de Brok, made a memorable maiden speech. He thought that speedier progress to democratic government, even a Bill of Rights, would be icing, but not the cake. I agree with him. But he went on: "There can be no substitute for the fundamental need for an ultimate sanctuary." He said: "Paradoxically, the assurance that people could leave would have the effect of encouraging them to stay. For a prison to which you have the

ing the responsibility of internal

cessful as Hong Kong, how much more unfair it seems, when - as Frank Frame pointed out in his excellent speech last month - Parliament

well used to coping with risks



suspect we shall know very

soon with the publication of the Foreign

Affairs Select Committee Report. As far as we are concerned, I told the British Government, together with Allen tæe, that they certainly have the power to offer whatever package they see fit, but we shall continue to press. It is very diffic:rlJt to hazard a guess at what they can give. I do not see the case to refuse to give the right of abode to all British subjects, particularþ as I am very sure that with that insurance, most of us wouldn't QUESIION: You said at the þress conference before yow left for London - if þassþorts are not giuen, Briti,sh administration here will fi,nd it diff,.cult to do its job. Could you sþell out what you mean by that?

- just


swings of fortune, and bouncing back from setbacks. Hong Kong is our home

it has already voted by a large majoriresists our calls when

ty to allow 200


Europeans the right to live and work in Britain, including some who live 40 miles away, across the Pearl Estuary - in Macau.

Hong Kong is only looking for an insurance policy - for Hong Kong is our home. No one insures his home because he thinks it will burn down; but just in case it should. And no insur-

ance company works on the basis that every home is bound

to burn

down. Hong Kong

British subjects are still entitled to the governance and protection of their sovereign, which is




ilo lltDDil EXn


Conl¡n€nlol don't lry to be lhs very cheopesl cor renlol compony on lhe mork€l Wo core loo much oboul dep6ndob¡llty. 8ul, wllh lower oveñeods ond promollonol costs thon the glonls, we or€ oble to ofler exceptlonolly good volus, Ihe rotes wg odverllse ore lully lncluslva: lhol m€ons lncluslve ol l5I volus odded tox (VAl), comprehenslve insuroncs, colllslon domo9ê wolvor, AA roodsld€ osslslonco ond unllmltod mlleoge, No unsxpecled exfo chorges when the llmg com€s lo poy. ll's os slmpl€ os thol

for us too. He feared that without the

all the citizens of a dependency with a finite life, we speak of the moral responsibility of those on whose power and word we all

Whsn lt comes to soMcs w€le stlll smoll €nough for €vêry lndMduol cuslom€r lo count And ol


of abode is too difrt-

what do you think they realistically can do?

positive note. \Me all know that Hong Kong people are resilient, pragmatic,

tutional responsibility. And for

I quote:

If the right

for the British Gouernment to giue,

want to exercise that right.

pRsoflAt stRl/1tr AflD DFfilf)t8tuTT

be liable to fail, and


I do not think by them-

why we speak of Britain's consti-

the whole enterprise of Hong Kong would


I fear that without assurances of a home of last resort, this community will lose the will to make a success of Hong Kong in the '90s and there will be a loss of talent overseas to match the loss of spirit at home. In that scenario, democracy and legislation for human rights will

A MATTER 0F HONOUR: [æt me end on a


courageous decision on the part of the British Government to close this chapter on their imperial history with honour.


the seeds of democracy to Hong Kong. And if that seems unfair, particularly suc-

determination, I feel sure that support

for Hong Kong will grow It requires

of abode for British subjects.

count for little.


Once long term anxieties are set at rest, this community can buckle down to the tasks it faces over the next decade with self-confidence and self-assurance. If we go on pressing our case with dignity and

nomous self-government. Like many in Hong Kong, I see a case for increasing the number of direct elected seats in 1991. I see the case for a Bill of Rights. But it is all too easy for the British Government to offer these instead of facing up to the demands in the right

selves they will be enough to keep the people of Hong Kong committed to their future here.

for a society as sophisticated and

Our needs are becoming clear to

and flair, is a unique society. Surely it is a matter of pride that Britain should wish to leave Hong Kong in good shape come 1997, with a community gradually assum-

key is no longer the prison." And I¡rd Maclehose spoke up bravely

restoration of rights of entry and abode,

MD( Iæaving aside

British subjects in 1997.

And, it is there too that decisions were taken in the past to ensure that the wind of change in the '60s did not blow

and for most of us, this is where we want to stay. The recent weeks have given the community a new-found sense of unity.

the some llme ìYe're lorge enough lo ofer dspendoblllly socond to nono. A flo€l ol some 600 lmpecco-







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lltoE 0rorcr 0f utEst


lok€ your plck from ourll€€l ol 800 vehlcles ronglng from Ford Fleslos to M€rcodes . sub+ompocts lo llmouslnes lh€ bulk ol our[o€l ls chonggd everysh monlhs q le!.i, ensurlng low mlleogo salDRlR0t







sToNE C|-OSE HOI?TO'{ ROAD WESI DMYION MIDùESEX U87 8JU PIIONE (0895) ¿22¡l¡4 Fs (0895) ¿{85ór

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PHONE (0r) 9ó83388





I do want to put that comment in context. The point we're seeking to make is this: There is a massive loss of confidence DUNN:

in Hong Kong. People here see that restoring the right of abode is something entirely within the British power to grant. If that is refused at a time when there is such urgent need for this kind of assurance, you have a community which will become very resenfful. And it would be very difficult for any administration to manage when such a large number of people feel aggrieved. That was the point we were seeking to make. It's a similar point that I actually made to the Foreign Æfairs Select Committee. I told them that the peo ple in Hong Kong don't make a distinction

between the British Government and the Hong Kong Government. And the actions or the lack of action on the part of the British Government is taken by the people here as the actions or lack of action on the

part of the Hong Kong Government.


resentment is directed sometimes at them. QUESTI0N: If such a situati,on did arise, would þeoþle like you rtnd it more difrtcuh to work with thi,s colonial administration? DUNN: I doubt it very much. We have to work together as a community - govern-

ment and non-government members alike. This is the time for unity. But I do think actually it is difficult for the Hong Kong administration and man¡ many loyal and dedicated people - many of them sympa-

QUESTI0N: I'ue read sorne of the quotes sþoken by someone in the Foreign Ofrtce

who said, "Pity about this crackdown in Peking because euerything was going tickety-boo". Now how tickety-boo were things reølly going? Is the lack of confidence in Hong Kong only a result of the crackown in Beijing, or in your oþinion is there something basically incomþatible for the two systems of gouernrnent? DUNN: No, I ve always believed and

I still believe that provided one assumes that the Chinese Government eventually adopts more enlightened policies, then there is no reason for one country, two

systems not to work, particularly


uery good þoint:the amount of woùd symþathy wi,ll get less as we show racialist intolerance for the arriuals from Vietnam. Would

Hong Kong who were seeking the insurance in the form of a second passport and we were experiencing a problem of brain drain. And this was why we have been, for a number of years, making the


to the British

Government to

restore the right of abode to Hong Kong people. What has happened in the past few weeks has put this in much sharper focus. But as far as Omelco is concerned, it's not a new demand. QUESilON: What do you think about the British Gouernment's suggestion that some form of international ræcue þackage may be foundfor Hong Kong if things go wrong afier 1997? Do you think it'sfeasible, or do you think it's just that the British Gouernment


I think that's most unrealistic and

it really doesn't help the problem of the loss of confidence now. What we're saying to them is that you

uation ofthe þast 10 years in China, and now being in a situation of desþeration, askingfor helþ when you had the oþþortu-

need to restore the confidence of this community now and give them the assurance to commit to a future in Hong Kong. To say that if you run into trouble after 1997 we'll try and find a way, is sim-

nity ouer the þast 70 years to do something?

ply not going to do the job.

Sino-British Joint Declaration was signed

of us could have forseen what happened in China in the past few weeks.

DUNN:Things might have changed of course. But last week when we saw him I certainly got the impression that he wouldn't be coming with anything. And my suspicious mind tells me, although I have no evidence, that there may be a tendency to say: "We'll give you a Bill of Rights; we'll do something about Vietnamese refugees", as if these can be

events, we all know there were people in

As to the mood before the recent

Government is determined not to act.

in 1984, shared with many of us the view that we were dealing with a very enlightened administration which has embarked on reformist policies, opening their doors to the world. I do not think many

Secondly, the point we're talking about is trying to avoid, to reduce, the risk of a so-called Armageddon situation. And by giving the insurance in the form of right of abode, you would be helping to reduce that risk; because people will be prepared to stay here and work for the Joint Declaration to make a




Martin Barrow ntade a

you join in blaming your co-þoliticians who haae deliberately whiþþed uþ this racial feeling and nlw seeln t0 haue lessened our changes ofgaining any syrnþøthy from London ønd the rest of the woild? DUNN:

I agree with the sentiment on the

fìrst part of your sentence - that is, the international sympathy for our case may be confused with the refugee problem, or

our boat people problem. But I wouldn't join you in blaming my colleagues.

This whole situation needs to be looked at from a historic context. Hong Kong has been living with this problem for over 10 years. We have offered a home, food and education for Vietnamese refugees and boat people well over 200,000 people - for 10 years! Hong Kong people have been very

prepared to accept that situation until in the past two years or so when resettlement places started to dwindle. So Hong Kong people saw that this burden was

becoming a one-sided thing. We were being landed with the burden with no solution at all. And because we were run-

ning out of space, having to move large numbers of boat people to urban areas, the problem is flashed before the Hong Kong public day in and day out so they feel a sense ofgrievance. But I do agree with you, though, that


could very well be something that

could be used against ourselves.


The problem now is that by denying this right, we risk a mass exodus of talented people. Then there's much less of a chance of the Joint Declaration working.

QUESTION: You say that you don't think

it's desirable 0r realistic for the Joint Declarqtion to be amended at this þoint.

Inw, what are lour thoughts on that? What do the recent What about the Basic

euents tell



alternatives to right of abode.

trytng to þush the þroblern to 1997?

DUNN: I'm not quite sure what we could have done in the past 10 years. We are talking about arrangements afher 7997. Hindsight of course is always exact. I am sure that many in this room, when the

Hauing seen Sir

Hong Kong is of such value to China.

thetic with what we're trying to do. But they are also powerless if the British QUESIION: If you're looking for a lifeboat now, wasn't there qn enormous misjudgement on behalf of the business clrwnunity here and local þoliti,cians to misread the sit-


Howe use the Vietnømese refugee as a red herring time and time again when he's come here and should be tølking about 1997, do you exþect the same of his arriual here on Sunday; or do you think he'Il haae actually something to tell this community?

you about the big changes that


sions where hitherbo the population have

not taken an inûerest, such as article


article 18, about the declaration of a state of emergency by the central government of Hong Kong. I thinkwe must look through that document with the aim of ensuring that it sureþ reflects the provisions of the

All about books Billed as Asia's first literary mragazirae, a new publication has hit the newsstands last month.

Joint Decla¡ation, not just in the letter, but in the spirit. The spirit of the Joint Declaration is that, except for foreþn affairs and defence, Hong Kong will have a hþh degree of autonomy. And what we must do is to comb through the Basic

Á NEW literary magazine has entered the Asian scene. Simply A I Icalled

l¿w, make sure'we do have thal

lished in mid-June offers an elaborate choice in reading.


saw the first flag come ilowt on the British Emþire in Bornbay in 1947 ønd I am going to be around to see the last flag corning down in 1997. Do you know thøt the Indian þoet Rabindranath Tøgore surrended his knighthood when the British were scen to be in breach offaith. Do you think ø gesture like that will be aþþroþriate in Hong Kong? QUESIION:

DUNN: What ì,ye are seeking to do is to

get something of substance for Hong Kong.

I think that dramatic


such as giving up an honour is notjust

going to get us any further. Also we recognise in Omelco that this is going to be a long battle and therefore our strate-

gy is to keep it at a dignified


definitely don't want drama and hysteria in our approach. QUES'TION: Two þørties signed the loint Declaration. And if you were asked uþ to Beijing, uhøt would you ask China to

do to boost confidence

in Hong Kong?

The first and most important thing of course is to get the Basic l-aw right. That probably would be the most DUNN:

All Asia Reaiew of Books,' the 48-page inaugural issue pub-

held under house arrest in China during the Cultural Revolution, as well as veteran r¡¡ar correspondent Clare Hollingworth, Simon Winchester, Frank Ching, Anthony l,awrence and Bri-

an Jeffries among other

Besides running reviews of newly published books from around the world, especially from Asia, the magazine features

reviews travel books and

a publisher's diary of news from the Asian

book publishing

columns on antiquarian books and maps, on travel books and on computer software and softwa¡e manuals.

The inspiration for the new venture? "lt occurred to us nrore than a year ago,n says the pubìisher, IGte Campbell, "that our weekend reading in Asia is sadly lacking." And she promises: 'From outback Osaka to central Jakarta we will endeavour to provi<ie you with your literary and musical desires."

The inaugural issue encourages to believe that this promise will be kept. Campbell has gathered a team of special-

ist writers to review books covering a wide range of topics


history, politics,

business, travel, leisure, arts, society, etc. It carries reviews by the former Reuters correspondent, Anthony Grey, who was


members. The magazine also has a regular colum¡ which


Kate Camp-

bell is an Australian who has worked in publishing for seven years as a bookseller, editor, publisher and publishing consultant for American, Australian and Asian companies and governments. Ðditor Nancy Langston has reported as a foreþn correspondent from Korea, China and Hong Kong for the BBC, The Economist, The Chrktian Science Monitor and the Far Eøstern Econotnic Reuiew.

All Asiø Reaiew of Books which sells on ûews slands at US$4.50 is also available at annual subscriptions (HK$3ZS in Hong Kong and US$71.4 elsewhere).

imporLant message that I would want to

give to any Chinese leader. And they should give it graciously, without Hong Kong people having to argue long and




hard for the terms that we want to see in the Basic I¿w. QIIBSIION: In your sþeech at this Ctub in 1984 you sþoke of eight þillars ofthß society. The eight þillars don't seem to be ring-

ing true nowadøys


constitution, stability,

of their goaernment, rule of løw etc. Would you liþe to reaße them?

þnliq, þrøctice

DUNN: Not at all. I can't agree with you

that those are not kue. The eight pillars of the society which I described some years ago are still very much the foundation of this society and the key to our success. I think they are very much alive and working for the community. What we must do now is to make sure \¡¡e preserve them for the future.

publishers of The Corresþondezú is moving office again. The new location is:

Unit B 18/F Harvard House 105-111 Thomson Road, Wanchai, Hong Kong Effective Saturday July 29,1989



CLUB NE\MS Arother year of liveþ activities

The Video Club

Silent Movie Soulman

ust off the Pool Room bar

NNUAL general meetings don't always make news. But the one on l ¡.May 31, 1989 of the Foreign Correspondentsr Club at the old Dairy Farm building, awaiting the wrecker's hammer, ranks as one ofthe rare exceptions.

ACIION,/ADVENTT]RE 8 Million Wavs to Die ARoom witËaView Buster Dead Men Don't Wear Plaid Defence Play Enter the Dragon Hot Pursuit Masters of the Universe Metal Force No Way Back Prince ofthe City

Hacks who are never known to give of all, excelled themselves with an incredia\¡¡ay anything free, compliments least

ble display of generosity.

Derek Davies

( Eastern Economic Re

Renegade Russkies Some Kind of Wonderful

president, set the style.

After a reference to the FCC's "modernisation programme" Davies said: _ "The building generally is now in good shape and the area in which the Ciub,s clerical servants and accountants have to work has also been expanded and improved. As promised, we have upgraded the facilities available in the wori<room and launched I must


er club urite project of mine:

club magazne, The thanks to Viswa

Survival Quest The Elect¡ic Horsem¿n

the workroom was inadequate and that at times even such people as the accountants had been observed utilising the area. Cynthia Hydes said that for the third year she was seeking broadcast facilities. She also pointed out that the work room


often closed in the late evening which barred members from being ablé to write their copy. Peter Bennett commented that the


n d tl

the more

engagements, entertai



ABridgeToo Far Dancers Doctor Zhivago





The Surletand tåe Black

side, also made the usual comment about the apalling quality of the house white wine

but generously added: "Throughout this

TheThirty Nine Steps The Wooden Horse

COMEDY 14 Going On 30

Benny and Friends Benny Hill Beverly Hills Cop II


receive here." All present agreed.

The new president, Sinan Fisek

(Agence France Presse), thanked Davies over two years. On a

y Dorothy Ryan, and Okuley, the meeting

Big Business Blazing Saddles Brealdast at Tiffany's Caddyshack Crocodile Dundee Crocodile Dundee II

Fawþ Towers - Basil the Rat Fawþ Towers - The Germans Fawlty Towers - The Kipper

& the Corpse

Geograþhic of Mindanao n

Murder of Mary

The Purple Rose of Cairo

JULY RELEASES Acuo¡/A¡vn¡ Fair Trade_- Starring Oliver Reed and Rupert Vaughn Less than 7æro - Starring Andrew Mccarthy. Itis ãüàe of Beverly Hills

you were never meant to see.




the Train

Starring Burt Reynolds and Ossie Davis

A¡un rrrtnrnrNupNT: A man in love - Starring Greta

land oftheTiger I¿stTribe

Elephant Man Happy Valley

Men ofthe Serengeti

-National Geograþhic Monkeys, Apes & Man -National Ceograþhic Polar BearAlert -National Geograþhic Return to Everest -National Geograþhic Save the Panda -National Geograþhic

The HiddenWorld


Scacchi and peter Coyote


The Living Sands of Namib

- National Geograþhic The Parenthood Game -National Ceograþhic


Peter OrToole and Steve Guttenburg

TheTigris Expedition

d Pryor Ginger Lynn Allen and Karen Russel



SPORT Le Mans'87 Tënnis Clinic

TIIRII T E'R Angel Heart Black Widow Cameronrs Closet Coben A¡d Tate

TltRII ¡ nR:

Cold Steel


¿¿l. 9-11

The Colditz Storv The Cruel Sea The Dambusters The Four Feathers The Great Escape The Iast Emperor

Fawlty Towers - The Psychiatrist

rr¿r, coRRESpoNDENT JULy

ThTowMOMMA from


z¿l. G8


couple of weeks of my presidency, a new



Khartoum My Happiest Years Unknom Chaplin


On the Club's future at its present premises, Davies said: "During the last

The Tbe The The

Kagemusha Key Largo


Anthony Grey and Han Suyin."



American Football


Philippines, former Deputy Premier of Malaysia Datuk Musa Hitam, financial gurus, including Ian Hay Davison and Marc Fabe¡ plus authors and journalists such as Frank Ching, Gavin young,


The Boy Who Could Fþ


Jewel in the Crown uol 72-74


professional speakers included

Nuts Salsa Sophie's Choice

Hold^my þan{ I'm. dn¡g- Starring Oliver Reed and Chris Casinove Shy People - Star.ring Barbara Hershey and Jill Clayburgh Someone to watch over me The goodfather - Starring Marlon Brando

CIASSICS 633 Squadron


Midnight Crossing


The Dancer's Touch


GianTs- National Ceograþhie

l¡ve &War

They Still Call Me Bruce

hurel & Hardy


Humpbacks -The Gentle





9 1/2 Weeks

Spitting Images - Rubber Thingies Spitting Images- Spit with Polish Stakeout Stars And Bars The Couch Trip The Meaning of Life The Pick-up Artist The Tëlephone

TheTwo Ronnies





Ferris Bueller's Dav Off Hancock -The Bediitter Hancock-The Bowmans Hancock -The Poison pe n lætters History of the World Part 1 Innerspace JumpingJack Flash


Fellini Sabricon Gandhi Gunga Din Jewel in the Crown Jewel in the Crown Jewel in the Crown Jewel in the Crown

FCC is a correspondents' club, not a pub or a snooker room and that ,'we must not lose sight of this fact." Hong Kong and those in exile - in touch with Club activities." Speaking of the activities, Davies said: "The FCC had a reasonably lively year. We had a Thai week, a week of French wine and food, ditto for Australia, plus a fashion parade, while 4b0 celebrated the s here on

The bst Boys The Principal The Running Man The Taking of Flight 842 The Untouchables The Untouchables The Untouchables




ping down after two

admit, was on rThe

is .open: Monday


Flowers in the Attic Hostile Wihess Ironweed Jean de Florette Julia andJulia Light of the Day

Spittinglmage-A Floppy mass ofRubber


The Big lgd-gng


Starring Iæe Marvin across the North African desert

in Samuel Fuller's story

Luggage ofthe Gods Mash Micki and Maude Milagro Beanfeld Mona Lisa Money Mania Monf Python's Flying Circus l-4 Monty gthon's Flying Circus 5-Z Monty g'thon's Flying Circus 8-lO Monty gthon's Ftying Circus l-l-13

Moonstruck MyDemon l,over Nadine No Sex Please, We're British

Orphans Outrageous Forfune Ferris Bueller's Day Off Personal Services ardAutomobiles Revenge of the Nerds (Nerds in Paradise) Ruthless People Planes, Trains

Extreme Prejudice F/X Murder by Illusion FatalAttraction Intimate Betrayal Man Masquerade Missing in Action III

Murder Rap NoWay Out


Men To Be or NotTo Be Tootsie Tough Guys WC. Fields Whoops Apocaþse You Ruined My Life



The Rehrrn ofthe Soldier The Thomas Crow¡ Affair

Threads Unfinished Business Wall Street




Defence oftbe Realm

Emma Empire ofthe Sun



The Ipcress File The l¿st Innocent Man The MorningAfter The Rosary Murders Tough Guys Don't Dance Witness in the War Zone

Killer Klowns Retribution

Between Friends BetweenTwo Women Brideshead Revisited uol. 7 Brideshead Revisiled uol. 2 Brideshead Revisited uol S Brideshead Revisited aol. 4 Brideshead Revisited u ol. 5 Brideshead Revisited ¿ol. 6 Broadcast News Cry Freedom

The Bedford Incident The Believers The Body in the Library

Jaws Jaws the Revenge

AWorld Apart

Predator Prisoner ofRio Rampage Saigon


Autumn Sonata Backstage

Play Misty For Me Prayer for the Dying

Fiddler on the Roof


WAR Bat27 Calch22 DogTags Full MetalJacket

Blade Runner Dune


Gallipoli Hamburger Hill

MerryX'mas Mr lawence The Hanoi Hilton

-National Geoørabhic Dive to the End of Creation -National Geograþhic

WESTERN Bronco Billy True Grit




T o P





s S ^JuÂ,)'

ter-of-fact manner which was uniquely

corporate. But then, there was the Freudian slip: This orderly transition, he said,


Reuiew's top man-

agement at an exciting time of growth and expansion. He did not say there was some weakness in the leadership. But the talk in the journo circles is that as Stolbach began to ascend from circulation manager to publisher and then to managing director, his management style became unpalatable for many. last year, Elaine Goodwin who in her 1G year long career with the Reuiew won the reputation as its "best seller ever", left the magazlne for, in her own words, "the management did not want me there




DOGMEAT SLUM Tn n¿rs tLLE6,{L tvoRy..


Subsequent events led to a petition from the staff calling for topJevel intervention being faxed over to Dow Jones headquarters in New York. At the centre of it all, it is said, are the two strong char-

Stolbach (lert) and, Davies

WHEN former FCC president Derek Davies completed his 25th year as the

editor of the Far Eøstern Economic Reaiew just 18 months ago, The Conesþondent featured a headline: '1,300 weeks...and still going strongl". At that milestone Davies moved one step up to grace the newly created position, editorin-chief. Scribes atthe Reaiew marked the occasion by producing a collector's

item publication, Noú The Far Eastern Economic Reaiew, which looked like the real stuff, featuring Davies as the Great Helmsman.

Now some 80 weeks later, Davies has chosen to move away from the centre slage. last month, he stepped down from a two-term presidency of the FCC

a period that can indisputably be

described as the most active i¡ the Club's recent history. And this month, the owners of the Reaiew, Dow Jones Inc, announced that Davies "will step down from the post of editor-in-chief on September 30, having already turned over editorshþ of the Reoiew itself in 1988"to Philip

Bowring. Stepping down, however, does not

mean that he will immediately sever all links wìth the magazine which he trans-

formed f¡om a rather sedate chronicle of the '60s into an influential decision makers' read. He will continue to write the weekly column "Traveller's Tales' and will assume yet another newly created

actcrs, Stolbach and Davies, both set in their own unccmpromising ways.

Davies is a fearless editor always ready for a fight in the name of editorial freedom and excellence. And he fights

Reaiew's chairman, Jim


either black or white. With such qualities, Davies naturally knows when to step aside and let younger men step into the centre

larly the then governo¡ Sir

The governor is a bureaucrat, not a political

organisation. For example:

I just had to say something.

administrator when Hong Kong has need of such a man. I stand by what I wrote," he was quoted as saying. Another headline on November 23 of the same year read 'Davies leaves new RTV programme on principle'. "I felt that

left behind

daily journal-

- time in his ism. And this homeland, Bangladesh. He took over as editor of the nation's leading daily,

lence." Others describe him as a man of principle; a man who sees very little grey. With Davies it is

_ : Ati

Bangladesh Obseruer, which is published in Dhaka.

Ali's career in journalism began in 1949 as the

first reporter of the then newly launched Pakistan


D AFTER eight years with UNESCO as its regional communication adviser for Asia, S. M. AIi has returned to the worlrl he

this was a scoop since the programme was supposed to be on current affairs

Obseruer. But for the past more than 25

years he has been living in Southeast Asia where he moved in early 1960s. He was assistant editor of the Asia Magazine, Southeast Asia bureau chief of

and to impose this sort of censorship was unacceptable and so I did not want to go

to laûer became its publisher and managing director, has also started a "transition to retirement" with Tom Eglin-

on with the series. You either run a decent programme giving both sides or arguing things out or run a government propaganda programme and that's it,"


announ- As Davies's second term as FCC president came to its end the Board of Governors hosted aluncheon (belou) ced the changes at the top, where Mrs Shizue Davies (aboae) was an honoured guest. spelled them out in the mat-

Ottawa¡ Jr., who

for the man's ability, intellect and his almost obsessive desire for excel-

Trench. "I felt someone had to speak up.

mandarin at the Reuiew to step aside. Charles Stolbach, who became in, 1963, Dow Jones' Nøtiottøl Obseruer ad sales representative and moved to tíe Reaiew in 1974 as circulation manager

becoming Reaiew's new managing director.

tard but I have the utmost respect


both inside and outside the

is not the only

ton, publisher of. The Wall Street Iournal/Europe


for these principles equally vehemently

role, consultant-editor.


'Derek Davies

declared a headline which appeared in a local newspaper on October 8, 1967, shortly after an article penned by Davies was published in the Reuiew attacking the Hong Kong Government and particu-

said Davies about his walkout.

Inside the organisation, he explodes when restrictions are put on reallocating editorial funds saved from one regional bureau for strengthening reporting of another conuntry where political ard/or economic developments have become more newsworthy than elsewhere.

Throughout his life at the


Davies has refused to sit inside his office

shut. He can cut people down with his acerbic tongue. and keep his mouth

Many would say that Davies is the Reuiew, but he would be the first to admit that the Reaiew is a team effort. He respects hard work and does not suffer fools lightly.

Reaiew staffers, past and present, have either admired and respected Davies or disliked him. As one staffer put it recently: "He can be a tough bas-

26 lrrg coRRESPoNDENTJULY 1989

IN the world's biggest building volume


- by veteran Club members Ray

Cranborne and David Bell relax in front of the largest long-range passenger plane in the world, a new Boeing 747-4OO being painted in its Cathay Pacific colous. Bell, PRfor the Swire Group which holds a controlling interest in Hong Kong's biggest airline, took a party of Hong Kong journalists to Seattle to

pick up the first of the 24 jets on which Cathay has firm orders or options. Noted local camefttnun Cranborne, on

fte he$ dmany hion,

urent alorE to

to the



blrc üre piúrcs.

Itwas not a bad trip back The 363seat airliner had a mere 4O or so passengeñi aboard on its deliveryfligþtand a special menu with prime French and Californian wines was laid on.




the Pakistan daily, Daum, managing edi-

tor of the Banghok Posl, roving foreign editor of Singapore's New Nation and managing editor of the Honghong Standard.

Then, leaving the world of daily journalism, he became the executive director of the Manila-based Press Foundation of Asia in 1977, a position he held until 1981 when he joined UNESCO in Kuala Lumpur. He retired from the UN agency in December last year.

corporaÛe position with Newslimited

MARF\ \ryOOD, who was Reuters editor


for Europe, Middle Dast and Afica, has

The appointment is part of a toplevel reorganisation which included the

deputy chair-

been around Asia 1961

ing director of Reuters Europe, Middle East an<i Afric4 and Andre Villener¡ve as

in 1987. In January this year, he became editor for Europe, Middle East and Africa. I¡r his new capacity as editor-in-chief he will also hold a position on the l",oard of Reuters Holdings PLC as alternate to managing director and chief executive,


Lyndley (Lyn) who has

appointment of three senior executives to the board - Peter Job as managing director of Reuters Asia, Dar¡id Ure as managpresident of Reuùers America. Joining Reuters in 1976, Wood has held several editorial and correspondent posts before becoming editor for Ðurope


the new chief executive in August is the

been named the ageney's editor-in-chief.



when he

ined the


Timæ in Singapore

and is to become its chief executive and managing dftector. In 1986 he became a director of News

International plc of l¡ndon and

was made deputy chairman of the Post and its subsidiaries. When Chang was appointed manag-

ing director of South Chinø Morning

Post, he was News Limitedrs general manager for international development,

A rare exception to the general rule to Russell Spurr's book signing at Bloomsbury Books on On [¿n Street a few weeks ago ENT

and found Russ with Tony I-awrence, another old China hand and formerþ the

i¡ the Far EasL Both were sipping a lþhtly chilled

BBC's Man

best bookseller in Hong Kong.


large and

demanded of Caphin Liao a "real Pimms". Liao, as usual, set to


logue of exceptions that disprove the

in a hurry

rule, extending

from Charles Dickens through Rudyard Kipling to Frederick Forsyth, (sorry Bob, I could

the old FCC up on Conduit Road, was when his mother, a


succession. "l amvery happy to be back in Hong Kong," Chang had told The Cor-


Tony's boss was

moment years ago at

formidable lady, was visiting the Club and

not to

never finish one


with a will and produced a reasonable facsimile which was

reporters more accustomed to encapsulatiug their views in a two minute piece for the nine o'clock news or a two-


column, front-page lead,

find ii difficult to pursue

a train of thought further than 250 or



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Bar in the manner of Mr Christian displacing Captain Bligh on the bridge of HMS Bounty, she took command in no uncertain manner and produced Pimms for the assorted multitude for the rest of the evening,


almost bankrupting the slen-

der fìnances of the Club in the process. No doubt Bob Elegant will write and tell me that it was Bloody Mary or Buck's Fizz - but that sort of detail is not worth spoiling a good story for.

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a quick two minuter on the ship that


ly retired from the rough

Newsreel ¡ang from fondon."


die-hard action freaks with a

Cunard liner, Queen

literary banqueL


At this time the Queen Elizabeth


as well as


Had anything changed during the long stretch that he had done as the


dents of recent history

British merchant navy Elizabeth I.

morning when the producer of Radio


was once the prize of the

surfaced when I was interviewing him for RTHK (Radio Hong Kong as it then was) about his retirement from the BBC.

Bceb's man in the Orient?'Yes," said the urbane Authony.'Communications have improved out of all recognition." Could he give me an example, I murmured respecffully. "W'ell, yes,n he went ul on, was siüing down to breaKast in my living room up in mid-levels one Sunday

Certainly his latest work tulfils all the glitüering promise of that book and

appeared, was


any 300

words. Russell Spurr has proved how wrong that theory can be. Enter the Dragon prv ves that Russell is more

l-awrence (/eJt) and Spurr

My favourite Tony lawrence story

There are perhaps a dozen incredible places you must see in the Orient. One of them is a hotel


yours), but in general,

Spurr's liking.

The Manila Hotel's Suite Deal Offer a little investment in Manila's most historic hotel with a lot of pleasurable dividends


briefed him rapidly. What he needed, it


He was sent to Hong Kong early last year when SCM Po-çt's editor, Alan Far-

I-ennon, both left abruptly and in quick

It's often been said that

reporters make lousy authors. Okay, we all know about the cata-

Ribeiro the proprietor and simply the

based in Australia.

AFTER A YEAR-AND-A-HALF at the helm of The South China MomingP¿sf Oarence Chang is going back to Australia to a senior

latest book, Enter the Dragoz, the süory of China's role in the Korean War.

about the past as old newsmen tend to do and being outrageously spoiled by Susan

Golen Renfrew Additionally, he is a

relly, and managing director,

But our most recent meeting was to mark the publication of Russell Spurr's

chablis contemplatively and ruminating

director of Visnews. D

sand miles away. "I walked out onto the balcony and looked across the harbour in the direction of Stonecutter's and by God itwas," said the erstwhile correspondenl


t had been graceful-

FCC or


tumbie of life as a cruise liner and consigned to a less glamorous role as a Iloating university. It was moored in Hong Kong's Fragrant Harbour next to Stonecutter's Island. 'And what sort of story are you looking for?" asked Tony. "Human interest? Nautical? Business? Historical?" 'The bloody thing's on fire!" shouted the irate producer from about seven thou-


spired the tho ught that the The

Corresþondent might provide absent members with a useful vice by setting up a mailonly with books written by members. ser


order system dealing

Should Viswa Nathan take up tire idea, I have about ten thousand copies

of my own masterpiece which


going for a song...




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The Correspondent, July 1989  
The Correspondent, July 1989